YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

THE

PATEIOT PEEACHEES

OF THE

AMERICAN REVOLUTION.

WITH BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES.

1766— 1783.

PRINTED FOR THE SUBSCRIBERS.
M DCCO LX.

Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1860, by
L. A. OSBORNE,
In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States for the Southern
District of New York.

PREFACE.

It is the purpose of the editor1 of this volume to
present a collection of the most characteristic Sermons,
that were preached by the most celebrated divines,
who occupied the American pulpits during the period
extending from the Repeal of the Stamp Act, in 1766,
through the Eevolation, to the establishment of peace
in 1783. The propriety of the publication of such a
collection at the present time must be apparent to
readers of all classes. The universal assertion that
" the preachers of the Revolution did not hesitate to
attack the great political and social evils of their day,"
demands a support, which nothing but the reproduc
tion of their strong, practical appeals, can afford. As
such, this collection is offered.
The brief biographical notices prefixed to each ser
mon are intended simply to indicate the position and

IV PREFACE.

character of their respective writers, and to give a
rapid sketch of their lives and services. Those who
wish for more particular accounts of them, are referred
to the various biographical works already published.
New York, March, 1860.

CONTENTS.

Page
Jonathan Mathew, D. D. — The Snare Broken. A Thanksgiving Dis
course, preached at the desire of the West Church in Boston, N.
E., May 23d, 1766. Occasioned by the Kepeal of the Stamp-Act. 7-
Samuel Langhon, D. D. — Government corrupted by Vice ; a Sermon
preached before the Honorable Congress of the Colony of Massa
chusetts Bay, on the 31st of May, 1775  49
Jacob Dcche, M. A. — The Duty of Standing Fast in our spiritual and
temporal Liberties ; a Sermon preached in Christ Church, July
7th, 1775, before the first battalion of the city and liberties of
Philadelphia  74
William Smith, D. D. — A Sermon on the Present Situation of Ameri
can Affairs, preached in Christ Church, Philadelphia, June 23d,
1775  90
John Joachim Zdblt. — The Law of Liberty. A Sermon on American
Affairs, preached at the opening of the Provincial Congress of
Georgia. 1775  113-
John Hurt. — The Love of Country. A Sermon preached before the
Virginia Troops in New Jersey. 1777  143
William Gordon, D. D. — The Separation of the Jewish Tribes, after
the death of Solomon, accounted for, and applied to 'the present
day, in a sermon, delivered ou July 4th, 1777  158 '
Nathaniel Whitaker, D. D. — An Antidote against Toryism, or the
Curse of Meroz  ,  186 •
Oliver Hart. — Dancing Exploded. A Sermon showing the unlawful
ness, sinfulness, and bad consequences of Balls, Assemblies, and
Dances in general ; delivered in Charleston, S. C. 177S  232

VI CONTENTS. Paga
Samuel Stillman, D. D. — A Sermon preached before the Honorable
Council, and Honorable House of Representatives of the State of
Massachusetts Bay, May 26th, 1779  258 ¦
David Tappan, D. D.— A Discourse delivered in the Third Parish in
Newbury, Massachusetts, on the 1st of May, 1783, occasioned by
the Ratification of the Treaty of Peace between Great Britain and
the United States of America  .289
John Rodgers, D. D. — The Divine Goodness Displayed in the Ameri
can Revolution ; a Sermon preached in New York, December
11th, 1783  i...r  310
George Duffield, D. D. — A Sermon preached in the Third Presby
terian Church in the City of Philadelphia, on December 11th,
1783, on the Restoration of Peace.  '".  344

PREACHERS OF THE REVOLUTION.

JONATHAN MAYHEW, D. D.
Doctor Mathew was a descendant from one of the
most ancient and honorable families in New England.
The , first of the name who came to America, was
Thomas Mayhew, governor of Martha's Yineyard, who
resided at Watertpwn, Massachusetts, in 1636, and
died 1681. The subject of this sketch was the great-
¦grandson of Governor Thomas, and was born in 1720.
In 1744, he graduated at Harvard College, and three
years after was ordained pastor of the West Church,
in Boston. la this charge he continued until his
death,, " loving his people^ and by them beloved;" ex
plaining with manly fortitude, the truths contained in
the Bible, however discountenanced; esteeming the
approbation , of his Father in heaven, far before the
applause of .the world ; inculcating, by his preaching
and conduct, the doctrines of grace, as he thought
them delivered by our Lord and his apostles, and that
religion which is from above, and is full of mercy and
good fruits, without partiality and without hypocrisy.

THE PATEIOT PREACHERS.

In his early productions, his uncommon talents and
generous independence of spirit, are eminently con
spicuous. And though, for his opposition to all priestly
usurpations of authority over the consciences of men,
he had soon to encounter the whole force of enthu
siasm and bigotry, his strength of mind, integrity of
soul, and unconquerable resolution in his Master's
service, supported him under' every discouragement,
and enabled him to triumph over all his adversaries ;
while his respect for and observance of the precepts
of the gospel convinced the world of the sincerity and
uprightness of his heart. His works will transmit his
name to posterity, under the endearing character of a
steady and able advocate for religious and civil
liberty, and of a firm believer and constant practiser
of pure and undefiled religion. If at any time, through
the warmth of his feelings, his zeal in the cause of
religion and truth, and his aversion to the commands
of man in the Church of Christ, he was hurried beyond
the bounds of moderation, his many virtues and great
services toward establishing Christianity on the most
enlarged foundation, abundantly atone for such defects.
Indeed, the natural keenness and poignancy of his wit,
whetted often by cruel and unchristian usage, must
palliate his severest strokes of satire. Nor will these
light objections depreciate his general reputation, if it
be remembered, that in his most social hours he inva
riably sustained the united character of a Christian and
a gentleman. The following sermon was the latest publication

REPEAL 0E THE STAMP ACT.

made by Doctor Mayhew. It was published shortly
after its delivery in 1766, and was dedicated to the
Honorable William Pitt. Doctor Mayhew died, at
the age of forty-six, on the eighth day of July, 1766.

REPEAL OF THE STAMP-ACT.

Our soul is escaped as a bird from the snare of the fowlers ; the snare is
broken, and we are escaped.
Our help is m the name of the Lord, who made heaven and earth.
. Psalm cxxiv. 7, 8.
The late gracious appearance of divine Providence
for us, in the day of our trouble, seemed so seasonable,
so signal, so important ; in a word, so interesting to the
present and future generations, that we of this society
thought it expedient to agree among ourselves upon a
day, in order to take a particular religious notice of
it ; and to praise the name of the Lord, in whom is
our help.
If there had been any probability of our being
called together for this end by proclamation, as upon
some less memorable occasions, we should not have
been desirous to anticipate the day ; which might
have had the appearance of ostentation. But of that,
so far as I have heard, there was very little, if any,
prospect. By this perfectly voluntary, and free-will
offering, I hope we shall render to God, in some poor
measure, the glory due to his name ; and that He will
graciously accept it through our Lord Jesus Christ the
1*

10 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
righteous, our mediator and advocate with the Father.
At the , same time it is supposed that, in proceeding
thus,, we give no just ground' of offence to Jew or
Gentile, or to the church pf God; which we would by no
means do. We only exercise that liberty wherewith
Christ hath made us free, being desirous that all
other persons and churches should do the same ; and
not choosing that either they or we should be "en
tangled with any yoke of bondage."
Having rendered our devout thanks to God, whose
kingdom ruleth over all, and sung his high praises,
permit me now, my' friends and brethren, with un
feigned love to my country, to congratulate you on
that interesting event which is the special occasion
of this solemnity ; an event, as I humbly conceive,
of the utmost importance to the whole British empire,
whose peace and prosperity we ought ardently to
desire ; and one very peculiarly affecting the welfare
of these colonies. Believe me, I lately took no incon
siderable part with you in your grief and gloomy
apprehensions, on account of a certain parliamentary
act, which: you supposed ruinous in its tendency to
the American plantations, and, eventually, to Great
Britain. I now partake no less in your common joy,
on account of the repeal of that act; whereby these
colonies are emancipated from a slavish, inglorious
bondage; are reinstated in the enjoyment of their
ancient rights and privileges, and a foundation is laid
for lasting harmony between Great Britain and them,
to their mutual advantage.
But when you requested me to preach a sermon on
this joyful occasion, I concluded it was neither your
expectation nor desire, that I should enter very par-

REPEAL OP TOE STAMP-ACT. 11
ticularly into a political consideration of the affair.
Had I not conceived this to have been your intention,
I must, though with reluctance, have given ypu a
refusal ; partly from a conviction of the impropriety
of minutely discussing points of this nature in the
pulpit, and partly from a sense of my own inability to
do it as it ought to, be done. I suppose I shall best
answer your expectation, as well as mpst gratify my
own inclination, by waiving political controversy, and
giving you such counsels and exhortations respecting
your duty to God and man, as are agreeable tp the
sacred oracles, to the dictates of sober reason, and
adapted to the occasion.
This is therefore, what I chiefly purpose to do in the
ensuing discourse, as God shall enable me. And may
the :Father of lights teach me to speak, and you to
hear in such a manner, that; our assembling together
at this time, out of the ordinary course, may be to his
honor, and to Christian edification. However, if my
discourse is to be particularly adapted to this great
occasion, instead of being so. general, as to be almost
as suitable to any other, you are sensible it is necessary
that the occasion itself should be kept in view. I
shall therefore briefly premise, a few things relative
thereto, by way of introduction to the main design :
such things, I mean, as shall now be taken for granted.
In mentioning which, my aim will be to express, in brief,
what I take to be the general sense of these eoloflies,
rather than to explain my own. For it is on such
commonly received opinions, that my exhortations and
cautions will be grounded ; leaving the particular dis
cussion of them to others, who are better qualified for
it, and to whom it more properly belongs. And if I

12 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
should be mistaken in any of these particulars, it is
hoped candor will excuse it ; seeing these are matters
out of the way of my profession.
In pursuance of this plan, it shall now be taken for
granted, that as we were free-born, never made slaves
by the right of conquest in war, if there be indeed any
such right, nor sold as slaves in any open lawful mar
ket, for money, so we have a natural right to our own,
till we have freely consented to part with it, either in
person, or by those whom we have appointed to repre
sent, and to act for us. It shall be taken for granted
that this natural right is declared, affirmed, and se
cured to us, as we are British subjects, by Magna
Charta ; all acts contrary to which are said to be ipso
facto, null and void : and, that this natural constitu
tional right has been further confirmed to most of the
plantations by particular subsequent royal charters,
taken in their obvious sense ; the legality and authority
of which charters were never once denied by either
house of Parliament ; but implicitly, at least, acknowl
edged, ever since they were respectively granted, till
very lately. It is taken for granted also, that the
fight of trial by juries, is a constitutional one with
respect to all British subjects in general, particularly
to the colonists ; and that the plantations in which
civil government has been established, have all alono-,
till of late, been in the uninterrupted enjoyment of
both the rights aforesaid, which are of the utmost im
portance, being essential to liberty.
It shall, therefore, be taken for granted, that the
colonies had great reason to petition and remonstrate
against a late act of Parliament, as being an infrac
tion of these rights, and tending directly to reduce us

REPEAL OP THE STAMP-ACT. 13
to a state of slavery. It is, moreover, taken for grant
ed, whatever becomes of this question about rights,
that an act of that sort was very hard, and justly
grievous, not to say oppressive ; as the colonies are
poor, as most of them were originally settled at the
sole and great expense of the adventurers — the expense
of their money, their toil, their blood ; as they have
expended a great deal from time to time in their wars
with their French and savage neighbors, and in the sup
port of his majesty's government here ; as they have,
moreover, been ever ready to grant such aids of men
and money to the crown, for the common cause, as
they were able to give — by which means a great load
of debt still lies on several of them ; and as Great
Britain has drawn vast emolument from them in the
way of commerce, over and above all that she has ever
expended for them, either in peace or war ; so that she
is, beyond all comparison, richer, more powerful and
respectable now, than she would have been if our
fathers had never emigrated ; and both they and their
posterity have, in effect, been laboring from first to
last, for the aggrandizement of the mother country.
In this light that share of common sense which the
colonists have, be it more or less, leads them to con
sider things.
It is taken for granted, that as the surprising unex
ampled growth of these colonies, to the extension of
his majesty's dominion, and prodigious advantage of
Britain in many respects, has been chiefly owing, un
der God, to the liberty enjoyed here; so the infraction
thereof in two such capital points as those before re
ferred to, would undoubtedly discourage the trade,
industry and population of the colonies, by rendering

14 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.;
property insecure and precarious; would soon dram
them of all their little circulating money; would put
it absolutely out of their power to purchase British
commodities, force them into manufactures of then-
own, and terminate, if not in the ruin, yet in the very
essential detriment of the mother country. At shall
therefore, also, be taken for granted, that although the
colonies could not justly claim an exclusive right of
taxing themselves, and the right of being tried by
juries, yet they had . great reason to remonstrate
against the act aforesaid on the footing of inexpedience,
the great hardship, and destructive tendency of it, as
a measure big with, mischief to Britain as well as to
themselves; and promoted at first, perhaps,. only by
persons who were real friends to neither:
But as to any methods of opposition to that measure,
on the part of the colonies, besides those of humble
petitioning, and other strictly legal ones, it will not,
I conclude, be supposed, that I appear in this place as
an advocate for them, whatever the general se«nse of
the colonists may be concerning this point. And I
take for granted, that we are all perfectly agreed in
condemning the riotous and felonious proceedings of
certain men of Belial,* as they have been j ustly
called, who had the effrontery to cloak their rapacious
violences with the pretext of zeal for liberty ; which
is so far from being a new thing under the sun, that
even Great Britain can furnish us with many, and
much more flagrant examples of it.
But, my brethren, however unconstitutional, op
pressive, grievous or ruinous the aforesaid act was in
its nature, and fatal in its tendency,1 his majesty and
* The Book of America, chap. ii. v. 13.

REPEAL OF THE STAMP-ACT. 15
the Parliament have been pleased to hearken to the
just complaints of the colonies,! seconded and en
forced by the prudent, spirited conduct of our mer
chants ; by certain noble and eveivhonored patriots in
Great Britain, espousing our cause with all the force
of reason and eloquence, and by the general voice of
the nation ; so that a, total repeal of that dreadful act
is now obtained. His majesty and the Parliament
were far too wise, just and good, to persist in a meas
ure, after they were convinced it was wrong; or to
consider it as. any point of honor, to enforce an act so
grievous to three million good subjects, so contrary
to the interest of the British merchants and manufac
turers, and to the general sense of the nation. They
have been pleased, in the act of repeal itself, greatly
to their honor, implicitly to acknowledge their fallibility
and erroneous judgment in the other act, .by saying,
that " The continuance of the said '.act would be at
tended with many inconveniences, and might be pror
ductive of consequences greatly detrimental to the
commercial interests of these kingdoms."
These being the reasons asssigned for the repeal, we
may justly conclude^ that if these many inconveni
ences and detrimental consequences could have been
foreseen, the act complained of would never have
been passed. And as the same reasons will doubtless
operate at least as strongly, probably much more
strongly hereafter, in proportion, to the growth of the
colonies, than they do at present, we may naturally
conclude also, that an act of: the like nature will
never again be heard of. Thus " our soul is escaped
as a bird from the snare of the fowlers ; the snare is
broken, and we are escaped," though not without

16 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
much struggling in the snare, before it gave way and
set us at liberty again.
But when I speak of that pernicious act as a snare,
and those who prepared it for us as fowlers, greedy of
their prey, let it be particularly observed, that I in
tend not the least reflection on our gracious sovereign
or the Parliament;- who must not be supposed to have
any evil designs against the colonies, which are so
necessary to Great Britain, and by which so many
thousands of her manufacturers are supported, who,
but for them, must actually starve, emigrate, or do
what I choose to forbear mentioning. No ! I apply
this, as I conclude you will, only to some evil-minded
individuals in Britain, who are true friends neither to
her nor us ; and who, accordingly, spared no wicked
arts, no deceitful, no dishonorable, no dishonest means
to push on and obtain, as it were by surprise, an act
so prejudicial to both ; aud. in some sort, to the en
snaring of his majesty and the Parliament, as well as
the good people of America; being, not improbably, in
the interests of the houses of Bourbon and tho Pre
tender, whose cause they meant to serve, by bringing
about an open ruuture between Great Britain and her
colonies! , These, these. men, my brethren, are the
cunning fowlers, these the ensnarers, from whose teeth
" our soul is escaped as a bird." And such traitors
will, doubtless, ere long be caught in another snare,
suitable for them, to the satisfaction of the king's good
subjects on both sides the Atlantic, if his majesty and
the Parliament should judge it necessary for the vindi
cation of their own honor, or for the public good, to
bring them to condign punishment.
Let me just add here, that according to our latest

REPEAL OP THE STAMP-ACT. 17
and best advices, the king, his truly patriotic ministry
and Parliament, have the interest, particularly the
commercial interest of the colonies much at heart ;
being now disposed even to enlarge, instead of curtail
ing their privileges, and to grant us every indulgence,
consistent with the common good of the British em
pire. More than which we cannot reasonably, and,
I am persuaded, do not desire.
These things being premised, let me now proceed
to those reflections, exhortations and cautions relative
to them, which were the chief design of this discourse.
And the present occasion being a very peculiar one,
such as never before occurred in America, and, I hope
in God, never will again, I shall crave your indul
gence if I am considerably longer than is customary
on other occasions, which are less out of the ordinary
course. In the first place, then, it is evident from the preced
ing view of things, that we have the greatest cause
for thankfulness to Almighty God, who doeth his will
among the inhabitants of the earth, as well as in the
armies of heaven. He, in whose hands are the hearts
of all men, not excepting those of kings ; so that he
turneth them whithersoever he will, as the rivers of
water, hath inspired the people of America with a
noble spirit of liberty, and remarkably united them in
standing up for that invaluable blessing. He hath
raised us up friends of the greatest eminence in Brit
ain, in our perilous circumstances. He hath united
the hearts of almost all wise and good men there, to
plead our cause and their own successfully. Pie hath
blessed the king with an upright ministry, zealous for
the public good, and knowing wherein it consists. He

18 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
hath given the king wisdom to discern, and integrity
to pursue, the interests of his people, at the late alarm
ing crisis, when so much depended on :the measures
that were then speedily to be taken. He hath changed
his royal purpose, and that of his Parliament, in a
matter which nearly and essentially concerned at least
our temporal happiness— disposing them to take off
from our necks that grievous and heavy burden, which,
to be sure, was not piit upon us but with reluctance,
and through the dishonest artifices of certain wicked
men who, perhaps, intended, if possible, entirely to
alienate the affections of the colonists from their com
mon father the king, and frpm their mother country.
O execrable design ! to the accomplishment of which,
the pernicious measure aforesaid apparently tended.
But blessed be He who governeth among the nations,
that he hath confounded the devices of such treacher
ous men.
To allude to the psalm, a part of which I mentioned
as my text; "If it had not been the Lord who was on
our side, when men rose up against us, and if they
could have had their wicked will, then they had
swallowed us up quick — then the waters had over
whelmed us, the stream had gone over our soul ; then
the proud waters had gone over our soul. Blessed be
the Lord, who hath not given us as a prey to their teeth ;"
the ravening teeth of those cunning fowlers, from
whose treacherous snare we have just escaped; our
help being in the name of the Lord, who made heaven
and earth. To Him, therefore, we justly owe the uu-
dissembled gratitude of our hearts, as well as the joy
ful praises of our lips. For I take it for granted, that
you all firmly believe, that He who made the world,

REPEAL OF THE STAMP-ACT. 19
exercises a providential government over it ; so that
the very hairs of our head are all numbered by, and
that a sparrow doth not fall to the ground without
Him. How much more then, is his providence to be
acknowledged in the rise, in the preservation, in the
great events, the revolutions, or !the fall of mighty
states and kingdoms ? ¦ ,
To excite our gratitude to God -the more effectually,
let us consider the greatness of our late danger and of
our deliverance ; let Us take a brief retrospective view
of the perplexed, wretched state, in which these colo
nies were, a few months ago; compared with the joyful
and happy condition in which they are at present, by
the removal of their chief grievances.
We have never known so quick and general a tran
sition from the depth of sorrow to the height of joy,
as on this occasion;; nor, indeed, so great and univer
sal a flow of either, on any other occasion whatever.
It is very true, we have heretofore seen times of great
adversity. We have known seasons of drought, dearth,
and spreading 'mortal diseases; the pestilence walking
in darkness, and the destruction wasting at. Hoon-day.
We have seen wide devastations, made by fire ; and
amazing tempests^ the heavens on flame, the winds
and the waters roaring. We have known repeated
earthquakes, threatening lis with speedy destruction.
We have been under great apprehensions by reason
of formidable fleets of an enemy on our coasts, mena
cing fire' and sword to! ail our maritime towns. We
have known times when the French and savage armies
made terrible havock on our frontiers, carrying all
before them for a while ; when we were not without
fear, that some capital towns in the colonies would fall

20 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
into their merciless hands. Such times as these we
have known ; at some of which almost every face
gathered paleness, and the knees of all but the good
and brave waxed feeble. But never have we known
a season of such universal consternation and anxiety
among people of all ranks and ages, in these colonies,
as was occasioned by that parliamentary procedure,
which threatened us and our posterity with perpetual
bondage and slavery. For they, as we generally sup
pose, are really slaves to all intents and purposes, who
are obliged to labor and toil only for the benefit of
others ; or, which comes to the same thing, the fruit
of whose labor and industry may be lawfully taken
from them without their consent, and they justly
punished if they refuse to surrender it on demand, or
apply it to other purposes than those which their
masters, of their mere grace and pleasure, see fit to
allow. Nor are there many American understandings acute
enough to distinguish any material difference between
this being done by a single person, under the title of
an absolute monarch, and done by a far distant legis
lature, consisting of many persons, in which they are
not represented ; and the members whereof, instead of
feeling, and sharing equally with them in the burden
thus imposed, are eased of their own in proportion to
the greatness and weight of it. It may be questioned
whether the ancient Greeks or Romans, or any other
nation in which slavery was allowed, carried their idea
of it much further than this. So that our late appre
hensions,, and universal consternation, on account of
ourselves and posterity, were far, very far indeed,
from being groundless. For what is there in this

REPEAL OF THE STAMP-ACT. 21
world more wretched than for those who were born
free, and have aright to continue so, to be made slaves
themselves, and to think of leaving a race of slaves
behind them — even though it be to masters, confess
edly the most humane and generous in the world ?
Or what wonder is it, if, after groaning with a low
voice for a while, to no purpose, we at length groaned
so loudly, as to be heard more than three thousand
miles ; and to be pitied throughout Europe, wherever
it is not hazardous to mention even the name of liberty,
unless it be to reproach it as only another name for
sedition, faction, or rebellion?
On the other hand, never did the- tide of joy swell
so high, or roll so rapidly through the bosoms and
veins of the people in general, on any public occasion,
as on the news of the repeal. " Then was our mouth
filled with laughter, and our tongue with singing,"
when the Lord turned our captivity ; this was received
as an emancipation indeed, from unmerited slavery.
Nor were there ever before so great external demon
strations of joy among the people of America ; not
even when all Canada was reduced, or when it was
secured to the crown of England by treaty, and our
apprehensions of coming under the yoke of France
were vanished away. And some there are, who sup
pose that France would not have hesitated at allow
ing such a number of flourishing colonies the exclusive
right of taxing themselves, for the sake of a free trade
with them, could they have been prevailed on, by vio
lating their allegiance, to put themselves under her
protection ; as I am fully persuaded these colonies
would not do, for all that France has to give. In my
poor opinion, we never had so much real occasion for

22 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
joy, on any temporal account, as when we were thus
emancipated, and our soul escaped as a bird from the.
dreadful snare. And I am persuaded it would rejoice
the generous and royal heart of his majesty, if he knew
that by a single turn of. the sceptre, when he assented
to the repeal, he. had given more pleasure to three
million good subjects^ than ever he and his royal
grandfather gave them by all the trium phs of their arms,
from Lake Superior eastward to the isles: of Manilla;
though so numerous,, so great,' so illustrious ; and
though we partook so largely in the national joy on
those occasions. A pepper-corn* a year added to his
majesty's exchequer, would not surely  ! But I
forbear. If you please, we will now descend to some farther
particulars, relative to our late unhappy and present
joyful circumstances, in order to excite our thankful
ness to God, for so memorable a deliverance. This
continent, from Canada to Florida, and the West-
India islands, most of them at least, have exhibited a
dismal mixed scene of murmuring despondence, tumult
and outrage; courts of justice shut up, with custom
houses and ports; private jealousies and animosities,
evil surmisings, whisperings and backbitings, mutual
reproaches, open railing, and many other evils, since
the time in which the grievous act aforesaid was to
have taken place. Almost every British American,
as was before observed, considered it as an infraction
of their rights, or their dearly purchased privileges,'
call them which you will ; and the sad earnest of such
a galling yoke to be laid on our necks, already some-
* See Lord Clare's ever-memorable, speech in an august assembly.

REPEAL OF THE STAMP-ACT. 23
what sore by preceding grievances, as neither we nor
our fathers were able to bear ; or rather, as being it- -
self such a yoke, and likely to grow heavier by length
of times without any increase either of ability or pa
tience to endure it.
The uneasiness wasr therefore, just and universal,
except, perhaps, among; a few individuals, who either
did not, attend to consequences, or who expected to
find their private account in;the: public calamity, by
exercising the gainful, the invidious,, and not very rep
utable office of .taskmasters, over their groaning
countrymen and brethren ; even our bought negro
slaves apparently shared in the common distress-— for
which one cannot easily account, except by, supposing
that even some of them saw, that if the act took place,
their, masters might soon be too poor to provide them
suitable food and raiment ; and thought it would; be
more, ignominious and wretched to be the servants of
servants, than of freemen.
But to return. The general discontent operated
very differently upon the minds of different people,
according to the diversity of their natural tempers and
constitutions, their education, religious principles, or
the prudential maxims which they had espoused.
Some at once grew melancholy, sitting down in a kind
of lethargic, dull desperation pf relief, by any means
whatever. Others were thrown in a sort of conster
nation, not unlike to a frenzy occasioned by a raging
fever.; being ready to do any thing or everything, to
obtain relief1; but yet, unhappily, not knowing whatj
when, where, how ; nor having any two rational and
consistent ideas about the matter ; scarce more than a
person in a delirium has of the nature of, or proper

24 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
method of curing the fever which is the cause of his
madness. Some few were, I believe, upon the prin
ciples of Sib throp,Man waring, Filmer, and that goodly
tribe, determined to go no farther in order to obtain
redress, than in the way of petition and remonstrance ;
and this, even though they had been sure of success
in some hardy enterprise. Others, who had no relig
ious scruples of this kind, yet thought it extremely
imprudent and hazardous to oppose a superior powor
in such a manner as might, perhaps, draw the whole
weight of its resentment on the colonies, to their de
struction. But the greater part, as I conceive, though
I may be mistaken in this, were firmly united in a
consistent, however imprudent or desperate a plan, to
run all risks, to tempt all hazards, to go all lengths,
if things were driven to extremity, rather than to sub
mit ; preferring death itself to what they esteemed so
wretched and inglorious a servitude. And even of
devout women not a few were, I imagine, so far met
amorphosed into men on this sad occasion, that they
would have declined hardly any kind of manly exer
tions, rather than live to propagate a race of slaves, or to
be so themselves. In short such was the danger, and in
their opinion, so great and glorious the cause, that the
spirit of the Roman matrons in the time of the com
monwealth, seemed to be now equalled by the fairer
daughters of America.
The uneasiness of some persons was much increased
by an imagination, that the money to be raised by the
duty on stamps would partly be applied to pay cer
tain civil officers' salaries; whereby they would be
come more entirely and absolutely dependent o» the
crown, less on the people, and consequently, as was

REPEAL OF THE STAMP-ACT. 25
supposed, more arbitrary and insolent. Others were
anxious, because they imagined, with how much or
how little reason you will best judge, that the money
was to be chiefly applied toward maintaining a stand
ing army in America; not so much to defend and
secure the coloniea from enemies, of whom they had
none, except the aforesaid fowlers, as to awe the col
onies themselves into an implicit obedience to minis
terial measures, however unjust or execrable in their
nature. There is no end, you know, to people's fears and
jealousies, when once they are thoroughly alarmed.
And so some suspected, that this money was partly
intended to maintain a standing army of bishops, and/
other ecclesiastics, to propagate the importance of cer
tain rites and ceremonies, to which they had an aver
sion — the divine right of diocesan episcopacy and
tithes, with many et ceteras of the like sacred and in
teresting importance. These strange notions and fears
prevailed very much among certain odd people, who
liked their old religion, and were not able to see the
reasonableness of their paying for the support of any
other. I am not accountable for other people's whimsical
apprehensions ; I am here only representing the per
plexity into which people's minds were thrown by the
novel taxation, according to their different views of it
— a taxation which was probably never thought of till
a few years ago, when it was proposed to a great and
good secretary of state, who was far too friendly to
the colonies, as well as too wise, to burn his fingers
with an American stamp-act. This diversity of hu
mors, sentiments, and opinions among the colonists,
2

26 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
of which I have been speaking, naturally occasioned
great animosities, mutual censures and reproaches, in
somuch that it was hardly safe for any man to speak
his thoughts on the times, unless he could patiently
bear to lie under the imputation of being a coward,
an incendiary, rebel, or enemy to his country ; or to
have some other odium cast upon him.
In the mean time, most of the courts were shut up,
and almost all business brought to a stand ; and, in
some colonies, wide breaches were made between their
several governors and houses of assembly ; those gov
ernors thinking it their duty to push the execution of
the stamp-act ; and some of them trying to prevent
the assemblies petitioning, in the joint manner pro
posed. In this state of general disorder, approaching
so near to anarchy, some profligate people, in different
parts of the continent, took an opportunity to gratify
their private resentments, and to get money in an
easier and more expeditious way than that of labor ;
committing abominable excesses and outrages on the
persons or property of others. What a dreadful scene
was this ! Who can take a cursory review of it even
now, without horror, unless he is lost to all sense of
religion, virtue, and good order? These were some
of the bitter, and in a good measure, the natural fruits
of that unhappy measure which preceded them.
Nor were we wholly unapprehensive of somethinc
still worse ; of having a more dreadful scene, even a
scene of blood and slaughter opened ! I will not be
particular here; but ask you what you think of
British subjects making war upon British subjects on
this continent! What might this have terminated
in? Perhaps in nothing less than the ruin of the

REPEAL OF THE STAMP-ACT. 27
colonies, and the downfall of a certain great kingdom,
which has long been the support of other states, the
terror of her enemies, and the envy and glory of
Europe ! If I had myself, once, some apprehensions
of this kind, as I confess I had, I was very far from
being singular therein.
One of the best judges of such matters, that any
nation or age ever offered, as well as one of the best
men, and most accomplished orators, speaking on this
point, in a certain august assembly, is reported to
have expressed himself thus : " On a good, on a sound
bottom, the force of this country can crush America
to atoms. I know the valor of your troops ; I know
the skill of your officers. But on this ground,' on the
stamp-act, when so many here will think it a crying
injustice, I am one that will lift up my hand against
it. In such a cause your success may be hazardous.
America, if she falls, would fall like a strong man,
would embrace the pillars of state, and pull down the
constitution along with her." Thus the great patron
of America.*
Even the, remotest apprehensions of this kind, must
give a very sensible pain to any American, who at
once sincerely loves his own country, and wishes that
the happy civil constitution, the strength and glory
of Great Britain, may be as lasting as the world, and
* The Right Hon. William Pitt. — But the author thinks it a piece
of justice due to so great and respectable a name, to acknowledge
that he has no better authority for mentioning it on this particular occa
sion, than that of the public prints, lately spread all over America ; giv
ing an account of some debates in the honorable House of Commons.
He also acknowledges that this is all the authority he has for citing
some other passages afterward as from the same illustrious patriot.

28 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
jtill increasing ; as God is my witness, I both wish
and pray. If Britain, which has long been the prin
cipal support of liberty in Europe, and is, at least was,
the chief bulwark against that most execrable of all
tyrannies, Popery, should in destroying her colonies
destroy herself (heaven forbid it!) what would be
come of those few states which are now free ? what of
the Protestant religion? The former might, not im
probably, fall before the grand monarch on this side
the Alps ; the latter before the successor of the apos
tle Judas and grand vicar of Satan, beyond them, and
so, at length, one universal despotism swallow up
jdl! Some of us had, lately, painful apprehensions of
this kind, when there was talk of a great military force
coming to stamp America into a particular kind of
subjection, to which most people here have an invin
cible aversion. It would doubtless, have been a noble
effort of genius and humanity in the — what shall I
call them? fowlers or financiers? — to extort a little
money from the poor colonies by force of arms, at the
risk of so much mischief to America, to Britain, to
Europe, to the world. And the golden temptation, it
is said, took with too many, for a while. A Pandora's
box, or Trojan horse, indeed !
0 miseri, quae tanta insania, cives I
Creditis avectos hostes I aut ulla putatia
Dona carere dolis Danaum? sic notus?*
But not to digress. I have now briefly reminded
you of our late sad, perplexed, alarming circumstances ;
* J&n. n.

REPEAL OF THE STAMP-ACT. 29
not for the sake of reproaching those who brought
us into them, but to excite your gratitude to God, for
our deliverance out of them, and for our present happy
condition. The repeal, the repeal has at once, in a good
measure, restored things to order, and composed our
minds, by removing the chief ground of our fears.
The course of justice between man and man is no
longer obstructed ; commerce lifts up her head, adorned
with golden tresses, pearls and precious stones. All
things that went on right before, are returning grad
ually to their former course ; those that did not, we
have reason to hope, will goon better now; almost
every person you meet, wears the smiles of content
ment and joy; and even our slaves rejoice, as though
they had received their manumission. Indeed, all
the lovers of liberty in Europe, in the world, have rea
son to rejoice; the cause is in some measure common
to them and us. Blessed revolution ! glorious change !
How great are our obligations for it to the supreme
Governor of the world ? He hath given us beauty for
ashes, and the oil of gladness for the spirit of heavi
ness. He hath turned our groans into songs, our
mourning into dancing. He hath put off our sack
cloth, and girded us with gladness, to the end that
our tongues, our glory may sing praises to him. Let
us all then rejoice in the Lord, and give honor to him;
not forgetting to add the obedience of our lives, as
the best sacrifice that we can offer to heaven ; and
which, if neglected, will prove all our other sacrifices
have been but ostentation and hypocrisy, which are
an abomination to the Lord.
Tlie apostle Peter makes a natural transition from
fearing God to honoring the king. Let me, accord-

30 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
ingly, in the next place, exhort you, my friends and
brethren, to a respectful, loyal and dutiful manner
of speech and conduct, respecting his majesty and
his government ; thereby making a suitable return to
him for the redress of our late grievances. I am, in
deed, well apprised of the firm attachment of these
colonies in general, and of our own province in par
ticular, to the king's person, and to the Protestant
succession in his illustrious house, for the preservation
of which, there is hardly a native of New England
who would not, upon constitutional principles, which
are those of liberty, cheerfully hazard his life, or even
more lives than one, if he had them, to lay down in
so good a cause. I have not the least suspicion of
any disaffection in you to his majesty; but yet the
duty of subjects to kings, and to all that are in au
thority, is frequently to be inculcated by the ministers
of the gospel, if they will follow the example of the
apostles in this respect. And the present occasion
seems particularly proper to remind you of that im
portant duty, since we have now before us a recent
and memorable proof of his majesty's moderation, his
attention to the welfare of his people, and readiness^
so far as in him lies, according to the constitution, to
redress their grievances, on reasonable ' and humble
complaint. If any persons among us have taken it
unkindly, that his majesty should have given his
royal assent to an act, which they think was an in
fraction of those liberties and privileges to which they
were justly entitled ; and if the usual tide and fervor
of their loyal affection is in any degree abated' on
that account, yet, surely, the readiness which his
majesty has shown to hear and redress his people's

REPEAL OF THE STAMP-ACT. 31
wrongs, ought to give a new spring and additional
vigor to their loyalty and obedience.
Natural parents, through human frailty, and mis
takes about facts and circumstances, sometimes pro
voke their children to wrath, though they tenderly
love them, and sincerely desire their good. But what
affectionate and dutiful child ever harbored resent
ment on any such account, if the grievance was re
moved, on a dutiful representation of it ? Hardly
any thing operates so strongly on ingenuous minds,
though, perhaps of quick resentment, as the mild
condescension of a superior to the force of reason and
right on the part of the inferior. I shall make no
application of this any farther, than to remind you
that British kings are the political fathers of their
people, and the people their children. The former
are not tyrants, or even masters ; the latter are not
slaves, or even servants.
Let me farther exhort you to pay due respect in all
things to the British Parliament ; the lords and com
mons being two branches of the supreme legislative
over all his majesty's dominions. The right of Par
liament to superintend the general affairs of the colo
nies, to direct, check or control them, seems to be sup
posed in their charters ; all which, I think, while they
grant the power of legislation, limit the exercise of it
to the enacting such laws as are not contrary to the
laws of England or Great Britain ; so that our several
legislatures are subordinate to that of the mother
country, which extends to and over all the king's do
minions, at least so far as to prevent any parts of
them from doing what would be either destructive to
each other, or manifestly to the ruin of Britain.

32 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
It might be of the most dangerous consequences to
the mother country, to relinquish this supposed author
ity or right, which, certainly, has all along been rec
ognized by the colonies ; or to leave them dependent
on the crown only, since, probably, within a century,
the subjects in them will be more than thrice as nu
merous as those of Great Britain and Ireland. And,
indeed, if the colonies are properly parts of the British
empire, as it is both their interest and honor to be, it
seems absurd to deny, that they are subjects to the
highest authority therein, or not bound to yield obedi
ence to it. I hope there are very few people, if any,
in the colonies, who have the least inclination to re
nounce the general jurisdiction of Parliament over
them, whatever we may think of the particular right
of taxation'. If in any particular cases, we should
think ourselves hardly treated, laid under needless and
unreasonable restrictions, or curtailed of any liberties
or privileges, which other of our fellow subjects in com
mon enjoy, we have an undoubted right to complain,
and, by humble and respectful, though not abject
and servile petitions, to seek the redress of such sup
posed grievances.
The colonists are men, and need not be afraid to
assert the natural rights of men ; they are British sub
jects, and may justly claim the common rights, and
all the privileges of such, with plainness and freedom.
And from what has lately occurred, there is reason to
hope, the Parliament will ever hereafter be willino- to
hear and grant our just requests ; especially if any
grievances should take place, so great, so general and
alarming, as to unite all the colonies in petitioning for
redress, as with one voice. The humble united pray ers

REPEAL OF THE STAMP-ACT. 33
of three or four million loyal subjects, so connected
with Great Britain, will not be thought unworthy of a
serious attention, especially when seconded by such
spirited resolutions and conduct of the American Mer
chants, as they have* lately given an example of.
Humble petitions, so enforced, always carry great
weight with them; and, if just and reasonable, will
doubtless meet with a suitable return, as in the late
instance ; since Great Britain can scarce subsist with
out the trade of her colonies, which will be still in
creasing. And an equitable, kind treatment of" them,
on her part, will firmly bind them to her by the three
fold cord of duty, interest and filial affection ; such a
one, as the wise man says, is not easily broken. This
would do more, far more to retain the colonies in due
subjection, than all the fleets or troops she would think
proper to send for that purpose.
But to return ; we ought, in honor to ourselves, as
well as duty to the king and Parliament, to frustrate
the malicious prophecies, if not the hopes, of some per
sons in Britain, who have predicted the most ungrate
ful and indecent returns from us to our mother coun
try, for deliverance from the late grievances. It has
been foretold that, in consequence thereof, the colo
nies would grow insolent and assuming ; that they
would affect a kind of triumph over the authority of
Parliament ; that they would little or nothing regard
it hereafter, in other cases ; that they would give some
broad intimations of their opinion, that it was not for
want of inclination, but of power, that the late grievous
act was not enforced; that they would treat their
brethren in Britain in an unworthy, disrespectful man
ner ; and the like. Such things as these have been
2*

34 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
predicted, and, probably, by those very fowlers who
contrived the snare, from which, to their great morti
fication, our soul is now escaped as a bird. Let us,
my brethren (for it is in our power, and it is our duty),
make such men false prophets, by a contrary behav
ior : " prophets of the deceit of their own hearts."
This might, probably, vex them sorely, since it is
likely their chief aim is, to bring about a fixed, con
firmed disaffection on our part, and a severe resent
ment on the other, while the jealous enemies of the
growing power of Britain, wag their eveivplotting and
enterprising heads, saying, "Aha! so we would have
it." Let us highly reverence the supreme authority of
the British empire, which to us is the highest, under
that of heaven. Let us, as much as in us lies, culti
vate harmony and brotherly love between our fellow
subjects in Britain and ourselves. We shall doubtless
find our account in this at last, much more than in a
contrary way of proceeding. There are no other
people on earth that " naturally care for us." We
are connected with them by the strongest ties ; in
some measure by blood ; for look but a century or
two back, and you will find their ancestors and ours
in a great measure the same persons, though their
posterity is now so divided. We are strongly con
nected with them by a great commercial intercourse,
by our common language, by our common religion as
Protestants, and by being subjects of the same kingj
whom God long preserve and prosper, while his ene
mies are clothed with shame. If we consider things
properly, it is indeed our great felicity, our best
security, and highest glory in this world, to stand in
such a relation as we do, to so powerful an empire •

REPEAL OF THE ST AMP- ACT. 35
one which rules the ocean, and wherein the principles
of liberty are in general predominant. It would be our
misery, if not our ruin, to be cast off by Great Britain,
as unworthy her farther regards. What then would
it be, in any supposable way, to draw upon ourselves
the whole weight of her just resentment ! What are we
in the hands of that nation, which so lately triumphed
over the united powers of France and Spain ? Though
it must, indeed, be acknowledged, that she did this,
in a great measure, by means of her commercial inter
course with, and aids from the colonies — without
which she must probably have made a more inglorious
figure at the end, than she did at the beginning of the
last war ; even though Mr. Pitt himself had had the
sole direction of it under his majesty.
Consider how many millions of people there are in
other countries, groaning in vain under the iron scep
tre of merciless despotism, who, if they were but im
perfectly apprised of the happiness we enjoy, would
most ardently desire to be in our situation, and to
stand in the like relation to Great Britain. Let us not
be insensible of our own felicity in this respect ; let us
not entertain a thought of novelties or innovations, or
be given to change. Let us not indulge to any ground
less jealousies of ill intentions toward us in our mother-
country, whatever there may be in some designing in
dividuals, who do the devil's work, by sowing discord.
It is for' the interest of Britain, as she well knows, to
retain the 'affection of these growing colonies, and to
treat them kindly to that end. And this bond of
interest on her part, is the strongest security to us,
which we can have in any political relation whatever.
We are bound, in honor to the king and Parliament,

36 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
to suppose, that it was not for want of ability to en
force a late act, and to crush us, that it was repealed ;
but from a conviction of the inexpediency, the danger
ous consequences, and many inconveniences of con
tinuing it. And the like reasons will probably operate
forever against any act of the same nature, and grow
stronger and stronger. It can answer no valuable
end, for us to harbor grudges or secret resentment
on account of redressed and past grievances ; no good
end wantonly, and grossly to insult, and thereby to
incense any particular powerful persons on the other
side of the water, as the supposed enemies of the colo
nies. To me this seems impolitic at least ; as it may
perhaps make such persons our enemies, if they were
not so before ; or, if they were, fix their enmity ; and
make them more industrious than ever in seeking op
portunities to do us mischief. Much less can it answer
any good end, to affect to triumph over the power of
Parliament. This wonldy in short, appear equally
insolent, disloyal and ridiculous, in the eyes of all
sober, unprejudiced men.
May God give ns the wisdom to behave ourselves
with humility and moderation, on the happy success
of our late remonstrances and struggles ! . . . We are
bound in honor so to behave, not only that we may
frustrate the malignant predictions before referred to,
but that we may answer the just expectation of our
friends in Britain, who so nobly espoused pjjr cause,
and, as it were, pawned their own honor (Jjow great
and sacred a pledge !) for our good conduct, if our
grievances were removed. By such an engagement
they did us honor, as it manifested their candid and
kind sentiments concerning us. This lays us under an

REPEAL OF THE STAMP-ACT. 37
additional obligation, in point of gratitude, to that
good behavior, which would have been our duty with
out it.
I cannot but here remind you particularly of the
words of that immortal patriot in Parliament, who has
now a second time been the principal means of saving
Britain and her colonies from impending ruin.* " Say,
said he, the Americans have not in all things acted
with prudence and temper ; they have been wronged ;
they have been driven to madness by injustice. Will
you now punish them for the madness you have oc
casioned ? Rather let prudence and temper come first
from this side ; I will undertake for America that
she will follow the example." What son, either of
America or Liberty, is there, that has the least spark
of ingenuousness, who can help being touched and
penetrated to the inmost recesses of the heart by such
magnanimous and generous expressions in behalf pf
the colonies ? Who is there, that would not almost as
willingly die, as that that illustrious patron of America
should ever have occasion to be ashamed of espous
ing its cause, and making himself answerable for us ?
We had other advocates of distinguished eminence
and worth, who generously came under similar en
gagements for us. God forbid, my brethren, that any
one of them should ever have the least reason to
blush for his ill-placed confidence in us ; as all of them
will, if v$3 show any unworthy behavior toward the
king, the Parliament, or our mother country, after this
proof of their moderation and regard for us. And if
they, our friends, should have cause to blush for us in
* The Eight Hon. Mr. Pitt.

38 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
this respect, what must we do for ourselves ! Where
shall we find caverns far enough removed from the
light of day, in which to hide our heads! or what
reason shall we have to expect friends, advocates and
sponsors again, how much soever we may need them,
if we have no more regard for the honor of those who
appeared for us at the late alarming crisis ; when it
was accounted almost criminal to say any thing in our
behalf? Let me subjoin, that as the good people of this prov
ince had the honor to lead in a spirited, though
decent and respectful application for the redress of
our late grievances; methinks they should now be
ambitious to have the honor of leading in a prudent,
temperate, wise behavior, in consequence of the suc
cess ; and, if need be, as I hope there is not, ambitious
of setting an example of moderation and discretion
to other colonies. This honor would be equal to the
first mentioned ; and would probably recommend us
greatly to those, whom it will always be our interest
and duty to please ; so long, at least, as we can do it
without renouncing our birthright. It will contrib
ute to remove any impressions that may have been
made of late, to our disadvantage. It will at once
gratify our best friends, and falsify the slanders of our
enemies, who delight in representing us as a seditious,
factious and turbulent sort of people, who cannot
endure the wholesome and necessary restraints of gov
ernment. May God rebuke them for, and forgive
—them this wrong !
Let none suspect that, because I thus urge the duty
\ of cultivating a close harmony with our mother
country, and a dutiful submission to the king and

REPEAL OF THE STAMP- ACT. 39
Parliament, our chief grievances being redressed, I
mean to dissuade peOple from having a just concern
for their own rights, or legal, constitutional privileges.
History, one may presume to say, affords no example
of any nation, country or people, long free, who did
not take some care of themselves; and endeavor to
guard and secure their own liberties. Power is of a
grasping, encroaching nature, in all beings, except in
Him to whom it emphatically " belongeth ;" and
who is the only king that, in a religious or moral
eense, " can do no wrong." Power aims at extending
itself, and operating according to mere will, wher
ever it meets with no-balance, check, control or oppo
sition of any kind. For which reasoii it will always
be necessary, as was said before, for those who would
preserve and perpetuate < their liberties, to guard them
with a wakeful attention ; and in all righteous, just
and prudent ways, to oppose the first encroachments
on them. " Obsta princvpiisP After a while it will
be too late. For in the states and kingdoms of this
world, if happens as it does in the field or church, ac
cording to the well-known parable, to this purpose —
that while men sleep, then the enemy cometh and
soweth tares, which cannot be rooted out again till the
end of the world, without rooting out the wheat with
them. If I may be indulged here in saying a few words
more, respecting my notions of liberty in general,
such as they are, it shall be as follows. Having been
initiated, in youth, in the doctrines of civil liberty, as
they were taught by such men as Plato, Demosthenes,
Cicero and other renowned persons among the ancients ;
and such as Sidney and Milton, Locke and Hoadley,

40 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.

among the moderns,! liked them ; they seemed rational.
Having earlier still learned from the Holy Scriptores
that wise, brave and virtuous men were always friends
to liberty ; that God gave the Israelites a king (or ab
solute monarch) in his anger, because they had not
sense and virtue enough to like a free commonwealth,
and to have himself for their king ; that the Son of
God came down from heaven to make us "free in
deed," and that where the spirit of the Lord is, there
is liberty ; this made me conclude, that freedom was a
great blessing. Having, also, from my childhood'up,
by the kind providence of my God, and the tender
care of a good parent now at. rest with Him, been
educated to the love of liberty, though not of licen
tiousness, which chaste and virtuous passion was still
increased in me as I advanced toward and into man
hood ; I would not, I cannot now, though past middle
age, relinquish the fair object of my youthful affections,
Liberty ; whose charms, instead of decaying with time
in my eyes, have daily captivated me more and more.
I was, accordingly, penetrated with the most sensible
grief, when, about the first of November last, that day.
of darkness, a day hardly to be numbered with the
other days of the year, she seemed about to take her
final departure from America, and to leave that ugly
Jiag slavery, the deformed child of Satan, in her room.
I am now filled with a proportionable degree. of joy
in God, on occasion of her speedy return, with new
smiles on her face, with augmented beauty and splen
dor. Once more then, hail! celestial maid, the
daughter of God, and, excepting his Son, the first
born of heaven ! Welcome to these shores again ;
welcome to every expanding heart ! Long mayest

REPEAL OF THE STAMP- ACT. 41
thou reside among us, the delight of the wise, good
and brave ; the protectress of innocence from wrongs
and oppression, the patroness of learning, arts, elo
quence, virtue, rational loyalty, religion ! And if any
miserable people on the continent or isles of Europe,
after being weakened by luxury, debauchery, venality,
intestine quarrels, or other vices, should, in the rude
collisions, or now uncertain revolutions of kingdoms, be
driven, in their extremity, to seek a safe retreat from
slavery in some far distant climate, let them find, 0
let them find one in America under thy brooding,
sacred wings, where our oppressed fathers once found
it, and we now enjoy it, by the favor of Him, whose
service is the most glorious freedom! Never, O never,
may He permit thee to forsake us, for our unworthi-
ness to enjoy thy enlivening presence ! By His high
permission, attend us through life and death to the
regions of the blessed, thy original abode, there to
enjoy forever the glorious liberty of the sons of
God! But I forget myself ; whither have I been hurried
by this enthusiasm, or whatever else you will please to
call it ? I hope your candor will forgive this odd excur
sion, for which I hardly know how to account myself.
There were two or three things more which I in
tended to say relative to this joyful occasion. To go
on, then, these colonies are better than ever apprised of
their own Weight and consequence, when united in a
legal opposition to any unconstitutional, hard and
grievous treatment, which may be an advantage to
them. God often bringeth good out of evil ; or what
is intended for evil by men, is- by him meant for
good. So it was particularly in the memorable case

42 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
of Joseph, whom his hard-hearted, envious brethren
sold as a slave into Egypt. There he became great,
and his father and brethren were at length obliged to
have recourse to him, to keep them and theirs from
perishing. And thus, not improbably, may good come
out of our late troubles, as well as out of those op
pressions which occasioned the flight of our forefathers
into the deserts of America. The great shock which
was lately given to our liberties, may end in the con
firmation and enlargement of them. As it is said, the
stately oaks of the forest take the deeper root, extend
their arms the farther, and exalt their venerable heads
the higher, for being agitated by storms and tempests,
provided they are not actually torn up, rent in pieces,
or quite blasted by the lightning of heaven. And
who knows, our liberties being thus established, but
that on some future occasion, when the kingdoms of
the earth are moved, and roughly dashed one against
another by Him that taketh up the isles as a very little
thing, we, or our posterity, may even have the great
felicity and honor to " save much people alive," and
keep Britain herself from ruin. I hope she will never
put it out of our power by destroying us ; or out of
the inclination of any, by attempting it. It is to be
hoped, the colonies will never abuse or misapply any
influence which they may have, when united as afore
said ; or discover a spirit of murmuring, discontent of
impatience under the government of Great. Britain,
so long as they are justly and kindly treated. On the
other hand, it is to be hoped they will never lose a
just sense of liberty, or what they may reasonably
expect from the mother country. These things they
will keep in mind if they are wise, and cultivate a

REPEAL OF THE STAMP- ACT. 43
firm friendship and union with each other upon equal
terms, as far as distance and other circumstances will
allow. And if ever there should be occasion, as I sin
cerely hope and pray there may not, their late expe
rience and success will teach them how to act, in order
to obtain the redress of grievances. I mean by joint,
manly and spirited, but yet respectful and loyal pe
titioning, setting aside some excesses and outrages,
which all sober men join in condemning.
I believe history affords few examples of a more
general, generous and just sense of liberty in any coun
try, than has appeared in America, within the year
past. In which time the mercantile part in particular
have done themselves much honor, and had a great
share in preserving the liberties of the plantations,
when in the most imminent danger. — though this is
not said with the least thought of reflecting on any
other body or order of men, as wanting in their en
deavors to the same noble end. Had we patiently
received the yoke, no one can tell when, or whether
ever it would have been taken off. And if there be
some animals adapted by nature to bear heavy bur
dens submissively-^one of which, liowever, is said, on
a certain occasion, to have had the gift of speech, and
expostulated with his master for unjustly smiting him
— I hope the Americans will never be reckoned as be
longing to that spiritless, slavish kind, though their
"powers of speech"* should not, in the opinion of
some nameless, heroic pamphleteer-scoffers in Britain,
exceed those of the other, however defective they
may be in point of " eloquence."* I thank God they
* An abusive superficial pamphlet in favor of the measures of the late
ministry.

44 - THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
can at least feel, and complain so as to be tolerably
understood. If your patience will hold out, I will add a few
words further, by way of advice, and so conclude.
While we endeavor to cultivate harmony and union
with our mother country and our sister colonies, in all
generous and manly ways, we should not, surely,
neglect to cultivate the same among ourselves. There
have, I am sorry to say it, but really there have lately
been many unwarrantable jealousies, and bitter mutual
reproaches among the people of this town and province,
occasioned by that unhappy measure which has been
so often referred to. Even wise and good men, though
all equally against that measure, could not, however,
agree what was to be done, upon the maxims of pru
dence, though alike concerned for the public welfare.
Accordingly, some were blamed as too warm and san
guine, others as too phlegmatic and indifferent, in the
common and noble cause of liberty. Many were cen
sured, and some, I am well assured, very unjustly, as
being friends to, and encouragers of the fatal measure
aforesaid. But how far these accusations were j nst or
unjust on either side, I will not take upon me particu
larly to determine. Be that as it may, is it not best,
my brethren, to let these contentions subside, now the
end is obtained, and we have so fair a prospect before
us ? Are there any valuable ends to be answered by
perpetuating these disputes? I cannot readily con
ceive any. Perhaps it is, because I have less penetra
tion than most others. Be it as it will, I know One,
and One whom we all profess to reverence, who hath
said : " Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be
called the children of God." And, " Let us study the

REPEAL OF THE ST AMP- ACT. "45
things that make for peace," said he that was not be
hind the chief of the apostles, and the things where
with one may edify another.
These sayings may apologize for me, if I am wrong
in preaching peace at this time. And if none will
be offended with me for speaking plainly as to this
matter, to me it really seems most prudent, most
Christian, to bury in oblivion what is past ; to begin
our civil, political life anew, as it were, from this joy
ful era of restored and confirmed liberty ; to be at
union among ourselves ; to abstain from all party
names and national reflections, respecting any of our
fellow-subjects ; and to exert ourselves, in our several
stations, to promote the common good, by love serv
ing one another. Let us make allowances mutually
for human frailty, for our different views and concep
tions of things, which may be in a great measure un
avoidable ; for difference of natural constitution, an
unequal flow of animal spirits, or strength of nerves.
Let no one censure another more hardly, if at all,
than the necessity of the case plainly requires.
I hope these counsels of peace will not be dis
relished by any ." son of peace,'1' or any wise and good
man, that does me the honor to be my auditor on this
occasion ; for I mean not to give offence, but only to
do good. Such counsels as they are, I humbly com
mend them to the God of love and peace, to whose
holy will I believe them agreeable, for his blessing ;
that they may have their just influence on all that
hear them. And you will not forget, that we must
all one day give an account to him ; so that it nearly
concerns us to have our ways, motives, and al our
doings approved by him.

46 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
In fine, let us all apply ourselves with diligence and
in the fear of God, to the duties of our respective sta
tions. There has been a general dissipation among us.
for a long time ; a great neglect and stagnation of
business. Even the poor and laboring part of the
community, whom I am very far from despising, have
had so much to say about government and politics, in
the late times of danger, tumult, and confusion,' that
many of them seemed: to forget theyliad any thing
to do. Methinks, it would now be expedient for
them, and perhaps for most of us, to do something,
more, and talk something less; every one studying
to be quiet, and to do his own business ; letting things
return peaceably into their old channels, and natural
courses, after so long an interruption.
My immediate aim in what I now say being only
to recommend industry, good orders and harmony, I
will not meddle with the thorny question, whether, or
how far, it may be justifiable for private men, at cer
tain extraordinary conjunctures, to take the adminis
tration of government in some respects into their own
hands. Self-preservation being a great and primary
law of nature, and antecedent to all civil laws and
institutions, which are subordinate and subservient
to the other; the right of so doing, in some cir
cumstances, cannot well be denied. But certainly,
there is no plausible pretence for such a conduct
among us now. That which may be excusable, and
perhaps laudable, on some very singular emergencies,
would at other times be pragmatical, seditious, and
high-handed presumption. Let all, therefore, now
join with heart and hand in supporting the lawful,
constitutional government over us, in its just dignity

REPEAL OF THE STAMP-ACT. , 47
and vigor; in supporting his majesty's representa
tives, the civil magistrates, and all persons in author
ity, in the lawful exercise of their several offices.
No true friend of liberty can reasonably object against
this ; and if any persons should^ it would show that
wliile they speak: great swelling words of vanity,
making liberty the pretext, they themselves are the
servants of corruption, the ignoble slaves of sin.
Without this,, due regard to government and laws,
we shall still be miserable, my friends, notwithstand
ing all that God and the king have done to make us
happy.. If one had wings like a dove, it were. better
to fly far away, and remain alone in ; the wilderness,
where he might be at rest, than to live , in a society
where there is no order, no subordination ; but an
archy and confusion reign. Of these we have surely
had enough already ; though at the same time I bless
God that there has not been much more, considering
the great danger in which we have been, with the
general alarm and consternation by reason of that
which is said to make even a wise man mad, and much
more the rash and indiscreet, of whom there is a great
proportion in all communities ; considering also the
absolute necessity there was, or at least seemed to be,
of some very uncommon struggles and exertions, in
order to break the snare and the natural impetuosity
of many people's tempers. So important a change in
the situation of public affairs, so great a deliverance,
has, perhaps, seldom been brought about in any coun
try, with so little criminal excess, unless it were
done by God alone, without the instrumentality or
agency of men, by nature liable to so many errors and
infirmities. But whatever there has been of this

48 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
kind, ought to be, and I hope is, lamented by all good
men. May that God, in whom our help has been, con
tinue to protect us, our rights and privileges ! May
he direct our paths through this uncertain life, and all
the changes of it ; and, of his infinite mercy in Jesus
Christ, finally bring us all to those peaceful and glori
ous regions where no evil spirits, no wicked fowlers
will come — where no snares will be spread for us, no
proud waters to go over our soul ! And if we hope
for admission into those eternal mansions of joy, let
every one of us, as the apostle Peter exhorts, "honor
all men, love the brotherhood, fear God, honor the
king." Amen.

SAMUEL LANGDON.
This eminent man, celebrated alike for his piety
and sterling patriotism, was born at Boston, Massa
chusetts. Through the exertions of his friends, who
discovered in him a desire to obtain a liberal educa
tion, he was entered at Harvard College, from which
institution he graduated with credit in 1740. From
college he went to Portsmouth, in New Hampshire,
where he was employed to take charge of a grammar-
school until 1745, at which time he was invited to
preach in the First Church, as assistant to Mr. Fitch.
Two years after, he was ordained, and from this time
until the commencement of the difficulties between
England and her colonies, he continued an active
laborer for the cause of the church.
Dr. Langdon was a very zealous whig. His bold
and open opposition to the measures of the British
government, rendered him highly acceptable to the
patriots of New England, and through the influence
of John Hancock and others, he was, in 1774, installed
as successor of Mr. Locke in the presidency of Har
vard College. When he took tlie chair it gave great
delight to the sons of liberty ; and in 1775, a month
after the commencement of the war, he was chosen
to preach the election sermon. This effort will be
found in the following pages.
3

50 THE patriot preachers.
President Langdon's connection with the college
did not prove of the most satisfactory character. His
administration was a perpetual struggle with diffi
culties and embarrassments, amid the dangers of civil
war and the excitement of a political revolution. He
wanted judgment, and had no spirit of government.
He did not receive that respect and kindness from the
students and others connected with the college, that
were due his character as a scholar and a Christian.
Under these circumstances he resigned the presidency,
and in 1781, became the pastor of a church at Hamp
ton Falls, near Portsmouth, New Hampshire. In
1788 he preached the election sermon at Concord, and
the same year occupied a seat in the New Hampshire
Convention, in which body he took an active part,
and had an extensive influence in removing the pre
judices which prevailed against the Federal Constitu
tion. At the age of seventy-four, on the twenty-ninth
of November, 1794, he closed a life well spent, be
loved for his piety, hospitality, and good- will to his,
fellow-men.

GOVERNMENT CORRUPTED BT VICE.
And I will restore thy judges as at the first, and thy counsellors as at the
beginning: afterward thou shalt be called the city of righteousness, the
faithful city. — Isaiah, i. 26.
Shall we rejoice, my fathers and brethren, or shall
we weep together, on the return of this anniversary,

GOVERNMENT CORRUPTED BT VICE. 51
which from the first settlement of this colony has
been sacred to liberty, to perpetuate that invaluable
privilege of choosing, from among ourselves, wise
men, fearing God, and hating covetousness, to be
honorable counsellors, to constitute one essential
branch of that happy government which was estab
lished on the faith of royal charters ?
On this day, the people have from year to year as
sembled, from all our towns, in a vast congregation,
with gladness and festivity, with every ensign of joy
displayed in our metropolis^' which now, alas ! is made
a garrison of mercenary troops, the stronghold of des
potism. But how shall I now address you from this
desk, remote from the capital,* and remind you of the
important business which distinguished this day in
our calendar, without spreading a gloom over this
assembly, by exhibiting the melancholy change made
in the face of our public affairs ?
We have lived to see the time when British liberty
is just ready to expire ; when that constitution of
government which has so long been the glory and
strength of the English nation, is deeply undermined
and ready to tumble into ruins ; — when America is,
threatened with cruel oppression, and the arm of
power is stretched out against New England, and
especially against this colony, to compel us to submit
to the arbitary acts of legislators who are not our rep
resentatives, and who will not themselves bear the
least part of the burdens which, without mercy, they
are laying upon us. The most formal and solemn

* This sermon was preached at Watertown, Mass,

52 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
grants of kings to our ancestors are deemed by our
oppressors as of little value, and they have mutilated
the charter of this colony in the most essential parts,
upon false representations, and new invented maxims
of policy, without the least regard to any legal pro
cess. We are no longer permitted to fix our eyes on
the faithful of the land, and trust in the wisdom of
their counsels, and the equity of their judgment ; but
men in whom we can have no confidence, whose
principles are subversive of our liberties, whose aim
is to exercise lordship over us, and share among them
selves the public wealth ; men who are ready to serve
any master, and execute the most unrighteous decrees
for high wages, whose faces we never saw before, and
whose interests and connections may be far divided
from us by the wide Atlantic, are to be set over us
as counsellors and judges, at the pleasure of those
who have the riches and power of the nation in
their hands, and whose noblest plan is to subjugate the
colonies first, and then the whole nation to their
will. That we might not have it in our power to refuse
the most absolute submission to their unlimited claims
of authority, they have not only endeavored to terrify
us with fleets and armies sent to our capital, and dis
tressed and put an end to our trade, particularly that
important branch of it, the fishery, but at length at
tempted, by a sudden march of a body of troops in
the night, to seize and destroy one of our magazines,
formed by the people merely for their own security;
if, as after such formidable military preparation on the
other side, matters should not be pushed to an extrem
ity- By this, as might well be expected, a skirmish was

GOVERNMENT CORRUPTED BT VICE. 53
brought on ; and it is most evident;, from a variety
of concurring circumstances, as well as numerous de
positions, both of , the prisoners taken by us at that
time, and our men then on the spot. only as spectators,
that the fire began first on the side of the king's
troops. At least , five or six of our inhabitants were
murderously killed by the regulars at; Lexington, be
fore any man attempted to return the fire, and when
they were actually complying, with the command to
disperse ; and two more of our brethren were likpwise
killed at Concord Bridge by a fire from, the, king's
soldiers, before the engagement began on our side.
But whatever credit falsehoods transmitted . to Great
Britain from the other side may gain, the matter may
be rested entirely on this — that he that arms himself
to commit a robbery, and demands the traveller's
purse,. by the terror of instant death, is the first, ag
gressor, though the other should take the advantage
of discharging his, pistol first and. killing the rob
ber. , ' : ,1 . i : ,., '.
The alarm was sudden; but in; a very shpi't time
spread far and wide ; the nearest neighbors in haste
ran together to assist their brethren, and save their
country. Not more than three or four hundred met
in season, and bravely attacked and repulsed the
enemies of liberty, who retreated with great precipi
tation. But by the help of a strong reinforcement,
notwithstanding a close pursuit, and continual loss
on their side, they acted the part of robbers and
savages, by burning, plundering, and damaging almost
every house in their w:ay, to the utmost of their power,
murdering the unarmed and helpless, and not regard
ing the weakness of the tender sex, until they had

54 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
secured themselves beyond the reach of our terrifying
arms.* That ever-memorable day, the nineteenth of April,
is the date of an unhappy war openly begun, by the
ministers of the king of Great Britain, against his good
subjects in this colony, and implicitly against all the
colonies. But for what ? Because they have made a
noble stand for their natural and constitutional rights,
in opposition to the machinations of wicked men, who
are betraying their royal master, establishing Popery
in the British dominions, and aiming to enslave and
ruin the whole nation, that they may enrich them
selves and their vile dependents with the public treas
ures, and the spoils of America.
We have used our utmost endeavors, by repeated
humble petitions and remonstrances — by a series of
unanswerable reasonings published from the press, in
which the dispute has been fairly stated, and the
justice of our opposition clearly demonstrated — and
by the mediation of some of the noblest and most
faithful friends of the British constitution, who have
powerfully pleaded our cause in Parliament — to pre
vent such measures as may soon reduce the body
* Near the meeting-house in Menotomy two aged helpless men,
who had not been out iu the action, and were found unarmed in a
house where the regulars entered, were murdered without mercy. In
another house in that neighborhood, a woman in bed with a new-born
infant — about a week old — was forced by the threats of the soldiery to
escape almost naked to an open outhouse ; her house was then set on
fire, but was soon extinguished by one of the children which had lain
concealed till the enemy was gone. In Cambridge a man of weak men
tal powers, who went out to gaze at the regular army as, they passed
without arms, or thought of danger, was wantonly shot at, and killed by
those inhuman butchers, as he sat on a fence.

GOVERNMENT CORRUPTED BT VICE. 55

politic to a miserable, dismembered, dying trunk,
though lately the terror of all Europe. But our king,
as if impelled by some strange fatality, is resolved to
reason with us only by the roar of his cannon, and the
pointed arguments of muskets and bayonets. Because
we refuse submission to the despotic power of a
ministerial Parliament, our own sovereign, to whom
we have been always ready to swear true allegiance —
whose authority we never meant to cast off — who
might have continued happy in cheerful obedience,
as faithful subjects as any in his dominions — has
given us up to the rage of his ministers, to be seized
at sea by the rapacious commanders of every little
sloop of war and piratical cutter, aud to be plundered
and massacred by land by mercenary troops, who
know no distinction betwixt an enemy and a brother,
between right and wrong ; but only, like brutal pur
suers, to hunt and seize the prey pointed out by their
masters. We must keep our eyes fixed on the supreme gov
ernment of the ETERNAL KING, as directing all
events, setting up or pulling down the kings of the
earth at his pleasure, suffering the best forms of human
government to degenerate and go to ruin by corrup
tion ; or restoring the decayed constitutions of king
doms and states, by reviving public virtue and relig
ion, and granting the favorable interpositions of his
providence. To this our text leads us ; and though I
hope to be excused on this occasion from a formal dis
course on the words in a doctrinal way, yet I must
not wholly pass over the religious instruction contain
ed in them.
Let us consider — that for the sins of a people God

56 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
may suffer the best government to be corrupted, or
entirely dissolved; and that nothing but a general ref
ormation can give ground to hope that the publie
happiness will be restored, by the recovery of the
strength and perfection of the state, and that divine
Providence will interpose to fill every department
with wise and good men.
Isaiah prophesied about the time of the captivity
of the ten tribes of Israel, and about a century before
the captivity of Judah. The kingdom of Israel was
brought to destruction, because its iniquities were full ;
its counsellors and judges were wholly taken away;
because there remained no hope of reformation. But
the sceptre did not entirely depart from Judah, nor
a lawgiver from between his feet, till the Messiah
came ; yet greater and greater changes took place in
their political affairs ; their government degenerated
in proportion as their vices increased, till few faithful
men were left in any public offices ; and, at length,
when they were delivered up for seventy years into
the hands of the king of Babylon, scarce any remains
of their original excellent civil polity appeared among
them. The Jewish government, according to the original
constitution which was divinely established, if consid
ered merely in a civil view, was a perfect republic.
The heads of their tribes, and elders of their cities,
were their counsellors and judges. They called the
people together in more general or particular assem
blies, took their opinions, gave advice, and managed
the public affairs according to the general voice.
Counsellors and judges comprehend all the powers
of that government, for there was no such thing as

GOVERNMENT CORRUPTED BT VICE. 57
legislative authority belonging to it, their complete
code of laws being given immediately from God by
the hand of Moses. And let them who cry up the,
divine right of kings consider, that the only form
of government which had a proper claim to a divine
establishment, was so far from including the idea of
a king, that it was a high crime for Israel to ask to be
in this respect like other nations ; and when they were
thus gratified, it was rather as a just punishment of
their folly, that they might feel the. burdens of court
pageantry, of which they were warned by a very
striking description, than as a divine recommendation
of kingly authority.
Every nation, when able and agreed, has a right to
set up over itself any form of government which to it
may appear most conducive to its common welfare.
The civil polity of Israel is doubtless an excellent
general $iodel, allowing for some peculiarities;, at
least some principal laws and orders of it may be
copied, to great advantage, in more modern establish
ments. When a government is in its prime, the public good
engages the attention of the whole ; the strictest regard
is paid to the qualifications of those who hold the
offices of the state ; virtue prevails — every thing is
managed with justice, prudence, and frugality ; the
laws are founded on principles of equity rather than
mere policy, and all the people are happy. But vice
will increase with the riches and glory of an empire ;
and this gradually tends to corrupt the constitution,
and in time bring on its dissolution. This may be
considered not only as the natural effect of vice, but a
righteous judgment of heaven, especially upon a na-
3*

58 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
tion which has been favored with the blessing of re
gion and liberty, and is guilty of undervaluing them;
and eagerly going into the gratification of every lust.
In this chapter the prophet describes the very cor
rupt state of Judah in his day, both as to religion
and common morality ; and looks forward to that
increase of wickedness which would bring on their
desolation and captivity. They were a sinful nation,
a people laden with iniquity, a seed of evil-doers, chil
dren that were corrupters, who had forsaken the Lord,
and provoked the Holy One of Israel to anger. The
whole body of the nation, from head to foot, was full
of moral and political disorders, without any remain
ing soundness. Their religion was all mere ceremony
and hypocrisy ; and even the laws of common justice
and humanity were disregarded in their public courts.
They had counsellors and judges, but very different
from those at the beginning of the commonwealth.
Their princes were rebellious against God, and the
constitution of their country, and companions of
thieves, giving countenance to every artifice for seiz
ing the property of the subjects in their own hands,
and robbing the public treasury. Every one loved
gifts, and followed after rewards ; they regarded the
perquisites more than the duties of their office ; the
general aim was at profitable places and pensions
they were influenced in every thing by bribery ; and
their avarice and luxury were never satisfied, but hur
ried them on to all kinds of oppression and violence,
so that they even justified and encouraged the murder
of innocent persons to support their lawless power,
and increase their wealth. And God, in righteous
judgment, left them to run into all this excess of vice

GOVEKNMENT CORRUPTED BT VICE. 59
to their own destruction, because they had forsaken
him, and were guilty of wilful inattention to the most
essential parts of that religion which had been given
them by a well-attested revelation from heaven.
The Jewish nation could not but see and feel the
unhappy consequences of so great a corruption of the
state. Doubtless, they complained much of men in
power, and very heartily and liberally reproached them
for their notorious misconduct. The public greatly
suffered, and the people groaned, and wished for bet
ter rulers and better management. But in vain they
hoped for a change of men and measures and better
times, when the spirit of religion was gone, and the
infection of vice was become universal. The whole
body being so corrupted, there could be no rational
prospect of any great reformation in the state, but
rather of its ruin ; which accordingly came on in
Jeremiah's time. Yet if a general reformation of re
ligion and morals had taken place, and they had
turned to God from all their sins — if they had again
recovered the true spirit of their religion, God, by the
gracious interpositions of his providence, would soon
have found out methods to restore the former virtue
of the state, and again have given them men of wis
dom and integrity, according to their utmost wish, to
be counsellors and judges. This was verified in fact,
after the nation had been purged by a long captivity,
and returned to their own land humbled, and filled
with zeal for God and his law.
By all this we may be led to consider the true cause
of the present remarkable troubles which are come
upon Great Britain and these colonies ; and the only
effectual remedy.

60 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
We have rebelled against God. We have lost the
true spirit of Christianity, though we retain the out
ward profession and form of it. We have neglected
and set light by the glorious gospel of our Lord Jesus
Christ, and his holy commands and institutions. The
worship of many is but mere compliment to the Deity,
while their hearts are far from him. By many the
gospel is corrupted into a superficial system of moral
philosophy, little better than ancient Platonism. And
after all the pretended refinements of moderns in the
theory of Christianity, very little of the pure practice
of it is to be found among those who once; stood fore-:
most in the profession of the gospel. In a general
view of the present moral state of Great Britain it may
be said : There is no truth, nor mercy, nor knowh
edge of God in the land. By swearing, and lying,
and killing, and stealing, and committing adultery,
their wickedness breaks out; and one murder after
another is committed, under the connivance and en
couragement even of that authority by which such
crimes ought to be punished, that the purposes of op
pression and despotism may be answered. As they
have increased, so have they sinned, therefore God is
changing their glory into shame.. The general preva
lence of vice has changed the whole face of things in
the British government.
The excellency of the constitution has been the
boast of Great Britain, and the envy of neighboring
nations. In former times the great departments of
the state, and the various places of trust and authority,
were filled with men of wisdom, honesty and religion,
who employed all their p*owers, and were ready to
risk their fortunes and their lives for the public

GOVERNMENT CORRUPTED BT VICE. 61
good. They were faithful counsellors to kings ; directed
their authority and majesty to the happiness of the
nation ; and opposed every step by which despotism
endeavored to advance. They were fathers of the
people, and sought the welfare and prosperity of the
whole body. They did not exhaust the national wealth
by luxury and bribery, or convert it to their own
private benefit, or the maintenance pf idle useless
officers and dependents ; but improved it faithfully for
the proper purposes, for the necessary support of gov
ernment, and defence of the kingdom. Their laws
were dictated by wisdom and equity; and justice was
administered with impartiality. Religion discovered
its general influence among all ranks, and kept out
great corruptions from places of power.
But in what does the British nation now glory ? In
a mere shadow of its ancient political system ? In
titles of dignity without virtue? In vast public
treasures continually lavished in corruption, till every
fund is exhausted, notwithstanding the mighty streams
perpetually flowing in ? In the many artifices to
stretch the prerogatives of the crown beyond all con
stitutional bounds, ^and make the king an absolute
monarch, while the people are deluded with a mere
phantom of liberty? What idea must we entertain
of that government, if such an one can be found, which
pretends to have made an exact counterbalance of
power between the sovereign, the nobles, and the com
mons, so that the three branches shall be an effectual
check upon each other, and the united wisdom of the
whole shall conspire to promote the national felicity ;
but which in reality is reduced to such a situation that
it may be managed at the sole will of one court favor-

62 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
ite? What difference is there betwixt one mans
choosing, at his own pleasure, by his single vote, the
majority of those who are to represent the people ; and
his purchasing in such a majority, according to his
own nomination, with money out of the public treasury,
or other effectual methods of influencing elections?
And what shall we say, if in the same manner, by
places, pensions, and other bribes, a minister of state
can at any time gain over a nobler majority likewise,
to be entirely subservient to his purposes, and more
over persuade his royal master to resign himself up
wholly to the direction of his counsels? If this should
be the case of any nation from one seven years' end to
another, the bargain and sale being made sure for
such a period, would they still have reason to boast
of their excellent constitution ? Ought they not rather
to think it high time to restore the corrupted dying
state to its original perfection ? I will apply this to
the Roman senate under Julius Csesar, which retained
all its ancient formalities, but voted always only as
Csesar dictated. If the decrees of such a senate
were urged on the Romans as fraught with all the
blessings of Roman liberty, we must suppose them
strangely deluded, if they were persuaded to believe
it. The pretence for taxing America has been that the
nation contracted an immense debt for the defence of
the American colonies; and that as they are now
able to contribute some proportion toward the dis
charge of this debt, and must be considered as part of
the nation, it is reasonable they should be taxed ; and
the Parliament has a right to tax and govern them in
all cases whatever by its own supreme authority.

GOVERNMENT CORRUPTED BT VICE. 63
Enough has been already published on this grand con
troversy, which now threatens a final separation of the
colonies from Great Britain. But can the amazing
national debt be paid by a little trifling sum squeezed
from year to year out of America, which is continually
drained of all its cash by a restricted trade with the
parent country, and which in this way is taxed to the
government of Britain in a very large proportion?
Would it not be much superior wisdom and sounder
policy for a distressed kingdom to retrench the vast
unnecessary expenses continually incurred by its
enormous vices ? To stop the prodigious sums paid in
pensions, and to numberless officers, without the least
advantage to the public ? To reduce the number of
devouring servants in the great family ? To turn their
minds from the pursuit of pleasure and the boundless
luxuries of life, to the important interests of their coun
try and the salvation of the commonwealth ? Would
not a reverend regard to the authority of divine reve
lation, a hearty belief of the gospel of the grace of
God, and a general reformation of all those vices
which bring misery and ruin, upon individuals, fami
lies, and kingdoms, and which have provoked heaven
to bring the nation into such perplexed and dangerous
circumstances, be the surest way to recover the sink
ing state, and make it again rich and flourishing?
Millions might annually be saved, if the kingdom
were generally and thoroughly reformed ; and the
public debt, great as it is, might in a few years be
cancelled by a growing revenue, which now amounts
to full ten millions per annum, without laying addi
tional burdens on any of the subjects. But the de
mands of corruption are constantly increasing, and

64 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
will forever exceed all the resources of wealth which
the wit of man can invent or tyranny impose.
Into what fatal policy has the nation been impelled
by its public vices ! To wage a cruel war with its
own children in these colonies, only to gratify the lust
of power, and the demands of extravagance ! May,
God in his mercy recover Great Britain from this fatal
infatuation ; show them their errors, and give them a
spirit of reformation, before it is too late to avert im
pending destruction. May the eyes of. the king be
opened to see the ruinous tendency of the measures
into which he has been led, and his heart inclined; to
treat his American subjects with justice and clem
ency, instead of forcing them still farther to the last
extremities ! God grant some method may be found
out to effect a happy reconciliation, so that the colonies
may again enjoy the protection of their sovereign,
with perfect security of all their natural rights, and
civil and religious liberties.
But, alas ! have not the sins of America, and of
New England in particular, had a hand in bringing
down upon us the righteous judgments of Heaven?
Wherefore is all this evil come upon us ? Is it not
because we have forsaken the Lord ? Can we say we
are innocent of crimes against God ? — No, surely ; it
becomes us to humble ourselves under his; mighty
hand, that he may exalt us in due time. However
unjustly and cruelly we have been treated by man,
we certainly deserve, at the hand of God, all the ca
lamities in which we are now involved. Have we
not lost much of that spirit of genuine Christianity
which so remarkably appeared in our ancestors, for
which God distinguished them with the. signal favors

GOVERNMENT CORRUPTED BT VICE. 65
of providence, when they fled from tyranny and perse
cution into this western desert ? Plave we not departed
from their virtues ? Though I hope and am confident
that as much true religion, agreeable to the purity and
simplicity of the gospel, remains among us as among
any people in the world, yet in the midst of the pres
ent great apostasy of the nations professing Christian
ity, have not we likewise been guilty of departing
from the living God? Have we not made light of
the gospel of salvation, and too much affected the
cold, formal, fashionable religion of countries grown
old in vice and overspread with infidelity ? Do not
our follies and iniquities testify against us? Have
we not, especially in our seaports, gone much too. far
into the pride and luxuries of life ? Is it not a fact
open to common observation, that profaneness, intem
perance, unchastity, the love of pleasure, fraud, av
arice, and other vices, are increasing among us from
year to year ? And have not even these young gov
ernments been in some measure infected with the cor
ruptions of European courts? Has there been no
flattery, no bribery, no artifices practiced, to get into
places of honor and profit, or carry a vote to serve a
particular interest, without regard to right or wrong?
Have our statesmen always acted with integrity? and
every judge with impartiality, in the fear of God ?
In short, have all ranks of men showed regard to
the divine commands, and joined to promote the Re
deemer's kingdom and the public welfare? I wish
we could more fully justify ourselves in all these re
spects. If such sins have not been so notorious
among us as in older countries, we must, nevertheless,
remember, that the sins of a people who have been

66 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
remarkable for the profession of godliness, arc more
aggravated by all the advantages and favors they
have enjoyed, and will receive more speedy and sig
nal punishment; as God says of Israel: "You only
have I known of all the families of the earth, there
fore will I punish you for all your iniquities."
The judgments now come upon us are very heavy
and distressing, and have fallen with peculiar weight
on our capital ; where, notwithstanding the plighted
honor of the chief commander of the hostile troops,
many of our brethren are still detained as if they were
captives; and those that have been released have left
the principal part of their substance, which is with
held by arbitrary orders, contrary to an express treaty,
to be plundered by the army.*
Let me address you in the words of tlie prophet —

* Soon after the battle of Lexington, General Gage stipulated with tha
select-men of Boston, that if the inhabitants would deliver up their arms,
to be deposited in Paneuil Hall, and returned when circumstances would
permit, they should have liberty to quit the town, and take with them all
their effects. They readily complied ; but soon found themselves abused.
With great difficulty, and very slowly they obtain passes; but are for
bidden to carry out any thing besides household furniture and wearing
apparel. Merchants and shopkeepers are obliged to leave behind all
their merchandise, and even their cash is detained. Mechanics are not
allowed to bring out the most necessary tools for their work. Not only
their family stores of provisions are stopped, but it has been repeatedly
and credibly affirmed, that poor women and children have had the very
smallest articles of this kind taken from them, which were necessary for
their refreshment while they tiavelled a few miles to their friends; and
that even from young children, in their mothers' arms, the cruel sol
diery have taken the morsel of bread given to prevent them from crying,
and thrown it away. How much better for the inhabitants to have re
solved, at all hazards, to defend themselves by their arms against such
an enemy, than suffer such shameful abuse !

GOVERNMENT CORRUPTED BT VICE. 61
" 0 Israel, return unto the Lord thy God, for thou hast
fallen by thine iniquity." My brethren, let us repent
and implore the divine mercy. Let us amend our
ways and our doings ; reform every thing which has
been provoking to the Most High, and thus endeavor
to obtain the gracious interpositions of Providence for
our deliverence.
If true religion is revived by means of these public
calamities, and again prevails among us ; if it appears
in our religious assemblies, in the conduct of our civil
affairs, in our armies, in our families, in all our busi
ness and conversation, we may hope for the direction
and blessing of the Most High, while we are using our
best endeavors to preserve and restore the civil gov
ernment of this colony, and defend America from
slavery. Our late happy government is changed into the
terrors of military execution. Our firm opposition to
the establishment of an arbitary system is called re
bellion, and we are to expect no mercy but by yield
ing property and life at discretion. This we are
resolved at all events not to do ; and therefore, we
have taken arms in our own defence, and all the colo
nies are united in the great cause of liberty.
But how shall we live while civil government is
dissolved ? What shall we do without counsellors
and judges? A state of absolute anarchy is dread
ful. Submission to the tyranny of hundreds of im
perious masters, firmly embodied against us, and
united in the same cruel design of disposing of our
substance and lives at their pleasure, and making
their own will our law in all cases whatever, is the
vilest slavery, and worse than death.

68 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
Thanks be to God, that he has given us, as men,
natural rights, independent of all human laws what
ever; and these rights are recognized by the grand
charter of British liberties. By the law of nature
any body of people, destitute of order and govern
ment, may form themselves into a civil society accord
ing to their best prudence, and so provide for their
common safety and advantage. When one form is
found, by the majority, not to answer the grand pur
pose in any tolerable degree, they may by common
consent put an end to it, and set up another ; only as
all such great changes are attended with difficulty,
and danger of confusion, they ought not to be at
tempted without urgent necessity, which will be de
termined always by the general voice of the wisest
and best members of the community. If the great
servants of the public forget their duty, betray their
trust and sell their country, or make war against the
most valuable rights and privileges of the people;
reason and justice require that they should be dis
carded, and others appointed in their room, without
any regard to formal resignations of their forfeited
power. It must be ascribed to some supernatural influence
on the minds of the main body of the people through
this extensive continent, that they have so universally
adopted the method of managing the important mat
ters necessary to preserve among them a free govern
ment, by corresponding committees and congresses,
consisting of the wisest and most disinterested pat
riots in America, chosen by the unbiased suffrages of
the people assembled for that purpose, in their several
towns, counties, and provinces. So general a°ree-

GOVERNMENT CORRUPTED BT VICE. 69
menty through so many provinces of so large a country,
in one mode of self-preservation, is unexampled in any
history ; and the effect has exceeded our most san
guine expectations. Universal tumults, and all the
irregularities and violence of mobbish factions, natur
ally arise when legal authority ceases. But how
little of this has appeared in the midst of the late ob
structions of civil government ! Nothing more than
what has often happened in Great Britain and Ireland,
in the face of the civil powers in all their strength-
nothing more than what is frequently seen in the
midst of the perfect regulations of the great city of
London ; and, may I not add, nothing more than has
been absolutely necessary to carry into execution the
spirited resolutions of a people too sensible to deliver
themselves up to oppression and slavery. The judg
ment and advice of the continental assembly of dele
gates have been as readily obeyed as if they were
authentic acts of a long-established Parliament. And
in every colony the votes of a congress have had equal
effect with the laws of great and general courts.
It is now ten months since Massachusetts has been
deprived of the benefit of that government which was
so long enjoyed by charter. They have had no gener
al assembly for matters of legislation and the public
revenue. The courts of justice have been shut up ;
and almost the whole executive power has ceased to
act. Yet order among the people has been remark
ably preserved; few crimes have been committed
punishable by the judge ; even former contentions
betwixt one neighbor and another have ceased ; nor
have fraud and rapine taken advantage of the imbe
cility of the civil powers.

70 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
The necessary preparations for the defence of our
liberties required not only the collected wisdom and
strength of the colony, but an immediate cheerful
application of the wealth of individuals to the public
service, in due proportion; or a taxation which de
pended on general consent. Where was the author
ity to vote, collect, or receive the large sums required,
and make provision for the utmost extremities ? A
Congress succeeded to the honors of a General Assem
bly as soon as the latter was crushed by the hand of
power. It gained all the confidence of the people.
Wisdom and prudence secured all that the laws of the
former constitution could have given. And we now ob
serve, with astonishment, an army of many thousands
of well-disciplined troops suddenly assembled, and
abundantly furnished with all the necessary supplies,
in defence of the liberties of America.
But is it proper or safe for the colony to continue
much longer in such imperfect order ? Must it not
appear rational and necessary, to every man that un
derstands the various movements requisite to good
government, that the many parts should be properly
settled, and every branch of the legislative and execu
tive authority restored to that order and vigor on which
the life and health of the body politic depend ? To
the honorable gentlemen, now met in this new con
gress as the fathers of the people, this weighty matter
must be referred. Who knows butin the midst of all the
distresses of the present war to defeat the attempts of
arbitrary power, God may in mercy restore to us our
j udges as at first, and our counsellors as at the beginning.
On your wisdom, religion, and public spirit, honored
gentlemen, we depend, to determine what may be

GOVERNMENT CORRUPTED BT VICE. 71
done as to the important matter of reviving the form
of government, and settling all the necessary affairs
relating to it in the present critical state of things,
that we may again have law and justice, and avoid
the danger of anarchy and confusion. May GOD be
with you, and by the influences of his spirit direct all
your counsels and resolutions for the glory of his
name, and the safety and happiness of this colony.
We have great reason to acknowledge with thankful
ness the evident tokens of the divine presence with
the former congress ; that they were led to foresee
present exigencies, and make such effectual provision
for them. It .is our earnest prayer to the Father of
lights, that he would irradiate your minds, make all
your way plain, and grant you may be happy instru
ments of many and great blessings to the people by
whom you are constituted, to New England, and all
the united colonies.
Let us praise our God for the advantages already
given us over the enemies of liberty ; particularly,
that they have been so dispirited by repeated experi
ence of the efficiency of our arms ; and that in the
late action at Chelsea,* when several hundreds of our
soldiery, the greater part open to the fire of so many
cannon, swivels, and muskets from a battery advan-
tngeously situated, from two armed cutters, and many
barges full of marines, and from ships of the line in
the harbor, not one man on our side was killed, and
* This action was in the night following the 27th current, after our
soldiery had been taking off the cattle from some islands in Boston
harbor. By the best information we have been able to procure, about
one hundred and five of the king's troops were killed, and one hun
dred and sixty wounded, in the engagement.

72 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
but two or three wounded; when, by the best intelli
gence, a great number were killed and wounded on
the other side, and one of their cutters was taken
and burnt, the other narrowly escaping with great
damage. If God be for us, who can be against us ? The
enemy has reproached us for calling on his name, and
professing our trust in him. They have made a mock
of our solemn fasts, and every appearance of serious
Christianity in the land. On this account, by way of
contempt, they call us saints; and, that they them
selves may keep at the greatest distance from this
character, their mouths are full of horrid blasphemies,
cursing and bitterness, and vent all the rage of malice,
and barbarity. And may we not be confident that
the Most High, who regards these things, will vindi
cate his own honor, and plead our righteous cause
against such enemies to his government, as, well as our
liberties. Oh, may our camp be. free from every ac
cursed thing ! May our land be purged from all its
sins! May we be truly a holy people, and all our
towns cities of righteousness ! Then the Lord will be
our refuge and strength, a very present help in trou
ble ; and we shall have no reason to be afraid thougli
thousands of enemies set themselves against us round
about, though all nature should be thrown into tumults
and convulsions. He can command the stars in their
courses to fight his battles, and all the elements to
wage war with his enemies. He can destroy them
with innumerable plagues, or send faintness into their
hearts, so that the men of might shall not find their
hands. In a variety of methods he can work salva
tion for us, as he did for his people in ancient days,

GOVERNMENT CORRUPTED BT VICE. 73
and according to the many remarkable deliverances
granted in former times to Great Britain and New
England, when popish machinations threatened both
countries with civil and ecclesiastical tyrany.*
May the Lord hear us in this day of trouble, and
the name of the God of Jacob defend us; send us
help from his sanctuary ; and strengthen us out of
Zion. We will rejoice in his salvation, and in the
name of our God we will set up our banners ; let us
look to Him to fulfil all our petitions.
* When we consider the late Canada Bill ; which implies not merely a
toleration of the Roman Catholic religion (which would be just and
liberal) but a firm, establishment of it through that extensive province,
now greatly enlarged to serve political purposes ; by which means mul
titudes of people, subjects of Great Britain, which" may hereafter settle
that vast country, will be tempted, by all the attachments arising from
an establishment, to profess that religion, or be discouraged from any
endeavors to propagate reformed principles ; have we not great reason to
suspect, that all late measures respecting the colonies have originated
from popish schemes of men who would gladly restore the race of Stuart,
and who look on popery as a religion most favorable to arbitrary power ?
It is plain fact, that despotism has an establishment in tjiat province
equally with the Roman Catholic Church. The governor, with a coun
cil very much under his power, has by his commission almost un
limited authority, free from the clog of representatives of the people.
However agreeable this may be to the genius of the French, English
subjects there will be discouraged from continuing in a country, where
both they and their posterity will be deprived of the greatest privi
leges of the British constitution, and in many respects feel the effects
of absolute monarchy.
Lord Littleton, in his defence of this detestable statute, frankly con
cedes, that it is an establishment of the Roman Catholic religion, and -
that part of the policy of it was to provide a check upon the New
England colonies. And the writer of an address of the people of
Great Britain to the inhabitants of America just published, expresses
himself with great precision when he says, that statute gave tolera
tion to ENGLISH subjecte.
4

JACOB DUCHE.
This gentleman is celebrated as the divine who
opened with prayer the Continental Congress of 1774.
He was born in Philadelphia about the year 1730, and
after receiving a liberal education, became rector of
the Episcopal church in his native city. While in
this position, he not only won a wide reputation as a
preacher, but gained some eminence in the field of
letters. In 177-1 he published a series of letters under
the signature of Tamoc Caspipina, bearing particu
larly upon the English politics of the day. At a late
period they were collected in a volume and- passed
through several editions. In 1776, he was appointed
Chaplain to the Congress, and while in the occupancy
of that office, he gave the salary incident to it, for
the relief of the families of Pennsylvanians killed in
battle. At an early stage of the war, however, he
manifested a decided opposition to independence, and
in a long letter endeavored to dissuade Washington
from continuing in the cause of the patriots. This act
deprived him of the confidence of his fellow-men,
and soon after he went to England, where he died in
1798. He is spoken of by his cotemporaries as a
man of brilliant talents, and an interesting orator,
possessed of fine poetical taste. His sermon given in

STANDING FAST IN OUR LIBERTIES. 75
the present collection, is an excellent specimen of his
rhetoric. It was preached in Christ Church, in Phila
delphia, on the seventh of July, 1775,. and dedicated ,
to General Washington.

THE DUTY OF STANDING FAST IN OUR LIBERTIES.
Stand fast, therefore, in the liberty wherewith Christ hath made us free.
Galatians, v. 1.
Gentlemen of the First Battalion of the Citt
and Liberties of Philadelphia : — Though I readily
accepted of the invitation with which you were
pleased to honor me, and am fully satisfied that there
can be no impropriety in complying with your request,
yet I confess, that I now feel such an uncommon de
gree of diffidence, as nothing but a sense of duty, and
a sincere sympathy with yon in your present trying
circumstances could enable me to overcome. The oc
casion is of the first importance ; the subject in a great
measure new to me — throwing myself, therefore, upon
your candor and indulgence, considering myself under
the twofold character of a minister of Jesus Christ,
and a fellow-citizen of the same state, and involved in
the same public calamity with yourselves, and looking
up for counsel and direction to the source of all wis
dom, " who giveth liberally to those that ask it," I
have made choice of a passage of Scripture, which will
give me an opportunity of addressing myself to you as
freemen, both in the spiritual and temporal sense of

76 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
the word, and of suggesting to you such a mode of
conduct, as will be- most likely, under the blessing
of Heaven, to insure to you the enjoyment of these
two kinds of liberty. " Stand fast, therefore, in the
liberty wherewith Christ hath made us free."
The inspired author of this excellent admonition was
so sensible of the invaluable blessings and comforts
that resulted from that free spirit, with which Jesus
Christ, through his ministry, had established his Gala.
tian converts, that he was jealous of the least attempt
to destroy or even obstruct in them its life-giving
operation. He could not brook the narrow spirit of
those Judaizing Christians, who, from the most selfish
and illiberal motives, sought to force a yoke upon the
necks of their Gentile brethren, which neither they
themselves, nor their fathers had been able to bear.
These Gentiles, too, he severely reproves for not main
taining their ground, and asserting their gospel free
dom against the insidious devices of their brethren, who
only wanted to bring them into servitude, " that they
might glory in their flesh." — " O foolish Galatians !
who hath bewitched you?" He ascribes their blind
ness and infatuation to some diabolical charm, which
had locked up the powers of their freeborn spirits,
and made them tamely submit to slavish carnal ordi
nances, which the gospel of Jesus had entirely ex
ploded and abolished. He reminds them, by a spirited
explication of a most striking allegory, that they were
not " children of the bond-woman, but of the free ;"
that their observance of the ceremonial law was a
tribute, which they were not bound to pay ; or, if
they should be so weak as to submit to it, that it could
not emancipate them from the bondage of earth and

standing fast in our liberties. 77
hell; but that their real freedom, their full and com
plete justification, their happiness, temporal and eter
nal, were only to be acquired by a vigorous exertion
of those spiritual powers within themselves, which
through the riches of God's free grace in Jesus Christ,
had been communicated to their souls. He concludes
this part of his address with the truly noble and
apostolic precept of my text : " Stand fast, therefore,
in the liberty wherewith Christ hath made us free."
Having thus briefly opened the occasion and mean
ing of the words, I shall proceed to show, in the first
place, what we are to understand by that spiritual
liberty " wherewith Christ hath made us free," and
what kind of conduct that must be which is here ex
pressed by the words " stand fast."
I. However severe, my dear brethren, the loss of
our temporal liberties may be, there is certainly a
bondage far more severe than this ; yea, far more
cruel, than that of Israel under their their Egyptian
taskmasters — a bondage not only to men, but to the
fallen spirits of darkness, seeking to exercise over us
a joint power and dominion with our own irregular
and corrupt passions — a bondage universal, from which
no son of Adam hath ever been exempt — a tyranny
whose baleful influences have been felt, from the fall
of man down to this very day. It has seized not only
upon the body, but upon the soul. It has erected its
throne in the heart, and from thence imposes its
arbitrary decrees. It is confined to no age or sex, no
state or condition of human life. High and low,
learned and unlearned, the savage and the sage, are
alike victims of this despotic power — alike slaves by
nature under this bondage of corruption.

78 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
It is perpetually manifesting itself under a variety
of forms, according to our prevailing desires and pur
suits. It follows us into the sanctuary of God. It
steals into our private devotions. It gives a pharisai-
cal tincture to our best good-works. It reigns as a
master and absolute sovereign in the wicked and un-
regenerate. Yea, it frequently enters the most spirit
ual and regenerate hearts in hostile form, and seeks
to shake their confidence in the goodness of their true
and rightful Sovereign, and their humble hope of de
liverance through the redeeming power of his ever-
blessed Son.
Now, who would not wish to be delivered from such
a bondage as this? And yet, my brethren, such a
wish cannot be formed till, by divine grace, the free-
born powers of the soul are brought to be sensible.of
their burden, and to groan beneath the weight of op
pression. "The whole (or they that think themselves
whole) need not a physician, but they that are sick."
Tlie madman hugs his chains, as if they were ensigns
of royalty. Insensible of his calamity, he cannot even
wish for relief.
But no sooner does the child of grace, the offspring
of heaven, come to feel the bondage of the infernal
usurper ; no sooner does he find himself harrassed and
oppressed by the obedience which he exacts to his
unrighteous laws ; no sooner is he convinced that such
an obedience must terminate in everlasting slavery
and wretchedness, than he awakens from his sleep of
security, and turns to and avails himself of that light
and strength, and spiritual courage and constancy,
which his Redeemer is ever at hand to impart, and
without which he feels himself absolutely unequal to

STANDING FAST TN OUR LIBERTIES. 79
the conflict, and incapable of extricating himself from
the ignoble servitude.
From hence, then, it appears that the liberty with
which Christ hath made us free, is nothing* less than
such a release from the arbitrary power of sin, such
an enlargement of the soul by the efficacy of divine
grace, and such a total surrender of the will and af
fections to tho influence and guidance of the divine
spirit (" for we are made a willing people in the day
of God's power"), as will enable us to live in the ha
bitual cheerful practice of every ' grace and virtue
here, and qualify us for the free, full and uninterrupt
ed enjoyment of heavenly life and liberty hereafter.
These glorious privileges being once obtained, the
sinner being once justified and adopted into the fam
ily of God, and having received the seal of his heaven
ly citizenship, the conduct recommended to him in
my text as the most effectual for the preservation of
these privileges, is here expressed by the words, " stand
fast ; " that is to say, maintain, firm and unshaken,
the ground which Christ hath given you. Be ever
vigilant and prepared, against the open or insidious
attacks of your adversary.
He is not commanded to march upon the devil's
ground, to seek out the tempter or the temptation, iH
order to make a trial of his strength, or merely that
lie may have the honor of a victory, but only to " stand
fast," to act upon the defensive, and armed at all points
with a celestial panoply, to be ready to resist and re
pel the most daring attempts of his perfidious foe ; as
well knowing, that if he suffers himself to be taken
captive, slavery and woe must be his everlasting por
tion ; but, if he comes off conqueror from the conflict,

80 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
that the life, liberty, and joys of heaven will be his
everlasting reward. Thus far have I travelled in a
well-known path, and spoken a language familiar to
most of you, and which you have long been accus
tomed to hear from this pulpit.
II. I am now to strike into another path, which,
though it may not always terminate in such glorious
scenes of never-ending felicity as the former, yet, if
steadfastly pursued, will conduct the sons of men to a
happiness, of an inferior kind indeed, but highly neces
sary to their present temporary state of existence in
this world.
If spiritual liberty calls upon its pious votaries to
extend their views far forward to a glorious hereafter,
civil liberty must at least be allowed to secure in a
considerable degree our well-being here. And I be
lieve it will be no difficult matter to prove that the
latter is as much the gift of God in Christ Jesus as the
former, and consequently, that we are bound to stand
fast in our civil as well as our spiritual freedom.
From what hath been said under my first head of
discourse, I think it must appear, that liberty, traced
to her' true source, is of heavenly extraction, that di
vine virtue is her illustrious parent, that from eternity
to eternity they have been and must be inseparable
companions, and that the hearts of all intelligent be
ings are the living temples, in which they ought to be
jointly worshipped.
We have the authority of divine revelation to assert,
that this globe of earth was once the favored spot on
which she was sent to reside, and that the first man
felt and enjoyed her divine influence within and
around him. But the same revelation tells us, what

STANDING FAST IN OUR LIBERTIES. 81
oui» own experience cannot but confirm, that when
man lost his virtue, he lost his liberty too; and from
that fatal period became subject to the bondage of
corruption, the slave of irregular passions, at war with
himself and his own species, an alien from his native
country, a sorrowful stranger and a weary pilgrim in
this world of woe.
It was not only to put him into a capacity of regain
ing his forfeited heavenly bliss, but to mitigate, like
wise, the sorrows of Bis earthly sojourn, that the ever
lasting Jesus, in and by whom God originally created
man, vouchsafed to communicate to him when fallen,
a ray of hope, a spark of heavenly light, wisdom,
power, and goodness, by which, through the effectual
workings of his grace, he might in future time inspire
him and his helpless posterity with such principles as
would lead them to know, contend for, and enjoy,
liberty, in its largest and noblest extent.
Whatever of order, truth, equity and good govern
ment is to be found among the sons of men, they are
solely indebted for to this everlasting Counsellor, this
Prince of Peace. By nature surrounded with innu
merable wants, which his own single, unassisted hand
could by no means supply, exposed to innumerable
dangers, which his utmost strength and sharpest fore
sight could not possibly ward off, it must surely have
been this wisdom of the Father that first taught man,
by social compact, to secure to himself the possession
of those necessaries and comforts which are so dear
and valuable to his natural life. And though no par
ticular mode of government is pointed out to us in His
holy gospel, yet the benevolent spirit of that gospel
is directly opposed to every other form than such as
4*

82 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS. .
has the common good of mankind for its end and
aim. Now this common good is matter of common feel
ing. And hence it is, that our best, writers, moral
and political, as. well clergy as laity, have asserted,
that true government can have no other foundation
than common consent. 'Tis the power, the wisdom,
the majesty of the people committed to one, to a few,
or to many — yea, in some hitherto favored states,: the
one, the few, and the many, hav*e been entrusted to
gether, that they might mutually control and be con
trolled by each other.
Inasmuch, therefore, as this solemn delegation was
intended for the good of the whole; inasmuch as. all
rulers are in fact the servants of the public, and ap
pointed for no other purpose than to be , " a terror to
evil-doers, and a praise to them that do well ;" when
ever this divine order is inverted, whenever these rul
ers abuse their sacred trust, by unrighteous attempts
to injure, oppress, and enslave those very persons, from
whom alone, under God, their power is derived — does
not humanity, does not reason, does not Scripture, call
upon the man, the citizen, the Christian of such a
community, to " stand fast in that liberty wherewith
Christ (in their very birth, as well as by succeeding
appointments of his Providence) hath made them
free !"
The apostle enjoins us to " submit to every ordinance
of man for the Lord's sake." But surely a submission
to the unrighteous ordinances o'f unrighteous men,
cannot be " for the Lord's sake :" for " He loveth
righteousness, and his countenance beholds the things
that are just."

STANDING FAST IN OUR LIBERTIES. 83
Possessed, therefore, of these principles — principles
upon which the present constitution of Britain was
happily settled at one of her most glorious and mem
orable eras, and upon which alone it can still be
supported ; possessed of these principles, I trust it
will be no difficult matter to satisfy your consciences
with respect to the righteousness of the cause in
which you are now engaged.
The struggle, 'tis true, is an unnatural one. The
hard necessity of standing upon our defence against
our brethren, children of the same family, educated in
the same manners*, the same religion with ourselves,
bound together by a long reciprocation of endearing
offices, by a long participation of common blessings,
and of common dangers and distresses, mutually pro
tecting and protected by each other. The hard neces
sity, I say, of defending ourselves, our just and un
doubted rights, against such unnatural adversaries,
(though sadly to be lamented, as one of the heaviest
judgments with which heaven could visit us for our
iniquities) ought not, however, to make us surrender
at discretion, or discourage us from "standing fast in
that liberty wherewith Christ (as the great providen
tial governor of the world) hath made us free !"
We venerate the parent land from whence our
progenitors came. We wish to look up to her as the
guardian, not the invader of her children's rights.
We glory in the name of children. But then we
wish to be treated as children. And children, too,
that have arrived at years of discretion. But, if we
are to judge from the late ungenerous and ill-digested
plans of policy, which, have been adopted by those
whom she ha,th entrusted with the powers of adminis-

84 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
tration, we cannot but think, that they began to be
jealous of our rising glory, and from an ill-grounded
apprehension of our aiming at independency, were
desirous of checking our growth.
Yet why this unreasonable and unrighteous jealousy ?
— We wish not to interfere with that commercial
system which they have hitherto pursued. We have
not even stretched our expectations beyond the line
which they themselves had- drawn. We wish not to
possess the golden groves of Asia, to sparkle in the
public eye with jewels torn from the brows of weeping
nabobs, or to riot on the spoils of plundered prov
inces.* We rather tremble for the parent state, and

* Here perhaps it may be objected, that the Americans do with a
very ill grace censure their English brethren, either for their iniquitous
conquests in Asia, or for the luxuries thereby introduced among them,
whilst they themselves are rioting upon the labor of thousands of their
own species, torn away from their native retreats, from their dearest re
lations and friends, and doomed to a most abject and perpetual slavery.
In answer to this objection it may be asked— where did this infamous
commerce originate? And where ie it still carried on with all the
eagerness which avarice can inspire ? "Where, but in England ?— By
what means can it be abolished? Surely by that power alone, which
America acknowledges the parent state may justly exercise over all her
dominions, viz., the power of regulating their trade.— Is it not well
known, that the legislatures of some of the colonies have done what
they could to put a stop to the importation of African slaves, by loading
it with the heaviest duties? and that others, having attempted the total
abolition of it by acts of assembly, which their governor refused to
pass, have then petitioned the parent state for new instructions to their
governors on this head, and aftes-all, have failed of success ?
It is, however, devoutly to be wished, that when a happy reconcilia
tion once takes place, this poisonous branch may entirely be shut out,
before our great commercial stream becomes so infected by the con-
tagion as to endanger the health and security of the whole empire.

STANDING FAST IN OUR LIBERTIES. 85
would fain keep off from our own borders those
luxuries, which may perhaps already have impaired
her constitutional vigor. We only wish, that what
we have, we may be able to call our own ; that those
fruits of honest industry, which our ancestors had ac
quired, or those which have been, or may be added
to them by the sweat of our own brows, should not be
wrested from us by the hand of violence, but left to
our own free disposal ; satisfied as we are in our con
sciences, that when constitutionally called upon, we
shall not give " grudgingly or of necessity," but cheer
fully and liberally.
And as to any pretensions to, or even desire of, in
dependency, have we not openly disavowed them in
all our petitions, representations, and remonstrances ?
Have we not repeatedly and solemnly professed an
inviolable loyalty to the person, power, and dignity
of our sovereign, and unanimously declared, that it is
not with him we co»tend, but with an envious cloud
of false witnesses, that surround his throne, and inter
cept the sunshine of his favor from our oppressed
land ?
If, notwithstanding all this, Britain, or rather some
degenerate sons of Britain, and enemies to our com
mon liberty, still persist in embracing delusion, and
believing a lie — if the sword is still unsheathed against
us, and submit or perish is the sanguinary decree —
why then  . I cannot close the sentence  . In
dulge a minister of Jesus ! My soul shrinks back with
horror from the tragic scene of fraternal slaughter —
and the free spirit of the citizen is arrested by the
tenderness of gospel love. Gracious God! stop the
precious effusion of British and American blood — too

86 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
precious to be spared in any other cause than the
joint interest of both against a common foe !
Pained as I am at this melancholy prospect, I mean
not, however, to decline addressing you in your mili
tary capacity, and suggesting such a conduct for the
preservation of your temporal rights as, by the bless
ing of heaven, will be most likely to insure you
success. " Stand fast," then.
I. " Stand fast" by a strong faith and dependence
upon Jesus Christ, the great Captain of your salvation.
Enlist under the banner of his cross. And let this
motto be written upon your hearts : " In hoc signo
vinces," " Under this standard thou shalt overcome."
II. " Stand fast" by a virtuous and unshaken una
nimity. Of such a unanimity yon have a most strik
ing example now before your eyes — three milliGns of
people, or a vast majority of them, bound by no other
ties than those of honor and public virtue, voluntarily
submitting to the wise political determinations of an
honorable council of delegates assembled by their own
free and unbiased choice. Avail yourselves of this
illustrious example. Be unanimous in your particu
lar department. And as one refractory spirit may
defeat the best-devised plan of operations, and throw
your whole corps into confusion, see that this unanim
ity be productive of a just and becoming subordi
nation. Remember, the gentlemen who command you are
your neighbors, friends and fellow-citizens, who have
their all at stake as well as you. Their authority has
not been imposed upon you. They were invested with
it by yourselves. 'Tis surely your part, then, to sup-

STANDING FAST IN OUR LIBERTIES. 87
port them in the just execution of it, not doubting
but that on their part they will always consider that
they are not called to lord it over mercenaries, but
affectionately to command freemen and fellow-suf
ferers. Accustom yourselves, therefore, to discipline
now, or else when the day of trial comes (which
Heaven avert !) you will too late lament your unhap
py neglect.
III. " Stand fast " by an undaunted courage and
magnanimity. And here give me leave to remind"
you that there is a kind of courage which seems to
be merely animal or constitutional. This may stand
a soldier in good stead, perhaps, for a few moments,
amid the heat and fury of a battle, when his blood
and spirits are set on fire by the warlike sound of
drums and trumpets. But I would have you pos
sessed of more than this, even a courage that will
prove you to be good Christians as well as good sol
diers; a firm, invincible fortitude of soul, founded
upon religion and the glorious hope of a better world;
a courage that will enable you not only to withstand
an armed phalanx, to pierce a squadron, or force an
intrenchment, when the cause of virtue and your
country calls you to such a service, -but will support
you likewise against the principalities and powers of
darkness, will stand by" you under the assaults of pain
and sickness, and give you firmness and consolation
amid all the horrors of a death-bed scene.
Such a courage as this, too, will always be tempered
with prudence, humanity, and greatness of soul. It
will never degenerate into savage cruelty and barbar
ity. If to spread undistinguishing ruin and devasta
tion through a country — if, with more than Gothic rage

88 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
to break into the sweet retreats of domestic felicity, and
drive the aged and the helpless from their once quiet
habitations— O my God ! if this be heroism, if this
be military virtue, suffer not our people to learn the
destructive art. Let them rather continue to be in
jured and oppressed themselves, than taught thus
wantonly to injure and oppress others. This caution,
however, is unnecessary to you. Permit me, then,
only to observe, that in our present circumstances we
contend not for victory but for liberty and peace.
Nor let me dismiss this head of advice without re
minding you of the glorious stand that hath been al
ready made for us by our northern brethren, and call
ing upon you to thank Heaven for his great and gra
cious interposition. Surely " the Lord of Hosts was
with them ;" surely " the God of Jacob was their
refuge." Drop a pious tear to the memory of the
illustrious slain, and let them yet live in the annals
of American freedom.
Lastly, " stand fast" by a steady constancy and per
severance. Difficulties unlooked for may yet arise,
and trials present themselves sufficient to shake the
utmost firmness of human fortitude. Be prepared,
therefore, for the worst. Suffer not your spirits to
evaporate by too violent an ebullition now. Be not too
eager to bring matters to ah extremity; lest, you
should be wrearied out by a continual exertion, and
your constancy should fail you at the most important
crisis. Coolly and deliberately wait for those events
which are in the hands of Providence, and depend
upon him alone for strength and expedients suited to
your necessities.
In a word, my brethren, though the worst should

STANDING FAST IN OUR LIBERTIES. 89
come — though we should be deprived of all the con
veniences and elegancies of life — though we should
be cut off from all our usual sources of commerce,
and constrained, as many of our poor brethren have
already been, to abandon our present comfortable
habitations — let us, nevertheless, " stand fast" as the
guardians of Liberty. And though we should not be
able to entertain the heaven-born maid with such
affluence and splendor as we have hitherto done,
let us still keep close to her side, as our inseparable
companion, preserve her from the violence of her ad
versaries, and, if at last necessary, be content to retire
with her to those peaceful though homely retreats of
rural life in which she was first entertained by our
venerable ancestors — determined to contend to the
very last for such an illustrious prize, and never to
part with her but for the more sure and complete en
joyment of her blessings in a world of glory.
" Now, therefore, be strong, O Zerubbabel, a,nd be
strong, 0 Joshua, the son of Josedech the high-priest,
and be strong, 0 ye counsellors, generals, and people
of the land ; for I am with you, saith the Lord of
hosts. Look unto me, and be saved, all ye ends of
the earth !" Even so grant, thou great and glorious
God, that to thee only we may look, and from thee
experience that deliverance which we ask, not for any
merits of our own, but for the sake and through the
merits of the dear Son of thy love, Christ Jesus our
Lord ! To whom, with thee, O Father, and thee, O
blessed Spirit ! three persons in one eternal God, be
ascribed all honor, praise, and dominion, now, hence
forth, and forever !

WILLIAM SMLTH, D. D.
Doctor Smith was a native of Scotland, and grad
uated at Aberdeen, in 1747. After his arrival in
America, he was for two years employed as a tutor in
the family of Colonel Martin, on Long Island. Re
visiting England, he received regular ordination in
the Episcopal Church, and in the month of May, 1754,
was placed at the head of the University of Penn
sylvania, and constituted its first Provost. Under
his administration, the institution rapidly grew into
fame, continuing in advancement, until the period of
the revolution. At that time, being suspected of views
unfavorable to a separation from Great Britain, and
being strongly attached to the Church of England,
the more ardent whigs, and some of the Presbyterians,
who were whigs to a man, determined to remove him
from office, much against the judgment of the friends
of the institution. The old provincial charter was
abrogated, a new institution was chartered by the
state legislature in 1779, and endowed with the prop
erty of the old college, and the confiscated property
of the tories. Ten years after, Doctor Smith and his
friends procured a restitution of the property of the
college to the trustees, and in 1791 an act of the
legislature was passed consolidating the two institu-

WILLIAM SMITH, D. D. 91
tions. At this time, Doctor Smith retired permanently
from the college, carrying with him the respect and
admiration of his fellow-men. He died at Philadel
phia, on the 14th of May, 1803, leaving a collection
of writings, which were published soon after. The
sermon which succeeds this sketch, was preached in
Christ Church, on the twenty-third of June, 1775. In
the Preface, the learned author says, it " was drawn up
on a few days' notice, and without any view to the
press, at the request of some of the author's worthy
friends, to whom he could refuse nothing of this kind.
At their request, it is now likewise submitted to the
public, as it was preached, without varying or sup
pressing a single sentiment or material expression;
and with the addition only of a few lines, and three or
four explanatory notes. The author considered that,
although he was called to this office by a particular
body, yet he was to address a great and mixed assem
bly of his fellow-citizens, and a number of the first
characters in America, now met in consultation, at a
most alarming crisis. Animated with the purest zeal
for the mutual interests of Great Britain and the colo
nies ; ardently panting for the return of those halcyon
days of harmony during which both countries so long
flourished together, as the glory and wonder of the
world ; he thought it his duty, with the utmost im
partiality, to attempt a statement of the unhappy con
troversy that now rends the empire in pieces ; and to
show, if peradventure he might be permitted to vouch

92 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
for his fellow-citizens, so far as he has been conversant
among them, that the idea of an independence upon
the parent country, or the least licentious opposition
to its just interests, is utterly foreign to their thoughts;
that they contend only for the sanctity of charters and
laws, together with the right of granting their own
money ; and that our rightful sovereign has nowhere
more loyal subjects, or more zealously attached to
those principles of government under which his family
inherits the throne. These, with a few things which
seemed necessary respecting the church at this time,
are the topics handled in the following sermon. If
the principles it contains are but thoroughly felt, the
reader will not regret that the limits of a single dis
course would not allow a particular application of
them."

THE CRISIS OF AMERICAN AFFAIRS.
The Lord God of gods ; the Lord God of gods, he knoweth, and
Israel he shall know, if it be in rebellion, or if in transgression against ihe
Lord, save us not this day. — Joshua, xxii. 22.
These words, my brethren, will lead us into a train of
reflections wholly suitable to the design of our present
meeting; and I must beg your indulgence till I ex
plain, as briefly as possible, the solemn occasion on
which they were first delivered, hoping the applica
tion I may afterward make of them, may fully reward
your attention.

THE CRISIS OF AMERICAN AFFAIRS. 93
The two tribes of Reuben and of Gad, and the half-
tribe of Manasseh, had chosen their inheritance on the
eastern side of Jordan, opposite to the other tribes of
Israel. And although they knew that this situation
would deprive them of some privileges which remained
with their brethren on the other side, and particularly
that great privilege of having the place of the altar
and tabernacle of God among them ; yet, as the land
of Canaan was judged too small for all^he twelve
tribes, they were contented with the possessions they
had chosen. And thus they spoke to Moses : " It is a
land of cattle, and thy servants have much cattle,
wherefore, if we have found grace in thy sight, let
this land be given to us for a possession, and we will
build sheepfolds here for our cattle, and cities for our
little ones ; and we ourselves will go ready armed
before our brethren, the children of Israel — and will
not return into our houses, until we have inherited
every man his inheritance." And Moses said unto
them : " If you will do this thing, and will go all of
you armed over Jordan before the Lord, until he have
driven out his enemies from before him ; and the land
(of Canaan) be subdued (for your brethren) ; then
afterward ye shall return, and this land (of Gilead)
shall be your possession before the Lord."*
This, then, was the great original contract, under
which these two tribes and a half were allowed to
separate from the rest, and to dwell on the other side
of Jordan. They were to assist their brethren in their
necessary wars, and to continue under one govern
ment with them, even that of the great Jehovah him-
* Numbers, xxxii.

94 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
self, erecting no separate altar, but coming to perform
their sacrifices at that one altar of Shiloh, where the
Lord had vouchsafed to promise his special presence.
Though this subjected them to inconveniences, yet,
as uniformity of worship and the nature of their theoc
racy required it, they adhered faithfully to their con
tract. In the fear of God, they bowed themselves at his
altar, although not placed in their own land, and, in
love to their brethren, they supported them in their
wars, "till there stood not a man of all their enemies
before them ; " and at last Joshua, their great leader,
having no farther need of their assistance, gave them
this noble testimony— that they had in all things
obeyed his voice as their general, and faithfully per
formed all that they had promised to Moses the ser
vant of God. Wherefore he blessed them,: and dis
missed them to return to their own land " with much
riches, and with cattle, and with silver, and with gold,
and with much raiment."
No sooner, therefore, had they ; entered their own
country, than in the fulness of gratitude, on the- banks
of Jordan, at the common passage, over against Car
naan, they built a high or great altar, that it might
remain an eternal monument of their being of one
stock, and entitled to the same civil and religious priv
ileges with their brethren of the other tribes.
But this their work of piety and love, was directly
misconstrued. The cry was immediately raised against
them. The zealots of that day scrupled not to de-
clare them rebels against the living God, violators of
his sacred laws and theocracy, in setting up an altar
against his holy altar ; and therefore the whole con-

THE CRISIS OF AMERICAN AFFAIRS. 95
gregations of the brother-tribes that dwelt in Canaan,
gathered themselves together, to go up to war against
their own flesh and blood ; in a blind transport of un
righteous zeal, purposing to extirpate them from the
face of the earth, as enemies to God and the common
wealth of Israel !
In that awful and important moment (and oh, my
God, that the example could be copied among the
brother-tribes of our Israel in the parent land !) I say,
in that awful and important moment, some milder and
more benevolent men that were, whose zeal did not so
far transport them, but that, before they • unsheathed
the sword to plunge it with unhallowed hand into the
bowels of their brethren, they thought it justice first
to inquire into the truth of the charge against them.
And, for the glory of Israel, this peaceable and prudent
council prevailed.
A most solemn embassy was prepared, at the head
of which was a man of sacred character and venerable
authority, breathing the dictates of religion and hu
manity — Phineas, the son of Eleazer the high-priest,
accompanied with ten other chiefs or princes, one
from each of the nine tribes as well as from the re
maining half tribe of Manasseh.
Great was the astonishment of the Gileadites* on
receiving this embassy, and hearing the charge against
them. But the power of conscious innocence is above
all fear, and the language of an upright heart superior
to all eloquence. By a solemn appeal to Heaven for
the rectitude of their intentions, unpremeditated and
* The two tribes and a half are here briefly and generally denominat
ed Gileadites, from the name of the land they had chosen.

96 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
vehement, in the words of my text, they disarmed
.their brethren of every suspicion— " The Lord God
of gods," say they (in the fervency of truth, repeating
the invocation)—" the Lord God of gods"— he that
, made the heavens and the earth— who searcheth the
hearts, and is acquainted with the most secret thoughts
of all men — " He knoweth, and all Israel shall know,"
by our constancy in the religion of our fathers, that
this charge against us is utterly false.
Then, turning from their brethren, with unspeakable
dignity of soul and clearness of conscience, they ad
dress the Almighty Jehovah himself — " 0 thou
Sovereign Ruler of the universe, our God and our
fathers' God, if it be in rebellion or in transgression
against thee that we have raised this monument of our
zeal for the commonwealth of Israel, save us not this
day ! If the most distant thought has entered our
hearts of erecting an independent altar ; if we have
sought, in one instance, to derogate from the glory of
that sacred altar which thou hast placed among our
brethren beyond Jordan, as the common bond of
union and worship among all the tribes of Israel, let
not this day's sun descend upon us, till thou hast
made us a monument of thine avenging justice, in the
sight of the surrounding worlds !"
After this astonishing appeal to the great God of
heaven and earth, they proceed to reason with their
brethren ; and tell them that, so far from intending a
separation either in government or religion, this altar
was built with a direct contrary purpose — " That it
might be a witness between us and you, and our gen
erations after us ; that your children may not say to
our children in time to come, ye have no part in the

THE CRISIS OF AMERICAN AFFAIRS. 97
Lord." We were afraid lest in some future age, when
our posterity may cross Jordan, to offer sacrifices in
the place appointed, your posterity may thrust them
from the altar, and tell them, that because they live
not in the land where the Lord's tabernacle dwelleth,
they are not of his people nor entitled to the Jewish
privileges. But while this altar stands, theyshall always have
an answer ready. They will be able to say : " Behold
the pattern of the altar of the Lord which our fathers
made." If our fathers had not been of the seed of
Israel, they would not have fondly copied your cus
toms and models. You would not have beheld in
Gilead, an altar in all things an imitation of the true
altar of God, which is in Shiloh ; except only that ours
is an high " or great altar to see" from far. And this
may convince you that it was not intended as an altar
of sacrifice (for then it would have been but three
cubits in height, as our law directs), but as a monumen
tal altar, to instruct our generations forever, that they
are of the same pedigree with yourselves, and entitled
to the same civil and religious privileges.
This noble defence wrought an immediate reconcilia
tion among the discordant tribes. " The words (when
reported) pleased the children of Israel — they blessed
God together" for preventing the effusion of kindred
blood, " and did not go up to destroy the land where
their brethren, the children of Reuben* and Gad
dwelt."

* Though for brevity, the sacred text in this and other places, only
mentions Reuben and Gad, yet the half-tribe of Manasseh is also sup
posed to be included.
5

98 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
The whole history of the Bible cannot furnish a pas
sage more instructive than this to the members of a
great empire, whose dreadful misfortune it is to have
the evil demon of civil or religious discord gone forth
among them. And would to God, that the applica
tion I am now to make of it could be delivered in
accents louder than thunder, till they have pierced the
ear of every Briton ; and especially their ears who
have meditated war and destruction against their
brother tribes of Reuben and Gad, in this our Ameri
can Gilead. And let me add — would to God too,
that we, who this day consider ourselves in the place
of those tribes, may, like them, be still able to lay our
hands on our hearts in a solemn appeal to the God
of gods, for the-rectitude of our intentions toward the
whole commonwealth of our British Israel. For,
called to this sacred place on this great occasion, I
know it is your wish that I should stand superior to all
partial motives, and be found alike unbiased by favor
or by fear. And happy it is that the parallel now to
be drawn, requires not the least sacrifice either of
truth or virtue.
Like the tribes of Reuben and Gad, we have chosen
our inheritances in a land separated from that of our
fathers and brethren, not indeed by a small river, but
an immense ocean. This inheritance we likewise hold
by a plain original contract, entitling us to all the
natural and improvable advantages of our situation,
and to a community of privileges with our brethren,
in every civil and religious aspect ; except in this, that
the throne or seat of empire, that great altar at which
the men* of this world bow, was to remain among
them.

THE CRISIS OF AMERICAN AFFAIRS. 99
Regardless of this local inconvenience, uncanKered
by jealousy, undepressed by fear, and ceitiented by
mutual love and mutual benefits, we trod the path of
glory with our brethren for a hundred years and
more — enjoying a length of felicity scarce ever expe
rienced by any other people. Mindful of the hands
that protected us in our youth, and submitting to
every just regulation for appropriating to them the
benefit of our trade — our wealth was poured in upon
them from ten thousand channels, widening as they
flowed, and making their poor to sing, and industry
to smile, through every corner of their land. And as
often as dangers threatened, and the voice of the
British Israel called our brethren to the field, we left
them not alone, but shared their toils, and fought by
their side, " till there stood not a man of all their
enemies before them." Nay, they themselves testi
fied on our behalf, that in all things we not only
did our part, but more than our part, for the common
good, and they dismissed us home loaded with silver
and with gold* in recompense for our extraordinary
services. So far you see the parallel holds good. But what
high altars have we built to alarm our British Israel;
and why have the congregations of our brethren
gathered themselves together against us ? Why do
their embattled hosts already cover our plains? Will
they not examine our case, and listen to our plea ?
" The Lord God of gods — he knows," and the whole

* The parliamentary reimbursements for our exertions in the French
war; similar to what Joshua gave the two tribes and half on the close
ol his wars.

100 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
surrounding world shall yet know, that whatever
American»altars we have built, far from intending to
dishonor, have been raised with an express view to
perpetuate, the name and glory of that sacred altar,
and seat of empire and liberty, which we left behind
us, and wish to remain eternal among our brethren, iu
the parent land.
Esteeming our relation to them our greatest felicity ;
adoring the Providence that gave us the same pro
genitors ; glorying in this, that when the new world
was to be portioned out among the kingdoms of the
old, the most important part of this continent fell to
the sons of a Protestant and free nation ; desirous
of worshipping forever at the same altar with them ;
fond of their manners, even to excess ; enthusiasts to
that sacred plan of civil and religious happiness, for
the preservation of which they* have sacrificed from
age to age ; maintaining, and always ready to main
tain, at the risk of every thing that is dear to us, the
most unshaken fidelity to our common sovereign, as
the great centre of our union, and guardian of our
mutual rights ; I say, with these principles and these
views, we thought it our duty, to build up American
altars, or constitutions, as nearly as we could; upon
the great British model.
Having never sold onr birthright, we considered
ourselves entitled to the privileges of our father's
house — "to enjoy peace, liberty and safety;" to be
governed, like our brethren, by our own laws, in all
matters properly affecting ourselves, and to offer up
our own sacrifices at the altar of British empire;
contending that a forced devotion is idolatry, and
that no power on earth has a right to come in between

THE CRISIS OF AMERICAN AFFAIRS. 101
us and a gracious sovereign, to measure forth our
loyalty, or to grant our property, without our con
sent. These are the principles we inherited from Britons
themselves. Could we depart from them, we should
be deemed bastards 'and not sons, aliens and not
brethren. The altars, therefore, which we have built are not*
high or rival altars to create jealousy, but humble
monuments of our union and love, intended to luring
millions yet unborn from every corner of this vast
continent, to bend at the great parent-altar of British
liberty, venerating the country from which they
sprung, and pouring their gifts into her lap when
their countless thousands shall far exceed hers.
It was our wish that there should be an eternal
" witness between our brethren and us," that if at any
future period, amid the shifting scenes of human in
terests and human affections, their children should
say to our children : " Ye have no portion in the birth
right of Britons," and so seek to push them from the
common shrine of freedom, when they come to pay
their homage there ; they might always have an an
swer ready : " Behold the pattern of the altar which
our fathers built ; behold your own religious, and civil
institutions, and then examine the frames of govern
ment and systems of laws raised by our fathers in
*-In this respect our plea is even stronger than that of the two tribes
and a half. Por, till an explanation was given, the height of their al
tar, like those of the heathen, who loved to sacrifice on lofty places,
might create a suspicion of their lapsing into idolatry; either intending
to worship other gods, or the God of Israel in an unlawful place and
manner. — Bishop Patrick.

102 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
every part of America!" Could these have been
such exact copies of your own, if they had not inher
ited the same spirit and sprung from the same stock
with yourselves ?
Thus far you see the parallel yet holds good, and I
think, cannot be called a perversion of my text ; if
you will allow that the supreme power of an empire,
whether theocratical, monarchical, or howsoever dis
tributed, may be represented under the figure of one
common altar, at which the just devotion of all the
subjects is to be paid. But it is said that we have of
late departed from our former line of duty, and re
fused our homage at the great altar of British empire.
And to this it has been replied that the very refusal
is the strongest evidence of our veneration for the
altar itself. Nay, it is contended by those charged
with this breach of devotion, that when, in the shape
of unconstitutional exactions, violated rights and mu
tilated charters, they were called to worship idols in
stead of the true divinity, it was in a transport of holy
jealousy that they dashed them to pieces, or whelmed
them to the bottom of the ocean.
This is, in brief, the state of the argument on each
side. And hence, at this dreadful moment, ancient
friends and brethren stand prepared for events of the
most tragic nature.
Here the weight of my subject almost overcomes
me; but think not that I am going to damp that no
ble ardor which at this instant glows in every bosom
present. Nevertheless, as from an early acquaintance
with many of you, I know that your principles are
pure, and your humanity only equalled by your trans
cendent love of your country, I am sure you will in-

THE CRISIS OF AMERICAN AFFAIRS. 103
dulge the passing tear, which a preacher of the gospel
of love must now shed over the scenes that lie before
us. Great and deep distress about to pervade every
corner of our land ! millions to be called from their
peaceful labors by the sound of the trumpet, and the
alarm of war! Garments rolled in blood, and even
victory itself only yielding an occasion to weep over
friends and relatives slain! These are melancholy
prospects ; and therefore you will feel with me the diffi
culties I now labor under — forsaken by my text, and
left to lament alone, that in the parent land no Phineas
has prevailed ; no embassy* of great or good men has
been raised, to stay the sword of destruction, to exam
ine into the truth of our case, and save the effusion
of kindred blood. I am left to lament that, in this
sad instance, Jewish tenderness has put Christian
benevolence to shame. " Our brethren, the house of
our fathers, even they have called a multitude against
us. Had an enemy thus reproached us, then perhaps
we might have borne it. But it was you, men our
equals, our guides, our acquaintance, with whom we
took sweet council, and walked together unto the house
of God." Or had it been for any essential benefit to
the commonwealth at large, we would have laid our
hands on our mouths, and bowed obedience with our
usual silence. But for dignity and supremacy ! What
* It is acknowledged with gratitude that many great and exalted
characters have plead the cause of America; and, previous to all coercive
measures, advised an inquiry or hearing, similar to that for which
Phineas was appointed. What is here lamented, and will be long
lamented, is that this council could not take place. If brethren could
come together in suclj a temper as this, the issue could not fail to be
for their mutual glory and mutual happiness.

104 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
are they when set in opposition to common utility,
common justice, and the whole faith and spirit of the
constitution ? True dignity is to govern freemen, not
slaves; and true supremacy is to excel in doing good.
It is time, and, indeed, more than time, for a great
and enlightened people to make names bend to things,
and ideal honor to practical safety. Precedents and
indefinite claims are surely things too nugatory to
convulse a mighty empire. Is there no wisdom, no
great and liberal plan of policy, to reunite its memr
bers, as the sole bulwark of liberty and Protestant
ism ; rather than by their deadly strife to increase the
importance of those states that are foes to freedom,
truth and humanity ? To devise such a plan, and to
behold British colonies spreading over this immense
continent, rejoicing in the common rights of freemen,
and imitating the parent state in every excellence, is
more glory than to hold lawless dominion over all the
nations on the face of the earth.
But I will weary you no longer with fruitless lamen
tations concerning things that might be done. The
question now is — since they are not done, must we
tamely surrender any part of our birthright, or of that
great charter of privileges, which we not only claim
by inheritance, but by the express terms of our colo
nization? I say, -God forbid ! For here, in particular,
I wish to speak so plain that neither my own prin
ciples nor those of the church to which I belong may
be misunderstood.
Although, in the beginning of this great contest, we
thought it not our duty to be forward in widening the
breach, or spreading discontent — although it be our
fervent desire to heal the wounds of the public, and

THE CRISIS OF AMERICAN AFFAIRS. 105
to show, by our temper, that we seek not to distress,
but to give the parent states an opportunity of saving
themselves, and saving us before it be too late; never
theless, as we know that our civil and religious rights'
are linked together in one indissoluble bpnd, we neither
have, nor seek to have, any interest separate from that
of our country ; nor can we advise a desertion of its
cause. Religion and liberty must flourish or fall
together in America. We pray that both may be per
petual. A continued submission to violence is no tenet of
our church. When her brightest luminaries, near a
century past, were called to propagate the court doc
trine of a dispensing power above law, did they treach
erously cry, " Peace, peace, when there was no peace?"
Did they not magnanimously set their foot upon the
line of the constitution, and tell majesty to its face,
that " they could not betray tho public liberty," and
" that the monarch's only safety consisted in " govern
ing according to the laws ?" Did not their example,
and consequent sufferings, kindle a flame that illumi
nated the land, and introduced that noble system of
public and personal liberty secured by the revolution ?
Since that period, have not the. avowed principles of
our greatest divines been against raising the church
above the state — jealous of the national rights, reso
lute for the Protestant succession, favorable to the re
formed religion, and desirous to maintain the faith of
toleration ? If exceptions have happened, let no so
ciety of Christians stand answerable for the deviations
or corruptions of individuals.
The doctrine of absolute non-resistance has been
fully exploded among every virtuous people. The
5*

106 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
freeborn .soul revolts against it, and must have been
long debased, and have drank in the last dregs of
corruption, before it can brook the idea "that a
whole people injured may, in no case, recognize their
trampled majesty." But to draw the line, and say
where submission ends and resistance begins, is not the
province of the ministers of Christ, who has given no*
rule in this matter, but left it to the feelings and con
sciences of the injured. For when pressures and
sufferings come, when the weight of power grows
intolerable, a people will fly to the constitution for
shelter ; and, if able, will resume that power which
they never surrendered, except as far as it might be
exercised for the common safety. Pulpit casuistry
is too feeble to direct or control here. God, in his
own government of the world, never violates free
dom ; and his Scriptures themselves would be disre
garded, or considered as perverted, if brought to belie
his voice, speaking in the hearts of men.
Tlie application of these principles, my brethren, is
* Doctor Smith, in a sermon first published in 1155, on 1 Peter, ii.
11, delivered his sentiments fully on this point — in the following words,
viz. ; " It would be absurd to argue, as some have done, that the apostle
here meant to enjoin a continued submission to violence. The love of
mankind, and the fear of God, those very principles from which we trace
the divine original of just government, will lead us, by all probable
means, to resist every attempt to- enslave the freeborn soul, and oppose
the righteous will of God by defeating the happiness of men. Resist
ance, however, is to be a last resource, and none but the majority of a
whole people, can determine in what cases it is necessary. In the
Scriptures, therefore, obedience is rightly inculcated in general terms.
Por a people may sometimes imagine grievances they do not feel, but
will never miss to feel and complain of them where they really are, un
less their minds have been gradually prepared for slavery by absurd
tenets."

THE CRISIS OF AMERICAN AFFAIRS. 107
now easy, and must be left to your own consciences
and feelings. You are now engaged in one of the
grandest struggles to which freemen can be called.
You are contending for what you conceive to be your
constitutional rights, and for a final settlement of the
terms upon which this country may be perpetually
united to the parent state.
Look back, therefore, with reverence look back, to
the times of ancient virtue and renown. Look back
to the mighty purposes which your fathers had in
view when they traversed a vast ocean and planted
this land. Recall to your minds their labors, their
toils, their perseverance, and let their divine spirit
animate you in all your actions.
Look forward also to distant posterity. Figure to
yourselves millions and millions to spring from your
loins, who may be born freemen or slaves, as Heaven
shall now approve or reject your councils. Think
that on you it may depend, whether this great coun
try, in ages hence, shall be filled and adorned with a
virtuous and enlightened people ; enjoying liberty and
all its concomitant blessings, together with the religion
of Jesus, as it flows uncorrupted from his holy oracles ;
or covered with a race of men more contemptible
than the savages that roam the wilderness, because
they once knew the things which belonged to their
happiness and peace, but suffered them to be " hid
from their eyes."
And while you thus look back to the past, and for
ward to the future, fail not, I beseech you, to look up
to the God of gods — the rock of your salvation. As
the clay in the potter's hands, so ,are the nations in
the hands of him, the everlasting Jehovah ! He lift-

108 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
eth up, and he casteth down— he resisteth, the proud,
and giveth grace to the. humble — he will keep the feet
of his saints — the wicked shall be silent in darkness,
and by strength shall no man prevail.
The bright prospects of the gospel; a thorough
veneration of the Saviour of the world ; a conscientious
obedience to his divine laws ; faith in his promises ;
and the steadfast hope of immortal life through him ;
these only can support a man in all times of adversity
as well as prosperity. You might more easily " strike
fire out of ice," than stability or magnanimity out of
crimes. But the good man, he who is at peace with
the God of all peace, will know no fear but that of
offending him, whose hand can cover the righteous,
" so that he needs not fear the arrow that flieth by
night nor the destruction that wasteth at noonday ; for
a thousand shall fall beside him, and ten thousand at
his right hand, but it shall not come nigh to him ; for
he shall give his angels charge over him to keep him
in all his ways."
On the omnipotent God, therefore, through his
blessed Son, let your strong confidence be placed ; but
do not vainly expect that every day will be to you a
day of prosperity or triumph. Th e ways of Providence
lie through mazes too intricate for human penetra
tion. Mercies may often be held forth to us in the
shape of sufferings ; and the vicissitudes of our fortune;
in building up this American fabric of happiness and
glory, may be various and checkered.
But let not this discourage you, yea, rather let it
animate you with a holy fervor, a divine enthusiasm,
ever persuading yourselves that the cause of virtue
and freedom is the cause of God upon earth ; and that

THE CRISIS OF AMERICAN AEFAIRS. 109
the whole theatre of human nature does not exhibit a
more august spectacle than a number of freemen in
dependence upon Heaven, mutually binding themselves
to encounter every difficulty and danger in support of
their native and constitutional rights, and for trans
mitting them holy and unviolated to their posterity.
It was this principle that inspired the heroes of an
cient times ; that raised their names to the summit of
renown, and filled all succeeding ages with their un
spotted praise. It is this principle too that must ani
mate your conduct, if you wish your names to reach
future generations, conspicuous in the roll of glory ;
and so far as this principle leads you, be prepared to
follow, whether to life or to death.
While you profess yourselves contending for liberty,
let it be with the temper and dignity of freemen, un
daunted and firm, but without wrath or vengeance,
so far as grace may be obtained to assist the weakness
of nature. Consider it as a happy circumstance, if
such a struggle must have happened, that God hath
been pleased to postpone it to a period when our
country is adorned with men of enlightened zeal ;
when the arts and sciences are planted among us to
secure a succession of such men — when our morals are
not far tainted by luxury, profusion or dissipation —
when the principles that withstood oppression in the
brightest era of the English history, are ours as it
were by peculiar inheritance; and when we stand
upon our own ground, with all that is dear around us
animating us to every patriotic exertion. Under such
circumstances and upon such principles, what wonders,
what achievements of true glory, have npt been per
formed ?

110 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
For my part, I have long been possessed with a strong
and even enthusiastic persuasion, that Heaven has
great and gracious purposes toward this continent,
which no human power or human device shall be able
finally to frustrate. Illiberal or mistaken plans of
policy may distress us for a while, and perhaps sorely
check our growth ; but if we maintain our own virtue ;
if we cultivate the spirit of liberty among our children ;
if we guard against the snares of luxury, venality and
corruption, the genius of America will still rise trium
phant, and that with a power at last too mighty for op
position. This country will be free — nay, for ages to
come a chosen seat of freedom, arts, and heavenly
knowledge, which are now either drooping or dead in
most countries of the old world.
To conclude, since the strength of all public bodies,
under God, consists in their union ; bear with each
other's infirmities, and even varieties of sentiments, in
things not essential to the main point. The tempers
of men are cast in various moulds. Some are quick
and feelingly alive in all their mental operations, es
pecially those which relate to their country's weal, and
are therefore ready to burst forth into flame upon
every alarm. Others again, with intentions alike
pure, and a clear unquenchable love of their country,
too steadfast to be damped by the mists of prejudice, or,
worked into conflagration by the rude blasts of passion,
think it their duty to weigh consequences, and to de
liberate fully upon the probable means of obtaining
public ends. Both these kinds of men should bear with
each other ; for both are friends to their country.
One thing further let me add, that without order
and just subordination there can be no union in public

THE CRISIS OF. AMERICAN AFFAIRS. Ill
bodies ; however much you may be equals on other
occasions, yet all this must cease in an united and
associated capacity ; and every individual is bound to
keep the place and duty assigned him by ties far more
powerful over a man of virtue and honor, than all the
other ties which human policy can contrive. It had
been better never to have lifted a voice in your coun
try's cause, than to betray it by want of union ; or to
leave worthy men, who have embarked their all for the
common good, to suffer or to stand unassisted. „
Lastly, by every method in your power, and in
every possible case, support the laws of your country.
In a contest for liberty, think what a crime it would
be to suffer a freeman to be -insulted or wantonly in
jured in his liberty, so far as by your means -it may
be prevented.
Thus animated and thus acting, we may then sing
with the prophet : " Fear not, O land ! be glad and
rejoice, for the Lord will do great things. Be not
afraid, ye beasts of the field, for the pastures of the
wilderness do spring. The tree beareth her fruit, the
fig-tree and the vine yield their fruit."
Thus animated and thus acting, we may likewise
pray with the prophet : " 0 Lord, be gracious unto
us, we have waited for thee. Be thou our arm every
morning, our salvation also in time of trouble. Some
trust in chariots and some in horses, but we will re
member the name of the Lord our God. O thou hope
of Israel, the Saviour thereof in time of need ; thou art
in the midst of us, and we are called by thy name.
Leave us not. Give us one heart and one way, that
we may fear thee forever, for the good of ourselves
and our children after us. We looked for peace, but

112 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
no good came ; and for a time of health, but behold
we are in trouble. Yet will we trust in the Lord for
ever ; for in the Lord Jehovah is everlasting strength.
He will yet bind up the broken-hearted, and comfort
those.that mourn ;" even so, O our God, do thou com
fort and relieve them, that so the bones which thou
hast broken may yet rejoice. Inspire us with a high
and commanding sense of the value of our constitu
tional rights ; may a spirit of wisdom and virtue be
poured down upon us all; and may our representa
tives, those who are delegated to devise and appointed
to execute public measures, be directed to such as
thou in thy sovereign goodness shall be pleased to ren
der effectual for the salvation of a great empire, and
reuniting all its members in one sacred bond of har
mony and public happiness.! Grant this, O Father,
for thy son Jesus Christ's sake ; to whom, with thee
and the Holy Spirit, one God, be glory, honor and
power, now and forever ! Amen.

JOHN JOACHIM ZUBLY.
This distinguished man was born at Saltzburg, in
Switzerland. He arrived in America in 1760, and
became the first minister of the Presbyterian church
in Savannah, where he preached to an English and
German congregation, in their respective languages,
and sometimes to another congregation in French.
He possessed a vigorous mind, and was a man of
erudition and piety. At the commencement of the
revolution he took an active part with the sons of
liberty, and in 1775 became a member of the first
Provincial Congress of Georgia. In this position he
exercised a marked influence. He strongly advo
cated colonial liberty, and as strongly discounte
nanced the independence of the colonies. He was
appointed a member of the Continental Congress, but
differing with most of that body upon the subject of
a separation from the crown, he suddenly left Phila
delphia, and became an earnest advocate of the
English ministry. He was accused of treasonable
correspondence with Sir James Wright, and, on his
return to Savannah, to avoid the indignation of the
people, he was for some time concealed in the cellar
of a whig lady friend.
In the ministry, Doctor Zubly labored with the

114 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
greatest zeal. His publications are not numerous,
but are distinguished for learning and power. He
died in July, 1781.

So speak ye, and so do, as they that shall be judged by the law of liberty.
James, ii. 12.
There was a time when there was no king in
Israel, and every man did what was good in his own
eyes. The consequence was a civil war in -the nation,
issuing in the ruin of one of the tribes, and a consid
erable loss to all the rest.
And there was a tifne when there was a king in
Israel, and he also did what was right in his own
eyes — a foolish son of a wise father; his own im
prudence, the rashness of his young counsellors, his
unwillingness to redress the grievances of the nation,
and the harsh treatment he gave to those who applied
for relief, also brought on a civil war, and issued in
the separation of the ten tribes from the house of
David. He sent his treasurer to gather an odious
duty or tribute, but tlie children of Israel stoned him
that he died ; and when he gathered on$ hundred and
fourscore thousand men, that he might bring again
the kingdom into Roboam, God sent him a message,
" Ye shall not go up, nor fight against your brethren ;
* This sermon was preached at the opening of the Provincial Con
gress of Georgia, in 1775, and was published with a dedication to the
Earl of Dartmouth.

THE LAW OF LIBERTY. 115
return every man to his house, for this thing is done
of me." God disapproved of the oppressive measures
and ministry of Roboam, and that king's army ap
pears more ready to obey the command of their God,
than slay their brethren by orders of a tyrant. "They
obeyed the voice of the Lord, and returned from going
against Jeroboam."
The things that happened before are written for our*
learning. By comparing past times and proceedings
with these that are present, prudence will point out
many salutary and religious lessons. The conduct of
Roboam verities the lamentation of his father, " Woe
to thee, 0 land, when thy king is a child." A very
small degree of justice and moderation might have
preserved his kingdom, but he thought weapons of
war better than wisdom ; he hearkened not, neither to
the people, nor to some of his more faithful counsel
lors ; and the consequence was, that, instead of enslav
ing the ten tribes who stood up for their liberty, God
gave Judah to be servants to the king of Egypt, that
they might learn the difference between his service
and the service of the kingdoms of the nations. A
people that claim no more than their natural rights,
in so doings do nothing displeasing unto God ; and the
most powerful monarch that would deprive his sub
ject of the liberties of man, whatever may be his suc
cess, he must not expect the approbation of God, and
in due time will be the abhorrence of all men.
In a time of public and general uneasiness, it be
hooves both superiors and inferiors to consider. It is
easy to extinguish a spark ; it is folly to blow up dis
content into a blaze ; the beginning of strife is like the
letting out of waters, and no man may know where it

116 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
will end. There is a rule given to magistrates and
subjects, which, if carefully attended to, would secure
the dignity and safety of both ; but which, if not duly
regarded, is usually attended with the worst conse
quences. The present, my hearers, will easily be
allowed is a day of trouble, and surely in this day of
adversity we ought to consider. When a people think
•themselves oppressed, and in danger, nothing can be
more natural than that they should inquire into the
real state of things, trace their grievances to their
source, and endeavor to apply the remedies which are
most likely to procure relief. This I take to be the
design of the present meeting of persons deputed from
every part of the country ; and as they have thought
proper to open and begin their deliberations with a
solemn address unto God, and the consideration of his
holy word, I most cheerfully comply with their request
to officiate on this occasion; and shall endeavor, as I
may be enabled, to point out such directions from the
holy Scriptures as may make us wise in the knowledge
of time, and direct us how to carry ourselves worthy of
the character of good subjects and Christians : what
ever may be necessary for this purpose, I take to be
comprehended in the apostolic rule, which I have
laid down as the subject of this discourse : " So speak,
and so do, as they that shall be judged by the law of
liberty." There are two things which properly come
before us, viz. :
I. That we are to be judged by the law of liberty ;
and II. The exhortation to act worthily, and under the
influence of this important truth on every occasion.
A law is a rule of behavior made under proper

THE LAW OF LIBERTY. 117
authority, and with penalties annexed suitable to deter
the transgressions. As all laws suppose man to be in
a social state, so all laws ought to be made for the good
of man — a law that is not made by such as have au
thority for so doing, is of no force ; and if authority
makes laws destructive in themselves, no authority
can prevent things from finally taking their natural
course. Wherever there is society, there must also be law ;
it is impossible that society should subsist without it.
The will, minds, tempers, dispositions, views, and in
terests of men, are so very different, and sometimes
so opposite, that without law, which cements and binds
allj every thing would be in endless disorder and eon-
fusion. All laws usually wear the complexion of those
by whomf they were made ; but it cannot be denied
that some bad men, from a sense of necessity, have
made good laws ; and that some good men, from mis
take, or other weaknesses, have enacted laws bad in
themselves, and pernicious in their consequences.
All human laws partake of human imperfection ;
it is not so with the laws of God : he is perfect, and
so are all his works and wTays. " The law of the
Lord is perfect, converting the soul. The testimony
_of the Lord is sure, making wise the simple. The
statutes of the Lord are right, rejoicing the heart.
The commandment of the Lord is pure, enlightening
the eyes. All his judgments are truth, and righte
ousness altogether."
Among men every society and country has its own
laws and form of government, which may be very
different, and cannot operate beyond their limits ; but
those laws and that form of government are undoubt-

118 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
edly best which have the greatest tendency to make
all those that live under them secure and happy.
As soon as we consider man as formed into society,
it is evident that the safety* of the whole must be the
grand law which must influence and direct every
other ; men did not pass from a state of nature into a
state of society, to render their situation more miser
able, and their rights more precarious. That govern
ment and tyranny are the hereditary right of some, and.
that slavery and oppression are the original ddom of
others, is a doctrine that would reflect dishonor upon
God ; it is treason against all mankind ; it is indeed
an enormous faith that millions were made for one ;
transubstantiation is but a harmless absurdity, com
pared with the notion of a divine right to govern
wrong, or of making laws which are contrary to every
idea of liberty, property, and justice.
The law which the apostle speaks of in our text, is
not a law of man, but of Him who is the only law
giver, that can save and condemn, to whom all owe
obedience, and whose laws none can transgress with
impunity. ;
Though all the laws that God ever gave unto man
are worthy of God, and tend to promote the happiness
of those to whom they were given, yet we may ob
serve a very striking variety in the different laws
which ho gave at different times and to different peo
ple. " He showed his word unto Jacob, his statutes
and his judgments unto Israel: he has not dealt so
with any other nation."
To the generality, of mankind he gave no written

* Salvs populi suprema lex.

THE LAW OF LIBERTY. 11,9
law, but yet left not himself without a witness among
them ; the words of the law were written in their
hearts, their conscience also bearing witness, and their
thoughts the meanwhile excusing or else accusing
one another; it cannot be said they were without
law, whilst what they were to do, and what they were
to forbear, was written in their hearts.
To Israel God came with a fiery law in his hands ; it
was given with the most awful solemnity upon Mount
Sinai ; and as the sum and substance of all their cere
monial, political, and moral law centred in the ten
commandments, so the sum and substance of these are
comprehended in love to God and love to man, which,
as our Lord himself informs us, contain all the law and
all the prophets.
All manifestations of the will of God have been
-gradual; and it is probable the means of knowing
God will be progressive through different ages, till
eternity gives the good man a full sight of God in his
immediate presence. During the dispensation of the
Old Testament and the ceremonial law, a spirit of
bondage obtained unto fear, the law was a school
master to bring us unto Christ ; neither did the law
make any thing perfect, but the bringing in of a better
hope ; grace and truth were brought to light by Jesus
Christ ; and hence the dispensation of the gospel un
der which we live, is called the law of liberty.
Though there is a manifest distinction between law
and gospel, and sometimes these two things are even
opposed to one another, yet the doctrine of the gos
pel, is also called " the law of faith ;" partly because
it was usual with the Jewish writers to call every doc
trine a law, and partly also because the doctrine of

120 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
the gospel presents us with a rule of life, which all its
professors are bound to obey ; hence they are said to
be " not without law, but under the law of Christ,"
and hence our apostle speaks of a royal law, which,
though we cannot obey in perfection, nor derive any
merit from our imperfect obedience, we cannot neglect
without danger, nor disobey without showing our
disregard to the doctrine of the gospel in general.
It deserves very particular attention, that the doc
trine of the gospel is called a law of liberty. Liberty
and law are perfectly consistent ; liberty does not con
sist in living without all restraint ; for were all men to
live without restraint, as they please, there would be
no liberty at all ; the strongest would be master, the
weakest goto the wall; right, justice, and property
must give way to power, and, instead of its being a
blessing, a more unhappy situation could not easily be
devised unto mankind, than that every man should
have it in his power to do what is right in his own
eyes ; well regulated liberty of individuals is the natu
ral offspring of laws, which prudentially regulate the
rights of whole communities ; and as laws which take
away the natural rights of men are unjust and oppres
sive, so all liberty which is not regulated by law is
a delusive phantom, and unworthy of the glorious
name. The gospel is called a law of liberty, because it bears
a most friendly aspect to the liberty of man; it is a
known rule, Evangelium non tollit politias, the gospel
makes no alteration in the civil state ; it by no means
renders man's natural and social condition worse than it
would be without the knowledge of the gospel. When
the Jews boasted of their freedom, and that they never

THE LAW OF LIBERTY. 121
were in bondage, our Lord does not reprove them for
it, but only observes, that national freedom still ad
mits of improvement: "If the Son shall make you
free, then are you free indeed." This leads me to ob
serve, that the gospel is a law of liberty in a much
higher sense ; by whomsoever a man is overcome, of
the same he is brought into bondage ; but no external
enemy can so completely tyrannize over a conquered
enemy, as sin does over all those who yield themselves
its servants ; vicious habits, when once they have
gained the ascendant in the soul, bring man to that
unhappy pass, that he knows better things and does
worse; sin, like a torrent, carries him away against
knowledge and conviction, while conscience fully eon-'
vinceth him that he travels the road of death, and must
expect, if he so continues, to take up his abode in hell,
though his decaying body clearly tells him sin breaks
his constitution, as well as wastes his substance;
though he feels the loss of credit and wealth, still sin
has' too strong a hold of hiin to be forsaken ; though
he faintly resolves to break off; yet, till the grace of
God brings salvation, when he would do good, evil is
present with him ; in short, instead of being under a
law of liberty, he is under the law of sin and death ;
but whenever he feels the happy influence of the grace
of the gospel, then this " law of liberty makes him
free from the law of sin and death:" it furnisheth
him with not only motives to resist, but with power
also to subdue sin ; sin reigns no longer in his mortal
body, because he is not under the law, but under graee.
By this law of liberty he' is made free from sin, and
has his fruit unto holiness, and the endof it eternal life.
There is another reason why the gospel is called a law
6

122 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
of liberty, which is, to distinguish it from the ceremo
nial law under the Mosaic dispensation ; a yoke, of
which an apostle saith, neither they nor their fore
fathers were able to bear; it was superadded on ac-.
count of their transgressions, and suited to the character
of a gross and stubborn nation, to whom it was originally
given. They were so prone to idolatry, and so apt to for
get their God, their notions were so gross and carnal,
that a number of external rites and ceremonies became
necessary ,to put them in mind of him and to attach them
to some degree of his worship and service. This, how.
ever necessary, was a heavy burden ; it bid them touch
not, taste not, handle not ; it required of them expen
sive sacrifices, and a costly and painful service ; it was
attended with the most fearful threatenings ; if any
man brake Moses' law, he died under two or three
witnesses ; and the very spirit they then received, was
a spirit of bondage unto fear : Whereas the gospel dis
pensation breath eth a spirit of confidence, and under
the law of liberty we call upon God, as Abba, Father.
By this law of liberty the professors of the gospel will
be judged. '
Every man is a rational, and therefore accountable
creature. As a creature he must needs depend on his
Creator ; and as a rational creature he must certainly
be accountable for all his actions. Nothing is more
evident than that man is not of himself; and if once
we admit that he holds his existence, his faculties and
favors from God that made him, it becomes a very
obvious conclusion that his Maker must have had
some view in giving him existence, and more under
standing than to the beasts of the field, neither can it
be a matter of indifference to him whether man acts

THE LAW OF LIBERTY. 123
agreeably or contrary to his designs. The creator of
the natural world is also its moral ruler ; and if he is
now the proprietor and ruler of intelligent beings, at
some time or other he must also be their judge.
If God had not made his will known unto man,
there could have been neither transgression nor judg
ment. If it should be said that God has not mani
fested himself alike unto all men, and that some have
much smaller opportunities to know his will and their
duty than others, it is enough to observe, that no man
will be judged by a rule of which it was impossible he
should have any knowledge. Every work and every
man will be brought into judgment, and the judgment
of God will never be otherwise than according to
truth ; but those that never had the law of liberty
will not be judged by that law; and those that have
been favored with the revelation of the gospel, will be
more inexcusable than any others if they neglect the
day of their visitation. " As many as have sinned
without law, shall also perish without law; and as
many as have sinned in the law, shall be judged by
the law." All men are under, some law ; they feel,
they are conscious, that they are so ; the thoughts
which already excuse or condemn one another, are in
anticipation of a final and decisive judgment, when
every man's reward will be according to his works.
That all those who heard and professed to believe
the gospel will be finally judged by that, we have the
fullest assurance. God will judge the secrets of men by
Jesus Christ according to his gospel : " The word that I
have spoken," saith Christ, "the same will judge them
that heard it on the last day." It greatly interests ns al
ready to know what is the import and consequence of

124 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
being judged by the gospel as a law of liberty, and
it contains the following things : —
The general character, all the thoughts, words and
actions, together with the general conduct of all those
who professed the gospel, will be brought to the test
and tried by this rule. Man's own opinion of him
self, the good opinion of others, will here stand him
in no stead ; his character will not be determined by
his external appearance, but by his inward reality.
"Man looketh on the outward appearance, but the
Lord looketh on the heart." The self-righteous Phar
isee will be rejected, notwithstanding his fair appear
ance and boasting ; the penitent publican will be re
ceived, though he has nothing to plead but "Lord,
have mercy on me, a sinner." The law is spiritual,
and no law more so than the law of the gospel ; it re
quires, not merely an external obedience, but an in
ternal conformity to the will of God; it demands
truth in the inward part ; it looks not only to the ac
tions that are done, but to the principle from which
they flow ; we must judge of man's inward disposition
by his visible action, but God judges of the actions of
men according to their invisible spring ; thoughts are
out of the reach of human cognizance, but they are
the first object of divine notice. There is not a word
that drops from our tongue but what our judge hears;
whatever we do, or whatever we neglect, is all under
his immediate eye ; and he not only attends to our
general character, but also to eveiy thought, word, or
action, and the prevailing complexion of all these
taken together forms our true and real character.
In the judgment, according to this law, our charac
ter, words, thoughts and actions will be brought to

THE LAW OF LIBERTY. 125
the test of this rule, our conduct will be compared
with these precepts ; this is the balance of the sanc
tuary in which the professors of the gospel shall be
weighed, and as they shall be found approved or de
ficient, their case must be determined. Those whose
temper and actions shall be found conformable to the
law of liberty, will be acquitted, graciously accepted,
and made ever happy ; and those who turned the
grace of tGod into wantonness, and made the liberty
of the gospel a cloak for their sins, will be finally re
jected. The gospel informs us that a day is already
appointed for that purpose ; it acquaints us with the
person of our judge, and every circumstance as well
as rule according to which he will proceed in judg
ment. Perhaps on that day, when all nations shall
appear before the Judge, and he will divide them as
a shepherd divideth the sheep from the goats, distinct
places will also be allotted to those who are to be
judged by natural conscience and the law of nature,
and those who have been favored with a divine reve
lation, and especially with the light of the gospel :
the people of Nineveh will arise against empty pro
fessors of the gospel and will condemn. them. Those
who have been exalted above others in means and
privileges, will sit proportion ably lower than those
who have made a better improvement of lesser means ;
and notwithstanding the fondest hope and finest pro
fession, it is a determined rule of the law of liberty,
that " except our righteousness shall exceed that of
the Scribes and Pharisees, we shall in no case enter
into the kingdom of heaven."
It deserves our peculiar attention, that the apostle
considers the gospel as a law of liberty, at the same

126 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
time when he sets it before us as the rule by which we
are to be judged. We are not to imagine, because the
gospel is a law of liberty, therefore men will not be
judged ; on the contrary, judgment will be the more
severe against all who have heard and professed the
gospel, and yet walked contrary to its precepts and
doctrine. As the transgression of a law of liberty must
be more inexcusable than the transgression of a law
unjust or oppressive in itself, or even the ceremonial
law, which was given only for a certain period, and to
answer temporary purposes, so their judgment and
doom must be proportionably heavier who have sinned
against love and liberty, as well as against power and
justice. According to this law, the fate of men will not only
be determined, but sentence will also be put into exe
cution. God sitteth on the throne of judgment every
day, and judgeth righteously ; but he hath moreover
appointed a particular day when he will manifest his
power and justice before the whole creation ; when
the dead, both small and great, will stand before God ;
when those that acted agreeably to the law of liberty
will attain the fulness of glory of the freedom of the
sons of God, and when he will also take vengeance on
all that have not known God, and have not obeyed his
holy gospel. This naturally leads to the second thing
proposed, to take a nearer view of the importance of
the exhortation : " So speak and so do as they that
shall be judged by the law of liberty."
It seems as though the apostle had an eye to some
particular branch of the law of liberty, i. e., the love
which we owe unto our neighbor, and that his design
is to obviate the mistake, as though men might be

THE LAW OF LIBERTY. 127
considered as fulfilling the law of Christ, in paying
respect to some of its commands and prohibitions, at
the same time that they were entirely regardless of the
rest. He assures them, that " whosoever shall keep
the whole law, but shall transgress in one point (e. g.,
having respect of persons), is guilty of all." On this
principle the apostle builds the general exhortation :
" So speak, and so do, as they that shall be judged by
the law of liberty." This implies,
I. Be thoroughly convinced of the certainty of a
judgment to come, and that it extends to you, to all
your thoughts, words, and actions. There is not any
truth of greater moment, nor perhaps more easily for
gotten. The belief or unbelief of this important doc
trine must have the most sensible effects. All the
apostles frequently put their hearers in mind of a
judgment to come; and there is not any truth more
necessary to be frequently inculcated and daily thought
on ; and wherever this truth is really believed and
felt, it will have a constant and natural influence on
the behavior of those who truly believe it.
H. See to it that in judgment you may stand. All
men will be brought into judgment, but few will be
able to stand ; none will be excused, or be able to
withdraw, and only those who have acted worthily
will meet with the divine acceptance. The difference
will be amazing, and beyond all conception — an eter
nity of happiness, which eye has not seen, ear has not
heard, and which never entered into the heart of any
man, lies on the one side ; and despair, misery, and
torment on the other. Those that are able to stand,
will meet with the smiles and approbation of their
Judge; and to all the rest the King will say : "These

128 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
mine enemies that would not have me to bear rule
over them, bring them here, and slay them before
mine eyes." Those that believe and are convinced
of this awful alternative, should certainly make it
their care that they may be able to stand in judgment;
neither should the persuasion of this only influence
their conduct in general, but these words ought to be
considered as a rule, which we ought to have con
stantly before our eyes in all our discourses and every
undertaking ; we should ever " so speak, and so act,
as they that shall be judged by the law of liberty."
I shall draw a few inferences, before I conclude,
with a more particular address to the worthy gentle
men at whose request I preach on this occasion.
I. The gospel is a law of liberty. A late writer*
asserts, " Every religion countenances despotism, but
none so much as the Christian." This is a very heavy
charge against religion in general, but bears hardest
on the Christian. Whether it proceeds from malice,
io-norance, or misapprehension, it is needless to deter
mine; but if Christianity be a law of liberty, it must
be obvious how ill-grounded is such a charge against
it. It cannot be denied but some Christian writers
have wrote against the rights of mankind. All those
who stand up for unlimited passive obedience and
non-resistance, may have given but too much cause
for such surmises and suspicious ; but the truth is, that
both those who make this charge, and those who
gave occasion for it, were alike ignorant of the spirit
and temper of Christianity ; and it may well be
doubted whether the venders of such odious doctrines,
* See a tract entitled " Chains of Slavery.'' Printed, London, 1775.

THE LAW OF LIBERTY. 129
who foisted tenets so abominable and injurious to
mankind, into the system of Christian religion, have
not done that holy religion greater hurt, under the
pretence of friendship and defence, than its most bare
faced enemies by all their most violent attacks. Some
Christian divines have taught the enormous faith, that
millions were made for one ; they have ascribed a
divine right to kings to govern wrong ; but what then ?
Are such abominable doctrines any part of Chris
tianity, because these men say so ? Does the gospel
cease to be a law of liberty, because some of its pro
fessors pervert it into an engine of tyranny, oppression,
and injustice?
The assertion, that all religion countenances despo
tism, and Christianity more than any other, is diamet
rically opposite to fact. Survey the globe, and you
will find that liberty has taken its seat only in Chris
tendom, and that the highest degree of freedom is
pleaded for and enjoyed by such as make profession
of the gospel.
There are but two religions which are concerned in
this charge ; the Jewish and the Christian. Natural
religion writers of this kind I suppose would not in
clude in their charge; if they do, they set all religion
at variance with the rights of mankind, contrary to
the sense of all nations, who are generally agreed, that,
abstractly of a world to come, religion is of real ser
vice and necessity to mankind, for their better govern
ment and order.
As to the Jewish religion, it seems really strange
that any should charge it with favoring despotism,
when by one of its express rites at certain times it
proclaimed " Liberty throughout the land, to the in-

130 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
habitants thereof." It required their kings "not to be
lifted up in their hearts above their brethren." And
the whole system of that religion is so replete with
laws against injustice and oppression, it pays such an
extraordinary regard to property, and gives such a
strict charge to rule in justice and the fear of God, and
to consider those over whom they judge as their
brethren, even when dispensing punishments, and
forbids all excess in them, that it is really surprising
any one acquainted with its precepts should declare it
favorable to despotism or oppression.
The Christian religion, while it commands due re
spect and obedience to superiors, nowhere requires a
blind and unlimited obedience on the part of the sub
jects; nor does it vest any absolute and arbitrary
power in the rulers. It is an institution for the benefit,
and not for the distress, of mankind. It preacheth
not only "glory to God on high," but also "peace
on earth, and good-will among men." The gospel
gives no higher authority to magistrates than to be
" the ministers of God for the good of the subject."
From whence it must surely follow, that their power
is to edify, and not to destroy. When they abuse
their authority, to distress and destroy their subjects,
they deserve not to be thought ministers of God for
good ; nor is it to be supposed, when they act so con
trary to the nature of their office, that they act agree
ably to the will of God, or in conformity to the doc
trine of the gospel.
The gospel recommends unto masters to forbear
threatenings, and to remember that they also have a
Master in heaven. It assures them that the eye of
God is equally upon the servant and the master, and

THE LAW OF LIBERTY. 131
that with God there is no respect of persons. It com
mands masters, from the most solemn considerations,
to give unto servants that which is just and equal.
It saith to the meanest slave : " Art thou called, being
a servant ? care not for it ; but, if thou mayest be
made free, use it rather."
The doctrine of the gospel has that regard to prop
erty, that it commands even soldiers : " Do violence
to no man, and be content with your wages." That a
Paul sent back a runaway slave, though now con
verted, and belonging to his intimate friend ; and at a
time when he seems to have stood in real need of his
service, from a delicacy that he would do nothing
without the owner's mind, lest his benefit should ap
pear as if it were of necessity, and not willingly.
From the same spirit of j ustice, a Zaccheus, after his
conversion, restored fourfold what before he had taken
from any by false accusation. Surely, then, the spirit
of the gospel is very friendly to the rights and prop
erty of men.
The gospel sets conscience above all human author
ity in matters of faith, and bids us to stand fast in
that liberty wherewith the Son of God has made us
free." Freedom is the very spirit and temper of the
gospel : " He that is called in the Lord, being a ser
vant, is the Lord's freeman. Ye are' bought with a
price : be ye not the servants of men." At the same
time that it commands us to submit to every or
dinance of men, it also directs us to act " as free, and
not using liberty as a cloak of maliciousness, but as
the servants of God." Those, therefore, that would
support arbitrary power, and require an unlimited
obedience, in vain look for precedents or precepts for

132 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
such things in the gospel— an institution equally tend
ing to make men just, free, and happy here, and per
fectly holy and happy hereafter.
II. The main design of the gospel is not to direct
us in our external and civil affairs, 'but how we may
at last stand with comfort before God, the judge of all.
Human prudence is to be our guide in the concerns
of time ; the gospel makes us wise unto salvation, and
points out the means to be pursued, that it may be
well with us in the world to come. As rational
creatures, we are to make use of our reason ; as
Christians, we are to repent and believe the gospel.
Motives of a worldly nature may very properly influ
ence us in our worldly concerns ; we are created not
only for eternity, but also for time ; it is not at all
improper for us to have a due regard for both. The
gospel will regulate our desires and restrain our pas
sions as to earthly things, and will raise us at the
same time above time and sense, to objects of a nature
more worthy of ourselves. A due regard for, and
frequent meditation on, a judgment to come, will
greatly assist us in all our concerns ; and this very
consideration the gospel holds out to us in the clearest
manner. It not only affirms as a truth what reason
and conscience might consider only as probable, but
it takes away as it were the veil from between us and
things to come ; it gives us a present view of the
future bliss of saints, and the terrors and despair of
sinners — rather an historical account than a prophetic
description of all the proceedings of the dreadful
day; it clearly points out the road to destruction,
and the way to escape; it affords us a plain and
general rule to obtain safety and comfort, when it bids

THE LAW OF LIBERTY. 133
us " So speak, and so do, as they that shall be judged
by the law of liberty."
This general rule may also be of considerable service
in extraordinary and particular cases. It is impossible
to provide express directions for every particular case ;
and in the course of things, circumstances may hap
pen when a good man may be at a loss to know his
duty, and find it difficult so to act as to obtain his
own approbation. There may be danger of going be
yond, and danger in not coming up to the mark. To
act worthy of God, who has called us, is the general
rule of the Christian at all times, and upon every oc
casion ; and did we but always follow this rule, what
manner of persons should we then be ! But in cases
of intricacy, we may still be in doubt what may be
most for the glory of God, and most consistent with
our duty. Sometimes, also, our relative duties may
seem to come in competition with one another, and
we may hesitate in our own mind which for the
present has the strongest call. We should fain obey
our superiors, and yet we cannot think of giving up
our natural, our civil and religions rights, nor acquiesce
in or contribute to render our fellow-creatures or fellow-
citizens slaves and miserable. We would willingly
follow peace with all men, and yet would be very un
willing that others should take the advantage of a
pacific disposition to injure us in hopes of doing it
with impunity. We would express duty, respect, and
obedience to the king, as supreme, and yet we would
not wish to strengthen the hands of tyranny, nor call
oppression lawful : in such a delicate situation, it is a
golden rule, " So to speak, and so to do, as they that
shall be judged by the law of liberty." Nothing has

134 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
a greater tendency to make men act wrong than the
disbelief of a future judgment ; and nothing will more
effectually restrain and direct them than the full per
suasion that .such an event will certainly take place ;
nothing would have a happ'ier tendency to make us
act with prudence, justice and moderation, than the
firm persuasion that God will bring, every work into
judgment, and. every secret thing, whether it be good
or bad.
Neither could I think on any direction more appli
cable to the design of our present meeting, or which I
might more properly recommend to the respectable
gentlemen now met together to consult on the recov
ery and preservation of the liberties of America, and
who choose to begin their deliberations with a solemn
act of worship to Almighty God, who has established
government as his ordinance, and equally abhors
licentiousness and oppression, whose singular blessing
it is if subjects enjoy a righteous government, and
under such a government lead a quiet and peaceable
life in all godliness and honesty.
You are met, gentlemen, in a most critical time, and
on a most alarming occasion, not in a legislative
capacity, but (while the sitting of the usual represen
tatives is not thought for the king's service, or neces
sary for the good of this province) you are chosen by
the general voice of this province to meet on their
behalf, to consult on such measures as in our local
circumstances may be most to the real advantage, and
tend to the honor of our sovereign, as well as the good
and safety of this province, and of all this great con
tinent. For the sake of the auditory, I shall briefly
state the immediate causes that have given rise to this

THE LAW OF LIBERTY. 135
provincial and a general American Congress, and then
offer such humble advice as appears to me most suit
able to our circumstances.
To enforce some acts for laying on a duty to raise a
perpetual revenue in America, which the Americans
think unjust and unconstitutional, which all America
complains of, and some provinces have in some meas
ure opposed,* a fleet and army have been sent to New
England, and, after a long series of hardships by that
province patiently endured, it is now out of all ques
tion that hostilities have been commenced against
them ; blood has been shed, and many lives have
been taken away ; thousands, never so much as sus
pected of having any hand in the action which is
made the pretence of all the severity now used against
that province, have been and still are reduced to the
greatest distress. From this, other provinces have
taken the alarm ; an apprehension of nearer foes, not
unlikely to appear as auxiliaries in an unjust cause,
has thrown our neighbors into arms; how far and
wide the flame so wantonly kindled may be permitted
to spread, none can tell ; but in these alarming cir
cumstances the liberty of this continent, of which we
are a part, the safety and domestic peace of this prov
ince, will naturally become a subject of your deliber
ations ; and here I may 'well adopt the language of
old : "There was no such deed done nor seen, from the
day that America was first settled unto this day ; con-
* This opposition in some provinces consisted in sending the tea on
which this duty was to be paid back, to England ; not suffering it to be
sold or landed, in others ; and in Boston, when they were prevented
from sending it back, it was entirely destroyed, but no person hurt, nor
any blood shed.

136 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
sider of it, take advice, and speak your minds." I
mean not to anticipate and direct your counsels ; but,
from your desire I should speak on this occasion, I
take it for granted, you will permit me to offer such
hints as may appear suitable to the place and design
of our present meeting.
In the first place, as there is no evil in a city in
which the hand of God may not be seen, so in vain is
salvation looked for from the hills and from the moun
tains, but can come from him only who has made
heaven and earth. This, undoubtedly, is a day of
trouble, but God saith to his people, " Call upon me
in a day of trouble, and I will deliver thee." " What
nation has God so nigh unto them, as the Lord our
God is in all things that we call upon him for." If
this be our first step, if, first of all, we look unto hiin
from whom our help cometh, we may hope all will be
well at last. Let us be thoroughly convinced of this,
we must stand well with God, else it can never be
well with us at all ; without him and his help we can
never prosper. The Lord is with you if you are with
him : " if you seek him, you will find him ; but if you
forsake him, you will be forsaken by him." If God
be for us, who can be against us ? If he be against us,
who can be for us ? Before we think on, or look any
where else, may our eyes be unto God, that he may
be gracious unto us. Let us humbly confess and
speedily turn from our sins, deprecate his judgment,
and secure his favor. "Rend your hearts, and not
your garments, and turn unto the Lord your God, for
he is gracious and merciful, slow to anger and of great
kindness, and repenteth him of the evil ; who knoweth
if he will return and repent, and leave a blessing behind

THE LAW OF LIBERTY. 137
him, even a meat-offering and a drink-offering unto
the Lord your God."
Let it be a standing rule with every one that is to
sit in council upon this occasion, "so to speak, and so
to do, as one that is to be judged by the law of liberty."
Let us most carefully avoid every thing that might
make us incur the displeasure of God, and wound our
own consciences. The effects of your deliberation may
become very serious and extensive, and the conse
quences extremely important : think, therefore, before
you speak, deliberate before you execute, and let the
law of liberty, by which you are hereafter to be judged,
be the constant rule of all your words and actions.
Far be it from us to be reduced under laws inconsis
tent with liberty, and as far to wish for liberty with
out law ; let the one be so tempered with the other,
that when we come to give our account to the Supreme
Lawgiver, who is the great judge of all, it may appear
we had a due regard to both, and may meet with his
approbation. Such always hath been, and such is still the attach
ment of America to the illustrious house of Hanover,
that I need not put you in mind of our duty to the
king as supreme. By our law, the king can do no
wrong. But of his present majesty, who is univer
sally known to be adorned with many social virtues,
may we not justly conclude, that he would not do
any wrong, even though he could ? May we not
hope, that when the truth of things, the tears of his
suffering subjects, the distress caused by acts ex
tremely ill-advised, once reach his notice, a generous
pity will force his heart, and that pity, when he feels
it, will command redress ? " The heart of the king is

138 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
in the hand of the Lord, as the rivers of water, and
he turneth it as he pleaseth." (Prov. xxi. 1.) Most
earnestly, therefore, let us pray, that in this great and
most important matter also, God may give unto the
king an understanding heart, that power may be
governed by wisdom, and the wheels of government
roll on with justice and moderation.
Should you think that all our present distress is
owing to evil counsellors, nothing need to hinder you
from praying that God would turn their counsels into
foolishness ; you may make it your earnest request,
both in public and in private, that the wicked being
removed from before the king, his throne may be
established in righteousness ; that the rod of the
oppressor may be broke, and justice and equity take
place of tyranny and oppression.
It may be owing to nothing but the firm attach
ment to the reigning family, that so many Americans
look upon the present measures as a deep-laid plan to
bring in the Pretender. Perhaps this jealousy may
be very groundless ; but so much is certain, that none
but Great Britain's enemies can be gainers in this un
natural contest.*
Never let us lose out of sight that our interest lies
in a perpetual "connection with our mother country.
Notwithstanding the present unwise and harsh meas-
¦. ures, there are thousands in Great Britain that think
with us, and wish well to the American cause, and
* Were it designed to give the Pretender an opportunity ; to raise
divisions in Great Britain, starve the manufacturers, send away troops
from Ireland and Scotland, and breed civil war in America, must all
be circumstances too favorable, and, I may say, very tempting, to pro
mote such a projoct.

THE LAW OF LIBERTY. 139
make it their own ; let us convince our enemies that
the straggles of America have not their rise in a desire
of independency, b.ut from a warm regard to our com
mon constitution, that we esteem the name of Britons,
as being the same with freemen ; let every step we
take afford proof how greatly we esteem our mother
country, and that, to the wish of a perpetual connec
tion, we prefer this only consideration, that we may
be virtuous and free.*
Let me entreat you, gentlemen, think coolly, and
act deliberately ; rash counsels are seldom good ones.
Ministerial rashness and American rashness can only
be productive of untoward compounds. Inconsider
ate measures framed on the other side of the Atlantic,
are the cause of all our mischiefs ; and it is not in the
least probable that inconsiderate measures in America
can be productive of any good. Let nothing be done
through strife and vainglory ; let no private resent
ment nor party zeal disgrace your honest warmth for
your country's welfare; measures determined on by
integrity and prudence, are most likely to be carried
* The idea of a separation between America, and Great Britain is big
with so many and such horrid evils, that every friend to both must shud
der at the thought. Every man that gives the most distant hint of such a
wish, ought instantly to be suspected as a common enemy; nothing
would more effectually serve the cause of our enemies, than any proposal
of this kind; all wise men, and all good men, would immediately speak,
write, and act against it; such a proposal, whenever it should be made,
would be an inlet to greater evils than any we have yet suffered. But
what America detests as the greatest evil, a British ministry has' taken the
greatest pains to effect; has wasted British blood and treasure to alienate
America and Great Britain ; the breach is growing wider and wider, it
is become like a great sea; every moment is a loss that is not im
proved toward bringing about a reconciliation.

140 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
into execution by steadiness and moderation. Let
neither the frowns of tyranny, nor the pleasure of
popularity, sway you from what you clearly appre
hend just and right, and to be your duty. Consider
how much lies at stake ; how greatly your religion,
your liberty, your property, your posterity, are inter
ested. Endeavor to act like freemen, like loyal sub
jects, like real Christians, and you will " so speak and
so act, as they that shall be judged by the law of lib
erty." Act conscientiously, and with a view to God,
then commit your ways to him ; leave the event with
God, and you will have great reason to hope that the
event will be just, honorable, and happy.
And now, gentlemen, you have the wishes and
prayers of every thoughtful person, that your delib
erations may be carried on with candor, unanimity,
and prudence ; may be blessed to preserve the quiet
ness of this province, and co-operate in restoring the
rights and tranquillity of all America, as well as pro
mote the prosperity of the whole British empire.
This will afford you a heart-felt satisfaction, and trans
mit your name to posterity with honor, when all those
who had opposite views, and sought their greatness in
the ruin of others, will be held in abhorrence and de
testation. I have but a few hints to give to my hearers in
general. The times are evil ; this is a day of adversity, and
in a time of adversity we ought to consider. It may,
perhaps, soon become impossible, even to the most in
dolent, to continue unconcerned ; and those that wish
no more than to hide themselves in quiet obscurity,
may not always have it in their power to remain neu-

THE LAW OF LIBERTY. 141
ter. To know the signs of the times is a considerable
part of human prudence ; and it is a still greater to
walk circumspectly, and redeem the time, because the
days are evil. Whatever part you may think your
selves obliged to take, " so speak, and so do, as they ;
that shall be judged hereafter, and judged by the law '
of liberty."
In these times of confusion I would press on my
hearers a most conscientious regard to the common
laws of the land. Let our conduct show that we
are not lawless ; by well-doing let us put to silence the
reproaches of our adversaries. Let us convince them
that we do not complain of law, but of oppression ; that
we do not abhor these acts because we are impatient
to be under government, but being destructive of lib
erty and property, we think them destructive also of
all law. Let us act " as free, and yet not make liberty
a cloak of maliciousness, but as the servants of God."
While it is yet peace and quietness with us, let us
not think ourselves inaccessible to the evils which are
already come upon others ; there are some evils which
we would rather deprecate in private than speak of in
public, against which being forewarned, we should be
forearmed ; every trifling report should not alarm us,
but it would be folly still greater not to be on our
guard against sudden dangers.
Remember them that suffer adversity, as being
yourselves also in the body. Think on those who are
driven from their habitations and all their conve
niences of life, or confined in their own houses by an
enraged soldiery, to starve in their own country in the
midst of property and plenty, not permitted to enjoy
their own, and distressed in every connection, and this

142 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
without any cause alleged against numbers of them,
without complaint, suspicion, or a legal trial; the like
was never heard since the cruel siege of Londonderry,
and is a species of cruelty at which even that hard
hearted bigot James II. relented.
Above all, let every one earnestly pray, that He
that is higher than the highest would soon make a
righteous end of all their confusion ; that he would in
cline the king to hear the cries of his subjects, and
that no more innocent blood may be shed in America.
One thing more. Consider the extreme absurdi
ty of struggling for civil liberty, and yet to continue
slaves to sin and lust. " Know ye not to whom ye
yield yourselves servants to obey ? his servants ye are
to whom ye obey, whether of sin unto death, or of
obedience unto righteousness." Cease from evil, and
do good ; seek peace and pursue it : who will hurt you
while you follow that which is good? Become the
willing servants of the Lord Jesus Christ ; hearken to
and obey the voice of His gospel, for " where the spirit
of the Lord is, there is liberty ;" and " if the Son makes
you free," then, and not till then, " shall you be free
indeed."

JOHN HURT.
Scarcely any thing is known of the personal history
of John Hurt. In the journals of the Continental
Congress he is mentioned chiefly in the official ca
pacity of chaplain to General Weedon's brigade ; but
from the tone of his language, such as is used in his
printed productions, it is evident that his whole soul
was with his country in the revolution, and that he
considered success in it as intimately connected with
the cause of religion, liberty, and human happiness.
In publishing the sermon which will be found in
this collection, he says to his fellow-soldiers: "To
your patronage this effort is humbly inscribed ; not
out of complaisance to your request of publishing it,
but from the more certain testimony of being an eye
witness, that you approve its sentiments by your
actions. For, after all the definitions of patriotism
that ever were or ever will be given, this is the quint
essence of it : ' The opposing ourselves foremost in the
field of battle against the enemies of our country.' "
The sermftn was preached before the troops in New
Jersey, and was printed in 1777, with a dedication to
Major-General Stephen, and the officers and soldiers
of the Virginia battalions.

144 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.

THE LOVE OF OUR COUNTRY.
If I forget thee, 0 Jerusalem, Ut my right hand forget her cunning. If
Ido not remember thee, Ut my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth; if
I prefer not Jerusalem above my chief joy .—Psalm cxxxvii. 5, 6.
Reflection upon past enjoyments tends only to the
aggravation of present sufferings ; and yet — I know
not how — the mind of man is ever fondly disposed to
draw the painful parallel betwixt the happiness which
he once possessed and the misery which he now feels.
This was the case of the captive Israelites, as is pa
thetically described in the Psalm before us : " By the
rivers of Babylon," says the divine poet, "there we
sat down ; yea, we wept when we remembered Zion ;
we hanged our harps upon the willows which grew in
the midst thereof." As the soul in affliction is ever
apt to dwell upon every circumstance which heightens
the sorrow, he here represents his harp, that sacred
instrument devoted to his GOD, now laid aside, silent
and neglected ; for how, indeed, could he " sing the
LORD'S song in a strange land?" Oppression and
servitude throw a damp upon every noble faculty:
no wonder, then, the sacred musician could ill exert
the heavenly harmony under the dispiriting pressure
of a foreign tyranny. How shall we sing the LORD'S
song in a strange land ? Here the faithful patriot turns,
by a very natural transition, from lamenting over his
country's fate, to the strongest professions of preserv
ing his affection forever inviolable toward her. " If
I forget thee, O Jerusalem, let my right hand forget
her cunning. If I do not remember thee, let my

THE LOVE OF OUR COUNTRY. 145
tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth ; if I prefer
not Jerusalem above my chief joy."
Under the incitement of so animating an example,
I shall offer a few sentiments concerning that virtue
which produced this glorious resolution ; and, after
endeavoring to explain the nature and obligation of
love to our country, shall attempt to point out that
conduct which seems requisite to testify the sincerity
of this affection.
The love of pur country is a principle which hath
been more celebrated in all ages, hath been the sub
ject of more praise and panegyric, than any other
affection in the whole train of virtue. It hath been
the constant theme of poets, orators and historians ;
statues and medals have been erected and struck, and
all the treasures of art and wit perpetually exhausted,
in doing honor to those who have excelled in this
character ; and, indeed, the name of patriot implies,
in its true sense, every thing that is most great and
godlike among men ; it carries in it the idea of a pub
lic blessing ; it implies a power of doing good, exert
ed and extended to whole communities, and resembles
within its sphere, that universal Providence which
protects and supports the world. This is that elevated
passion, of all others the most necessary, as well as
most becoming, to mankind, and yet, if we believe
the common complaints, of all others the least visible
in the world. It lives, we are told, rather in descrip
tion than reality, and is represented by the first writer
of this age as an antiquated and forgotten virtue.
Wretched picture of the human race ! If this be a
just representation, we are degenerate indeed ! insen
sible to the best of all social duties, counteracting the
7

146 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
common bond of alliance with our species, and check
ing the source of our most refined pleasures. The
public is, as it were, one great family ; we are all
children of one common mother, America, our coun
try ; she gives us all our birth ; nurses our tender
years, and supports our manhood. In this light,
therefore, our regards for her seem as natural as the
implanted affection betwixt parents and children.
I might here enlarge on the mutual delights given
and received in the social entertainments and conver
sation of a people connected together with the same
language, customs, and institutions, and from thence
show the reasonableness^ of an affectionate attach
ment to the community ; but I choose to point out the
obligations to this associating virtue as they arise from
higher and more interesting principles.
The miseries of the state of nature are so evident,
that there is no occasion to display them ; every man
is sensible that violence, rapine, and slaughter must
be continually practised where no restraints are pro
vided to curb the inordinancy of self-affection. To
society, then, we must owe our security from these
miseries, and to a wisely-constructed and well-regulated
government we must stand indebted for our protection
against those who would encroach upon the equal
share of liberty which belongs to all, or would molest
individuals in the possession of what is fairly appro
priated, or justly claimed. And what an unspeakable
satisfaction it is to be free, and to be able to call any
thing one's own! Freedom and security diffuse a
cheerfulness over the most uncomfortable regions, and
give a value to the most inconsiderable possessions;
.even a morsel of bread in the most, frozen climate

THE LOVE OF OUR COUNTRY. 147
would be more worth contending for, if liberty crowned
the meal, than the noblest possessions and greatest
affluence under the mildest skies, if held at the merci
less will of a civil or religious tyrant. And as such a
happiness is only to be established by the love of so
ciety — as all the blessings we enjoy spring from this
source, gratitude calls upon us to cultivate a principle
to which we owe such transcendent obligations. But
the obligation rises upon us, when we consider, that
from society is also derived a set of amiable duties,
unknown to men in a detached and unconnected state.
It is from this foundation that hospitality, gratitude
and generosity flow, with all the pleasing charities
which 'adorn human nature; for, where have those
virtues their theatre? where is their scene of action?
or how can they exert themselves, but in society ? It
is there alone we have opportunities of displaying
the moral charms, and of exhibiting the glorious mani
festation of good-will to mankind. On this account,
therefore, society has a high demand for our affection
ate regard.
But to be unmindful of the public, is not only an
argument of an ungrateful, it is a proof also of a dis
honest temper of mind. God has assigned each of us
our station, and a part which we are obliged to dis
charge in carrying on the great work of social happi
ness. If, then, I neglect the part appointed me, I am
highly unjust ; because I take a share of the benefits
of society, and yet leave the burden to be borne by
others. A greater injustice than this can scarcely
be conceived. He who injures particulars is indeed
an offender, but he who withholds from the public the
service and affection to which it is entitled, is a crimi-

148 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
nal of a far higher degree, as he thereby robs a whole
body of people, and deprives the community of her
just demand. If God has given to one man a good
understanding, and he does not exert it for the general
advantage by advice and counsel ; if to another riches,
and he will not assist with his liberality ; if to a poor
man strength, and he will not aid with his labor ; if,
in short, any be wanting in pursuing the benevolent
principle, by directing his talents to their proper ends,
he deserves to be treated as a common spoiler, inas
much as he takes what properly belongs not to him,
the title of each man's share of the benefits of society
arising only from that proportion which he himself
has contributed.
Public good is, as it were, a common bank, in which
every individual has his respective share; aud, con
sequently, whatever damage that sustains, the indi
viduals unavoidably partake of the calamity. If
liberty be destroyed, no particular member can escape
the chains ; if the credit of the associated body sink,
his fortune sinks with it ; if the sons of violence pre
vail, and plunder the public stock, his part cannot be
rescued from the spoil ; and some real share (be it
more, or less), all, even the meanest, have in this com
mon fund, and a valuable one too, though it were
nothing but the lowest earnings of industrious labor.
If, then, we have a true affection for ourselves; if we
would reap the fruits of industry, and enjoy our prop
erty in security, we must stand firm to the cause of
liberty and public virtue, otherwise we had better re
turn to the raw herbage for our food, to the inclem-
eucies of the open sky for our covering, go back
beyond the mountains to uncultivated nature, where

THE LOVE OF OUR COUNTRY. 149
our wants would be fewer, and our appetites less.
Such a situation, notwithstanding all its inconveni
ences, is far preferable to a tyrannical government,
and far, more desirable than the lot of slaves.
We see, then, how closely the kind Creator has con
nected our interest, with our duty, and made it each
man's happiness to contribute :tp the welfare of .his
country. . 
But still, the more noble motive to. a generPus soul,
is that which springs from a benevolent desire of dif
fusing the joys of life tp all around him; There is
nothing, he thinks, so desirable as to be the instrument
of doing good; and the further it is extended, the
greater is the delight, and the more glorious his
character. , Benignity to friends and relations is but a
narrow-spirited quality compared with this, and per
haps as frequently, the effect of caprice, or pride, as of
a benevolent temper. But when our flow of good-will
spreads itself to all the society, and, in them, to
distant posterity-^ when .charity, rises into public
spirit, and partial affection is extended into general
benevolence — then it is that man shines in the, highest
lustre, and is the truest image of his Divine Maker.
But notwithstanding all that has been said in favor
of this affection, laudable as it is, we are not, however,
to forget, that it may be so conducted as to become a
very criminal ipassion. : If any associated body, appre
hending themselves superior to other states, should,
for that reason only, invade their rights, this, would
be to undermine the very foundation of society, and,
consequently, an unjustifiable enterprise. ,, Does true
patriotism inspire such a conduct? Does the love of
our country teach us to aggrandize it at the ruin of,

150 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
another? Undoubtedly not. And if we think at all,
we must allow such attempts utterly repugnant to the
fundamental laws of justice and universal charity.
Hard would be his fate who should be commanded to
perform such a service, and glorious the triumph of
his soul if he resolved to decline it ! In vain would
he call in the example of ancient Rome for his en
couragement ; for, after all the extravagant encomiums
bestowed upon her patriotism, we shall scarce be able
to clear it from the imputation of flagrant tyranny.
Rome, early possessed with the high fanaticism of dis
tinction and empire, declared war against mankind,
and, out of a feverish fondness, for dominion and re
nown, laid desolate all the known world. Their pos
sessions, their habitations, their paintings, their sculp
tures, all their riches, were the spoils of injured nations.
Thus they erected to themselves an empire as un
wieldy as it was unjust, on the ruin of their fellow-
creatures. What, then, are all their beautiful lectures,
and pompous declamations, on the love of their country ?
— what their labored orations in praise of liberty!
Indisputable proofs, indeed, of their eloquence, but
not so of their humanity. If the language of be
nevolence were to constitute the patriotic character,
you must allow it due to these Romans ; but if actions
are to ascertain the right, we shall find it a difficult
task to make good their claim, though we were
masters even of their own eloquence.
Look into their city, and behold the inhabitants ;
there you will find this celebrated freedom spreading
itself only amongst particular branches, and giving a
few the license to tyrannize over an infinite number
of miserable slaves, rendered more wretched by hav-

THE LOVE OF OUR COUNTRY. 151
ing always before their eyes a disagreeable subject of
comparison. Look into their provinces (which they
ought to have protected), and you behold scenes of the
utmost injustice, barbarity and horror. Their tyrants
not content with what might with some degree of pro
priety be called lawful taxation, but murdering them
in cold blood without mercy. Now and then, it is
true, you see the conquered enjoying a little ease un
der a humane, honest governor ; but in general their
oppressions were intolerable, and their whole admin
istration no better than a course of hostility and
plunder. Let us change the scene, and take a cursory view
of our own case. Thanks and praise be given to the
Lord God of armies, it is our felicity not to be mem
bers of such a society! not to be in so abject and
humiliating a state as those Roman colonies were!
We have never yet been conquered; we never yet
tamely received laws' from a tyrant nor never will,
while the cause of religion, the cause of nature and of
nature's God cry aloud, or even whisper resistance to
an oppressor's execrated power. The gloomy cloud
that has long been gathering over our Jerusalem, is
indeed still formidable, and demands our utmost
efforts to effectuate its dispersion ; and this great and
wished for good is in all human probability the most
likely to be accomplished by firmness, unanimity,
perseverance and a fixed determination strenuously to
execute and defend what our Continental Congress,
provincial assemblies, commanding officers, and so
forth, shall wisely and prudently resolve.
Let fools for modes of government contest,
That which is best administer'd is best.

152 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
And here I will observe, that it was not through
licentious opposition, or for conquest, we drew the
sword, but for justice ; not to introduce, but to pre
vent slavery ; not upon a vain principle of ambition
to gratify the resentment or pride of any individuals,
(as many of our internal enemies have stupidly and
falsely asserted) but in defence of the plainest rights,
such as all mankind have ever claimed, at the call of
a provoked and long injured people, and that after
every other method of redress had been tried in vain.
The liberty we contend for is not the license of a
few to tyrannize over multitudes, but an equal free
dom to. all, so far as is consistent with the present cir
cumstances of our country, good order, the constitu
tion, and peace of government. These are circum
stances which give a sanction to patriotism, and not
only justify, but demand our most active resolutions
to promote the welfare of our country by all those
methods which become a civilized and numerous peo
ple, born with an instinctive love of liberty.
If we bear a true and cordial affection for our coun
try, we shall be warm and active in her cause; a
calm concern is inconsistent with true patriotism,
which gives ardor to the coldest breast and makes
even cowards brave.
There never Avas a country had stronger motives to
unite in active zeal than this, nor was there ever a
time required it more than the present. By how
much the more the enjoyment of liberty hath been as
serted, improved and established amongst us,, so much
the greater ought to be our resolution to maintain it,
and the more scandalous is our folly if we lose it. Lib
erty with danger is better than slavery with security.

THE LOVE OF OUR COUNTRY. 153
Of all the known parts of the world, and for many
ages, Britain hath been the most extolled for the love
and protection of liberty ; there the heavenly goddess
seemed to have fixed her temple; and whilst her sa
cred fires have been extinguished in so many other
countries, there they have till : lately been religioiisly
kept alive ; there she hath had her saints and her con
fessors, and a whole army of martyrs. But, alas!
how are the mighty fallen! The gates of hell have
prevailed against her.
If, then, liberty be that delicious and wholesome
fruit on which the British nation hath fed for ages, and
to which they owe their riches, their strength, and all
the advantages they boast of, surely it is highly incum
bent upon us to cherish and cultivate the tree which
bears that delicious fruit, and will, continue to bear it
as long as we are careful to fence it in and trench it
round against the beasts of the field and, insects of the
earth. It is, then, our duty to be ever vigorous and
ardent in the support of such a cause ; to reverence
the majesty of liberty, and conform our conduct to it ;'
to cause all other inclinations to bow to this ; to make
it, in short, the constant object of our warmest wishes,
closest attention, and highest admiration — "to, prefer
Jerusalem above our chief joy."
We shall give a further proof of our patriotism, if,
out of a sense of the obligations we lie under to those
on whom the execution or management of our glorious
cause is delegated, we endeavor to strengthen their
hands, oil the wheels of : patriotic power, and smooth
the rugged paths of their administration. Whilst they
discharge their important duties with ability and honor,
they have a just demand to the returns of grateful
7*

154 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
acknowledgments, and are entitled to the warmest
applause of that people whom they have faithfully
served. And as it is incumbent upon us to pay this
tribute, so it is natural for them to expect it. Glory
is the reward of honorable toils, and public fame is the
just retribution for public service ; the love of which
is so connected with virtue that it seems scarcely pos
sible to be possessed of the latter without some degree
of the former. Nor is this any sort of derogation to
the benevolence of the character. A good man feels
a pleasure from the reputation he acquires by serving
his country, because he loves it ; but he does not love
it merely for the sake of that pleasure ; the passion
did not spring from the expectation of the delight, but
the delight was the consequence of the passion.
But, after all these duties are discharged, we must
not stop here : something more is still required at our
hands to give the finishing testimony. If the love of
your country is indeed the governing principle of
your soul, you will give up every inclination which is
incompatible with it; nor will you cherish in your
hearts any rivals of the favorite passion. All the
train of darling vices must therefore be brought forth,
and offered up as victims on the altars of liberty.
You cannot be said to " prefer Jerusalem above your
chief joy" whilst you foster any appetites which have
a manifest tendency to her detriment. But what is
so pernicious to the common weal as vice ? and what
vice so much as luxury ? It is this which enfeebles
the body, corrupts the mind, impoverishes the fortune,
and introduces every baneful cause of ruin. This it
was which destroyed imperial Rome, and assisted
Csesar to enslave her citizens. She had strength

THE LOVE OF OUR COUNTRY. 155
enough left to withstand the attacks of her enemies ;
but those who seemed to wish her prosperity had not
.virtue enough to give up their luxury to her interest.
Rome, therefore, fell a sacrifice to the vices of her
friends. Effects always correspond to their causes.
If we pursue the same course, we must expect the
same fate.
This consideration is surely sufficient to rouse our
virtue, and make us abandon all intemperate pursuits.
But if, out of a luxurious vanity, we consume the
manufactures of other countries, to the detriment of
our own ; if our profusion in extravagant expenses
render us less able or less willing to assist the public,
we violate the most sacred of all social duties, and be
come flagrant transgressors of the will of our Creator.
It was such a conduct as this which provoked the
anger of God against the Israelites, when he sent his
prophet (Amos) to them with this denunciation : " Woe
unto them that are at ease in Zion ! ye that put far
away the evil day, and cause the seat of violence to
come near ! That lie upon beds of ivory, and stretch
themselves upon their couches, eat the lambs out of
the flock, and calves out of the midst of the stall ; that
chant to the sound of the viol, and invent to themselves
instruments of music; that drink wine out of bowls,
and anoint themselves with their chief ointments; but
are not grieved for the affliction of Joseph !" A beau
tiful and pathetic description this of the levity of the
Hebrews ; who, at a time of public distress, regarded
only the indulgence of voluptuous appetites, but never
felt one tender sentiment for their bleeding country,
" were not grieved for the affliction of Joseph." Thus
the children of Israel were brought down (says the Scrip.

156 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
ture) in that day, and the children of Judah prevailed,
because they relied on the Lord their God. These
things were written for our admonition, as well as the.
Jews ; and the woe denounced is equally applicable to
any other nation in the like circumstances.
Let us, then, not build too much upon human pros
pects, or shut God out of our councils and designs ;
but let us flee humbly to him for succor in a pious
acknowledgment that without him nothing is strong,
that without him no king can be saved by the multi
tude of an host, nor the mightiest man be delivered by
his strength.
Our unnatural enemies have their earthly king, their
lords spiritual and temporal to apply to on this oc
casion ; let us leave them to their protection, and let
us choose on our part the Lord of lords for our God
and for our king. In his name have we set up our
banners, who alone " giveth victory unto kings, and
saveth from the perils of the sword." Let us every
one contribute his endeavor to reduce and lessen the
weight of public guilt, by at least reforming and
amending himself, and unite in our prayers and in
every good work, that " God may be entreated for the
land." So we may piously hope, that he will go forth
with our armies, and " command deliverance for
Jacob ;" that through him we shall " cast down our
enemies, and keep them under that rise up against us."
So shall we not only consult the peace and prosperity
of this our Jerusalem, but shall provide in the best
manner for our future peace and happiness in a better
country, and shall be received as true sons and citizens
of that Jerusalem which is above.
To conclude : — Temperance and patriotism go hand

THE LOVE OF OUR COUNTRY. 157
in hand, and adhere together by an inseparable con
nection. And as there can be no real virtue in that
breast which is not susceptible of the love of the
public, so there can be no genuine love of the public
where virtue is wanting; since that is not only the
truest ornament but the best support of the com
munity. National affection, therefore, if it be derived
from a true principle, must necessarily inspire a moral
conduct, must incline us to quit every baneful vice, to
contract the circle even of what we call innocent
amusements, and, instead of looking out for daily
parties of pleasure, it will prompt us rather to make
a constant festival of human kindness, the most deli
cious of all entertainments to a generous mind. If
we behave thus, then we are patriots indeed. It is
thus we are to arm ourselves against our unprincipled
enemies; who, though they should npt dread our
strength, will certainly stand in awe of our virtue.
Whilst we act in this manner, our professions will not
only meet with full applause from men, but also with
the approbation of God, when, with 'the pious ardor
of the text, we cry out : " If I forget thee, O Jeru
salem ! let my right hand forget her cunning ; if I do
not remember thee, let my tongue cleave to the roof
of my mouth — if I prefer nPt Jerusalem above my
chief joy."

WILLIAM GORDON, D. D.
This divine and historian was a native of Hitchin,
Hertfordshire, England. In the early portion of his min
isterial life he was settled as pastor of a large indepen
dent congregation at Ipswich, and after the death of
Doctor David Jennings, he was chosen as his successor
in the church at Wapping. In both these positions he
was an earnest laborer for the cause of Christ, and only
relinquished them to emigrate to America, where he
thought greater rewards for his work awaited him. He
arrived in New-England about the year 1770, and
having preached about three years to a congregation
in the vicinity of Boston, was ordained as minister of
the Third Church at Roxbury. This was in 1772.
During the struggles of the colonists with the crown
and ministry of England, he took a bold and active
part with the former, and at an early period was
chosen chaplain to the Provincial Congress of Massa
chusetts. Struck with the importance of the scenes
that were opening upon the world at that time, he
formed a design of compiling their history, which he
made known to Washington, and meeting with the de
sired encouragement from that great man, he devoted
himself to the procuring of the best materials, whether
oral, written, or printed. In these researches he en-

SEPARATION OF THE JEWISH TRIBES. 159
joyed tlie co-operation of the most distinguished men
of the time, and was enabled by them to procure
access to their private as well as public papers and
documents. At the conclusion of the war he returned
to his native country, and in 1788 published the result
of his historical researches, in four handsome volumes.
In 1793 he again took up the standard of Christianity,
and was settled as pastor at St. Neots in Huntingdon
shire, but failing intellect caused his early retirement
from this position, and he preached but occasionally
thereafter. His last days were a blank, his memory
left him, and sinking into imbecility, he remained in
that state without suffering until the 19th of October,
1803, when he died.
The sermon which follows this imperfect sketch was
preached before the general court of Massachusetts on
the first anniversary of American Independence. It
was published under, the title of " The Separation of
the Jewish Tribes after the death of Solomon account
ed for and applied to the present day."

SEPARATION OF THE JEWISH TRIBES.
The fulness and variety of Scripture is such, that no
occurrence, whether public, domestic, or private, pre
sents itself, but you may find a text suitable to the
same. How far I have been directed to choose the
right, I submit to the better judgment of this venera-

160 THE patriot preachers.
ble audience: but I mean to improve the -present
opportunity by treating on the separation that hap
pened amongst the Jewish tribes in the time of Reho
boam, and to ground the discourse upon these words :
, 'i ' , ,
Wherefore the king hearkened not unto the people : for the cause was
from the Lord. — 1 Kings, xii. 15.
The sacred oracles enable us to solve many a diffi
culty in the ancient and modern history of the world.
According to their doctrine, the Lord Jehovah, the
Creator of the universe, governs all his works, whether
material or immaterial, animate or inanimate, rational
or irrational, men or angels, agreeably to an infinitely
wise plan formed from the beginning ; arid brings to
pass his own purpose, doing all his pleasure arid caus
ing his counsel to stand, amidst the various jarring
devices of created intelligent beings. He hath wisdom
and strength. He hath counsel and understanding.
He doeth great things and unsearchable ; marvellous
things without number. He setteth up on high those
that be low ; that those winch mourn may be exalted
to safety. He disappointeth the devices of the crafty,
so that their hands cannot perform their enterprise.
He taketh the wise in their own craftiness : and the
counsel of the froward is carried headlong. The de
ceived and the deceiver are his. He leadeth counsel
lors away spoiled, and maketh the judges fools. He
looseth the bond of kings, and breaketh the rod of the
oppressor. He poureth contempt' upon princes, and
weakeneth the strength of the mighty. He taketh
away the heart of the chiefs of the people of the earth,
and causeth them to wander in a wilderness where

SEPARATION OF THE JEWISH TRIBES. 161
there is no way. He plucketh up, pulleth down, and
destroyeth kingdoms. Hebuildeth, and planteth, and
prospereth: nations. In fine, his influence extends to
all events, whether more or less important, that so
each may work together, in its respective place, toward
the accomplishment of that perfect scheme of universal
government which He hath projected. Thus we are
taught to account for those grand revolutions that take
place at times in these lower regions ; and that are
brought forward by circumstances in themselves appa
rently trifling; and that might easily have been pre
vented by a prudent and speedy compliance with the
reasonable requests of the aggrieved.
The Jewish state flPurished amazingly under the
reign of Solomon, whose court was the resort of the
wise and noble ; for there came of all people to hear
the wisdom of Solomon, from all kings of the earth,
which had heard of his wisdom. (1 Kings, iv. 34.)
The friendship of this wise king was courted by neigh
boring states, who paid him their annual tributes.
He enlarged his dominions, so as, to rule over all the
region on this side the river, the great river Euphrates,
from Tiphsah even unto Azzah, over all the kings on
this side the river, and he had peace on all sides
around about him. (1 Kings, iv. 24.) Trade and -com
merce were prosecuted with that spirit, and attended
with such success, as that he made silver and gold at
Jerusalem as plenteous as stones, and cedar-trees
made he as the sycamore-trees that are in the vale for
abundance. (2 Chron. i. 15.) His subjects enjoyed
not only plenty, but security : Judah and Israel dwelt
safely, every man under his vine and under his fig-
tree, from Dan even to Beersheba, from one end of

162 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
t
the country to the other, all the days of Solomon.
(1 Kings, iv. 25.)
One would have concluded, from the height the
Jewish empire had reached, when at its meridian iu
the reign of Solomon, that, like the summer's sun, it
would have been long in declining. But, alas ! how
soon did the glory and fashion of it pass away, through
the bad policy that prevailed under the reign of his
successor. Solomon's funeral is scarce closed, before
fatal dissensions arise : the Jewish tribes separate,
through the imprudence and tyranny of Rehoboam,
and the empire is suddenly divided into two inde
pendent states.
Thus the most destructive events may be in the rear
of the most successful. It is not for a community,
any more than a private person, to say, glorying in
present appearances: "My mountain standeth strong,
I shall not be moved, I shall never be in adversity."
When great mercies, bestowed upon a sinful nation,
are productive of great vices, instead of leading to
repentance and the practice of virtue, Divine justice
may hurl it, without further warning, into the depths
of misery.
When George IL, of blessed memory, was upon
the verge of eternity, the British nation had nearly
attained the summit of its glory. That worthy sov
ereign had the happiness of his reign interrupted by
an unprovoked rebellion, and by wars with foreign
powers ; but its close was like that of the setting sun,
with not a cloud about it, when the storm that low
ered in the sky hath been broken and dispersed. His
loyal subjects enjoyed the glorious circumstances,
while they sincerely mourned its being a setting and

SEPARATION OF THE JEWISH TRIBES. 163
not a rising sun. However, they consoled themselves
with the hopes, that his successor would possess the
royal virtues of his aged grandsire, and prove the
happy instrument of confirming and lengthening out
the British glory, and therefore hailed his ascension
to the throne with loud and hearty acclamations.
These had scarce ceased, ere it was perceived that the
baneful influence which George II. foresaw, dreaded
as big with misery to his subjects, and spoke of with
concern to his trusty servants, was giving a wrong
bias to public measures. Old and experienced per
sons, conversant with business, and who had the con
fidence of the people, were removed, that so an am
bitious favorite of high-flying principles, with his
clan of pliant dependents, might be admitted into
places of honor, power and profit. The throne was
soon surrounded by men of despotic sentiments, and
the complexion of the court was such as that not only
violent tories, but known Jacobites repaired to it with
confidence, while the stanch friends of the House of
Hanover were so coolly received as to be really slight
ed. This occasioned many converts from among those
who were attached to the Pretender's family ; but, as
a political writer wisely and severely observed, though
they changed their idol they retained their idolatry.
They were, with the party they had joined, for having
the king absolute ; but as Britons were strenuous for
the forms of liberty, though negligent as to liberty
i-tself, they were for making him so by law, which, as
the nation was lost to public virtue, might easily be
done by corrupting and securing a majority in Par
liament. No wonder that, while the leading men had
such principles and views, and the sovereign a tem-

164 THE PATRIOT PEEACHEES.
per well adapted to second and support them, .ghould
he not be thought the first promoter ; unwarrantable
methods were adopted for procuring moneys for the
purpose of ministry, without regarding the rights, of
those that were to pay them, and that a firm and de
termined opposition to such proceedings was deemed
and treated as disobedience, to legal authority. From
hence hath originated a separation between those that
were as nearly related and as strongly united as the
Jewish tribes. Such was the warm affection that the
colonists had for Great Britain, that they considered
her as their home, and honored her as their mother
country. In all her afflictions, they were afflicted;
and when she rejoiced, they were glad. With what
anxiety did they expect news when her ruin was
threatened by rebellions or invasions ! how did they
wish that they could cross the Atlantic in her defence !
how did they exult in her salvations ! and how. were
their hearts enlarged in thanksgivings to God for her
successes ! But how ,has the cruelty of the British
legislature, and the tameness of the British nation in
suffering it, produced such an alienation of heart, in
the colonists, that many, very many, can scarce wish
to be connected with her more, in any way whatso
ever. As, a friend to the rights of mankind in general,
and of this continent in particular, I can but pray
that the King of kings would give his sanction to
what the Congress declared this day twelvemonth,
and by succeeding, make the United States of Amer
ica perpetually free and independent ; being assured
that there is no alternative but that of the most hor
rid slavery ; and yet as a native of Great Britain,
and considering that that is the land of the sepulchres

SEPARATION OF THE JEWISH TRIBES. 165
of your fprefathers, I can but wish that, though we
have been drove into an independency, we may
hot be forced into a total separation. However, it is
likely that we shall see the words of Rehoboam's
father verified: " A brother offended; is harder to be
won than a strong city, and their contentions are like
the bars of a castle, of an unusual size, beyond what
are to be met with in common among strangers."
Prov. xviii. 19.
Return we to the sacred history.
Rehoboam repaired to Shechem, where all Israel
met to make him king. The house of David could
plead a divine right to the throne ; and yet God — de
signing to intimate that its princes were to rule for
the good of the subjects, were riot to lord it over his
heritage, and would forfeit their right should they com
mence tyrants — did leave the investiture in the hands
of the people Thus, upon every new instalment, the
people had an opportunity of relating the grievances
they labored under during the preceding reign, and
of insisting on a redress ere they acknowledged the
successor. Accordingly all the congregation came
and spake unto Rehoboam, saying, Thy father made
our yoke grievous : now, therefore, make thou the
grievous service of thy father, and his heavy yoke,
which he put upon us, lighter, and we will serve thee.
(v. 3, 4.) We are not told what were the particulars on
which this general complaint was grounded. We may
conclude, from the acknowledgment contained in Re
hoboam's answer, that it was not without foundation.
The advantages enjoyed under the reign of Solomon
were uncommon; notwithstanding which, there were
some things peculiarly disgustful that the people were

166 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
not willing to submit to under his successor ; and that
Rehoboam might not construe their silence into an
acquiescence, they determine upon speaking their
minds freely, and stipulating with him upon what
terms they would serve him-. Whether they thought
the expenses of government multiplied unnecessarily,-
or designedly misapplied ; whether they objected to
the taxes as too great, or to the mode of laying and
raising them ; or to the imperious, insolent, and op
pressive behavior of crown officers; whether any,
some, or each of these, were particular matters of
complaint, must remain in uncertainty ; but they con
sidered themselves as having been under a heavy
yoke and grievous servitude. They therefore intimate
to Rehoboam that they will not serve him unless
he would lighten their burdens. This circumstance
plainly proves that they did not apprehend themselves
bound to non-resistance and passive obedience, though
Rehoboam should plead that he was lung jure divino.
The language of their procedure was : We submit to
no unconditional sovereignty. You must solemnly
promise, before we install you and acknowledge our
selves your subjects. Then we shall know what we
have to trust to, and when our obligation to obedience
ceases. Do we approve of your proposals, we will
serve you ; if not, we are at liberty to serve whom" we
please. Do we agree to your proposals, we are bound
to serve you while you keep to them ; but do you
vary from them without, our consent, the contract is
ended — our allegiance is absolved; we have a right
to choose another sovereign, or to alter the mode of
government, as we may judge most expedient. Let
it be observed, that these were the sentiments not of

SEPARATION OF THE JEWISH TRIBES. 167
a disaffected party, but of all the congregation of
Israel, at a period not when the nation was overrun
with ignorance, and priestcraft influenced, but imme
diately after the Jews had been tutored in the school
of wisdom by the greatest and acutest genius that ever
Kved. Plere I may introduce with propriety, the fol
lowing words of the Rev. Dr. Thomas Newton, wrote
upon another occasion : " Not only in this particular,
but in the general, the Scriptures, though often per
verted to the purposes of tyranny, are yet, in their
own nature, calculated to promote the civil as well as
the religious liberties of mankind. True religion and
virtue, and liberty," are more nearly related and more
intimately connected with each other than people com
monly consider. It is very true, as St. Paul saith,
that where the spirit of the Lord is there is liberty ;
or as our Saviour himself expresseth it, ' If ye con
tinue in my word, then are ye my disciples indeed ;
and the truth shall make ye free.' " Whether these,
which were the sentiments of a private clergyman, con
tinue those of the Bishop of Bristol, since advance
ment, is immaterial to the public ; but they will be
perpetuated in his incomparable Dissertations on the
Prophecies, volume I., page 313.
Rehoboam having heard what the people had to
say, with seeming prudence defers giving them an
answer, till he had time to consider the affair, and
consult his counsellors, and so sends them away for
the present, saying, depart yet for three days, then
come agaiu to me. Had Rehoboam a good design in
thus delaying the matter he ought to be commended
for it ; but the policy of princes is so exceeding intri
cate and crooked, that he might only mean to gain time

168 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
by it. He might resent their conduct in presenting
such a petition ; artfully conceal his displeasure ; give
it to all appearance a gracious reception ; propose by
that means to make them secure, to deceive and to
divide them ; and think that within the three days,
what with corrupting some, wheedling others and
frightening the timid, he should so weaken the oppo
sition as to have nothing to fear from it. Such policy
would only have resembled that of modern times.
Rehoboam, however, to keep up the farce, consulted
with the old men that stood before Solomon his father,
wliile he yet lived, and said, How do you advise, that
I may answer this people ? The people when they
had heard he had consulted the old statesmen of the
former reign, might promise themselves a redress of
grievances from their wisdom, and be ready to con
gratulate each other upon the pleasing prospect. • In
this George III. did riot resemble Rehoboam. The
reason for it may easily be conjectured. He was well
assured, that had he consulted the old men that stood
before his grandfather while he yet lived, they, like
Solomon's counsellors, would have advised him to
have complied with the petition of the complainants ;
which, as he had no inclination to do, he might fear
would embarrass his affairs and disconcert his favorite
projects. The old men gave counsel to Rehoboam saying, If
thou wilt be a servant to this people this day, and
wilt serve them, and answer them, and speak good
words to them, then they will be thy servants forever.
The old men had studied, been long acquainted with,
and knew the temper of the people; that they were
not given to change ; that they did not seek occasion

SEPARATION OF THE JEWISH TRIBES. 169
to separate from Solomon's successor ; that they sought
nothing more than to have their petition complied
with ; that their proposals were honest, whatever de
signing and interested men might insinuate ; and that
they would keep their word with Rehoboam were
they gratified ; therefore, they do not hesitate to de
clare positively what would be the happy consequence
would he answer them graciously, and speak good
words to them.
Whether it was owing entirely to Rehoboam's not
relishing this good advice ; or partly to that, and
partly to the cunning practices of some selfish ser
vants, who were sensible, that, if he followed it, their
schemes of aggrandizing themselves and families would
be totally ruined ; so it was, that he forsook the coun
sel of the old men, which they had given him, and
consulted with the young men that were grown up
with him, and which stood before him.
The persons here styled young men, were not so
very young in point of years ; for, from its being said
that they were grown up with Rehoboam, we must
•conclude that they were of the same age with him ;
and he was forty and one years old when he began to
reign ; but they were young men compared with the
old men that stood before Solomon ; they were young
also in point of political knowledge, and the art of
governing properly. They had lived long enough to
have been good politicians and wise counsellors, if
they had applied themselves to the study of human
nature, the tempers of mankind, and the history of
states and kingdoms ; but they had neglected these
particulars and had applied themselves to the pleasing
and getting the favor of the prince, to whom they
8

170 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
had been appointed companions when young, and
with whom they were grown up. They were raw and
inexperienced, as to state affairs ; and no ways fit to
be advised with in matters of the first importance,
which required the greatest sagacity, and a judgment
matured by repeated practice.
Men may have old heads, and yet be incapable of
giving proper counsel, for want of understanding what
they are consulted about. But as Rehoboam did not
approve of the counsel of the old men, he discovered
his policy, in applying to the young men that were
grown up with him : for there was no danger of their
giving advice that would be disagreeable to him.
They had been so long about his person, that they
knew his temper (perhaps better than what he him
self did), what counsel would be acceptable to him ;
and they would not run the hazard of being turned
out of place, and removed from before him, by advis
ing to measures that he might dislike. Not only so,
but they might have been so long habituated to adapt
their own inclinations to that of the prince, with
whom they had grown up, as that harsh proceedings
might please' them, no less than him. We cannot be
surprised, therefore, that they spake unto him, saying :
"Thus shalt thou speak unto this people^ that spake
unto thee, saying, Thy father made our yoke heavy,
but make thou it lighter unto us : thus thou shalt say
unto them, My little finger shall be thicker than my
father's loins. And now, whereas my father did lade
you with an heavy yoke, I will add to your yoke:
my father hath chastised you with whips, but I will
chastise you with scorpions."
Rehoboam, though descended from Solomon, had

SEPARATION OF THE JEWISH TRIBES. 171
very little of Solomon's wisdom, or he must have
known that such an answer as this would only inflame
the people, and make matters worse ; but it so suited
his arbitrary disposition, that when they came to him
on the third day, according to appointment, he an
swered them roughly, forsook the old men's counsel,
and spoke to them after the counsel of the young men.
It must appear strange that any one who was not
quite a natural should commit such a horrid blunder,
and dream of bullying, with great sounding words
of vanity, a high-spirited people struggling for their
liberties, and determined not to submit to past hard
ships. But our text tells us how it came about, and
wherefore it was that the king hearkened not unto
the people : he did it not, for the cause was from the
Lord, that he might perform his saying, which the
Lord spake by Ahijah the Shilonite unto Jeroboam
the son of Nebat. What the Lord spake by Ahijah
unto Jeroboam was, that He would rend the kingdom
and give ten tribes to him. It was the will and de
sign of Heaven that the ten tribes should be separa
ted from Rehoboam; wherefore it was that the king
hearkened not unto the people. He was left to him
self, to act a foolish, obstinate part, and to follow the
worst advice, that so the purpose of the Most High
might be accomplished.
This is the only rational way of accounting for what
happened; and thus was it according to the Latin
adage — those whom God means to destroy, he first of
all bereaves of sense. Rehoboam being so lost to
common sense as to give the answer above related,
the people resented it with a becoming spirit ; and
having nothing good to hope for, from one who could

172 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
treat them thus cavalierly, as though they were his
beasts of burden, should they enter into further treaty
with him; and being confident that it was not the
will of Heaven that the Lord's free people should sub
mit to be enslaved by a tyrant, because he was de
scended from David, whom the Lord had anointed to
be king over the tribes of Israel, they had a recourse
to the unalienable rights of human nature, declared
themselves free and independent, saying : " What por
tion have we in David ? neither have we inheritance
in the son of Jesse : to your tents, O Israel ; now see
to thine house, David."
In the warmth of their resentment, they seem to
speak disrespectfully of David ; but when persons are
enraged with cruel treatment, and that after having
meant well and honestly, it is not unusual for them to
utter those harsh expressions that they would not
adopt in cooler moments. So Israel departed unto
their tents. Rehoboam was soon sensible of his error;
but in endeavoring to correct it, fell into another that
made his affairs still worse. He sent Adoram, who
was over the tribute, to treat with them. The tribute,
we may suppose, was one ground of complaint; and
Adoram might, by his bad management in that de
partment, have made himself peculiarly obnoxious;
unless it was so, we can scarce think that he would
have fallen a sacrifice to their rage in such a way, for
all Israel stoned him with stones that he died. Had
Rehoboam sent one or more who had the love and
confidence of the people, and were possessed of pru
dence, some good might possibly have come of it, and
a reconciliation have taken place ; but that was not to
be, and therefore the aggrieved were insulted in the

SEPARATION OF THE JEWISH TRIBES. 173
commissioner employed by him. When Adoram was
stoned, Rehoboam perceived that it would not be safe
for him to remain" longer at Shechem, and therefore
made speed to mount his chariot, and fled to Jeru
salem. When he got there, he thought the ten tribes
were of too much consequence to be lost, though be
fore, being far from the seat of government, they
might have been slighted, and been spoken of in di
minutive terms by the courtiers ; and he determined
upon reducing them to obedience by arms.
Accordingly he assembled all the house of Judah,
with the tribe of Benjamin, an hundred and fourscore
thousand chosen men, who were warriors, to fight
against the house of Israel, to bring the kingdom to
Rehoboam the son of Solomon. What horrid scenes
were now likely to commence ! Countrymen, breth
ren in blood, brethren in religion, falling upon and
slaughtering each other with the weapons of destruc
tion ! Houses on fire ! Towns in flames ! Women
and children shrieking, crying, and flying, without
conveniences, without necessaries, into woods and
dens and caves for safety! Sons, brethren, lovers,
husbands, parents and grand-parents wallowing in
blood, and expiring in agonies ! Scenes not to be im
agined without shuddering ! But an infinitely merci
ful God interdicts the whole by a most timely message.
The word of God came unto Shemajah, the man of
God, saying, speak unto Rehoboam the son of Solo
mon the king of Judah, and unto all the house of
Judah and Benjamin, and to the remnant of the peo
ple, saying, thus saith the Lord, ye shall not go up,
nor fight against your brethren, the children of Israel ;
return every man to his house, for this thing is from

174 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
me. Did Rehoboam's regard to the divine prohibi
tion influence him to desist, it was more to his cre
dit than had he rharched against and subdued the
ten tribes; but it is to be apprehended, from the
temper he had before showed, that the ' authority of
the man of God to deliver such a message would
have been disputed by him, had not the Jews that
cleaved to him been fully convinced of the message
being from the Lord, wbich at once disarmed them
of all hostile intentions against their brethren, though
themselves accustomed to war. They hearkened,
therefore, to the word of the Lord, and returned to
depart according to the word of the Lord. Thus I
have considered the revolution that commenced at
the death of Solomon, and the progress of that sepa
ration from the house of David, that the ten tribes
were drove into, by the insulting and tyrannical con
duct of Rehoboam — an event of that nature aud so
circumstanced, that can be accounted for only upon
the principle assigned by the sacred historian — the
king hearkened not unto the people, for the cause Was
from the Lord. And it is upon that principle alone
that we can rationally account for the separation that
hath taken place between the United States of Amer
ica and Great Britain. That real friend to America
and the rights of human nature, Dr. Price* was he ac
quainted with ail the anecdotes to be gained on this
side ' the Atlantic, relative to our affairs, instead1 of
wording himself so cautiously : " I fancy I see," would
not hesitate in saying : " I see in these measures
something that cannot be accounted for merely by
human ignorance." He would strike out, " I am in
clined to think that" and boldly pronounce, " The hand

SEPARATION OF THE JEWISH TRIBES. 175
of Providence is in them, working to bring about
some great ends."
You must have applied already much of the dis
course ; for we have not been alluding to things done
in secret ; and you cannot be dwellers in Massa
chusetts, and be strangers to them. This continent
complained of real grievances, and humbly petitioned.
Whatever individuals of uncommon penetration might
wish, from foreseeing what would necessarily exist
sooner or later; the bulk of the people in every-state,
not this excepted, the body of the delegates would
have been satisfied, would have rejpiced, would have
been happy, had, their requests been complied with.
No set of delegates could have insisted upon more
without breaking the union of the colonies. Instead
of being heard and relieved, the yoke was increased by
fresh acts of cruelty, and new burdens laid upon the
continent. Our first grievances were spoken of as if
not real ; and as though we complained without cause,
it was determined that we should have cause for com
plaining. We had not been accustomed to a state of
slavery ; therefore could not brook such treatment
without resenting it. In the British Parliament we
were posted up to the world for poltroons, and the
ministry promised themselves a victory over all our
resolutions to be free, without any slaughter. " The
cabinet was in no disposition to give America any re
dress. The king was our inveterate enemy, and or
dered the ministers to persevere in the old plan ; arid.
it was determined by the secret ruling power to dis
tress us as much as possible. This ruler, being the
veriest coward that human nature can know," no
wonder that he was afraid lest we were falsely aspersed,

176 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
and wished to have the trifling military stores we had
collected for service, in case matters were brought to
an extremity, destroyed* Instructions for doing
it were transmitted; blood being wantonly spilt
in attempting to execute them, we were at once
plunged into a defensive war, with the greatest power
in the world, what with her riches, her resources, her
alliances, her armies and navies.
When we look back to that important period, and
recollect that we were without an army, without
money and without ammunition, we are amazed, that
instead of being galled to the bone with the yoke of
slavery, we are keeping the anniversary of our inde
pendency. The sword being drawn and the ground
stained with the blood of its inhabitants, the people
offered themselves willingly in the cause of liberty,
and the colonies united more closely. Still we were
desirous, if possible, of an accommodation. We there-
* Taken out of a letter from a gentleman at London to his friend in
Virginia, copied and sent over by the late Jeremiah Quincy, jun., Esq.,
whose death was occasioned by his zeal to serve the American cause, no
less than if he had been slain in the field, as appears from the following
minutes in his journal — " It is a good deal against my own private opin
ion and inclination that I now sail to America. I have had no letters
from thence since they knew of my arrival. I know not what my next
letters may contain. Besides, the fine season is now coming on here,
and Dr. Pothergill thinks Bristol air and water would give me perfect
health. On the other hand, my most intimate friends (except Mr.
Bloomfield) insist upon my going directly to Boston. They say no let
ters can go with safety, and that I can deliver more information and
advice viva voce, than could or ought to be wrote. They say my going
now (if I arrive safe) must be of great advantage to the American cause."
He attempted to serve the cause in the way advised to, notwithstanding
the personal dangers attending it, and lost his life in the attempt. Let him
be numbered therefore with the heroes that have fallen in the dispute.

SEPARATION OF THE JEWISH TRIBES. 177
fore petitioned again, without rising in our requests,
only enlarging them to take in new grievances. In
stead of having them redressed, we were deemed and
were to be treated as rebels. The power of Great
Britain was to be employed in reducing us, by fire and
sword, by armies and navies. This inclined several
of the colonies to wish for independency ; but others
would not hear of it, though it was known that the
British ministry meant to employ Indians, Canadians
and negroes against us. Union was essential to our
safety : some colonies therefore could not be gratified
in their desires after independency, till it was the wish
of most or all. The delusive image of an inclination
on the part of the ministry to settle the dispute by
treaty, with which many in Britain were amused, fas
cinated numbers on this side the Atlantic ; but when
it was found that the commission given to the Howes
was to be supported by an army of foreign mercena
ries, a change of sentiments among the beguiled Amer
icans commenced, and the advocates for indepen
dency multiplied greatly, the measure being made ah*
solutely necessary in order to self-preservation.
The deep-laid scheme for destroying the army being
discovered in a seasonable moment, removed the diffi
culties still remaining in the breasts of several well-
affected to the cause and liberties of the continent,
and brought every colony without exception to unite
in declaring for a state of independency ; and that they
were absolved from all allegiance to the British crown,
and that all political connection between them and the
state of Great Britain, was and ought to be totally
dissolved. A variety of particulars conspire to evidence, that
8*

178 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
it becomes us to say of this great event that it was
from the Lord. The union of the colonies was marvel
lous, considering the methods taken to hinder it ; that
they bad their distinct interests, their mutual jealousies,
and their different forms of government. The contin
uance of that union, notwithstanding the attempts
made to prevent it — the general unanimity prevailing
successively through the Congress — the ready compli
ance yielded to their recommendations and resolutions
through the continent — the successes attending our
military operations — the new modelling of most of our
governments, that the people might thereby attain to
the enjoyment of their civil rights, to a degree beyond
what was before known — the derangement of the plans
concerted by the adherents of the British ministry in
different colonies— the revolution in people's sentiments,
making them fond of a measure that a few months
before they abhorred the thought of — the oversight of
king and Parliament in neglecting conciliatory meas
ures, while there was an opening for them, though
urged strongly to it by the wisest statesmen in the
kingdom — the unanimity of the Congress on a point
which some weeks before would have occasioned a
great division — and Lord Howe's not arriving till inde
pendency had been declared, which prevented his hav
ing the opportunity of dividing the public, and oi
obstructing the measure by the subtle arts of negotia
tion — these are matters so remarkable as not to admit
of our excluding the special influence of Heaven. Let
others, attached to a false philosophy, ascribe the sep
aration of the United States of America from Great
Britain to moral and natural causes, without taking
into the account the providential concern of the Most

SEPARATION OF THE JEWISH TRIBES. 179
High in order to the accomplishment of his own divine
purpose ; but let every religious assembly say, the
king hearkened not unto the people, for the cause was
from the Lord ; this thing is from God. And I heartily
congratulate you upon his having brought it to pass,
as the only secure way for your continuing free. I
see not how it is possible for you to be ever more de
pendent upon Great Britain, without being in a state
of bondage, and feeling all the horrors of slavery. I
have not a doubt but that we are fully authorized, by
reason and religion, for thus separating; and am per
suaded that we are justified by the disinterested and
impartial world. May the spirit of wisdom return
speedily to the British councils, that so Britain may
soon recover our friendship and secure our connection
by commercial treaties, ere it is too late, and her ruin
is sealed ! But of this I have little hope, unless some
important event should take place in Europe, and
oblige Britons to bethink themselves. I rather expect
that they will strain every nerve to subdue us. And
such is the impiety of the courtiers (I mean in justice
to except the king), such the irreligion of lords and
commons, that, was a messenger sent with the word
of God to forbid the bloody purpose, he would be
rejected without examining his credentials, and would
probably be ordered into confinement as a madman.
An angel from heaven would have less attention paid
him than a threatening express from a neighboring
power. Has not the God of nature declared again
and again his disapprobation of their bloody proceed
ings, by scattering their fleets, staying their voyages,
disconcerting their plans, delivering many of their
stores into our hands, and plunging them continually

180 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
into greater difficulties. 1 might enumerate the sever
al interpositions of Providence whereby we have been
carried safely through the first year of our indepen
dency ; but your time will not permit it, and you can
scarce have forgot or be ignorant of them. Notwith
standing all, the British ministry will still persist.
O! when — when — will the vengeance of Heaven
overtake them, by awakening an injured, betrayed
nation to avenge itself on such treasnable rulers ?
Bear with me somewhat longer, my honorable hear
ers ; for methinks I perceive in a private corner a sly,
crafty, and concealed enemy, whispering in the ear of
his well disposed but timid neighbor : Why does he not
proceed in the history, and observe to us that the
separation of the ten tribes weakened and hastened
the ruin of all? and may not the like be feared with
regard to Great Britain and the United States of
America ? I answer : The ruin of Great Britain will
probably follow, unless prevented in the manner above
mentioned. And though, in the heat of the present
contest, and while engrossed in attending to our own
safety, we can scarce find time to pity her, yet when
we have got through our difficulties we shall bitterly
lament her fall, and curse the memories of those who
made it absolutely necessary for us to give her the
mortal wound, that so we might escape with life and
liberty. As to the United States of America, there
is no reason to fear that it will be with them as it
was with the ten tribes, do we improve by their errors.
What led on to their ruin was their choosing another
king when they had rejected Rehoboam, and not
erecting a form of government that should keep out
tyranny, after they had cast off the tyrant. They

SEPARATION OF THE JEWISH TRIBES. 181^
must needs call Jeroboam into the congregation, and
make him king over all Israel; and he, through
jealousy lest the people, by frequenting the worship
of the Lord God at Jerusalem, should be induced at
length to return to Rehoboam, adopted a policy that
caused Israel to sin, and forfeit the blessing and pro
tection of heaven.
But we are not bound to repair to the metropolis of
Great Britain that we may do homage to the Sovereign
of the universe. Our separation from her can be no
injury to the continent. Should she think of denying
episcopal ordination to persons of that persuasion, she
only endangers her own establishment, and conscien-
tiPus persons of that communion will soon be able to
procure episcopal ordination elsewhere. No damage
can ensue to the continent, on the score of religion,
from its separation. Nay, we may derive a benefit
from it, even beyond what is enjoyed in Britain, by
embracing the present happy moment for establishing
to all the peaceable enjoyment of the rights of con
science, wliile they approve themselves good members
of civil society, be their religious principles what they
may. In civil concerns, let us divest ourselves of that
selfish partiality, and oppressive temper, which have
so disgraced us of late, and benumbed those patriotic
principles which animated us in the commencement
of the present noble contest, turning numbers into
sons of rapine and extortion that once passed for and
called themselves high sons of liberty. The nature of
the times must unavoidably make the necessaries, no
less than the superfluities of life, much dearer than
formerly, so that it would be folly to say, that all that

182 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
advance which has taken place has been owing to
oppression and extortion. But, if men in this day
will not be content with a livelihood, and will make
themselves fortunes, immense fortunes, out of the dis
tresses of the people, I say, let the curse of Heaven
fall upon their substance, their unhallowed gains, till
the same are providentially dispersed among the suf
ferers. 'Tis not a curse that is causeless. Says, the
wisest of men, He that withholdeth corn, the people
shall curse him ; but blessing shall be upon the head
of him that selleth it. (Prov. xi. 26.) To corn, we
may add meat, wool, flax, sugar, salt ; in a word, all
the necessary articles of life, whether raised in the
country by the farmer, or brought in by the merchant,
or persons engaged in privateering. And I can
heartily deliver over to Satan, in the name of the
people, such oppressive withholders, for the destruc
tion of their flesh and of their substance, that so their
spirits may be saved in the day of the Lord Jesus. I
aim not this stroke at any particular order of men,
and have been vexed at the weakness and wickedness
that have appeared, in that animosity which hath
existed between the merchant and the countryman.
Fix their proportion, and I will venture to bring as
many honest, upright, patriotic individuals from the
one as from the other, and as many from each of
the opposite character. But to hear some talk
against trade and merchandise, as though they were
of course a nuisance to society and the country —
could do without them — is an exercise for patience.
Those very persons forget, that, had it not been for
trade and merchandise, the country had never been
settled by their forefathers, had never been peopled

SEPARATION OF THE JEWISH TRIBES. 183
and cultivated, as now ; had remained a wilderness,
and the residence of Indians. They forget, that, with
out trade and merchandise, we must have been en
slaved, for we could have had neither arms, nor- am
munition, tents, medicines, and so on. The country
man says, And remember, sir, that if it had not been
for the country, you would not have had your men,
your provision, and the like. True, my friend ; aud
this shows that the country and commercial interest
ought not to be contrasted to each other ; that, for
the public good and the well-being of community,
Providence hath designedly joined them together,
and, what God hath joined together let no man put
asunder. I am greatly mistaken, or before the sword was
drawn, they were both joined in one in whom we are
all united, and to whom we are all more indebted than
to any one man upon the continent — a — . I recollect
myself, and name him not; 'twould be like showing
the sun after having described it. Was not the worthy
and honorable president of the Congress our own — a
merchant also? Some of the first characters in the
civil and military departments were merchants or
traders ; and now I have said so much upon this head,
I hope little more will be said upon it henceforward,
but what will be healing.
I go on to mention : let us mould the governments
of the respective states, and the representative body
of the united, viz., the Congress, so as not only to ex
clude kings, but tyranny, and, as ever, to retain the
supreme authority in the people, together with the
power, no less than the right of calling their delegated
agents to an account, whether they sit in the assembly,

184 . THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
the council, the chair, or the Congress. We are not
fighting against the name of a king, but the tyranny ;
and if we suffer that tyranny under another name, we
only change our master without getting rid of our
slavery. Take heed, therefore, my brethren, and stand
fast in that liberty wherewith you have been made
free. Let no single individual, let no collective body
exalt itself above measure, and assume to itself powers
that. do not belong to it, and with which it has never
been entrusted, neither implicitly nor expressly. Now
is the golden opportunity for banishing tyranny as
well as royalty out of the American states, and send
ing them back to Europe, from whence they were im
ported. I might enlarge, but must forbear. 'Tis expedient
and opportune, however, to mention that, would we
have our independency perpetuated, let us repent of
our sins, attend to religion, and live the doctrines of
Christianity ; then may we reasonably expect that
future generations will joyfully commemorate this an
niversary, and that the names of those who boldly
stood forth in the cause of liberty, and acted a con
sistent and uniform part, will be blessed.
My honorable audience, I am as much tired with
speaking, as you can be with hearing me ; but I must
take a little notice of what strikes the ear of my im
agination, from one oppressed with the difficulties of
the day — if these are the fruits of independence, bet
ter be dependent as before. My honest friend, they
are not the fruits of independence, but of Britain's
trying to enslave us. They originate truly and prop
erly from those we were before dependent upon.
Blame them, therefore, for all your difficulties, and

SEPARATION OF THE JEWISH TRIBES. 185
hate more- than ever being brought into bondage to
them. Your difficulties are great, but don't mistake
the cause ; charge them to the real authors. I pity
you under them, and recommend it to every man to
ease you of them as far as he is able. But, my friend,
have you ever read the history of your own country,
wrote by Mather ? If not, you have heard of it ; let
me recommend it to your perusal, you will then find
that your difficulties are vastly short of what your
forefathers endured. And let me further tell you
that I do not recollect reading of any people since
the creation, that ever secured their liberties without
undergoing far, far more than what we have expe
rienced. I see, or fancy I see, a distant dawning that
indicates we are not far from the end of our troubles.
But if not, be of good courage, the horrors of slavery,
after having exasperated our enemies by so animated
and brave an opposition, are more to be dreaded than
greater difficulties. Look upon your little ones, the
darlings of your souls, and consider what will be their
lot should the arms of Britain prevail. They will be
forced to cry out : " O that we had been born Africans
instead of Americans!" I now leave it with your
good sense, and have done, my friend. I cannot but
hope that the Lord will save us for his own name's
sake.

NATHANIEL WHITAKER, D. D.
Among the preachers of the revolutionary period
no one manifested a stronger dislike to the usurpations
of the British crown than Doctor Whitaker. Pos
sessed of great biblical learning and commanding
powers of elocution, which he used upon every oppor
tunity for the service of his suffering country, he exer
cised a wide influence among the people, and was
looked upon as a " great political counsellor." He
was a native of Long Island, New York, and was born
on the twenty-second day of February, 1732. At the
age of twenty, having passed his college life with
marked attention to his studies and the cultivation of
letters, he graduated at Princeton, and soon after was
engaged in the ministry at Norwich, Connecticut. On
the twenty-eighth of July, 1769, having agreed with
the Third Church in Salem, Massachusetts, " that he
would become their minister without public instal
ment, and that they should be under Presbyterian
order, until they saw cause to alter," he preached a
sermon and entered upon the duties of that church.
Here he continued to labor with increased reputation.
In the early part of 1775, his church was destroyed by
fire, and his people were obliged to worship in a
school-house. A letter of Doctor Whitaker, written

ANTIDOTE AGAINST TORYISM. 187
at this time mentions the separation of many of his
congregation from his church. This circumstance
irose from a preference on the part of the seceders for
the congregational form of government, under which
Doctor Whitaker refused to preach. This spirit of
dissension continued to increase until 1783, when the
Third Church expressed a desire to return to Congre
gationalism, and Doctor Whitaker retired from the
pulpit. Soon after he visited Virginia, where he died.
The records of his life are scanty, but enough remains
in his printed sermons to entitle him to the name he
has received, " an uncompromising man, pious, learned
and charitable." His sermon " An Antidote against
Toryism," was delivered at Salem, Massachusetts, and
printed in 1777, with an extended dedication to, Gen
eral Washington.-

ANTIDOTE AGAINST TORYISM.

Curse ye Meroz, said the angel of (he Lord, curse ye bitterly the inhabi
tants thereof, because they came not to the help of the Lord against the
mighty. — Judges, v. 23.
The sum of the law of nature, as well as of the
written law, is love. Love to God and man, properly
exercised in tender feelings of the heart, and benefi
cent actions of life, constitutes perfect holiness. The
gospel breathes the same spirit, and acknowledges
none as the disciples of Christ but those who love not
their friends only, but even their enemies. Bless and

188 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
curse not, is one of the laws of his kingdom. Yet the
aversion of men to this good and benevolent law
prompts them to frequent violations of it, which is
the source of all the evils we feel or fear. And so
lost are many to all the tender feelings required in
this law, as to discover their enmity to their Creator,
by opposing the happiness of his creatures, and spread
ing misery and ruin among them.
When such characters as these present themselves
to our view, if we are possessed with the spirit of love
required in the law and gospel, we must feel a holy
abhorrence of them. Love itself implies hatred to
malevolence, and the man who feels no abhorrence of
it, may be assured he is destitute of a benevolent
temper, and ranks with the enemies of God and man.
For, as God himself hates sin with a perfect hatred
from the essential holiness of his nature, and sinners
cannot stand in his sight, so the greater our conformity
to him is, the greater will be our abhorrence of those
persons and actions which are opposite to the divine
law. David mentions this as an evidence of his love
to God : "Do not I hate them, 0 lord, that hate thee?
and am I not grieved with them that rise up against
thee ? I hate them with a perfect hatred. I count
them mine enemies."* True benevolence is, therefore,
exercised in opposing those who seek the hurt of so
ciety, and none are to be condemned as acting against
the law of love, because they hate and oppose such as
are injurious to happiness.f But the weakness and
* Psalms cxxxix. 21, 22.
f Even God's hatred of sin, and the punishment he inflicts on the
wicked, arise from his love of happiness, from the benevolence of his
nature.

ANTIDOTE AGAINST TORYISM. 189
coiTuption of nature, in the best, is such, that God
hath not intrusted to men at large the exercise of the
resentment due to such characters, nor allowed them
to inflict those punishments which their crimes call
for, even in this world, except in some special cases.
On the contrary, he hath strictly prohibited all his
subjects taking vengeance for private or personal in
juries in a private and personal manner, and re
quired, that if " one smite us on the one cheek, we
turn to him the other also ;"* and, in the language of
love, exhorts us : " Dearly beloved, avenge not your
selves." Yet there are cases in which he requires us,
as his servants, to take vengeance on his enemies.
And it deserves our particular notice, that all these
cases respect crimes which tend to destroy human
happiness. Even his commands to punish blasphemy and other
sins which strike more directly against himself, are ¦
not given because his own happiness is thereby dimin
ished, but because they tend to erase from our minds
that sense of his glorious majesty, authority, and gov
ernment, without the belief of which, all order and
peace among men would come to an end. So God.
requires us to execute vengeance on the murderer, the
thief, the adulterer, reviler, and the like ; all which
sins 6trike at the peace and happiness of human
society. God's heart is so much set upon diffusing
happiness among his creatures, by which he most
displays his glory, that he perfectly abhors what
ever tends to frustrate this end ; and has threatened
the least opposition to it with everlasting death in
* Matthew, v. 39.

190 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
the world to come. But some (through the corrup
tion of nature by sin) have not faith in a future state of
rewards and punishments sufficient to influence them
to their duty, or deter them from opposing ' God's
gracious purpose, therefore, to strike our senses with
full conviction of his anger against such as counter
act his benevolent designs, he has commanded every
society" of men, to inflict punishment on them in this
world, and has specified the crimes, the punishments,
and the officers who are to inflict them.
Every punishment involves in it a curse, and pre
supposes some crime ; and the curse or punishment is
by God exactly proportioned to the nature, heinous-
ness, and circumstances of ¦the crime. Therefore, when
a grievous punishment is inflicted, we justly infer the
aggravation of the -offence. To inflict punishment, is
actively to curse, and when we pronounce a curse, we
do, as far as we can, consign over the object to some
punishment. But when God commands us to curse
any person or people, we are bound by his authority
actually to punish them.
These observations may lead us to some apprehen
sion of the aggravated nature of the sin of Meroz,
whom Israel are commanded to curse bitterly for their
conduct in an affair of a public nature.
The text I have chosen as the theme of my discourse,
is part of a song uttered by Deborah and Barak, in
holy triumph and praise for a signal victory obtained
over Jabin, king of Canaan, and Sisera, the captain of
his host. This powerful prince, who had nine hundred
chariots of iron, and a mighty army, had brought Is
rael into subjection, and grievously oppressed them for
twenty years. This cruel and galling yoke awakened

ANTIDOTE AGAINST TORYISM. 191
them to a sense of their sin against God, and to cry to
him for deliverance. No sooner are they made sensi
ble of their sin against, and dependence on him, and
to repent and seek his favor and protection, than he ap
pears for their help, and raises up and inspires Deborah
and Barak with courage, and faith in his po-wer and
grace, to oppose the tyrant, and shake off his yoke.
A few men of Zebulon and Naphtali, viz., ten thou
sand, were designed by God to have the honor of
conquering this potent king ; for ten other tribes mus
tered and were ready for the war, yet it seems Zebu
lon and Naphtali only, were the people that jeoparded
their lives to the death, in the high places of the field.*
And the little army — raised from two tribes only
out of twelve — of Deborah and Barak march out and
wage war against their oppressor, for the recovery of
their freedom.f

* Context, ver. 18.
f Some people, not the inhabitants of Meroz, fear the event of our
present struggle, (1), on account of our inability, however we may
exert ourselves, to oppose the power of the tyrant ; and hence, though
desirous of freedom, through want of faith in the power and grace of
God, dare not act, and so weaken the cause they wish might succeed.
Or, (2), they despair, of success, because of so many in these states
who are lukewarm in the cause, and secretly or openly friends to the
tyrant. And, (3), some serious people despair of success because of the
abounding sins of our land^ For the relief and establishment of such,
I entreat them to consider that none of the twelve tribes are mentioned
as entering the field but Zebulon and Naphtali ; and not another as re
motely favoring the cause, but Ephraim, Benjamin; Issachar, and Ma-
chir, of the family of Caleb. Their divisions then were much greater
than ours. For the divisions of Reuben there were great searchings of
heart.. .. . As to their power, their army was but ten thousand, and
these without arms ; for Deborah informs us, that neither shield nor spear
was seen among forty thousand in Israel. As to their sins, they had

192 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
Jabin, it seems, had no knowledge or thought that
Israel was arming against him. The first intelligence
brought him was, that Barak was gone up to Mount
Tabor, that he had already marched, and was on his
way to invade his country. Some traitors, who pre
tended friendship to Israel, carried him the news,
hoping, doubtless, to ingratiate themselves with Jabin,
by giving him the earliest notice possible of this revolt.
No doubt, both Jabin and Sisera despised this small
body of undisciplined, unarmed troops, and were con
fident they should carry all before them, and quickly
reduce those rebels (as he, doubtless, termed them)
to their former obedience. But God, who disposes
all events, not only gave the victory to Israel, but
utterly destroyed the whole host of Jabin, that not
one escaped, except Sisera the captain-general, and
him God delivered to be slain by the hand of a
woman. Women have sometimes been the deliverers
of their country, and can, when God inspires them
with courage, face the proudest foe. Oh, how easy
is it with God to save from the greatest danger, and,
by the weakest instruments, conquer the most power
ful enemies !
Deborah and Barak, deeply impressed with a sense
of God's mercy in this deliverance, sang this song as
an expression of their joy and gratitude, from which,
would time allow, many instructive lessons might be
greatly revolted, and chosen them new gods, which was high treason
against their king. But, notwithstanding all the discouragements, we find
victory declaring for them on their repentance, and proper exertion
of the little power they had. This must surely remove all our fears in
our present struggle, unless impenitence and unbelief still rule in our
hearts, by which we shall incur the curse of Meroz.

ANTIDOTE AGAINST TORYISM. 193
deduced. But the words of my text lead us more
directly to consider some things most worthy our at
tention this day, and therefore I have chosen them as
the theme of the following discourse, and in them we
may observe :
I. The crime for which this bitter curse is denounced
on the inhabitants of Meroz. Probably this was some
town or state in Israel, who, being called to furnish
their quota of men and money for the war, through
fear of bad success and, in that case, of a heavier bur
den ; or from a secret lurch to the enemy, arising from
hope of court preferment, or favors already bestowed
on some of their leading men ; or from some other
sinister motive, thought best to lie still, and not meddle
in the quarrel. So much is certain, they did not go
with Barak to the war. The crime they are charged
with, is not their aiding, assisting, or furnishing the
enemy, or holding a secret correspondence with, or
taking up arms to help them ; they are not charged
as laying plots to circumvent the resta or striving
to discourage their neighbors from going to the war,
or as terrifying others with descriptions of the irre
sistible power of Jabin's nine hundred chariots of
iron and the like. No, the inhabitants of Meroz*
were innocent people compared to these ; they were
only negatively wicked ; they only failed in their
duty ; they did not arm to recover their liberties when
wrested from them by the hand of tyranny. This is
all the fault charged on them, yet for this they in
curred the fearful curse in my text. Now, if for mere
negligence they deserved this curse, what must they
have deserved who aided and assisted the enemy?
Surely a sevenfold bitterer curse.
9

194 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
II. Observe the curse pronounced,: " Curse ye Me
roz, curse ye bitterly the inhabitants thereof." Their
conduct, on that occasion, was such as deserved a se
vere punishment from the other states, who are com
manded to separate them unto evil, as a just reward
of their neglect.
IH. We observe by whom this curse was to be pro
nounced and inflicted. Not by Deborah and Barak
alone, in a fit of anger, as profane persons in a rage
curse their neighbors, and undertake to punish them ;
such often pronounce curses without cause, but the
curse causeless shall not come. This curse was to be
pronounced and inflicted by all the people,1 who are
here required to be of one heart, and engage seriously;
religiously, and determinately in cursing them, and as
God's ministers to execute his wrath upon them. We
may not suppose that this work was left to the people
at large, or to a mob ; but the rulers are first to pro
ceed against them,* and all the people to support and
assist them in this work ; and so all were to join, as
onerman, to curse them, and that bitterly, i. e., they
were fully and without hesitation to condemn them to
severe pua|shment, and inflict it on them. They were
not to deal gingerly with them, nor palliate their
offence. They are allowed to make; no excuses for
them, nor to plead " that they were of a different
opinion ; that they thought it their duty not to take
up arms against their king that ruled over them, but
to submit to the higher powers ; that liberty of con
science ought to be allowed to every one, and that it
* This is evident from the order of government God established in
Israel. i

ANTIDOTE AGAINST TORYISM. 195
would be hard to punish them for acting their own
judgments."* No such pleas 'might be made for
them, nor one word spoken in their favor, their sin
being against the great law of love and light of na
ture; but. all, with full purpose of heart, were to curse
thpse cowardly, selfish, cringing, lukewarm, half-way,
two-faced people, and to treat them' as outcasts, and
unworthy the common protection or society of others.
IV. Observe by whose command they were required
to curse Meroz. It was not by the comrriand of De
borah and Barak, but of God himself; yea by the
command of Jesus Christ, the meek and compassionate
Saviour of men. Curse ye Meroz, said the angel of
the Lord. This was the angel of God's presence,
who then fought for Israel, and who was so offended
with the people of Meroz for their selfishness aud in
difference in this important cause, that he not only
cursed them himself, but commands all the people
to curse thern, and inflict his wrath on them in this
world. V. Observe the circumstances which aggravated
their crime, viz. : the enemy that enslaved them was
mighty. Had the foe been weak and contemptible,
there had been less need of their help. But when a"
powerful tyrant oppressed them, and they were called
upon to unite with their suffering brethren in shaking w ¦
* Liberty of conscience is often pleaded in excuse for the worst of
crimes. In matters of mere conscience the plea is valid, but nothing
else. Those are matters of mere conscience in which none are con
cerned but God and the person acting ; as in matters of faith and wor
ship. But when actions respect society, and .become injurious to the
civil rights of men, they are proper subjects of civilllaws, and may be
punished, notwithstanding the plea for liberty of conscience. ;

196- THE PATRIOT PREACHERS..
off his yoke, and all their strength little enough to
oppose him, then to excuse themselves, was highly
criminal, and in effect to join with the tyrant to rivet
.slavery and misery on the whole nation. This was
highly provoking to God, whose great end is, to diffuse
happiness, and not misery, among his creatures, and
who never punishes but when his subjects oppose
this design.
This was the crisis when their all lay at stake. They
well knew that their brethren (however they them
selves might be distinguished with court favors by the
tyrant) were groaning under cruel bondage. But as
selfishness renders people callous and unfeeling to the
distresses of others, so they were easy and satisfied to
see their brethren tortured by the unrelenting hand
of oppression, if so be they might sleep in a whole
skin. They were contented that others should go
forth and endure the hardships of war, but refused to
engage in the work, or bear any part of the burden
with them, though all was hazarded through their
neglect. How base wras this conduct, while they
knew the strength of the enemy ? This consideration
was enough to have engaged every one, not lost to all
the feelings of humanity, to the firmest union, and the
most vigorous exertions. But these servile wretches
would rather bear the yoke, and see the whole land
involved in slavery, than enter the field, and share the
glory of regaining their freedom from a powerful foe.
They preferred their present ease, or some court favor,
with chains and slavery, to the glorious freedom they
were born to enjoy.
From this view of the text and context, we may
deduce the following doctrinal observations :

ANTIDOTE AGAINST TORYISM. 197
I. That the cause of liberty is the cause of God and
truth. II. That to take arms and repel force by force, when
our liberties are invaded, is well-pleasing to God.
III. That it is lawful to levy war against those who
oppress us, even when they are not in arms against us.
IY. That indolence and backwardness in taking arms,
and exerting ourselves iu the service of our country,
when called thereto by the public voice, in order to
recover and secure our freedom, is an heinous sin in
the sight of God.
Y. That G©d requires a people, struggling for their
liberties, to treat such of the community who will not
join them, as open enemies, and to reject them as un
worthy the privileges which others enjoy. -«-
I. The cause of freedom is the cause of God. To
open this, I will inquire :
1st. What we are to understand by liberty, or free
dom ? and then,
2d. Prove that this is the cause of God
1. What is meant by liberty, or freedom ?
It is sufficient to my present purpose to distinguish
liberty into moral, natural and civil.*
* I purposely omit what Dr. Price, in his excellent Observations on
Civil Liberty, p. 2, calls physical liberty ; which, I venture to say, with
deference to this great man, is not to be found, as he defines it, in any
intelligent agent in the universe. For, that actions may be " properly
ours," he makes them the effects of self-determination only, "without
the operation of any foreign cause." This, at one blow, demolishes all
the power and value of motives, which are always foreign to the actions
they produce, as the cause is to the effect. And thus the issue is, that
we must act without any reason, motive, aim, or end of our actions,' in
order that they may be, properly our own. But this reduces us to mero
machines.

198 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
Moral liberty lies in an ability, or opportunity,, to
act or conduct as the agent pleases.
He that is not hindered by any external force from
acting as he chooses or wills to act, is perfectly free
in a moral sense ; and so far as he possesses this free
dom, so far, and no farther, is he a moral, accounj;-
able creature, and his actions worthy of, praise or
blame. By natural liberty, I mean that freedom of action
and conduct which all men have a right to, anteced-;
ent to their being members of society. This Mr.
Locke defines to be " that state or condition in which
all men naturally are to order all their actions, and
dispose of themselves and possessions as they think
fit, within the bounds of the law of nature, without
asking leave, or depending on the will of any man."
In this state all men are equal, and no one hath a right
to govern or control another. And the law of nature
or the eternal reason and fitness of things, is to be the
only rule of his conduct ; of the meaning, of which
every one is to be his own judge.
But since the corruption of nature by sin, the lusts
and passions of men so blind their minds, and harden
their hearts, that this perfect law of love is little con
sidered, and less practised ; so that a state of nature,
which would have been a state of perfect freedom and
happiness had man continued in his first rectitude, in
a state of war, rapine and murder. Hence arises an
absolute necessity that societies should form them
selves into politic bodies, in order to enact laws
for the public safety, and appoint some to put
them in execution, that the good may be encouraged,
and the vicious deterred from evil practices; and

ANTIDOTE AGAINST TORYISM. 199
these laws should always be founded on the law of
nature.* Hence it appears, that perfect civil liberty differs
from natural only in this, that ina natural state our
actions, persons and possessions, are under the direc
tion, judgment and control of none but ourselves ; but
in a civil state, under the direction of others, accord
ing to the laws of that state in which we live ; which,
by the supposition, are perfectly agreeable to the law
of nature. In the first case, private judgment; in the
second, the public judgment of the sense of the law
of nature, is to be the rule of conduct. When this is
the case, civil liberty is perfect, and every one enjoys
all that freedom which God designed for his rational
creatures in a social state. All liberty beyond this is
mere licentiousness — a liberty to sin, which is the worst
of slavery. But when any laws are enacted which
cross the law of nature, there civil liberty is invaded,
and God and man justly offended.; Therefore, when
those appointed to enact and execute laws, invade this
liberty, they violate their trust, and oppress their sub
jects, and their constituents may lawfully depose them
by force of arms, if they refuse to reform.
Now, if it be unlawful for magistrates in a state, to
bind their subjects by laws contrary to the law of
nature, and if in this case it is lawful for their sub
jects to depose them, it follows, a fortiori, that should.
the rulers of, one state assume a power to bind the
* Civil liberty is the freedom of bodies politic, or states. This is well
defined by Dr. Price, p. 2,' to be "the power of a civil society or state
to govern itself by its own discretion, or by laws of its own making,
without being subject to any foreign direction or the impositions of any
extraneous power."

200 THE FATEIOT PREACHERS.
people of another state who never intrusted them
with a legislative power, by such unrighteous laws^
those oppressed people would be under no kind of
obligation to submit to them, but ought, if in their
power, to oppose them and recover their liberty.
Therefore the freedom of a society or state consists
in acting according to their own choice, within the
bounds of the law of nature, in governing themselves
independent of all other states. This is the liberty
wherewith God hath made every state free, and which
no power on earth may lawfully abridge, but by their
own consent ; nor can they lawfully consent to have
it abridged, but where it appears for the greater good
of society in general : and when this end cannot be
attained, they have a mghtjto resume their former
freedom, if in their power.
2. I proceed to prove that the cause of civil liberty
is the cause of God. This follows from what hath now
been said. For if the law of nature is the law of God,
and if God hath given every society or state liberty
independent of all other states, to act according to
their own choice in governing themselves within the
bounds of the law of nature, then it follows that this
freedom is of God, and he that is an advocate for it
espouses the cause of God, and he that opposes it op
poses God himself. This liberty hath God not only
given, but entailed on all men, so that they cannot
resign it to any creature without sin. Therefore,
should any state, through fear, resign this freedom to
any other power, it would be offensive to God. Thus,
had America submitted to. and acquiesced in ^lip. dec
laration of the British Parliament. " That they have
a right to bind us in all cases whatsoever," we should

ANTIDOTE AGAINST TORYISM. 201
have greatly provoked God by granting that prerog
ative to men, which belongs to God only. ; nor could
we have reason to hope for pardon and the divine fa
vor on our land, without unfeigned repentance ; but,
as repentance implies a change of conduct as well as
of mind, so we must have exerted ourselves to undo
what we had done, and by every method in our power
to cast off the chains and resume our liberty. But, to
leave the dim light of reason, let us hear what divine
revelation says in my text and context.
Israel were a free, independent commonwealth,
planted by God in Canaan, in much the same manner
that he planted us in America. The nations around
always viewed them with an envious and jealous eye,
as well they might, since they drove out seven nations
more powerful than themselves, and possessed their
land. But when, by their grievous sins they pro
voked God, he often permitted those neighboring na
tions to invade their rights, that they might be brought
to a sense of their sin and duty.
Jabin, the king of Canaan, one of those states, was
God's rod to humble them. He invaded Israel, rob
bed them of their rights, and held them in slavery
twenty years ; in all which he acted the part of a
cruel tyrant, and provoked God, to his own destruc
tion. Jabin had long ruled over Israel ; but this gave
him no right. His dominion was still mere usurpa
tion, as he robbed them of the liberty God had given
them ; and with a single view to recover this and pun
ish the invader, I5od commanded them to wage war
on the tyrant, and shake off his yoke. They obey the
divine mandate, assemble their forces, call on the
various states to join them in the glorious conflict ;
9*

202 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
and God himself curses those who would not assist to
punish this oppressor.
No doubt, Jabin called this rebellion, and made
proclamation that all who were found in arms, or any
way aiding the revolt, should be deemed and treated
as rebels, and their estates confiscated,; but that all
who would make their submissions, should enjoy all
their privileges, as before, at his sovereign disposal,
A glorious offer ! How worthy the joyful and thoughtf
ful acceptance of men born to freedom ! Rather
where's the wretch so sordid as not to feel this as an
insult to human nature ? or where's the Christian that
does not view it as a reproach of his God ? and who
will not, with good Hezekiah, spread before the Lord,
in humble prayer, the words of this Rabshekah, pub
lished to reproach our God, as unable to defend us,
though engaged in his cause? Or where is the man,
so lost to all noble and generous feelings, that would
hot choose to die in the field of martial glory, rather
than accept such insulting terms of peace, or rather
of misery ; to live and see himself, his friends, his
wife, children and country, subjugated to the arbitrary
will and disposal of a merciless tyrant ?
But doubtless these inviting, gracious terms of peace,
had great influence on some. The inhabitants of Me
roz seem to have been such dastardly, low-spirited,
court sycophants ; and also many in the tribe of Reu
ben, for whose divisions there were great searchings
of heart. These probably trembled at the power of
Jabin, and thought him invincible, though opposing
God himself, whose cause they were called to espouse.
Some might call the war rebellion, and others, by
open or secret practices, discourage and weaken the
cause.

ANTIDOTE AGAINST TORYISM. 203
This is very applicable to our present case. We
are declared rebels by the king of England. His ser
vants offer pardon to all those who will lay themselves
at his feet to dispose of as he shall see fit, and " to
bind them, their children and estates, at his, pleasure, in
all cases whatsoever," What gracious terms of peace !
Must not this yoke sit with peculiar ease and pleasure
on, the necks of freeborn Americans ! , Yet, with hor
ror be it spoken, there are freeborn sons of America
so lost to all sense of honor, liberty, and every noble
feeling, as to join the cry, and press for submission.
O tell it not in Gath, publish it not in the streets of
Ashkelon. We have some, but blessed be God, that
we have no. more of the inhabitants of Meroz scattered
among us ; some whose endeavors to divide us, cause
great searchings of heart. But be it known to them,
and to all men, that they, as, Meroz, are fighting
against God. This assertion is confirmed by the curse
denounced on Meroz by God's command ; for had they
not opposed him, he would not have cursed them.
They, then, were the rebels, in the judgment of God,
and not those who took up arms to recover their liber
ties : rebels against the God of Heaven ; and therefore
fell under his and his people's curse ; as well as those
shall, who oppose or neglect to promote the like glo
rious cause.
From what hath been said, the truth of the second
observation appears, viz. :
II. That to take arms, and repel force by force,
when our liberties are invaded, is well pleasing to
God., This is a natural consequence from what is said
above, and from the text itself. Deborah and Barak,

204 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
in taking arms against Jabin, acted agreeably to the
law of nature, which is the law of love ; were also par
ticularly excited, directed, and commanded thereto by
God himself* They did not, by this war, aim at
dominion over others, nor seek to deprive any of their
natural rights; but only to recover and secure the
liberties and rights which had been wrested from
them, that they might thereby spread peace and hap
piness through all the tribes of Israel ; while the real
happiness of others would not thereby be diminished.
This, by the law of nature, was sufficient to justify
them. If, then, they conformed to the law of love in
taking up arms, and if God required them to make
war on Jabin, then it was undeniably pleasing to him.
But, if God approved their conduct in this case,>he
certainly will approve the like conduct in all similar
cases. Therefore, when one country or state invades
the liberties of another, it is lawful, and well pleasing
to God, for the oppressed to defend their rights by
force of arms. Yea, to neglect this, when there is a
rational prospect of success, is a sin — a sin against
God, and discovers a want of that benevolence, and
desire of the happiness of our fellow-creatures, which
is the highest glory of the saints.
I need not spend time to prove that our struggle
with Great Britain is very similar to that of Israel and
Jabin. As they had, so have we been long oppressed
by a power that never had any equitable right to our
land, or to rule over us, but by our own consent, and
agreeably to a solemn compact. When they violated
this, all their right ceased, and they could have no
* Judges, iv. 6, 1,

ANTIDOTE AGAINST TORYISM. 205
better claim to dominion than Jabin had over Israel.
A power, indeed, has been usurped by Great Britain, '
" to bind us in all cases whatsoever ;" which claim
hath already produced many most unrighteous and
oppressive laws, which they have attempted to enforce
by their fleets and armies; in all which they can be
no more justified than Jabin in his tyranny over
Israel. Therefore, if it was their duty to fight for the
recovery of their freedom, it must likewise be ours.«
And to neglect this, when called to it by the public
voice, will expose us to the curse of Meroz. Yea,
III. It is lawful, yea duty, to levy war against
those who oppress us, ^e ven when they are not in
arms against us, if there be a rational probability of
success. I say, if there be a rational probability of success.
For the law of love or nature will not justify opposi
tion to the greatest oppression, when such opposition
must be attended with greater evils than submission.
Therefore, the primitive Christians, and many of later
ages, did not oppose their cruel persecutors ; as it
would, without a miracle, have brought on them in
evitable destruction. But where there is a rational
probability of success, any people may lawfully, and
it is their duty to, levy war on those who rob them
of their rights, whether they be rulers in the state
they live in, or any more distant powers, even before
war is waged against them.
The truth of this appears from the instance before
us. Jabin at this time was not at war with Israel ;
no, they had been conquered and under his govern
ment twenty years ; and nothing was heard, but the
groans and cries of the oppressed. How then, it may

206 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
be asked, can they be justified in commencing a war?
Doubtless they had often petitioned for redress, of
grievances, as we have done, and to as little purpose.
What more could they do in a peaceable way ? They
were reduced to the dreadful alternative, either tame
ly to submit themselves and children after them, to
the galling yoke of merciless tyranny, or wage war
on the tyrant. The last was the measure, God ap
proved, and therefore, by a special command, enjoined
it on them. This we are sure he would not have
done, had it been offensive to him. He did not re
quire Israel to wait till Jabin had invaded their coun
try and struck the first blow (as we did in respect to
our British oppressors), but while all was peace in his
kingdom, for aught we find, God commands Israel
to raise an army, and invade the tyrant's dominions.
The moral reason of this is obvious. For usurpa
tion or oppression, is offensive war, already levied.
Any state which usurps a power over another state,
or rulers who, by a wanton use of their power, op
press their subjects, do thereby break the peace, and
commence an offensive war. In such a case opposi
tion is mere self-defence, and is no more criminal,
yea, as really our duty as to defend ourselves against
" a murderer, or highway robber. Self-preservation is
an instinct by God implanted in our nature. There
fore we sin against God and nature, when we tamely
resign our rights to tyrants, or quietly submit to-pub
lic oppressors, if it be in our power to defend our
selves. A rebel, indeed, is a monster in nature, an enemy
not only to his country, but to all mankind ; he is
destitute of that benevolence which is the highest

ANTIDOTE AGAINST TORYISM. 207
honor and glory of the rational nature. But what is
a rebel ? — what those actions, for which a man or
people deserve this opprobrious charge ? Those only
are rebels who are enemies to good government, and
oppose such as duly execute it. A state of nature is
a state of war. Civil government, which is founded
in the. consent of society to be governed by certain
laws framed for the general good, and duly executed
by some appointed thereto, puts an end to this state,
and secures peace and safety. He, therefore, who
transgresses this compact, even he opposes good gov
ernment, and is a rebel, rebellat-^-he raises war again.
In this, it matters not whether the person be a king
or a subject ; he is the rebel that breaks the compact,
he renews the war, and is the aggressor ; and every
member of the body politic is bound, by the eternal
law of benevolence, to set himself against him, and,
if he persists, the whole must unite to root him from
the earth, whether he be high or low, rich or poor, a
king or a subject. The latter, indeed, less deserves it,
by how much less mischief he is capable of doing.
But when a king or ruler turns rebel (which is vastly
more frequent, in proportion to their numbers), being
armed with power, he ever spreads desolation and
misery around his dominions before he1 can bo regu
larly and properly punished, and therefore is propor-
tionably higher in guilt. Witness Pharaoh, Saul,
Manasseh, Antiochus, Julian, Charles I., of blessed
memory, and George III., who vies with the chief in
this black catalogue, in spreading misery and ruin
round the world.
The ruler who invades the civil or religious rights
of his subjects, levies war on them, puts them out of

208 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
his protection, and dissolves all their allegiance to
him ; for allegiance and protection are reciprocal, and
• where one is denied the other must cease.
If these observations are true (and they cannot be
'denied with modesty), then it is as lawful, and as
strongly our duty, to prosecute a war against the king
of England for invading our rights and liberties as to
bring an obstinate rebel to justice, or take arms against
„ some foreign power that might invade us. Oppression
alone; if persisted in, justifies the oppressed in making
war on the oppressors ; whether they be rulers or pri
vate persons, in our own or a foreign state. The rea
son is, because oppressors are enemies to the great law
of nature, and to the happiness of mankind. For this,
God commanded Israel to commence a war against
Jabin, that, being free from his power, happiness and
peace might be restored.
In our contest with the tyrant of Great Britain, we
did not, indeed, commence the war. No. But though
under a load of almost insupportable insult, abuse and
reproach, we raised our humble and earnest petitions,
and prayed only for peace, liberty and safety, the nat
ural rights of all men. But, be astonished, O heavens!
and tremble, O England ! while our dutiful supplica
tions ascended before the throne, the monster was med
itating the blow ; and ere we rose from our knees, he
fixed his dagger in our heart ! If this is to be a father,
where can be the monster ? If this be tlie exercise of
lenity and mercy, as he vainly boasts,* what must be
his acts of justice? O, merciful God, look down and
behold our distress, and avenge us of our cruel foe.

* See Gen. Howe's proclamation of November 30th, 1116.

ANTIDOTE AGAINST TORYISM. 209
Can we reflect on those scenes of slaughter and deso
lation which he hath spread before our eyes, and doubt
of our duty ? Is it any longer a scruple whether God
calls us to war ? If such insults and abuse will not
justify us, no abuses ever can. Yea, had George with
held his hand from shedding our blood, the grievous
oppressions we groaned under before, and the contempt
and insult with which he treated our petitions, were
fully sufficient to justify us in the sight of God, and all
wise men, had we begun the war, and expelled his
troops from our country by fire aud sword. Is it pos
sible that Jabin could treat Israel with greater insult
or more unjustly invade their rights ? But for this,
God commanded Israel to make war on him, and pro
nounces a heavy curse on those who refused to join in
carrying it on.
This leads me to show,
IY. That those who are indolent, and backward to
take up arms and exert themselves in the service of
their country, in order to recover and secure their
freedom, when called thereto by the public voice, are
highly criminal in the sight of God and man.
This doctrine is wrapt up in the very bowels of my
text. " Curse ye Meroz, said the angel of the Lord,
curse ye bitterly the inhabitants thereof, because they
came not to the help of the Lord, to the help of the
Lord against the mighty." The curse of* God falls on
none but for sin; for he delights in blessing, not in
cursing. And he never permits any of his subjects
to execute his curses on their fellow-subjects, but
where the crime is highly aggravated ; much less does
he allow them to curse them bitterly, unless their guilt
is exceeding great. Now, since God commands Is-

210 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
rael to curse Meroz bitterly, we fairly infer, that their
sin was of a crimson dye, and most provoking to him
and his people. And whoever is guilty of the like
conduct in our eontest with Great Britain, incurs the
like guilt.
This needs no further proof; for if it be allowed
that the state of the case between Great Britain and
America, is, in its main parts, parallel with that between
Jabin and Israel, as hath been shown, then the crime
of negligence is as heinous in this struggle as in that.
And as Israel were required to curse bitterly those
cowardly, selfish, half-way people, so are we to curse
the like characters at this day. And as those people,
for their neglect, exposed themselves to the loss of all
the privileges and blessings of a free state in this
world, and to the eternal vengeance of God in the
next ; so it highly concerns all to take heed that they
do not fall under the same condemnation. That we
may avoid the rock on which they were lost, I will,
1. Give their character.
2. Mention some aggravations of their sin.
3. I will hint at some things which discover peo
ple to be like the inhabitants of Meroz.
Few, I fear, are perfectly clear in this matter. . Alas,
there is too great negligence among people in general.
Private interests : and selfish considerations, engross
the thoughts- and cares of many, who wish well the
cause of liberty, and divert their attention aud exer
tions from the main thing which calls for our first and
chief regard, viz., the defence of our country from
tyranny, and securing our civil and religious freedom.
It is mournful to see most men eagerly pursuing
worldly gain, and heaping up unrighteous mammon

ANTIDOTE AGAINST TORYISM. 211
by cruel oppression and grinding the faces of the poor,
while our country lies bleeding of her wounds, and so
few engaged to bind them up. Let such consider that
they are guilty of the sin of Meroz, and, though they
may not feel the curse of men in this world, they shall
not, without sincere repentance, escape the wrath and
curse of God in,, the world to come.. Every one is
called, at this day, to come to the help of the Lord
against the mighty ; either to go out to war, or in
some way vigorously exert himself for the public good.
There are various things necessary for the ; defence of,
our country besides bearing arms, though this is the
chief ; and all may, one way or other, put to a help
ing hand. There are various arts and manufactures
essential to the support of the inhabitants and army, •
without which we must soon be overcome. In one or
other of these, men and women, youth, and even
children,, may be employed, and as essentially help in
the deliverance of their country as those who go out
to war. All are now, called, to have more than ordi
nary frugality and diligence in their respective call
ings ;*¦ and those of, , ability .should be liberal and
forward to encourage manufactures for the public
good.f But alas, that so few make the interest and

* Suppose every fifth man to be employed in the army,' and 'the num
ber of dependents to be as great as before,, then every man must labor
one-fifth more than formerly, in order to support those in the army and
their dependents, allowing them to live as cheap in the army as at home,
which is not the case.
f There hath been a laudable spirit, especially in some: towns, to en-
courage manufactures. I have been informed: that Newbury, by a town
vote, encouraged erecting works, and carrying ou the making, saltpetre.
And in Salem, where the first was made in this state, several gentlemen

212 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
welfare of the public the main object of their pursuit.
Yet there are some, and I hope many, who with truth
can say, they have done their best, according to their
circumstances, for the defence and safety of their coun
try. Such, however the contest may arise, will enjoy
the approbation of God, their own consciences, and of
all the friends of mankind.
But not to make our case appear better than it re
ally is, I fear there are many* among us, in one dis
guise or other, who, when stript of their vizards, will
appear to be of the inhabitants of Me,roz ; and who,
if their characters were justly drawn, would secretly,
if not openly, say, as the Pharisees in another case, In
saying this, thou reproachest us also. But as birds
¦ which are hit, show it by their fluttering, and it may
serve to bring such contemptible characters to view,
and expose them to the curse they deserve, and on
the other hand, may convince some real friends to
freedom of their sinful negligence in the common
cause ; I will venture to point out a few.
Among these characters I do not include such as
aid, or in words or actions defend, or openly declare
for the enemy, and plead the right of Great Britain
" to bind us in all things whatsoever." Of such there
are not many among ns, owing, probably, to their fear
, of a vast majority, which is on the side of freedom ;
and therefore they put on the guise of friendship,
while they endeavor secretly to work destruction to

generously subscribed to assist me in making experiments, and erecting
the works. And this winter they have subscribed above £500 to en
able me to erect large salt-works — a manufacture most necessary for
the good of the state.

ANTIDOTE AGAINST TORYISM. 213
the cause. These may be known by the following
marks :
1. Observe the man who will neither go himself,
nor contribute of his substance (if able) to encourage
others to go into the war. Such do what in them
lies to break up the army. These incur the curse of
Meroz. 2. Others will express wishes for our success, but
will be sure to back them with doubts of the event,
and fears of a heavier yoke. You, may hear them
frequently magnifying the power of the enemy, and
telling of the nine hundred chariots of iron, the dread
ful train .of artillery, and the good discipline of the
British troops, of the intolerable hardships the sol
diers-undergo, and of the starving condition of their
families at home ; and by a thousand such arts en
deavoring to discourage the people from the war.
3. There are other pretended friends whose coun
tenance betrays them. When things go ill with
our army, they appear with a cheerful countenance,
and assume airs of importance, and you'll see them
holding conferences in one corner or another. The
joy of their hearts, on such occasions, will break
through all disguises, and discover their real senti
ments; while their grief and long faces in a reverse
of fortune, are a plain index pointing to the^ end at
which they really aim.
4. Others, who talk much for liberty, you will
find ever opposing the measures of defence proposed ;
making objections to them, and showing their incon
sistency, while they offer none in their stead, or only
such as tend to embarrass the main design. They are
60 prudent that they will waste away days, yea

214 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
months, to consider; and are ever full of their wise
cautions, but never zealous to execute any important
project. When such men get into public stations —
especially if they fill a seat in our public councils—
they greatly endanger the state. They protract busi
ness, and often defeat the best councils. Prudence
and moderation are amiable virtues ; and the modest
mind feels pain in being suspected as sanguine, rash,
and imprudent. This^gives the overprudent great ad
vantage to obstruct every vigorous measure, which
they brand with the name of rashness; and every
friend to vigorous action*feels the reflection — who,
without great fortitude, sits down abashed,^and with
grief sees his counsels defeated. But, if the measure
be adopted, the next motion of the prudent man is to
delay the execution, that the happy moment, on which
all depends, may be lost.|; These over and over pru-
* We have a remarkable instance of this nature iu 2 Samuel,
xvii. 1-14. David had. just retreated from Jerusalem, with only six
hundred men,, when Absalom entered the city, and night came on,
Ahithophel counselled for an immediate pursuit. This was wise and
good counsel in the case. But Hushai, a friend in heart to David, and
firm to Absalom in appearance, disapproved the counsel of Ahithophel
as rash and imprudent at that timej»a,nd advised to more moderate and
cautious measures. And, to carry his point, he magnifies the, general
ship of David, and the valor of his troops. He hints the great danger
there was'that his own troops, so near in opposition to their king, would
be thrown into confusion, and melt away through fear of the valor of
David aud his men, and probably desert and join him on a mere report
that there was a slaughter among Absalom's, army; and that a defeat
would be utter ruin. He 'therefore moves that all Israel be gathered
together, as the sand of the sea, that so they might swallow up David «
in a moment. But mark his design ! Was it to gain advantage of
David ? No ; but to give him an opportunity to retreat, collect a larger
force, and dispose his army for battle. Happy should we be if all

ANTIDOTE AGAINST TORYISM. 215
dent men ought to be suspected, and viewed with a
watchful eye. And the discerning mind will soon be
able to discover whether>such counsels spring from
true wisdom, or from a design to ensnare us.
5. Some are discovered by the company they keep.
You may find them often with those who have given
too much reason to suspect their enmity to our cause,
and rarely with the zealous friends of liberty, except
by accident; and then they speak and act like crea
tures out of their demerit, and soon leave the com-
pany, or grow mute, when liberty is the subject of
discourse. 6. There are others who in heart wish well to
our cause ; but, through fear of the power of our ene
mies, they are backward to join vigorously to support
it. They really wish* we might succeed ; but they
dread the hardships of a campaign, and choose so to
conduct, that, on whatever side victory may declare,
they may be safe.
7. Others wish well to the public cause, but have
a much greater value for their own private and per
sonal interest. They are high sons of liberty, till 'her
cause crosses their private views ; and, even then,
they boast in her name, w4iile, like George III., they
stab her to the heart, by refusing submission to those
regulations which are essential to her preservation.
All these, and gmany others of a like kind, might
doubtless have been found in Meroz, and yet the best
Hushais were banished from our councils, or their stratagems discov-
. ered and defeated. Prudence and caution are highly necessary. 'But
to be always deliberating, and opposing vigorous measures, and slow*
in executing, at such a crisis as this, is strongly characteristic of an in
habitant of Meroz.

216 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
of them all fell under this bitter curse. For what
ever were their private sentiments, they tended to
the issue, viz. : to keep them back from those vigorous
efforts that the cause of liberty then required, and for
want of which, it was greatly hazarded. And what
ever motives influence men at this day, whether a
desire of ease, hope of power, honor, or wealth ; if
they do any thing against, or neglect to assist all in
their power, this glorious cause of freedom, now in
our hands, they, in a greater or less degree, incur the
curse of Meroz. Now, if ever, is that, text to be ap-
applied to such, " Cursed be he that doeth the work of the,
Lord deceitfully y and cursed be he that holdeth book
his sword from blood."* This leads me
II. To mention some aggravations of this sin.
1. This conduct is a violation of/the law of nature,
which requires all to exert themselves to promote
happiness among mankind. Love is the fulfilling of
the law, but this implies a benevolent frame of heart,
exercised in beneficent actions toward all men, as we
have opportunity. When therefojse we see our fejlow-
creatures, especially our friends and brethren, whose
happiness is more immediately our care, reduced to a
state of misery, robbed of their most dear and unalien1-
able rights, and borne down with a heavy load of
oppression and abuse by the hands of tyrants ; this
law requires us to stand forth in their defence/even
though we are not involved with them in the same
evils, and how much more, when our own happiness
is equally concerned. Moses, though enjoying all the
honors and pleasures of a court, from the pure benev-
* Jeremiah xlviii., 10.

ANTIDOTE AGAINST TORYISM. 217
olence of his heart, interposed and smote an Egyp
tian whom he saw cruelly oppressing one of his
brethren. This conduct is spoken of with approba-
tionj and was no mark of his want of meekness,
in which he excelled all men on the face of the
earth. How opposite to this is the character of
many great : pretenders to meekness ' in ' our day,
who can tamely see their brethren abused and plun
dered, and are so meek, or rather selfish, as to pay
their courts to the oppressors. One would think, that
like some heathens they worship the devil to keep
him in a good mood, that he may not hurt them.
The man who can etand by, an idle spectator, when a
murderer or robber assaults his brother, and not exert
himself in his defence, is deservedly accounted as
criminal, in law and reason, as the murderer or robber
himself, and is exposed to the same punishment. In
activity, in such, a case, is justly esteemed an appro
bation of the crime. But as freedom is an inheritance
entailed on all men, so whosoever invades it, robs
mankind of their rights, endeavors to spread misery
among God's creatures, and violates the law of nature,
and all who refuse to oppose him, when in their
power, are to be considered and treated as confederates
and abettors of his conduct, and partakers in his crimes.
2. This sin is against posterity ; our children after
ns must reap the fruit of our present conduct. If we
nobly resist the oppressor, we shall, under God, deliver
them from his galling yoke ; at least shall avoid the
guilt of riveting it on them. But if we bow tamely
to have it fastened on our necks, unborn generations,
through unknown centuries may never be able to shake
it off ; but must waste away a wretched existence in
10

218 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
this world, without any other claim to the fruit of
their labors, or even to the dear pledges of conjugal
love, the fruit of their own bodies, than such as de
pends on the uncontrolled will of a haughty tyrant.
3. Let us, for a moment, glance an eye on the next and
succeeding generations. What a scene opens to view !
Behold these delightful and stately mansions for which
we labored, possessed by the minions of power ; see yon
der spacious fields, subdued to fruitfulness by the sweat
and toil of our fathers or ourselves, yielding their in
crease to clothe, pamper, and enrich the tyrant's favor
ites, who are base enough to assist him in his cursed
plots to enslave us. Does this rouse your resentment ?
Stop a moment, and I will show you a spectacle more
shocking than this. What meagre visages do I see in
yonder field, toiling and covered with sweat, to culti
vate the soil? Who are those in rags, bearing bur
dens and drawing water for those haughty lords, and
cringing to them for a morsel of bread ? They are —
O gracious God, support my spirits — they are my
sons and daughters, the pledges of conjugal love,
for whose comfort I thought myself happy to spend
my days in labor, my nights in care ! Thus are
my hopes blasted. Oh that they had never been
born, rather than to see them loaded with irons,
and dragging after them wherever they go, the heavy,
galling, ignominious chains of slavery. But may we
not hope for an end of these "miseries-? Alas, what
hope! Slavery debases the human faculties, and
spreads a torpor and stupidity over the whole frame !
They sink in despair under their load ; they see no
way, they feel no power to recover themselves from
this pit of misery ; but pine away and die in it, and

ANTIDOTE AGAINST TORYISM. 219
leave to their children the same wretched inheritance.
What then does he deserve? or rather, what curse is
too heavy for the wretch that can tamely see our coun
try enslaved ?
4. This is a sin against our forefathers. They left
us a fair inheritance ; they forsook their native land,
the land of tyranny and the furnace of iron ; and, by
their blood, treasure, and toil, procured this sweet,
this peaceful retreat, subdued the soil when covered
with eternal woods, raised for us the stately domes
which afford us shelter from the storms, and safe re
pose, and were exceedingly careful to instruct us in
the things which concern our temporal and eternal
liberty and peace. And shall we resign this patri
mony, so dearly bought by them, and entailed to us by
their will, living and dying? Shall we, I say, resign
it all to that tyrant power which drove them from
their native land to this then howling wilderness ?
Shall we bow our necks to the yoke which they,
though few in number, nobly cast off? Should our
fathers rise from their graves they would disown such
children, and repent their care and toil for such de
generate sons.
5. This is a sin against contemporaries. How pro
voking in the sight of God and man is it to see some,
quite unconcerned for the good of the public, rolling
in ease, amassing wealth to themselves, and slyly
plotting to assist our enemies in their murderous de
signs, while others endure the fatigues of war, and
hazard all that's dear to secure the peace, liberty, and
safety of the whole ! Surely, every benevolent heai-t
must rise with indignation, and curse these enemies
to God and nature.

220 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
6. This is a sin against the express command of
God. He commands us to stand fast in the liberty
wherewith he hath made us free, and not to bow to
any tyrant on earth, when it is in our power. to oppose
him. ".: ' ¦ ' ' '''
Y. I proceed to show that God requires a people,
struggling for their liberties, to treat such, of the com
munity who will not join them as open enemies, and
to reject them as unworthy the privileges' of society.
The single crime of Meroz is' said to be this. When
they were called to arm, in order to shake off the
yoke of 'tyranny, they did not join in the glorious
cause. For this, and only this, they fell under the
curse of God and man. Not only eternal wrath : in
the world to come was the just reward of this sin,
but so highly, was God provoked thereby, as -to com
mand his people to inflict his vengeance on them in
this world; that, being held up as the monuments of
his wrath, others might hear and fear, and do no more
so wickedly.
A curse is something more than wishing ill to a per
son. It implies a separating him to some evil, or pun
ishment. The command in my text therefore required
Israel to separate the inhabitants of Meroz from some
temporal good the rest of Israel enjoyed, and inflict
on them some severe punishment ; for they were to
curse them bitterly.
And why may we not suppose that this curse con
sisted in these things :
1. That they should be deprived of that delightful
freedom and liberty Israel had regained from the
tyranny of Jabin. As these wretches discovered their
servile temper in refusing to exert themselves for the

ANTIDOTE AGAINST TORYISM. 221
recovery of their liberty, why should they not be con
demned to the slay ery they cho3e ? Jabin (like George)
probably claimed a right to lay any taxes on them he
pleased, and " to bind them in all cases whatsoever ;"
and they, rather than jeopard their lives in defence
of their rights, tamely submitted to his demands. Well,
since this was their choice, why should it now be de^
nied them ? Let them be taxed at the sovereign will
of the other states, without allowing them any repre
sentation. Since they loved, and sought: to involve
all Israel with themselves in slavery,, they should have
it from the rest, and receive but the just reward of
their conduct. With what face could they .complain
of such treatment, since they chose to submit to the
same from Jabin? The change of masters made no
change in thetask ; and if they preferred slavery then,
rather than fight for their liberties, let them have it
now, since they would' do nothing to regain them.
How absurd is their conduct who prefer, to our glo
rious struggle for liberty, a tame submission to the
claims of the British Parliament ! ¦ If we submit, we
must be slaves ; for to be governed and guided by the
will of another, and1 not our own, is perfect servitude.
If we, fight and are conquered, we can but be slaves,
If we conquer, we gain our freedom:' Om one hand,
the event is certain, the chains are riveted. On the
other, there is a possibility, and a probability, too, of
a glorious deliverance ; yea,: were all united, there
would be a moral certainty of success. On those,
therefore, who, like Meroz> refuse to come to the help
of the Lord iii the present . war, will be the sin of
involving millions,;besides themselves, in the most abT
ject misery and cruel slavery. Consider this, ye inhab-

222 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
itants of Meroz ; remember, that there is a God that
judgeth in the earth, and tremble at your fearful doom.
If murdering one man deserves death, what does the
murder of thousands deserve ? If God made the en
slaving one of his people a capital crime, to be pun^
ished with death (Exodus, xxiv. 7), what does your
crime deserve, who are endeavoring to enslave a whole
nation? If you choose slavery for yourselves, don't
force it on others who abhor it. You may enjoy it,
though others are free. It is your due. And the
curse in my text, when inflicted on you aright, will
give it you in full tale.
2. Why may we not suppose that they were deprived
of their estates, and reduced at least to a state of ten-
antage at will ? They had implicitly joined with the
enemy, by which they put to hazard every dear and
valuable enjoyment of the whole nation. Through
their neglect all might have been lost. And their
fault was not the less because victory declared for
Israel ; and all their possessions could never counter
vail the damage their conduct had exposed the na
tion to.
The application of this to our times is easy. The
present war, 'tis probable, had never been commenced
had none of the inhabitants of Meroz been in our land ;
or, if begun, could not have been carried on to this
day. On them, therefore, as the confederates, abettors
and supporters of the tyrant, lies the guilt of this war.
And as they are partners with him in the sin, so they
ought to be involved in the punishment he deserves.
If it is lawful to deprive the inhabitants of Great Brit
ain of their property, when in our power, and convert
it to our use; if this be a just retaliation for the injury

ANTIDOTE AGAINST TORYISM. 223
they have done us, and all too little to countervail the
damage; much more the interest of those who live
among us, and yet assist the enemy in their cruel de
signs, ought to be confiscated for the service of the
public, by how much more mischief they have done,
and are capable of doing these states, and by how
much greater their sin.
I cannot but think it would have been happy for
these states, had our rulers, long ere now, declared
all who should be found any way aiding and assisting
the enemy, or holding a correspondence with them,
should be deemed enemies to these states and forfeit
all their estates at least. Yea,
3. As the curse of Meroz, no doubt, extended to a
depriving the inhabitants of a capacity to enjoy any
place of honor in the government, and the ordinary
privileges of freemen ; and also inflicted some corpo
ral punishment at least on their principal leaders ;
so the like characters among us, ought to share the
6ame punishment. And I am persuaded, these states
will still be unsafe, and. all our efforts for deliverance
from tyranny attended with great hazard and uncer
tainty, till there shall be some more effectual and
vigorous means adopted by our rulers, to distinguish
friends from foes, and expose the latter to some ex
emplary punishment. The law of retaliation is some
times just and necessary, even when the persons
offending are not made the subjects of it ; how much
more when the transgressors themselves are in our
power.* Nor can we do justice to ourselves or the
* It was a righteous act in Tamerlane the Great, to carry Bajazet, the
grand Turk, in an iron cage, round the world in triumph. The mag
nanimous, the benevolent Tamerlane marches with a great army to repel

224 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
public, or to our brethren now suffering in hard and
cruel durance among the enemy ; nor to our posterity ;

Bajazet, who was made prisoner. "Being brought into his presence,
Tamerlane asked him why he endeavored to bring the Greek emperor
into his subjection ? He answered, ' Even the same cause which moved
thee to invade me, namely, the desire of glory and sovereignty.'
'Wherefore, then,' said Tamerlane, 'dost thou use such cruelty toward
them thou overcomest, without respect to age or sex?' 'That I did,'
said he, ' to strike the greater terror into mine enemies.' Then Tamer
lane asked him if he had ever given thanks to God for making him
so great an emperor ?' ' No,' said he ; ' I never so much as thought of
any such thing.' 'Then,' said Tamerlane, 'it is no wonder so ungrate
ful a man should be made a spectacle of misery ; for you,' said he, being
blind of one eye, and I lame of a leg, was there any worth in us, that
God should set us over two such great empires, to command so many
men far more worthy than ourselves? But', continued he, 'what
wouldest thou have done with me, if it had been my lot to have fallen
into thine hands, as thou art now in mine?' 'I would,' said Bajazet,
' have enclosed thee in a cage of iron, and carried thee in triumph up
and down my kingdom.' 'Even so,' said Tamerlane, 'shalt thou be
served.' And causing him to be taken out of his presence, and turn
ing to his followers, he said: 'Behold a proud and cruel man, who
deserves to be chastised accordingly, and to be made an example to all
the proud and cruel of the world, of the just wrath of God against
them.' " (See Clarke's Life of Tamerlane the Great, pages 31, 38.)
But it too rarely happens, that the perpetrators of these crimes fall
in the way of justice ; in which case it is sometimes lawful, yea, duty,
to retaliate on some of their connections. For instance, the commanders
of the British troops and their master are the cruel monsters who treat
such as fall into their hands with unexampled barbarity, confining them
in prisons and vessels, in the extreme cold, without fire or food suffi
cient to preserve life ; by which hundreds, yea, thousands of our dear
friends have suffered the most cruel and painful deaths, and others lost
their limbs by the frost. The real criminals are out. of our reach.
What, then, can be done ? Nothing, but to inflict a like punishment on
a like number of their prisoners in our hands. Accordingly, the hon
orable Congress, long ago, assured the public that they would retaliate
all abuses offered to prisoners taken from us. Depending on this prom-
iso as the means to secure good treatment, should they fall into the

ANTIDOTE AGAINST TORYISM. 225
nor lastly, to the manes of our murdered friends who
have fallen in the field, or expired in the loathsome
enemy's- , hand, many who , cheerfully , offered themselves for the war
have been , made prisoners, and froze or starved to death, and no re
taliation that I have heard hath yet been made — I hope for wise
reasons. Hence the enemy exercise their more than brutal cruelty
without fear, and! many, dreading the like usage, are disinclined, to the
war. , . ,
,If something be not speedily done to convince our foes that we are
not afraid to retaliate, the copsequenee, I fear, will be fatal to .our cause.
Lenity and mercy are due prisoners ; and 'nothing can justify acts of
severity, but where cruel usage makes them necessary, and then acts of
severity become acts of mercy. I cannot persuade myself to put an
end to this note, already too long,, without transcribing a passage from
the aforesaid life of Tamerlane, which at once represents the true cause
of making war, and also that noble, benevolent spirit which should in
spire every soldier to enter the field ; both of which are exemplified in
this heathen warrior, in whose presence most Christian princes have
reason to blush. t { ¦
After the battle before mentioned, the emperor of Constantinople sent
ambassadors to Tamerlane offering him his empire, and his person as
his most faithful Subject, in "gratitude and as a reward for the deliver
ance he had obtained for him from the most cruel tyrant. But Tamer
lane) with a mild countenance, beheld them and said, " That he had not
come so far, nor, taken such pains to enlarge his dominions, big enough
already (too base a thing to put himself into so great danger and haz
ard for), but rather to win honor, and make his name famous to future
posterity ; and that he would make it appear to the world that he came
to assist- their master, as, his friend and ally, at his request ; and; that his
upright intentions therein, he believed, were the cause that God from
above had favored him and made him instrumental to bruise the head of
the greatest and fiercest enemy ot mankind under heaven; and there
fore, to get him an immortal name, Ms purpose, was, to make free so
great and flourishing a city as Constantinople. Thst he always joined
faith to his coilr'age, which' should never suffer him to make such a
breach in his reputation as to have it reported of him that, in the color
of a friend, he shbuld come to invade the dominions of his ally. That
he desired no more,, but that the service he had done for the Greek em
peror might remain forever engraven in the memory of his posterity, that
10*

226 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
prisons with cold and hunger ; till we inflict some just
and exemplary punishment on those who have brought
these calamities on us.
This discourse shows us, how defensive war is con
sistent with true benevolence, and a sincere desire of
the happiness of mankind ; and how it is consistent
for the soldier to love and- pray for the happiness of
those he opposes and endeavors to root from the earth;
Every soldier should enter the field with benevo
lent, tender, compassionate sentiments, which is the
temper of Jesus Christ. A morose, cruel, revengeful,
unmerciful temper, is no more consistent with the char
acter of a Christian soldier, than with that of a minis
ter of the gospel of peace ; nor can it be justified even
in the height of the fiercest battle. He should ever be
possessed with a disposition to pray for those he en*
deavors to destroy, and to wish their best, their eter
nal good. These are no more inconsistent in a soldier,
engaging in battle and doing his best to kill his ene
mies, than they are in a judge and executioner, who
take away a murderer from the earth. For, as the
judge and executioner are God's ministers to execute
vengeance on the wicked who endeavor to destroy the
happiness of society; so the soldier, engaged in a just
defensive war, is the minister of God to render ven-

they might ever wish well to him and his successors, by remembering
the good he had done for them." p. 41.
This was truly noble ambition, to seek an immortal name and honor,
not by actions which the ambitious call great, but by those which
God pronounces good. The battle being ended, Tamerlane said: "This
day hath God delivered into my hand a great enemy, to whom,
therefore we must give thanks," which was publicly done. Excellent
example I

ANTIDOTE AGAINST TORYISM. 227
geance to the invaders of others' right : and as the ex
ecutioner may and ought to pray for the suffering
criminal, so should the soldier for his foe ; as benevo
lence is the source of vindictive laws in the states, so
it should ever be of defensive war ; and they both
tend to the same end, the happiness of mankind.
How absurd then is the pretence that the gospel of
Jesus Christ forbids us to take up arms to defend our
selves ! and that defensive war is inconsistent with
the patient, meek long-suffering temper it requires !
It may with as much reason be said, that to punish a
murderer or robber is forbidden by the gospel ; which
is in effect to say, that the gospel of peace forbids the
exercise of love and benevolence in acts absolutely
necessary, in this sinful world, for the peace and hap
piness of society and individuals.
From what has been said, we may clearly infer, _
that to levy offensive war is murder, and all who en
gage in it are murderers in God's sight. They areJ
guilty, not only of the murder of those they kill in
battle, or who otherwise perish in the war, but they
are self-murderers — they put themselves to death —
, their blood is on their own heads. Well, then, might
Solomon say : " With good advice make war"
The characters, therefore, of two states or armies at
war, are as opposite as their actions. The aggressor
is a murderer and robber, and all who assist him are
involved in his guilt. Every soldier who fights for
him is a murderer too. But we know that no mur
derer hath eternal life. How should this make those
shudder who engage on the side of the aggressor !
If they fall in battle, what hope can they have., of
God's approbation, since they die murdering others

228 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
"and themselves too ? But such who oppose them in
defence of their own and country's peace, liberty and
safety, are God's ministers, commissioned and ordered
by him to punish his and his people's enemies. They,
therefore, may draw their swords with a quiet, ap
proving conscience, and with pity view the wretches
slain by their hands as self -murderers:; or, if they fall,
they can die, in regard to the war, free of the blood
of all men, and in peace resign their spirits into the
hand of their Redeemer.
This consideration surely must animate every man,
inspired with the benevolent temper of the gospel —
which disposes to the greatest advancement of human
happiness, and to relieve the miserable and oppressed —
to vigorous exertions in defence of our bleeding land ;
bleeding under the hand of oppression, rapine and
murder. Would you, my friends, count it an honor
to be employed by God to restore peace and happi
ness to the oppressed and miserable ? do you wish to
perform acts of love and kindness to mankind, and
therein be like your Creator and Redeemer ? Do you
fear the wrath and curse of Gocl pronounced on all
who spread misery among his creatures, and on all
that aid or assist them, or so much as connive at, or
neglect to oppose them ? Do you desire to be workers
together with God in restoring peace and felicity to
your groaning country, and to be owned of him as his
servants when you die ? Are these the objects of your
desire 'and pursuit ? I know they are if the love of God
and your neighbor rules in your hearts. Well, then,
here is an opportunity presented to you, to manifest
your love, by coming to the help of the Lord against
the mighty. The cause we are engaged in is the

ANTIDOTE AGAINST TORYISM. 229
cause of God ; and you may hope for his blessing and
fight under his banner. In supporting and defending
this cause, you may, you ought to seek for glory and
honor; even that glory and honor which come from
God and man for acts of benevolence, goodness and
mercy, for the performance of which the fairest op
portunity now offers.
But what shall I say of those whose religions prin
ciples forbid the performance of any such labors of
love, and necessarily involve them in the curse of
Meroz? If their religion be right, love itself must be
wrong. But arguments are vain. May God in his
mercy show them their error, give them repentance,
and inspire them with the love which the law and
gospel require, before they fall under the wrath and
curse of God, for neglecting to come to his help against
the mighty.
This discourse also shows us how we ought to treat
those who do not join in the cause of freedom we have
espoused. 1. As they are accursed of God!) and we are com
manded to curse them, we ought, at least, to shun their
company. What a shame is it, to see those born to
freedom and professing zeal for her cause, associating
theihselves with the willing slaves of an abandoned
tyrant and murderer? Oh, how do such debase them
selves, and give occasion to suspect them as belonging
to the same herd. But it may be asked, how shall
they be distinguished from friends? Attend to the
characters already given, and you may see enough to
justify you in avoiding intimacy with them ; though
they may so disguise that no evidence appears to con
demn them to open and condign punishment. Happy

230 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
would it be should our civil fathers draw some deter
minate line of distinction between freemen and these
slaves of power.* For want of this we have suffered
greatly already, and if this be not speedily done, the
consequences, I fear, will be fatal.
n 2. As soon as they are discovered, we ought to dis
arm them ; for, as they will not assist us, we should
put it out of their power to hurt us or our families,
when we at any time shall be called to action. Yea,
L 3. As such forfeit all the privileges of freemen,
their estates should be forfeited and applied to support
the war; and themselves banished from these states.
The curse we are commanded to inflict on the inhab
itants of Meroz, must imply as much as this ; and be
nevolence to millions demands this of us ; not out of
hatred to their persons, but their crimes, which strike
at the life and happiness of these states. This punish
ment must be inflicted, not by the people at large,
but by our rulers, with whom, under God, we have
intrusted our safety ; and in whose wisdom we confide,
to take proper vengeance on them in due time. But
should this be delayed, without proper reasons assigned,
we shall have no cause to wonder, though there should
be great thoughts of heart among a people, beholding
their friends and brethren barbarously murdered, or
wandering forlorn, destitute of food or shelter ; while the
detested authors of these unparalleled distresses smile
unnoticed and unpunished, at these dire calamities,
* Since the above was copied for the press, a proclamation by his ex
cellency General Washington has been published, and also two acts to
punish treason and other crimes of less enormity against this state ; by
which this line of distinction is, in a good measure drawn, which is
cause 'of joy to all the friends of liberty.

ANTIDOTE AGAINST TORYISM. 231
and triumph in our distress. But should, such de
lay happen, we must look on it as another instance of
divine displeasure, which speaks to all, to search after,
and, by sincere repentance and thorough reformation,
remove, the moral cause of God's controversy with us.
When this shall take place, we shall then see our
councils filled with men inspired with wisdom to
know what Israel ought to do ; our arms victorious
and triumphant ; the inhabitants of Meroz justly pun
ished ; peace, liberty and safety restored ; the rod of
tyranny broken ; pure and undefiled religion prevail
ing, and the voice of joy and gladness echoing round
our land. May God hasten the happy, happy day !
And let all the people say, Amen, and Amen. Hal
lelujah!

OLIYER HART. ,
History affords no record of the ancestry of Mr.
Hart. He was born in Warminster, Bucks county,
Pennsylvania, on the fifth day of July, 1723. Being
early impressed with the importance of religion, he
entered the ministry, and in 1749, at the age of
twenty-six, was ordained. The same, year he went to
Charleston, South Carolina, where he succeeded Mr.
Chanler, and continued pastor of the Baptist church
in that city for thirty years.
At the commencement of the Revolution he warm
ly espoused the cause of the colonists ; and in such
estimation was his character for patriotism held by
the Council of Safety of Carolina, that he was soon
after appointed by it to accompany William Tennent
to the frontiers, in order to reconcile some of the dis
affected inhabitants to the change which had occurred
in public affairs. Shortly before the British laid siege
to Charleston, in 1780, owing to his active connection
with the affairs of the Americans, he was advised to
leave the place, lest he should be made a prisoner to the
British, and suffer from the excesses that their soldiers
were at that time committing throughout the South
ern colonies. He left Charleston in February, 1780,
and journeyed to Hopewell, in New Jersey, where, in

OLIVER HART. 233
the December following, in consequence of the warm
est solicitations, he took charge of the church in that
place, and remained its pastor until his death, which
occurred on the thirty-first of December, 1795.
Mr. Hart was " blessed with such strong natural
abilities as to lay a foundation for those grateful ser
vices which, from his youth to a good old ag6; he
rendered both to church and state. His imagination
was lively, and his judgment firm. Although he
never enjoyed the advantages resulting from a regu
lar progress through any public school or university,
yet such were the improvements of his mind by self-
application, close reading, and habitual reflection,"
that few men more richly deserved the highest liter
ary honors. As a preacher, Mr. Hart was pleasing in
manner, and animated in his delivery. As a citizen,
he was a firm and decided patriot, always engaged in
the great work of promoting the happiness of his fel
low-men. In the preface to the sermon which succeeds this
notice, Mr. Hart says : "It would have slept in
oblivion had not the practice inveighed against been
revived, and attended to in a frantic manner, at a time
when every thing in Providence is calling us to differ
ent exercises. The judgments of God are now opened
over the land, and the inhabitants ought to learn
righteousness. The alarm of war ; the clangor of
arms ; the garments rolled in blood ; the sufferings of
our brethren in the northern states, and of others in a

234 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
state of captivity ; together with the late dreadful con
flagration in this town ; are so many loud calls to re
pentance, reformation of life, and prayer that the
wrath of God may be turned away from us. Instead
of which, we are smothered up in pleasure and dissi
pation. It will hardly be credited that the fire was
scarcely extinguished in Charleston, before we had
balls, assemblies, and dances in every quarter; and
even in some of those houses which miraculously es
caped the flames. . . . Is it thus we requite the
Lord for our deliverance? The monumental ruins of
the town will rise up in judgment against the inhabi
tants, and condemn them for such impieties. . . .
I am no prophet, nor the son of a prophet; and
yet will venture to predict that other, and perhaps
greater judgments will yet light upon us unless we
repent."

DANCING EXPLODED.'*
Their children dance. — Job xxi. 11.
The bare reading of my text hath, I doubt not,
occasioned a strange emotion of spirits in many of my
hearers ; by some I may be pitied for my folly, by
others, despised and ridiculed. Be this as it may, it
gives me little or no concern. If I had not been will-
* A sermon, showing the unlawfulness, sinfulness and bad con
sequences of balls, assemblies, and dances in general; preached in
Charleston, S. C, March 22, 1718.

DANCING EXPLODED. 235
ing to endure the*scoff of the world, I should never
have made an open profession of the religion of Jesus ;
much less should I have become a preacher of his
much despised gospel. He, however, who ventures to
attack vice in a public manner, ought to be possessed
of some degree of fortitude and resolution ; for sin is
a monster of more than a thousand heads ; should he
slay some, there will be many yet remaining, and he
may expect to be attacked on every side ; especially
if he should dare to level at some popular darling
vice ; one that hath been much caressed, and that too
by the more polite part of the world ; in this case,
there will be a mighty uproar among the people. The
whole city, or country, will be filled with wrath, as
Demetrius and his associates were, when they cried
out, " Great is Diana of the Ephesians," or as Mi
cah, when stripped of his Idols, exclaimed: " Ye have
taken away my gods, and what have I more ?"
However, in leaving the event to God, I am deter
mined, in faithfulness to my trust, to maintain an
open and vigorous war with all the vices and sinful
diversions of the age. Were I to act otherwise, my
own conscience would condemn me, and the world
justly reproach me for my unfaithfulness. This, there
fore, may justify me, for entering on such a subject ;
which I shall introduce by making some remarks on
the context ; in which Job seems to be at a loss to
account for the dispensations of divine Providence,
with regard to the prosperity of the wicked.
The friends of Job were far from comforting him,
as they proposed, under his afflictions, and which
they might have done by observing to him, that one
event often happeneth to the righteous and to the

236 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
wicked; so that no man can certainly judge of love
or hatred by all that is done under the sun ;' and that
chastisements are so far from being positive tokens of
divine wrath, they sometimes rather indicate love-^-
for whom the Lord loveth he chasteneth, andrebuketh
every son wdiom he receiveth. Such hints as these
miffht have afforded Job some consolation under his
heavy trials. But his three friends took a contrary
method, which wounded instead of comforting him.
The doctrine which they laid down and endeavored to
maintain was this, that wicked men only are severely
afflicted in this world. Hence, instead of comforting
Job as an afflicted saint, they censure him as a vile
sinner and a hypocrite. Job labors to refute their
arguments and maintain his own innocence. He
affirms that the wicked often flourish, and become rich
and great in the world ; wrien the righteous, on the
other hand, are greatly afflicted, and stripped of all
their worldly possessions. He instances his own
case, and then proceeds to point out the prosperous
circumstances of the wicked, together with their vain
and impious practices.
Mark me, says Job, consider my present dolorous
condition, and be astonished at the dealings of God
with me. Can you justly charge me with any gross
and impious practices, which according to your hy
pothesis should bring down the judgment of God upon
me ? You cannot : therefore "lay your hand upon
your mouth. Try no more to vindicate your opinion,
when you have a living instance, in opposition to it,
before your eyes. As for my own part, even when I
remember my former flourishing circumstances, and
consider how I am stripped naked and bare, and visited

DANCING EXPLODED. 237
with the most painful and loathsome disorders, / am
afraid of those judgments of the Almighty, and trem
bling, taketh hold on my flesh. Not being ,able to ac
count for my being thus afflicted, while the wicked go
on unpunished. Tell me, if you can, wherefore do tlie
wicked live, become old, yea, are mighty in power ?
How doth this coincide with your opinion, that God
will: surely take vengeance on the wicked, in this life ?
The reverse of this seems to be the case, for , their
houses are safe from, fear, neither is tlie rod of God
upon them. They are not afflicted, or plagued like
other men. They swim in affluence, and roll in pleas
ure ; there is no end to their wealth. And with their
riches, their families increase, so that they shall not
want heirs. Their seed is established in their sight,
and their offspring hefore their eyes'. They live to see
their children's children a numerous progeny around
them ; so that they send forth their little ones like a
flock, for multitude, they going before them like a
shepherd ; not to the house of God to engage in solemn
devotion, rather to balls, assemblies and the playhouse,
where they take the timbrel and harp, and suchlike
instruments of music, which they play, and their
children dance. Thus merrily they go on, regardless
of a future state or eternal judgment. They spend
their days in wealth, which they squander upon their
lusts and pleasures in great abundance, although they
can spare little or nothing for the poor, or any other
pious purposes.
After they have thus run their race, in a moment
they go down to the pit, without any apprehension of
danger. The wicked have no bands in their death.
Their principal concern in life is to gratify their cor-

238 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
rupt inclinations ; therefore they say unto God, Depart
from us; for we desire not the knowledge of thy ways.
The thoughts of God are disagreeable to them ; and
his ways, which are the ways of holiness, they cannot
endure. Like Pharaoh, they know not the Lord,
neither will they obey him. What is the Almighty,
say they, that we should serve him? And what profit
should we have, if we pray unto him? Thus, fulness
of riches, honor and pleasure swell men's minds with
pride, and beget in them mean, absurd and atheistical
notions of the Deity. They look upon him as a mere
idol, as nothing in the world ; and therefore conclude
that they can derive no advantage from praying unto
him. This is the character of the wicked, as drawn by
Job, a perfect and upright man, who feared God, and
eschewed evil. In the midst of which description,
and as a part of it, stands that very polite and much-
esteemed practice of dancing, a diversion which, in
all ages, hath had admirers and votaries. To oppose
it, will be to incur the censure of all the gay gentry,
and with them, however to forfeit all pretension to
polite breeding and good manners, I am willing to
risk greater consequences than these, that I may main
tain a conscience void of offence toward God and to
ward man. Bear with me, then, while I bear my
testimony against a practice which I look upon as
sinful, and opposed to the Christian character, and
which Job, in our text, certainly speaks of as consti
tuting part of the character of the wicked. And their
children dance. Observe, it is their children — i. e.,
the children of such wicked parents as he was describ
ing. By children, we do not always understand

DANCING EXPLODED. 239
children as to age; sometimes it intends those who
have descended from such or such parents, although
they themselves may have arrived at men's or women's
estate. And if we take the word children in our text
in this sense, the meaning of Job appears evidently to
be this, that the families or posterity of wicked parents
give into this practice. Would to God that none of
the descendants of pious parents ever imitated their
bad example, and that it might never be said of any
but wicked parents, And their children dance.
On treating this uncommon subject, I design
I. To state the argument, by giving a scriptural
definition of the word dance.
II. Prove, by various arguments that dancing, ac
cording to the common mode, is absolutely sinful.
HI. Reply to the most popular arguments used in
favor of dancing.
IY. Conclude with a brief improvement.
I. I am to state the argument, by giving a scriptu
ral definition of the word dance.
Dancing, according to the Scripture account, is some
times to be taken in a good sense ; and then it is ex
pressive of the inward spiritual joy of the heart, which
was commonly manifested by a comely motion of the
body ; attended with songs of praise to God, for some
deliverance obtained, or mercy received. Thus was
dancing attended to, or practised by the good people of
old, in a religious way. When their songs were spiri
tual, and the music, as also the motion of their bodies,
were suited thereto. Agreeable to which are the
words in Psalm cxlix. 3, " Let them praise his name in
the dance ; let them sing praises unto him with the
timbrel and harp."

240 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
It was thus David danced before the ark (2 Sam.,
vi. 16.) And in this manner most of the dances,
which the children of Israel had, were attended to ;
as you may see by consulting the passage in Scripture
where they are recorded. As, for instance, when
the Lord had destroyed Pharaoh and his army in the
Red, Sea, the Israelitish women sung and danced.
(See Exod. xv. 20, 21.) "And Miriam, the prophetess,
the sister of Aaron, took a timbrel in her hand, and
all the women went out after her, with timbrels and
dances. And Mvriam answered them, Sing unto the
Lord, for lie hath triumphed gloriously ; the horse and
his rider hath he thrown into the sea." Such a sons
as this becomes a rational mind, and is, suitable to the
taste of the greatest saint in the world. But it would
not be so agreeable to our modern dancers ; were it
to be sung in their assemblies, it would be to them as
smoke to the eyes or vinegar to the teeth: Unto
such music and dancing our Lord alludes, in the par
able of the prodigal son. Such kind of dancing was
lawful and holy, and by no means to be condemned.
But there is another sort of dancing spoken of in
Scripture, which consists in a motion of the body,
seemly or unseemly, stirred up by natural or carnal
joy, to please or satisfy ourselves or others,- without
any view to the glory of God, or the benefits of souls.
Thus that fine young lady, the daughter of Lferodias,
danced, on Herod's birthday ; it should seem that she
opened the ball, and performed so well as to fill the
king with raptures of joy ; whereupon, in a courtly
dialect, he promised the young lady whatsoever she
should ask, even to the half of his kingdom. She,
being afore instructed by her mother, very modestly

DANCING EXPLODED. 241
asked no greater reward than the head of John the
Baptist in a charger. Thus, as a reward for dancing,
the harbinger of Christ lost his life — enough, one
would think, to cause every serious person to abhor
the practice forever. It is this profane kind of dancing
that is intended in our text ; the same with what is
now in vogue, and which, if it were set in a proper
light, would not appear altogether such an innocent
diversion as is generally imagined. I proceed, there
fore, II. To prove that dancing, according to the com
mon, modern mode, is absolutely sinful.
Some may be ready to think this is a strange under
taking, and that I shall certainly fail in the attempt.
It will be but fair, and therefore I have a right to
expect, that you should suspend your judgment until
I have done ; hear with candor, then weigh the argu
ments in the balance of the sanctuary ; and if they
prove too light, or insufficient to prove the point, reject
them. 1. Then, I argue that dancing, according to the mod
ern mode, is sinful, because it contributes nothing to
the chief end of man ; nay, is contrary to it. You
know that the chief end of man is to glorify God.
And this ought to be our principal aim in every thing
we do. (1. Cor. x. 31.) " Whether, therefore, ye eat or
drink, or whatsoever ye do, do all to the glory of God."
Now I would ask our advocates for dancing, what ten
dency that practice has to glorify God ? Can you say
that you have any view to the glory of God in it? I
am persuaded you will not dare thus to give your con
science the lie. And if it should be proved, as I sup
pose it will, that dancing contributes rather to pro-
11

242 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
mote the interest of Satan than the glory of God, it
follows that the practice is directly contrary to the
chief end of man. Only give this one argument its
proper scope and due weight, and dancing will soon
cease. 2. A corroborating argument may be drawn from
Bomans, xiv. 23 : " Whatsoever is not of faith is sin;"
but dancing is not of faith, therefore it is sin. But
perhaps some may query :
" What has this text to do with our diversions, or
any of our trivial concerns ?"
I shall answer in the words of a learned expositor :
" This is a general rule or axiom, which is not only
applicable to the present case, but to any other,
whether of a natural, civil, moral, or evangelical kind ;
whatever is not agreeable to the word and doctrine of
faith, ought not to be done ; whatever is done without
faith, or not in the exercise of it, is culpable, for with
out faith nothing can be pleasing to God."
Therefore, until it can be proved that dancing is of
faith, you must excuse me if I insist that it is a sinful
practice. III. Whatever action in life we cannot pray for a
blessing upon, must be unlawful and sinful, and such
an one is dancing ; .therefore it ought to be avoided.
Will any say " we are not bound to seek the blessing
of God upon our ordinary concerns ?" I will confront
them with the words of Solomon : " In all thy ways
acknowledge him,, and he shall direct thy paths."
(Prov. iii. 6.) Such universal piety may not, indeed,
suit the taste of frolickers and dancers, but it well be
comes the character of all the professed disciples of
Jesus Christ. But should any query : " Why may we

DANCING EXPLODED. 243

not pray for a blessing on our dances ?" I answer,
you may not, because God has never promised to give
a blessing to such practices ; therefore, such a prayer
would be sin. Nay, you cannot do it because it would
be a profanation of the deity, and your consciences
will not admit it.
IY. The injunction which is laid upon us to redeem
the time, prohibits our misspending it in such prac
tices. Time is a precious jewel; put into our hands
to improve for eternity, and those who trifle it away,
are (in the Scripture account) very fools. (Eph. v. 15,
16.) " See then that ye walk circumspectly, not as fools,
but as wise, redeeming the time." Can it with truth
be said, that the time spent at balls, assemblies and
dances is redeemed ? No such thing. It is squan
dered away ; it is murdered ; it is consumed on our
lusts ; and how our dancers will be able to answer to
God for all the time they have thus shamefully mis-
improved, another day will determine.
Y. It occasions an extravagant waste of money;
with which great good might be done. After enough
hath been thrown away upon a child, at the dancing-
school, to have educated two or three poor children,
then truly miss must be dressed up, cap-a-pie, to make
a shining figure at the ball ; which expends enough
to relieve a virtuous family in distress, or clothe half
a dozen orphan children. If this is to be good stew
ards of our money, I confess I am very much mistaken.
And stewards we certainly are, and only stewards, of
all we possess, and must be accountable unto God for
the spending of our substance. I am apprehensive
our dancers think but too little of this. Sirs, you
would do well to consider, that in a little time the

244 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
Lord will say : " Come, give an account of thy stew-
ardshipj for thou mayest be no longer steward."
VI. The thoughts of having thus squandered our
precious time must occasion very uneasy ¦ reflections
on a dy"ing bed, unless the conscience should then
be asleep — which would avail but for a little while ;
for at death the illusion must»vanish; and then it
would be still more terrible to awake in hell. How
ever, those diversions, which were so pleasing to- the
carnal mind while in health and1 strength, can afford
no comfortable reflections in a dying hour. ¦ The
dancer will then be ready to say: "Wretch that' I
was, thus to squander away my precious time, my
health, strength, and estate, upon my idle diversions !
How much better might I have irnproved the bless
ings which Providence bestowed upon; me! How
much might I have done for God and my: own soul!
But, alas! they were objects too much neglected!
How ought I to have redeemed my time in preparing
for death and eternity ! But, fool that I was, I spent
my life in vain mirth and sinful pleasures. Oh for
those precious moments which I have lost ! But they
are gone — they are lost forever ; and I am afraid my
God, my heaven, my soul, are lost too ! Pity and
pray for me, O my friends ; and let my late repent
ance be a warning to you. Oh guard against those
sinful diversions on which my poor soul hath been
shipwrecked !" Such a scene might affect one of our
dancers, and for a little time make him serious. But
how soon do such impressions wear off! And then
the libertine returns to his folly.
VII. It behooves us to live each day and hour as
we would wish to die, and not to engage in any thing

DANCING EXPLODED. 245
that would alarm us, in case death should overtake
us in the act. The truth arid utility of this assertion
none will deny. Let me then ask, Would you be
willing to meet with death at a ball, or a dance?
You would not. And how do you know, when you
venture on the enchanted ground, that you shall come
away alive ? And is this to hold yourselves in readi
ness? Think, O my friends, how you would look,
how you would feel, should this ever happen. Horror
would fasten on :your .countenance; trembling seize
every joint and nerve, and the convulsive pangs of
conscience would be more intolerable than the tortures
of the bloody inquisition. You would probably use
the language of a fair lady, in a dialogue with Death :
" I little thought you would have called so soon .
And must my morning sun go down at noon?"
Oh, dreadful ! to be cut off in the midst of my pleas
ures — to be hurried from a .ball to the bar, without
any time to repent, or prepare for eternity !. But,
perhaps you will say : " Wonld you have us always on
our knees, waiting for death ?" I answer, No ; you
may boldly meet death when engaged about your
secular concerns, or any of the duties of life.
I remember to have read, I think, in the life of
Lord Chief Justice Hale, that at the time of sessions,
while one of the attorneys was pleading, there came
on a mos't terrible thunderstorm, which silenced the
attorney ; upon which the Judge said to him : " Sir,
why don't you go on ?" " Go on, my lord," said the
attorney, " don't you see how black the heavens are,
and the lightning rolling on the ground, while the
thunder roars as though the last day were come?"

246 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
" And suppose it is," said his lordship, " are you not
in the -way of your duty ?" I am here about my busi
ness, and I am as willing to go hence to judgment as
I should be if I were on my knees in my closet. The
way of duty is the way of safety, and while thus en
gaged we have nothing to fear ; but who would mani
fest such fortitude at a dance ?
VIII. The conversation at dances is inconsistent
with Christianity. I will appeal to the conscience of
those who frequent such places, whether or no flat
tery, lying, ribaldry, and nonsense, do not abound
there? Little, I fear, is to be heard that hath any
tendency to reform the manners or improve the' mind ;
much less to minister grace to the hearers. There
may be enough to corrupt the morals and vitiate the
taste of both sexes. Is it not from hence, at least in
part, that we have so much obscene,, vulgar, and pro
fane conversation amongst us? Our merry gentry,
who delight so much in frolicking and dancing, would
do well to consider how they will answer for all their
filthiness, foolish talking, jesting, and suchlike things,
when they come to stand at the bar of God.
IX. Again, many dances are extremely immodest,
and incentive to uncleanness. This is acknowledged
by Mr. Addison, although an advocate for dancing.
" As for country dancing, saith he, it must indeed be
confessed, that, the great familiarity between the two
sexes on this occasion, may sometimes produce very
dangerous consequences." But modesty bids me be
sparing here, otherwise more might be said. My soul,
come not thou into their secrets, and unto their assem
blies, mine honor, be not thou united.
X. Farther, the music which leads the dance, is

DANCING EXPLODED. 247
often very obscene ; the tunes being adapted to the
most vulgar and filthy songs ; which have a tendency
to pollute the imagination, and to raise unchaste
thoughts in the mind. Thus the heart becomes a
sink of uncleanness — a cage of all manner of abomi
nable and filthy lusts.
XI. Moreover, the practice we are speaking of, can
not be endured in the minister. And why so ? If there
is no harm in it, and if it may be attended to with
advantage, why must ministers be prohibited the prac
tice ? The thing speaks for itself ; people are con
scious that it is an evil, and therefore, although they
will indulge themselves in it, they will not allow it in
those who have the care of their souls.
As for my own part, I think indeed a dancing par
son, is an odd character, and a dancing Christian is not
much better. And our advocates for dancing would do
well to consider that the Almighty hath no more allowed
them dispensation in this case, than their ministers.
XII. Once more. This practice renders persons the
most unlike to Christ, our great pattern and example.
Did Jesus ever indulge himself in mirth ? No. Fre
quently did he mourn over such impieties, but never
did he countenance them, in any way whatever. The
doctrines, precepts and examples of Christ, all pro
hibit vain mirth — idle and sinful diversions. Those
who indulge themselves in these, act diametrically
opposite to the religion of Jesus; which enjoins tem
perance, mortification, self-denial and the like virtues.
XIII. In fine, the greatest and best of men have
ever bore a testimony against the practice of dancing.
I shall quote some passages from several authors,
which I shall do in their own words; hoping that

248 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
their sentiments may make some impression upon
your minds. We shall begin with the observations
of that truly great and good man, Mr. Caryl, upon
our text and context.
"Their children dance, that is, saith Mr. Caryl, they
are instructed and taught the art of music and danc
ing ; or there is rejoicing among them ; this is proper
to the age and state of children. Christ, himself,
speaks as if this were the trade of children. (Matt, xi:
16.) ' Whereunto shall I Uken this generation ? They
are like children sitting in the marketplace.'' What
do they there? Are they buying or selling? Are
they bargaining or trading ? No, that is the business
of men. What do the children there ? They call to
their fellows and say : ' We have piped to you, and ye
home not danced ; we have mourned to you, and ye have
not lamented? They take the timbrel and the harp.
They live in pleasure; hence observe, worldly men
breed their children vainly. Here is a description of
their education : they are sent forth as a flock in a
dance, playing upon the timbrel, &c. Here is all the
knowledge and literature they are brought up to ;
here is all their religion, all the catechism that they
are taught.
" The Lord giveth this report of Abraham, who had
a numerous family : ' I know him that he will com
mand his children, and his household after him, and
they shall keep the way of the Lord.'' (Gen. xviii. 19.)
Abraham did not teach his family to dance. Here was
education in the fear of the Lord."
Thus far are the words of Mr. Caryl. The pious
Mr. Henry, upon the place, saith :
" They are merry, and live a jovial life. They have

DANCING EXPLODED. 249
their balls and music-meetings, at which their children
dance; and dancing is fittest for children, who know
not how better to spend their time, and whose inno
cency guards them against the mischiefs which com
monly attend it. Their children do not pray, or say
their catechism, but dance and sing, and rejoice at the
sound of the organ. Sensual pleasures are all the
delights of carnal people ; aud as men are themselves,
so they breed their children."
I shall add the words of the learned and judicious
Dr. Gill, in his exposition of the text :
"And their children dance, either in an artificial
way, skip and frisk, and play like calves and lambs,
and are very diverting to their parents, as well as show
ing them to be in good health ; which adds to their
parents' happiness and pleasure ; or in an artificial way,
being taught to dance ; , and it should be observed, it
is thei/r children — the children of the wicked, and not
of the godly — that are thus brought up ; so Abraham
did not train up his children, nor Job his ; no instance
can be given of the children of good men being
trained up in this manner, or of their children dancing
in an irreligious way."
This is the testimony of the great Dr. Gill. Mr.
Baxter, speaking of dancings, revellings and idle diver
sions, interrogates thus :
" Dost thou not. know that thou hast higher delights
to mind ? And are these toys beseeming a noble soul,
that hath holy and heavenly matters to delight in ?
Dost thou not feel what a plague the very pleasure is
to thy affections ? How it bewitcheth thee, and be-
fooleth thee, and maketh thee out of love with holi
ness, and unfit for any thing that is good? Again,
11*

250 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
is it sport that thou needest ? Dost thou not more
need Christ, and grace, and pardon, and preparation
for death and judgment, and assurance of salvation \
Why, then, are not these thy business ? Farther —
Hast thou not a God to obey and serve ? And. doth
he not always see thee ? And will he not judge thee?
Alas ! thou knowest not how soon. Though thou be
merry in thy youth, and thy heart cheer thee,- and
thou walk in the ways of thy heart and the sight of
thine eyes, yet know thou that for all these things God
will bring thee into judgment."
I shall conclude this head with a passage from
Moreland's history of the evangelical churches of the
valleys of Piedmont. Here I would observe, that
these were the only pure churches in the world for
several centuries. When the world wandered after
the beast, these people adhered strictly to the religion
of Jesus. They were remarkable for piety, arid en
dured the most cruel persecutions for the cause of
Christ. In the tenth article of their discipline, which
treats of balls and dances, they say :
" A ball is the devil's procession, and whosoever
entereth there, entereth into his procession. The devil
is the leader, the middle, and the end of the dance.
So many paces as a man maketh in a ball, so many
leaps he maketh toward hell. They sin in dancing
sundry ways. First, in walking, for all their paces
are numbered ; they sin in touching, in their orna
ments, in their hearing and seeing, in speaking, in
singing, in lies and vanities. A ball is nothing but
misery, sin and vanity."
They observe that the dancing of a damsel caused
John the Baptist's head to be cut off; and the dan-

DANCING EXPLODED. 251
cing of the children of Israel caused Moses to break
the two tables of the law. They also prove that the
ten commandments are violated by balls. They cite
a passage from St.. Augustine, wherein he saith :
"The miserable dancer knoweth not that so many
paces as he maketh at a ball, by so many leaps he
draweth nearer to hell."
Thus have I offered some reasons and arguments
which have determined me against dancing ; which I
have enforced by the testimony of several great and
good men ; whether or no the whole hath sufficient
force to prove the unlawfulness and sinfulness of the
practice, must be left to the candor of serious minds.
After all, it may be thought that my work is but
half done, unless I can answer whatever may be
brought in support of this favorite and falsely called
polite diversion. And this brings me,
III. To reply to the most popular arguments used
in favor of dancing.
1. One of the most popular arguments (or rather
excuses) for this practice is : "I can see no harm in it,
therefore it can be no crime in me." Poor creature ;
you can see no harm in it. This is of as much force
as if a blind man was to tell us that he could neither
distinguish colors nor see the light. We may pity
your unhappiness, but cannot give you eyes. But,
you conclude, it cannot be a crime in you, because
yoii do not view it in that light. If we are not cog
nizable for sins of ignorance, Saul was not chargeable
with guilt when he persecuted the Church, and yet for
this reason he accounted himself the chief of sinners.
But it may be you are wilfully blind. You might be
better instructed if you would. Let me therefore ad-

252 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
vise you to pray to God for instruction in this inatter,
laying yourself open to conviction ; and I am per
suaded you will soon see an evil in dancing, for which
you must be accountable to God.
2. It may be said, "Dancing is a part of good
breeding, without which we are not qualified for com
pany, but shall appear singular, and be laughed at."
Perhaps custom may have induced the world to
look upon" dancing as a branch of good breeding, rather
than any excellency in itself. However, to give this
plea all its force, I will grant that some_ advantages
might be derived from the dancing-school, if properly
managed ; and possibly may as it is, so far as it teaches
a graceful mien and easy carriage, and a genteel be
havior. But these advantages will by no means com
pensate for the disadvantages which attend it. For;
first, miss, who is educated at the dancing-school, soon
swells with pride and self-importance, looks down,
with an air of disdain, on those who are not as well
accomplished as herself, and but too much copies the
description in Isaiah (iii. 16) :_ "The daughters of Zion
are haughty, and walk with stretched forth necks, and
wanton eyes, walking and mincing as they go." How
ever, the young lady's fine acquirements are not to be
buried in those avocations which industry inspires ;
therefore, in the next place, immense sums are expend
ed to equip her for public view. And so, rustling in
her silks, powdered a la mode, and studded with bril
liants, she makes her appearance at the ball ; where
she is introduced into fine company — gets a taste for
pleasure and dissipation, which often ends in the de
struction of soul and body. " The woman who liveth in
pleasure, is dead while she Iweth." (1 Tim. v. 6.)

&

DANCING EXPLODED. 253
And now, suppose you are not qualified for such
company, what is the loss ? " The friendship of the
world is enmity with God." (James, iv. 4.) And our
greatest danger lies in our becoming too familiar with
it. But you say that you shall be singular, and
laughed at. This, indeed, may be mortifying. But
are you as careful not to be singular in religious so
ciety? Perhaps, when there, you have nothing to
say ; yet this gives you no concern. As to your being
laughed at, it need give you no pain ; for, if you will
shun vice, and pursue piety, you shall endure the
laugh of the world, although you should behave ever
so well.
3. To vindicate dancing, it is said that 'rit unbends
the mind, and recreates the body." This plea can
suit none but such as live a studious, sedentary life;
and there are many exercises less exposed to tempta
tion, that will answer those salutary purposes equally
as well. Walking, riding, or manual labor, may be
as profitable and efficacious. Besides, it doth not ap
pear that dancing hath such a beneficent tendency
as alleged. Strange, that being deprived of natural
rest, exposed to night-damps and inclement air, in a
profuse sweat, should be so salutary. The truth is,
the reverse is the case ; and many have danced them
selves into eternity.
4. But, perhaps, we shall meet with some champion
in the cause of dancing, who comes forth, Goliah-like,
bidding defiance to .the armies of Israel, and hath the
effrontery to assert, that " the lawfulness of dancing
may be supported by Scripture." Can it, indeed?
If so, our business will be done for us, and we will
promise to give up the point. " Why," says this hero,

254 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
" did not David dance ?" Yes ; we know, as well as
he, that David danced ; but then it was religiously,
before the ark. I have already shown in what sense
we are to understand David's dancing; and it is in
solent, as well as perverting of Scripture, to bring this
passage to support our irreligious, modern dances.
" But," says this champion, " Solomon tells us there
is a time to dance." True ; and Solomon tells us also
there is a time to die. If our dancers thought more
of this, they would find less time for that. But let it
be proved, if it can, that Solomon intends dancing
according to the common mode; and, suppose he
should, all that can be drawn from hence is, that there
is a time in which numbers will be profane enough to
dance. 5. Another plea for dancing often made use of is
this: "We may spend our time a great deal worse."
I reply, it always indicates a bad cause when one
vice is subpoenaed to vindicate another. Nothing,
therefore, need be said to show the weakness of this
excuse, only, that we may spend our time a great
deal better, themselves being judges.
6. Some have endeavored to plead for this practice
by quoting the example of professors of religion, and
whom we believe to be good people, who will go to
heaven, and yet they can dance as well as any body.
More is the pity that they should lay a stumbling-
block in the way of others. Often they are heartily de
spised by the people of the world, for their sinful com
pliances. However, all professors are not Christians.
Some who have Jacob's voice, have Esau's hands.
And even the best are liable to err. Therefore follow
none, unless they follow Christ. It will be no excuse

DANCING EXPLODED. 255
in the day of judgment, that you saw professors go to
balls and assemblies, and therefore you thought there
'could be no harm in such diversions.
Thus, having given a scriptural definition of the
word dance ; and proved that dancing according to
the modern mode is sinful and attended with bad con
sequences; also replied to the most popular argu
ments in favor of dancing ; I now come, in the last
place, IV. To make some improvement of the subject.
1. From what hath been said we may see the folly
of those parents who put their children to the dancing-
school, and spend such immense sums of money to
bring them up in pride, gayety, and all the vanities
of life. Is this to bring up our children in the fear of
the Lord, as Abraham did? Is it to train up a child
in the way it should go, as Solomon directs ? Would
it not be much better to devote our money to pious
and charitable uses? Do such parents take as much
care of their children's souls ? Do they instruct them
in the principles of the Christian religion, and warn
them against sin and vanity? I fear they do not.
Look to it, parents ! you have the charge of your
children's souls, as well as of their bodies ; and a
much weightier charge it is. Think how dreadful it
will be to have the blood of your dear children's souls
crying against you, in the day of judgment. How
awful would it be to have a child thus to address you,
on that day : " O cruel parent ! you were the instru
ment of my being, or I should not have existed, to
have been thus miserable. You cared indeed for my
body, but why did you not care for my soul, and labor
to make that happy ? You might, and you ought to

256 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
have restrained me, when pursuing vanity and folly ?
But, instead of that, you placed me in the way of
temptation ; yea, you went with me yourself to the"
devil's seminaries, where I was taught to practise sin
ful pleasures. And now, alas ! I am to reap, the fruit
of our doings to all eternity." Is the thought shock
ing ? Oh, give no occasion for the dolorous complaint;
2. What hath been said, reproves those who are
attached to, and engaged in the practice of frolicking^
dancing, and suchlike sinful divisions, I say, such
like diversions ; for you would do well to consider, that
the arguments against dancing will generally hold good
against gaming, horseracing and all sinful diversions.
My dear friends, you are highly reprovable ; but I
rather choose to address you in soft language. Let
the time past suffice you, to have gone on in sin and
folly. Forsake the foolish and live and walk in the
way which leads to eternal life. You are surely
making work for repentance. God grant that it may
be in time.
If after all that hath been said, you still remain
unconvinced, and can see no harm in these things —
suffer me to advise you to pray earnestly, that you
may be enabled to see things in a proper light; and
particularly, that you may have a discovery of the
wretchedness of your own wicked and deceitful heart.
Then seriously ask yourselves these following ques
tions. For what was I made? Do I answer the end of
my being? Is God glorified by all my actions?- Is
living in pleasure to live like a Christian ? Must I
not shortly die, and give an account of my actions to
God ? Have I any time to spare from transacting

DANCING EXPLODED. 257
business for eternity ? If this advice were universal-.
ly regarded, we should hear no more of balls, assem
blies and dances ; instead of wliich, our temple-gates
would be crowded, and the general cry would be :
Lord, what shall I do to be saved ? May God send
us the happy day, and to his name shall be all praise.

SAMUEL STILLMAN, D. D.
This eminent divine was a native of Philadelphia,
in Pennsylvania, where he was born, February twen
ty-seventh, 1737. While quite a child, his parents
removed to Charleston, South Carolina, at which place
he was educated ; soon after he attained his twenty-
second year, he was ordained aud settled at James's
Island. Ill health prevented his. remaining in this
position but for eighteen months, at the termination of
which he removed to Bordentown, New Jersey. In
1762, he visited New England, and after being an as
sistant about a year, in the Second Baptist Church,
in Boston, he was installed the minister of the First,
as successor of Mr. Bound, in January, 1765.
Dr. Stillman was by nature endowed with a good
capacity, and an uncommon quickness of apprehen
sion. His feelings were peculiarly strong and lively,
which gave activity to whatever he did, and, under
the influence and control of religious principles, served
to increase that eminent piety, in which nature no less
than grace, seemed to have aided him. To this con
stitutional ardor, both of sentiment and action, which
led him to enter with his whole heart in whatever he
engaged, he united a delicacy, that he would not in-
tc ntionally wound the feelings of any one ; and such

SAMUEL STILLMAN, D. D. 259
easy, affable, and gentlemanly manners, as would
adapt themselves to almost any society, without di
minishing in the smallest degree his personal respect
on the one hand, or carrying the least mixture of
austerity or precision on the other. The lively inter
est he appeared to take in whatever affected the hap
piness or increased the pleasures of his friends, the
gentleness of his reproofs aud the gratification he
seemed to feel in commending others, united to his
social qualities, endeared him to all who knew him.
The popularity of a preacher commonly declines
with his years. Dr. Stillman, however, was a singu
lar exception to this general remark. He retained it
for upward of fifty-two years, and his congregation,
which, upon his first connection with it, was the
smallest in the town, at the age of seventy, the period
of his death, he left among the most numerous.
As a minister of Christ his praise was in all the
churches. Nature had furnished him with a most
commanding voice, the very tones of which were ad
mirably adapted to awaken the feelings of an audience ;
and he always managed it with the greatest success.
His eloquence was of the powerful and impressive,
rather than of the insinuating and persuasive kind,
and his manner so strikingly interesting, that he never
preached to an unattentive audience : and even those
who dissented from him in some minor points of the
ology, were still pleased with hearing him — for they
knew his sincerity — they knew him to be a good man.

260 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
There was a fervor in his prayers that seldom failed to
awaken the devotion of his hearers ; for coming from
the heart, it failed not to reach the hearts of others.
In his sermons he was animated and pathetic. His
subjects were often doctrinal, but he commonly deliv
ered practical inferences from them, and every one ac
knowledged his great usefulness. He preached much
to the feelings and the heart ; and numbers on whose
minds naked reason and simple truth could produce
no serious effects, his powerful eloquence was a means
of both touching and reclaiming. Nor was he only a
preacher of righteousness ; what he taught that others
should do, he -lived himself.*
The integrity of Dr. Stillman's character was such
as produced universal confidence in him. Expressive
of this was his election by the town of Boston as a
member of the Senate Convention for the formation
of the state constitution in 1779 ; as also for the
adoption of the federal constitution in 1788 ; in the
last body he delivered a very eloquent speech in its
support, and was considered at the time as having
contributed much toward its adoption, and confirmed
many members in its favor who were previously
wavering upon that question. To that constitution
he ever after continued a firm, unshaken friend, and
a warm approver of the administration of Washing
ton and Adams.
* See the Palladium and New-York Advertiser of March, 1801.

THE DUTY OE MAGISTRATES. 261
His domestic character was in perfect unison with
the other parts of it. His habit of body through
life was weak, and he was not unused to occasional
interruptions of his ministerial labors. It was his
constant prayer that "his life and his usefulness
might run parallel," and in this he was gratified.
Without any previous symptoms, on the morning of
the 13th of March, 1807, he was suddenly attacked
with paralysis, and on the night following, having
received another shock, he passed into eternity.

THE DUTY OP MAGISTRATES.*
Then saith he unto them, Bender therefore unto Cmsar ihe things that
are Cottar's, and unto God the things that are God's. — Matt. xxii. 21.
The Pharisees, who in appearance were the strictest
religious sect among the Jews, observing the growing
reputation of the Son of God, and finding that he had
eclipsed their glory, took counsel how they might en
tangle him in his talk. A conduct this that is repug
nant to every principle of genuine religion. But those
men who are determined upon their own aggrandize
ment are seldom scrupulous about the means of obtain
ing it. Hence these ambitious religionists sent out to
him their disciples, with the Herodians, men fit for
their purpose, saying, in the language of hypocrisy
* This sermon was preached before the Supreme Court of Massachu
setts, on the 29th of May, 1779. It was published the same year.

262 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
and insult, " Master, we know that thou art true, and
teachest the way of God in truth, neither carest thou
for any man : for thou regardest not the person of
men. Tell us', therefore, what thinkest thou ? Is it
lawful to give tribute unto Coasar, or not ? "
The Jews entertained an extreme aversion to the
Gentiles, and could not be brought to submit to a
heathen magistrate but with great reluctance, and
through absolute necessity.
These Pharisees, therefore, judging of our blessed Lord
by their own sentiments and feelings, supposed that by
this question they should extort something from him
derogatory to Caesar's honor ; or that would subject
him to an impeachment as an enemy to the Roman
government. But he taketh the wise in their own craf
tiness : " Show me," said he, " the tribute money. And
they brought him a penny. And he saith unto them,
Whose is this image and superscription ? They say
unto him, Cozsar's. Then saith he unto them, Render
therefore unto Ocesar the things that are Ccesar's ; and
unto God the things thata?*e God's." Upon their being
thus defeated in their infamous attempt, they marvelled
and went their way to report to their masters their
humiliating disappointment ; for Christ had said noth
ing in his reply to them which Caesar himself would
not approve.
It is a matter of very little consequence to us, on this
occasion, which of the Csesars was on the throne at
the time referred to in the text ; because the duties
here inculcated are not affected by this circumstance.
The people were taught by Christ, to render such obe
dience to Csesar, or to the civil magistrate, as wrould
be consistent with the natural and the civil rights of

THE DUTY OP MAGISTRATES. 263
men, and the obligations they were under to the eter
nal God. It is unreasonable to suppose that he meant
to inculcate any other subjection than this. Besides,
his address is properly guarded : " Render therefore to
Csesar, the things that are Ccesar's." That is, those
things which he may lawfully claim. What these
were, our Lord does not ascertain. Nor is it neces
sary that we should, as they relate to Caesar and his
subjects. I shall therefore proceed to apply this sacred
passage to ourselves, in our present situation, by con
sidering :
I. What those duties are which the people owe to
the civil magistrate.
II. The duties of the magistrate to the people. And
then, III. Endeavor to draw the line between the things
that belong to Csesar, and those things that belong to
God. I. We are first to inquire, what those duties are
which the people owe to the civil magistrate.
I apprehend that this question implies another,
which is previously necessary to be determined, viz. :
How came the men whom we call magistrates with
any power at all over the people ? Were they born
to govern ? Have they a higher original than
other men? Or do they claim the sovereignty jure
divino ?
. The time has been when the divine right of kings
sounded from the pulpit and the press ; and when the
sacred name of religion was brought in to sanctify
the most horrid systems of despotism and cruelty.
But, blessed be God, we live in a more happy era,
in which the great principles of liberty are better

264 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
understood. With us, it is a first and fundamental
principle, that God made all men equal.
"Nothing is more evident," says Locke, "than
that creatures of the same species and rank, promis
cuously born to all the same advantages of nature,
and the use of the same faculties, should also be equal
one amongst another, without subordination or sub
jection, unless the Lord and Master of them all should,
by any manifest declaration of his will, set one above
another, and confer on him, by evident and clear
appointment, an undoubted right to dominion and
sovereignty." Until such a declaration of the divine will shall
be produced, we ought firmly to maintain the natural
equality of all men.
And as they are equal, so they are likewise in a
state of entire freedom. Whatever they possess is
their own, to be disposed of solely agreeably to their
own will. None have a right to claim any part of
their property, to disturb them in their possessions,
or to demand subjection in any degree whatever,
while they act consistently with the laws of nature. He
who attempts to do either is an usurper ; puts himself
into a state of war, and may be opposed as a common
highwayman. If we admit the truth of these principles, we come,
by an easy transition, to the foundation of civil so
ciety, viz., the consent of the people. For, if all
men are equal by nature, it must depend entirely
upon themselves whether they will continue in their
natural condition, or exchange it for a state of civil
government. Consequently the sovereignty resides
originally in the people.

THE DUTY OF MAGISTRATES. 265
As their leaving a state of nature for a stsite of civil
society is a matter of their own choice, so they are
equally free to adopt that form of government which
appears to them the most eligible, or the test calcu
lated to promote the happiness of themselves and of
their posterity.
Wliich is the best form of civil government, is a
question of the first magnitude to any people ; and
particularly to us who have lately considered this
weighty matter ; and who expect, at some future
period, finally to determine it. May that God by
whom all human events are controlled, inspire my
fellow-citizens with that wisdom that shall be profit
able to direct !
From the premises, the following is a natural con
clusion — That ihe authority of the civil magistrate is,
under God, derived from the people.
In order therefore to determine with accuracy, what
the powers of the civil magistrate are, and also the
duties that the people owe him, we must have recourse
to the constitution ; by which, in all good govern
ments, the authority of the former, and the rights ot
the latter are determined with precision.
That it should be so, is a dictate of common sense.
For upon a supposition of the contrary, how shall the
rulers or subjects determine their respective ol (ligations ?
From hence arises, in my view, the indispensable
necessity of a bill of rights drawn up iii the most
explicit language, previously to the ratifioition of a
constitution of government ; which should contain its
fundamental principles, and which no pel son in the
state, however dignified, should dare to -* iolate but
at his peril. 12

266 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
As we are at present without a fixed form of govern
ment, I shall treat the subject rather according to my
wishes, than the present state of things. For the con
stitution ought at least to have a general existence in
idea before the reciprocal duties of magistrates and
people can be ascertained.
Some of those principles which, I apprehend, may
be called fundamental, have been mentioned; to
which I beg leave to subjoin :
That the great end for which men enter into a state
of civil society is their own advantage.
That civil rulers, as they derive their authority from
the people, so they are accountable to them for the use
they make of it.
That elections ought to be free and frequent.
That representation should be as equal as possible.
That as all men are equal by nature, so, when they
enter into a state of civil government, they are en
titled precisely to the same rights and privileges, or to
an equal degree of political happiness.
That some of the natural rights of mankind are un
alienable, and subject to no control but that of the
Deity. Such are the sacred rights of conscience;
which, in a state of nature and of civil society, are
exactly the same. They can neither be parted with
nor controlled by any human' authority whatever.
Attempts of this kind have been repeatedly made
by an ambitious clergy, assisted by rulers of despotic
principles ; the consequence of which has been, that
crowds of the best members of society have been re
duced to this dreadful alternative, either to offend God
and violate the dictates of their own minds, or to die
at a stake.

THE DUTY OF MAGISTRATES. 267
That the. right of trial by jury ought to be per
petual. That no man's property can, of right, be taken from
him without his consent, given either in person or by
his representative.
That no laws are obligatory on the people but those
that, have obtained a like consent. Nor are such laws
of any force, if, proceeding from a corrupt majority of
the legislature, they are incompatible with the fun
damental principles of government, and tend to sub
vert it.
" All human things have an end," " says Montesquieu,
" the state we are speaking of (meaning Great Britain)
will lose its liberty, will perish. Have not Rome,
Sparta and Carthage perished ? It will perish when
the legislative power shall be more corrupt than the
executive." Let us cast our eyes to the land of our fathers, to
the kingdom from whence we descended, and we shall
find that she now totters on the brink of a most dan
gerous precipice. And that she hath been brought
into her present deplorable situation by a venal ma
jority. Some of that people foresaw their catastrophe ap
proaching with hasty strides ; they petitioned and
remonstrated. And several excellent things were
published in vindication of their constitutions and
their injured rights ; but all was in vain.
The very men who were appointed the guardians
and conservators of the rights of the people, have dis
membered the empire; and by repeated acts of injus
tice and oppression, have forced from the bosom of
their parent country, millions of Americans, who

268 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
might have been drawn by a hair, but Vere not to be
driven by all the thunder of Britain.
A few soft words would have fixed them in her in
terest, and have turned away that wrath which her
cruel conduct had enkindled. The sameness of re
ligion, of language and of manners, together with
interest, that powerful motive, and "a recollection of
that reciprocation of kind offices which had long pre
vailed, would have held America in closest friend
ship with Great Britain, had she not " governed too
much." It can afford the inhabitants of that once happy
country, no consolation in their present threatening con
dition, that it hath been brought on With all the for
mality of law. Rather, this circumstance adds to the
calamity, seeing the men who should have saved them,
have betrayed them.
Where is now the boasted freedom of the British
government ? Bribery and corruption seem nearly to
have accomplished the prediction of the great Montes
quieu. Nor is such an event to be wondered at, while
we reflect on the inequality* of their representation
and the base methods that are used in their elections
of members of the House of Commons, together with
the length of time they are suffered to continue in
their places.
If they are chosen for a long term, by a part only
* In Great Britain, consisting of near six millions of inhabitants, five
thousand seven hundred and twenty-three persons, most of them of the
lowest of the people, elect one-half of the House of Commons ; and three
hundred and sixty-four votes choose » ninth part. This may be dis
tinctly made out in the Political Disquisitions, vol. I., book 2, ch. 4!— Dr.
Price.

THE DUTY OF MAGISTRATES. 269
of the state, "and if, during that term, they are sub
ject to no control from their constituents, the very
idea of liberty will be lost, and the power of choosing
in constituents becomes nothing but a power lodged
in a, few to choose, at certain periods, a body of mas
ters for themselves and for the rest of the community.
Aud if a state is so sunk that the body of its repre
sentatives are elected by a handful of the meanest
persons in it, whose votes are always paid for ;* and
if, also, there is a higher will on: which even these
mock representatives themselves depend, and that
directs their voices ; in these circumstances, it will
be an abuse of language to say that the state pos
sesses liberty. This appears to be a just description
of the present state of the country from which we
descended. Such an instance affords us many important lessons,
and calls upon us to guard as much as possible in our
beginning, against the corruption of human nature.
We should leave nothing to human virtue, that can
be provided for by law or the constitution. Tlie more
we trust in the hands of any man, the more we try
his virtue, which, at some fatal hour, may yield to a
temptation ; and the people discover their error, when
it is too late to prevent the mischief.
Upon the truth of the principles advanced, I ob
serve, that the authority of the magistrate is derived
from the people by consent— that it is limited and
subordinate — and that so long as he exercises the
Ir*1
power with which he is vested, according to the orig-
* They who buy their places will sell the people, for they mean to
make something by the bargain.

270 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
inal compact, the people owe him reverence, obedience
and support.
Inspiration teaches us to give honor to whom honor,
fear to whom fear.
When any men are taken from the common rank
of citizens, and are intrusted with the powers of gov
ernment, they are by that act ennobled. Their election
implies their personal merit, and is a public declara
tion of it. For it is taken for granted, that the people
have been influenced in their choice by worthiness of
character, and not by family connections, or other
base motives. They are, therefore, entitled to a cer
tain degree of respect from their constituents — who,
while they pay them due reverence, will feel it reflect
ed upon themselves, because they bear their commis
sion. Both interest and duty oblige them to reverence
the powers that be. It is their duty in consequence
of their own appointment. And their interest, be
cause the good of the community depends much upon
it. For as far as any of the citizens unjustly depre
ciate the merit of rulers, so far they lesson the energy
of government, and put it out of their power to pro
mote the public good.
With reverence to the person of the magistrate, we
connect obedience to his authority — such obedience as
is compatible with the principles already laid down.
The term government implies this subordination, which
is essential to its very existence.
When, therefore, any persons rise in opposition to
such authority, they are guilty of a most daring offence
against the state ; because, as far as it prevails, it tends
to destroy the social compact, and to introduce con
fusion and every evil work. Consequently,

THE DUTY OF MEGISTRATES. 271
It is the duty of the people to support the magis
trate, in the due execution of the laws against such,
and all other offenders. To choose men to office, and
not to support them in the execution of it, is too
great an absurdity, one would think, to find any
abettors. There is also a pecuniary support which the magis
trate hath a right to receive from his constituents.
It is most reasonable that those persons whose time
and abilities are devoted to the' service of their country,
should be amply provided for while they are thus en
gaged. The compensation should be adequate to the
services they render the state. Let it be sufficient,
but not redundant.
While speaking of that support which the servants
of government are entitled to, I beg leave to mention
those brave men of every rank who compose our army.
They have stepped forth in the hour of danger, have
exchanged domestic ease and happiness for the hard
ships of the camp, have repeatedly fought, and many
of them have bled, in the cause of their country. Of
their importance no man can be iguorant.
With deference to this venerable assembly, I am
constrained to observe, that our first attention is due
to them, because, under God, they have been, now
are, and, we trust, will be, our defence. For them let
us make the most ample provision, and rest assured
of their most vigorous exertions to defend and save
their country.
But it is time to pass to the —
II. Consideration of the duties of the magistrate to
the people.
As a free government is founded in a compact, the

272 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
parties concerned in it are consequently laid under
mutual obligations. These, it hath been said, are de
termined by the constitution. If so, it follows, that
the rulers of the people ought to make themselves
thoroughly acquainted with it, together with the dif
ferent laws of the state. Therefore .they should be
¦men of- leisure and abilities, whether they are called
to act in a legislative or executive department.
It is taken for granted, that the rulers of the people
will not forget the. source of their power, nor the de
sign of their appointment to office — that they have no
authority but what they derived from the people ;
-who, from a confidence in them that reflects great
honor on them, have put it into their hands, with this
sole view — that they might thereby promote the good
of the community.
Whether this great end is accomplished, by the ex
ercise of the authority of civil rulers, the people are to
judge ; with whom the powers of government origi
nate, and who must know the end for which they
intrusted them in the hands of any of their fellow-cit
izens. This right of judging of their conduct implies,
that it lies with them either to censure or approve it.
These considerations are happily calculated to pre
vent the abuse of power, which has already happened
in repeated instances. And of which there ever will
be danger, while mankind remain in their present state
of corruption.
* A spirit of ambition, which is natural to man, tends
to tyranny ; and an undue attachment to personal
interest, may issue in fraud ; or in an accumulation of
offices, which, in their own nature, are incompatible
with each other ; and which no man, let his abilities

THE DUTY OF MAGISTRATES. 273
be what they may, can discharge with honor to him
self, and advantage to his country.
A faithful ruler will consider himself as a trustee of
the public, and that he is accountable both to God and
to the people for his behavior in his office. He will,
tlierefore, be very careful not to involve himself in
more public business than he can perform with fidelity.
It would have a happy tendency to render the duty
of the magistrate easy and successful, were he to culti
vate an intimate acquaintance with the genius and
temper of the people over whom he presides. By
such an acquisition if prudent, he would be capa
ble of pursuing a mode of conduct that would not
fail of gaining him the affections and confidence of
his subjects. The importance of which is self-evi
dent. "He who ruleth over men" says David, "must be just,
ruling in the fear of God." In his exalted station, he
should go before the people as an example of every
moral virtue ; and as a hearty friend of that constitu^
tion of government which he hath sworn to protect.
To the meanest of the people he should act the part
of a political father, by securing to them the full en
joyment of life, liberty, and property. To him they
are to look that justice is not delayed, nor the laws
executed with partiality ; but that all those who
united in clothing him with the authority of the
magistrate may uninterruptedly enjoy that equal
liberty, for the security of which they entered into a
state of civil society. Thus will he be as the light of
the morning when the sun riseth,' even a morning
without clouds.
There are many things that belong to this part of
12*

274 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
the subject. Such as, that the people have a right to
expect that the honorable their rulers, will by all
lawful means in their power encourage agriculture
and commerce, endeavor to suppress vice and im
morality,* lend all necessary assistance to our schools
and colleges ; it being a matter of high political im
portance that knowledge should be diffused through
the state, amongst all ranks of men. The propa
gation of literature is connected with the security of
freedom. Ignorance in politics, as well as in religion^
is fatal in its tendency.
These subjects have been often considered with
great ability and address, on these anniversaries.
Therefore, I forbear to enlarge on them, and reserve
the remainder of my time for the consideration of a
point of peculiar delicacy, and of the greatest impor
tance to the happiness of my country — viz. :
III. To attempt to draw the line between the things
that belong to Csesar, and those things that belong to
God. To this inquiry I am naturally led by the text : —
Render, therefore, to Ccesar the things that are Caesar's,

* Had this sentence been duly attended to at the time the sermon was
delivered, the following objection which some of my friends have made
viz. : " That upon the principles contained in the sermon, the civil
magistrate ought not to exercise his authority to suppress acts of
immorality." I say, had what is said above been properly observed,
this objection had been superseded. Immoral actions properly come
under the cognizance of civil rulers, who are the guardians of the
peace of society. But then I beg leave to observe, in the words of
Bishop Warhburton, "That the magistrate punishes no bad actions
as sins or offences against God, but only as crimes injurious to, or
having a malignant influence on society." In this view of the matter
he keeps within the line of his own department.

THE DUTY OF MAGISTRATES. 275
and unto God the things that are Gods. It is most
evident in this passage, that there are some things
which Csesar, or the magistrate, cannot of right de
mand, nor the people yield. The address has its
limits. To determine what these are, was never more
necessary to the people of these United States than it
is at present. We are engaged in a most important
contest ; not for power, but freedom. We mean not
to change our masters, but to secure to ourselves, and
to generations yet unborn, the perpetual enjoyment of
civil and religious liberty, in their fullest extent.
It becomes us, therefore, to settle this most weighty
matter in our different forms of government, in such a
mariner, that no occasion may be left in future for
the violation of the all-important rights of con
science. " I esteem it," says the justly-celebrated Mr. Locke,
" above all things, necessary to distinguish exactly
the business of civil government from that of religion,
and to settle the just bounds that lie between the one
and the other. If this be not done, there can be no
end put to the controversies that will be always aris
ing between those that have, or at least pretend to
have, on the one side a concernment for the interest
of men's souls, and on the other side a care of the
commonwealth. " The commonwealth seems to be a society of men
constituted only for the procuring, preserving, and ad
vancing their own civil interests.
" Civil interests I call life, liberty and health, and
the possession of outward things, such as money,
lands, houses, furniture, and the like.
" Now, that the whole jurisdiction of the magistrate

276 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
reaches only to these civil concernments, and that all
civil power, right and dominion, are bounded and con
fined to the only care of promoting these things; and
that it neither can nor ought in any manner to be ex
tended to the salvation of souls, these following consid
erations seem to me abundantly to demonstrate :
" First, because the care of souls is not committed
to the civil magistrate any more than to other men.
It is not committed to him, I say, by God ; because it
appears not that God has ever given any such author
ity to one man over another, as to compel any one to
his religion. Nor can any such power be invested in
the magistrate by the consent of the people ; because
no man can so far abandon the care of his own sal
vation, as blindly to leave it to the choice of any other,
whether prince or subject, to prescribe to him what
faith or worship he shall embrace. For no man can,
if he would, conform his faith to the dictates of an
other. All the life and power of true religion consist
in the inward and full persuasion of the mind ; and
faith is not faith without believing.
" In the second place. The care of souls cannot
belong to the civil magistrate, because his power con
sists only in outward force ; but true and saving relig
ion consists in the inward persuasion of the mind,
without which nothing can be acceptable to God. And
such is the nature of the understanding, that it cannot
be compelled to any thing by outward force.
" In the third place, the care of the salvation of men's
souls cannot belong to the civil magistrate, because,
though the rigor of laws and the force of penalties
were capable to convince and change men's minds,
yet would not that help at all to the salvation of their

THE DUTY OF MAGISTRATES. 277
souls; for, there being but one trnth, one way to
heaven, what hope is there that more men would be
led into it if they had no other rule to follow but the
religion of the court, and were put under the necessity
to quit the light of their own reason, to oppose the
dictates of their own consciences, and blindly resign
up themselves to the will of their governors, and to
the religion which either ignorance, ambition, or su
perstition had chanced to establish in the countries
where they were born ? In the variety and contra
diction of opinions in religion, wherein the princes of
the world are as much divided as in their secular in
terests, the narrow way would be much straitened,
one country alone would be in the right, and all the
rest of the world put under an obligation of following
their princes in the ways that lead to destruction.
And what heightens the absurdity, and very ill suits
the notion of a Deity, men would owe their eternal
happiness or misery to the places of their nativity.
" These considerations, to omit many others that might
have been urged to the same purpose, seem to me suf
ficient to conclude that all the power of civil govern
ment relates only to men's civil interests, is confined
to the care of the things of this world, and hath noth
ing to do with the world to come."
These sentiments, I humbly conceive, do honor to
their author, and discover a true greatness and lib
erality of = mind, and are calculated properly to limit
the power of civil rulers, and to secure to every man
the inestimable right of private judgment.
They are also perfectly agreeable to a fundamental
principle of government, which we universally admit.
We say, That the power of the civil magistrate is de-

278 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
rived from the people. If so, it follows, that he can
neither have more, nor any other kind of power, than
they had to give.
The power which the people commit into the hands
of the magistrate is wholly confined to the things of
this world. Other power than this they have not.
They have not the least authority over the consciences
of one another, nor over their own consciences so as
to alienate them or subject them to the control of the
civil magistrate in matters of religion, in which every
man ought to be fully persuaded in his own mind,
and to follow its dictates at all hazards, because he is
to account for himself at the judgment-seat of Christ.
Seeing, then, that the people have no power that
they can commit into the hands of the magistrate
but that which relates to the good of civil society, it
follows that the magistrate can have no other, be
cause he derives his authority from the people. Such
as the power of the people is, such must be the power
of the magistrate.
To these observations I beg leave to add, that the
kingdom of Christ is not of this world. By his king
dom we mean his church, which is altogether spiritual.
Its origin, government and preservation are entirely of
Him who hath upon his vesture and upon his thigh
written, King of kings, and Lord of lords.
The doctrines that we are to believe, the duties that
we are to perform, the officers who are to serve in this
kingdom, and the laws by which all its subjects are to
be governed, we become acquainted with by the ora
cles of God, which are the Christian's infallible direc
tory ; to which he is bound to yield obedience, at the
risk of his reputation and life.

THE DUTY OF MAGISTRATES. 279
They who enter into this kingdom do it voluntarily,
with a design of promoting their spiritual interests.
Civil affairs they resign to the care of the magistrate,
but the salvation of their souls they seek in the king
dom of Christ.
This kingdom does not in any respect interfere with
civil government, but rather tends to promote its peace
and happiness, because its subjects are taught to obey
the magistracy, and to lead peaceable and quiet lives in
all godliness and honesty.
The subjects of the kingdom of Christ claim no ex
emption from the just authority of the magistrate, by
virtue of their relation to it. Rather they yield a
ready and cheerful obedience, not only for wrath but
also for conscience sake. And should any of them
violate the laws of the state, they are to be punished
as other men.
They exercise no secular power, they inflict no tem
poral penalties upon the persons of one another. All
their punishments are spiritual. Their weapons are
not carnal, but mighty through God. They use no
other force than that of reason and argument, to re
claim delinquents ; nor are such persons to be punish
ed for continuing incorrigible, in any other way than
by rebuke, or exclusion.
They pretend not to exercise their spiritual author
ity over any persons, who have not joined themselves
to them of their own accord. " What have I to do,"
says Paul, " to judge them also who are without ? do
ye not judge them who are within ?"
The subjects of this kingdom are bound by no laws
in matters of religion, but such as they receive from
Christ, who is the only lawgiver and head of his

280 THE PATRIOT PEEACHEES.
church. All human laws in this respect are inadmis
sible, as being unnecessary, and as implying a gross
reflection on our Lord Jesus Christ, as though he was
either unable, or unwilling to provide for his own in
terest in the world. Nor will he stand by, an idle spec
tator, of the many encroachments that have been made
on his sacred prerogative by the powers of the world.
Should the most dignified civil ruler become a
member of his church, or a subject of his "spiritual
kingdom, he cannot carry the least degree of his civil
power into it. In the church he is, as any other
member of it, entitled to the same spiritual privileges,
and bound by the same laws. The authority he has
derived from the state, can by no means be extended
to the kingdom of Christ, because Christ is the only
source of that power, that is to be exercised in it.
It may be said, that religion is of importance to the
good of civil society ; therefore the magistrate ought
to encourage it under this idea.
It is readily acknowledged that the intrinsic excel
lence and beneficial effects of -true religion are such
that every man who is favored with the Christian
revelation ought to befriend it. It has the promise
of the life that now is, and of that which is to come.
And there are many ways in which the civil magis
trate may encourage religion, in a perfect agreement
with the nature of the kingdom of Ohrist, and tke
rights of conscience.
As a man, he is personally interested in it. His
everlasting salvation is at stake. Therefore he should
search the Scriptures for himself, and follow them
wherever they lead him. This right he hath in com
mon with every other citizen.

THE DUTY OF MAGISTRATES. 281
As the head of a family, he should act as a priest in
his own house, by endeavoring to bring up his chil
dren in the nurture and admonition of the Lord.
As a magistrate, he should be as a nursing father to
the church of Christ, by protecting all the peaceable
members of it from injury on account of religion ; and
by securing to them the uninterrupted enjoyment of
equal religious liberty. The authority by which he
acts he derives alike from all the people ; consequently
he should exercise that authority equally for the bene
fit of all, without any respect to their different re
ligious principles. They have an undoubted right to
demand it.
Union in the state is of absolute necessity to its
happiness. This the magistrate will study to promote.
And this he may reasonably expect upon the plan pro
posed, of a, just and equal treatment of all the citizens.
For though Christians may contend amongst them
selves about their religious differences, they will all
unite to promote the good of the community, because
it is their interest, so long as they enjoy the , blessings
of a free and equal administration of government.
On the other hand, if the magistrate destroys the
equality of the subjects of the state on account of re
ligion, he violates a fundamental principle of a free
government, establishes separate interests in it, and
lays a foundation for disaffection to rulers and endless
quarrels among the people.
Happy are the inhabitants of that commonwealth,
in which every man sits under his vine and fig-tree,
having none to make him afraid ; in which all are pro
tected but none established. Permit me, on this occa
sion, to introduce the words of the Rev. Dr. Chauncey,

282 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
whose age and experience add weight to his senti
ments. " We are," says this gentleman, "in principle
against all civil establishments in religion. We de
sire not, and suppose we have no right to desire, the
interposition of the state to establish our sentiments
in religion, or the manner in which we w-ould express
them. It does not, indeed, appear to us, that God
has intrusted the state with a right to make religious
establishments." And after observing that if one
state has this right, all states have the same right, he
adds : " And as they must severally be supposed to.
exert this authority in establishments conformable to
their own sentiments in religion, what can the conse
quence be, but infinite damage to the cause of God
and true religion ? And such, in fact, has been the
consequence of these establishments in all ages and
in all places. What absurdities in sentiment, and ri
diculous follies, not to say gross immoralities in prac
tice, have not been established by the civil power, in
some or other of the nations of the world ?"
To which I take the liberty to add the following
passage of a very ingenious author :
" The moment any religion becomes national, or es
tablished, its purity must certainly be lost, because it
is impossible to keep it unconnected with men's inter
ests ; and if connected, it must inevitably be perverted
by them. Again, that very order of men, who are
maintained to support its interests, will sacrifice them
to their own. By degrees knaves will join them, fools
believe them, and cowards will be afraid of them ; and
having gained so considerable a part of the world to
their interests, they will erect an independent domin
ion among themselves, dangerous to the liberties of

THE DUTY OF MAGISTRATES. 283
mankind, and representing all those who oppose tyran
ny, as God's enemies, teach it to be meritorious in His
sight to persecute them in this world, and damn them
in another. Hence must arise hierarchies, inquisi
tions and Popery ; for Popery is but the consumma
tion of that tyranny which every religious system in
the hands of men is in perpetual pursuit of."
It is well known to this respectable assembly, that
Christianity flourished remarkably for the space of
three hundred years after the ascension of Christ,
amidst the hottest and most bloody persecutions, and
when the powers of the world were against it, and
began to decline immediately upon its being made a
legal establishment by Constantine, the first Christian
emperor, who heaped upon it his ill-judged favors and
introduced a train of evils which he had, not designed.
The preachers of this divine religion were no sooner
taken into the favor of the prince, and their senti
ments established by law, than they began to quarrel
who should be the greatest ; and anathemized one
another. Every man who has read the history of the
four first general councils, is fully satisfied of the
truth of these remarks.
Seeing, then, Christianity made its way in the be
ginning, when the powers of the world were against
it, let us cheerfully leave it to the force of its own
evidence, and to the care of its adorable author; wliile
we strictly attend to all those means which he hath
instituted for the propagation of it. The ministers of
Christ are particularly called upon to preach the
word, to be instant in season, out of season, to teach
the people publicly and from house to house ; always
encouraging themselves with that gracious promise,

284 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
Lo, 1 am with you ahoay, even unto the end of the
world. Upon the whole, I think it is a plain as well as a
very important truth, that the Church of Christ and a
commonwealth are essentially different. The one is a
religious society, of which Christ is the sole head, and
which he gathers out of the world, in common, by
the dispensation of his gospel, governs by his laws in
all matters of religion, a complete code of which we
have in the sacred Scriptures ; and preserves it by his
power. The other is a civil society — originating with the
people, and designed to promote their temporal inter
ests — which is governed by men, whose authority is
derived from their fellow-citizens, and confined to the
affairs of this world.
In this view of the matter, the line appears to me
to be fairly drawn between the things that belong to
Ccesar and the things that belong to God. The magis
trate is to govern the state, and Christ is to govern
the church. The former will find business enough in
the complex affairs of government to employ all his
time and abilities. The latter is infinitely sufficient
to manage his own kingdom without foreign aid.
Thus have I considered the important principles of
civil and religious liberty, according to that ability
wliich God hath given ; and with a freedom that be
comes a citizen when called upon, at a most critical
period, to address the rulers of a free people ; whose
patriotic minds, it is taken for granted, would at once
despise the language of adulation.
In order to complete a system of government, and
to be consistent with ourselves, it appears to me that

THE DUTY OF MAGISTRATES. 285
we ought to banish from among us that cruel practice,
which has long prevailed, of reducing to a state of
slavery for life the freeborn Africans.*
The Deity hath bestowed upon them and us the
same natural rights as men; and hath assigned to
them a part of the globe for their residence. But man
kind, urged by those passions which debase the human
mind, have pursued them to their native country ; and
by fomenting wars among them, that they might se
cure the prisoners, or employing villains to decoy the
unwary, have filled their ships with the unfortunate
captives ; dragged them from their tenderest connec
tions, and transported them to different parts of the
earth, to be hewers of wood, and drawers of water,
till death shall end their painful captivity.
To reconcile this nefarious traffic with reason, hu
manity, religion, or the principles of a free govern
ment, in my view, requires an uncommon address.
Should we make the case our own, arid act agreea^
bly to that excellent rule of our blessed Lord, What
ever ye would that men should do to you, do ye to them
likewise, the abolition of this disgraceful practice
would take place.
Nor can I conceive that we shall act a consistent
part, till we brand this species of tyranny with per-
peptual infamy. Shall we hold the sword in one hand
* Congress, early in the controversy with Great Britain, protested
against the slave-trade in the following resolve :
" Secondly, We will neither import nor purchase any slaves imported
after the first day of December next ; after which time we will wholly
discontinue ihe slave-trade; and will neither be concerned in it ourselves,
nor will we hire our vessels, nor sell our commodities or manufactures
to those who are concerned in it."

286 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
to defend our just rights as men ; and grasp chains with
the other to enslave the inhabitants of Africa ? Forbid
it heaven! — Forbid it all the freeborn sons of this
western world !
May the year of jubilee soon arrive, when Africa
shall cast the look of gratitude to these happy regions,
for the total emancipation of her sons !
This matter, among others, deserves the serious at
tention of our honorable rulers, in whom their fellow-
citizens have reposed uncommon confidence, which is
apparent in calling them forth to public service at
such a difficult period as this, which undoubtedly calls
for the united exertions of the greatest abilities.
The voice of the people is, as mentioned before, and
the importance of the matter justifies the repetition
of it ; I say, the voice of the people is, that govern
ment should pay their first attention to the war. If
America is respectable in the field, the greater will be
the prospect of success in arms, and of an honorable
peace. Let us not amuse ourselves with a prospect of peace,
and in consequence thereof abate in our preparations
for the war. If we should, it may prove greatly in
jurious to the freedom and glory of this rising em
pire. But it is not for me to attempt to specify the weighty
affairs which, during the course of the present year,
and particularly of the present session, are likely to
come before the honorable gentlemen who have this
day called us to the place of public worship. God
grant unto them that wisdom that is from above !
While transacting public business, may they re
member that Jehovah standethin th$ congregation of

THE DUTY OF MAGISTRATES. 287-
the mighty, and judgeth among the gods. Under the
influence of this solemn consideration, may the elec
tions of this day be conducted. This being the case,
every elector, before he gives his vote for any person
to sit in council, will take pains to satisfy himself
whether he possesses the qualifications that are ne
cessary for so exalted a station — such as wisdom,
virtue, firmness, and an unfeigned love of his country.
Tried friends deserve the preference — an experience
of whose capacity and fidelity in times past, recom
mends them as worthy of our present confidence.
To the direction of Unerring Wisdom we commit
both branches of the honorable court, heartily wish
ing that they may conduct themselves in every respect
as those who are to be accountable to God, the judge
of all. Thus will they enjoy the testimony of con
science, and may expect to be accepted of the multi
tude of their brethren.
In fine, seeing the body of Christians, however di
vided into sects and parties, " are entitled precisely to
the same rights," it becomes them to rest contented
with that equal condition, nor to wish for pre-emi
nence. Rather, they should rejoice to see all men as
free and as happy as themselves.
They should study to imbibe more of the spirit of
their Divine Master, to love as brethren, and to pre
serve the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace.
In the present state of ignorance and prejudice, they
cannot expect to see eye to eye. There will be a
variety of opinions and modes of worship among the
disciples of the same Lord — men equally honest, pious,
and sensible — while they remain in this world of im
perfection. Let them, tlierefore, be faithful to their

288 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
respective principles, and kind and forbearing toward
one another. Their chief study should be to advance
the cause of morality and religion in the world, and
by their good works to glorify their Father who is in
heaven. They are to be subject to the civil magistrate, not
only for wrath, but also for conscience sake ; and to
pray for all who are in authority, that under them
they may lead a quiet and peaceable life in all godli
ness and honesty. For this is good and acceptable in
the sight of God. To whom be glory forever.

DAVID TAPPAN, D. D

The subject of this sketch was the son of the Rev
erend Benjamin Tappan, minister, of Manchester, and
was born on the twenty-first of April, 1753. Under
the guidance of his father he acquired the rudiments
of knowledge, and having passed a short period at the
Dummer academy, he was, at the youthful age of
fourteen, admitted to Harvard college. There, " rising
above juvenile follies and vices," he applied himself
diligently to his studies ; " was considerate and sober-
minded," and graduated in 1771. Within three years
after, he commenced the work of the ministry, and at
once took a place among the foremost in the esteem
of the public. In his earliest performances his hearers
were surprised at the extent of his learning, and the
animation and fervor of his devotions. At the age
of twenty-one he was ordained pastor of a church at
Newbury, and continued in that position until 1792,
when he was inducted into the Hollis professorship of
divinity in Harvard college. He performed the duties
of this office to universal acceptance, until his death,
which occurred August 27, 1803.
Doctor Tappan's mind was active and vigorous ;
fertile in invention, and his command of language not
often surpassed. As a preacher he was decidedly
13

290 DAVID TAPPAN, D. D.
evangelical. The peculiar contents of the gospel were
the principal subjects of his discourses. He was not
only doctrinal, but very practical in his religious
lessons. Every gospel doctrine, he insisted, had its
corresponding precept and duty. In piety, knowledge
and Christian good he was exemplary ; but his devel
opment of his principles was too candid and catholic,
too. characteristically Christian, to satisfy the lovers of
ecclesiastical controversy. By these he was thought,
in some instances, wanting in resolution and decision ;
as not sufficiently showing his esteem, for what they
called " the distinguishing doctrines of the gospel ;"
as reluctant to suggest an opinion, which did not meet
the approbation of others ; and as too careful to ac
commodate himself to the opinions and prejudices
which he disapproved and believed pernicious. But
he was superior to all these considerations ; he was
ever anxious for the well-being of his fellow-creatures.
His nature disposed him to sympathy, tenderness and
charity. " He exemplified on every occasion," says
this most appreciative biographer, " the temper, which
he so impressively inculcated in doctrine, spirit and
deportment, to be a constant recommendation and de
fence of Christianity, by exhibiting it in its native
sweetness, sobriety and dignity."*
* See Quincy's History of Harvard University.

THE TREATY OF PEACE. 291

THE TREATY OF PEACE.

"Friends and Fellow-Counteymen, while I vent the
fulness of my heart in the sincerest congratulations of
you and myself, and our common country, on the arri
val of the auspicious day, which gives confirmed sov
ereignty and independence to confederate America,
and pours into her bosom the blessing of a safe, advan
tageous, honorable peace, the charms of which are
vastly heightened and endeared to us by the horrid
contrast of an eight years' cruel war. Permit me at
the same time to remind you, that the professed de
sign of this solemn assembly* should give a religious
direction to our common joy, and consecrate it into
the liveliest gratitude to that Supreme Power who at
once styles himself a Man of War and the God of Peace.
That the rapture of our hearts on so glorious an occa
sion may be thus guided into a holy channel, and ele
vated into a pious transport of God — exalting adora
tion and thanksgiving — let us turn our contemplations
to a noble pattern of this kind in the grateful, exulting
Jews, on their liberation from Babylonish captivity,
as we have it exhibited in Psalm cxxvi., three first
verses :
When the Lord turned again the captivity of Zion we were like them that
dream. Then was our mouth filled with laughter, and our tongues with
singing : (lien said they among the heathen, ihe Lord hath done great things
for them. Tlie Lord hath done great things for us, wliereof we are glad.
As the deliverance here celebrated by the church
* This sermon was delivered at the Third Parish in Newbury, Mass.,
on the 1st of May, 1783, occasioned by the ratification of the treaty of
peace between Great Britain and the United States of America.

292 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
of God was the most illustrious of auy in the Old
Testament annals, and a most remarkable type of our
spiritual redemption by the Messiah ; as many of "its
leading circumstances bear a striking similarity to
those which have distinguished and dignified the sal
vation of united America ; and as their sentiments
upon it are such as remarkably suit and become every
American heart and tongue on the present occasion —
let us, therefore, run over the affecting picture which
they themselves give of the matter, in the words now
read, in which they relate, in the first place, the
pleasing, overwhelming surprise that seized their
minds on first receiving the glorious tidings. " When
the Lord turned again the captivity of Zion, we were
like them that dream." As if they had said : "The
deliverance was so great and glorious in itself; so as
tonishing in its circumstances; so sudden in its ac
complishment; so unexpected and improbable in every
human view; so far above our highest ideas and
hopes; so opposite to our just deserts and apprehen
sions — that we could scarce credit the testimony of
our own senses, and were ready to imagine the news
of liberty no better than the pleasing dream of a
transported, deluded fancy, or the airy, baseless fabric
of a midnight vision." So Peter, when a celestial
messenger knocked off his prison chains, and brought
him forth to liberty, was at first so surprised at the
sudden, extraordinary deliverance, that he could not
believe it to be a waking reality, but only a visionary
picture painted on his imagination. And, doubtless,
the first ideas and feelings of many an American
heart, on the news of the equitable, liberal treaty of
peace, ratified between Britain and these sovereign

THE TREATY OF PEACE. 293
states, were nearly coincident with this description ;
for the improbability of the haughty monarch and
court of Britain ever submitting (at least at present)
to such mortifying concessions — especially of their
adopting so generous a system of policy, so contra
dictory to the narrow, deceitful, underhanded, cruel
politics, which before they had uniformly pursued
toward this country ; the disappointment of our san
guine prospects of pacification in some former stages
of this contest ; the long continuance of our distresses ;
the visibly growing degeneracy and wickedness of
America under the judgments of heaven, sent, and so
long continued, for her correction and reformation —
these, and many other discouraging ideas, combined
their influence to render the glorious tidings of peace
a very surprising, unexpected, overwhelming sound
in the ears of many sober Americans — a sound too
grand, good, joyful, to gain their ready, confident
belief. " Their rapture seemed a pleasing dream, the
grace appeared so great."
" Then was our mouth filled with laughter, and our
tongue with singing." The surprise of such a deliv
erance produced an ecstasy of joy, so that we could
scarce restrain our passions or our tongues within the
bounds of decency or decorum. "Then said they
among the heathen, The Lord hath done great things
for them." Those heathen neighbors who had ob
served and insulted: the distressed, abject state of
these captive exiles, were now constrained to own the
superintending, triumphant power, wisdom and good
ness of Jehovah, in their surprising deliverances, in
rescuing his feeble people Israel out of the hands of
their mighty oppressors, when they were without

294 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
friends, without resources, without any enlivening
hope or spirit ; in raising up for them in this situa
tion, and affecting their instant deliverance by a most
unlikely instrument, indeed ; a pagan, idolatrous mon
arch, a stranger and an enemy, both by nation and
religion ; the king of that very empire which held
them in servitude as its legal, conquered captives, aud
esteemed and treated them as the lowest dregs of man
kind ! that such a prince, without any human solici
tation, without, yea, contrary to, any of the usual
motives of human policy, should proclaim the re
mains of poor, oppressed Israel, a free and independ
ent nation, and furnish them out of his own treasures,
with every requisite for the re-establishment and se
cure enjoyment of their ancient privileges in their
own land. This was such a spectacle of divine won
ders in behalf of that people, as extorted a confession
from the most stupid idolaters, that Jehovah, the God
of Israel, was far superior to their idoldeities. .Just
as, my brethren, the successful struggles of oppressed
America, at first a feeble, naked, friendless infant,
against the gigantic power of Britain, a nation then
respectable and terrible to all the world for military
prowess, strength and glory, have displayed an august
spectacle of divine manifestations in our favor, which
commands the admiring attention of the world. All
Europe, whether Popish or Protestant, Christian or
infidel, has beheld the advancing stages of this con
test with growing astonishment ; and while our won
derful success has given a lustre and dignity to our
national character in the eyes of mankind, I doubt
not but all sober observers, and, one would think, all
that are not abandoned atheists, are constrained to say :

THE TREATY OF PEACE. 295
The Lord hath done great things for America. Even
the poor Indian savages around us could make this
remark on some great victory or deliverance granted
to our pious, praying fathers : " Your God must be a
very great and good Spirit, to hear and answer your
prayers in so surprising a manner !"
If, then, heathens, idolators and scoffers are com
pelled to own a Superior Hand in these great events,
with what eager, grateful transport should those in
whose behalf they are wrought reply, as in the next
verse : " The Lord hath done great things for us,
whereof we are glad ?" He hath done great things
for us. Our heathen neighbors are only cool spec
tators, but we are the feeling, happy subjects of the
surprising mercy, " whereof we are glad ;" our neigh
bors are struck with amazement, and some of them
filled with rage and vexation, but we are filled with
grateful joy — a joy proportioned to the greatness of
the blessing, and the evidence we have that it flows
from a God that is reconciled and in friendship with
his now penitent, purified, reformed Israel. As I
mean to make the pious ascription in this third verse
the principal basis of the ensuing part of my dis
course, I shall accordingly attempt to show —
First. When the interpositions of Jehovah in favor
of his people may be styled great, or what it is that
stamps them with this high character, which will nat
urally bring into view the principal events which have
introduced and established the American revolution.
Secondly. Point out and enforce the manner in
which the happy subjects of such great divine manifes
tations should entertain and improve them.
Respecting the first head, 1 would presume that

296 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
all the works of Jehovah are great, as being the prod
ucts and displays of infinite perfection, and designed
and adapted to some very grand and excellent end :—
particularly, all his acts of kindness to any of our fallen
species, are the fruits of a benevolence infinitely great,
^prompting and co-operating with equal knowledge and
power. But though all God's benevolent works are
in tliis respect equal, as proceeding from the same effi
cient and impulsive cause, yet the effects hereof, as
terminating upon, and displaying the divine goodness
and other attributes to the view of the creature, are
almost infinitely diversified; and in this view, some
of the kind dispensations of Heaven are vastly, un
speakably greater than others. For instance, those
fruits of divine goodness, which have a very great in
trinsic worth — which carry in them a deliverance, or
security from very great and terrible evils, and a com
plication of many positive blessings — which promise
very durable advantages, or draw after them a large
series of beneficial consequences — which embrace
great numbers of persons as joint-sharers in the im
portant benefit — which triumph over mighty obstacles
that lie in their way — which are conferred in an un
common, unexpected, sudden, improbable, or pecu
liarly seasonable manner ; such operations or effects
of divine goodness may be styled great in an emphati-
cal and most glorious sense.
There was a signal concurrence of many of these
heightening circumstances attending the liberation of
the Jewish captives celebrated in the text. But the
divine manifestations in favor of these United States,
in which we this day rejoice, are eminently marked
with all these dignifying characters. For the benefits

THE TREATY OF PEACE. 297
granted possess a vast intrinsic value, being no less
than independent liberty, both civil and religious —
the confirmed power of choosing our own government
and worship, of enacting our own laws, of acquiring
and enjoying our own property, of regulating and ex
tending our own commerce, and, in a word, of securely
and peaceably enjoying the most valuable temporal
blessings and spiritual privileges, in the greatest and
best country in the world ! Will any son or daughter
of America, in view of these precious gifts, now rati
fied to us by Heaven, venture to speak in a contempt
uous or murmuring tone, of the issue of our long
struggle with tyranny, as if we had reaped no other
harvest from it than the loss of a great deal of our
choicest blood, and an insupportable weight of debt
and of taxes for many years to come ? But what, my
friends, are these sacrifices and inconveniences com
pared with those terrible evils from which Heaven, by
this conflict, has delivered and secured us ? — compared
with unconditional submission to a foreign legislature
in all cases whatsoever, which was expressly demanded
by the British Parliament, and attempted to be en
forced by the whole military power of the nation — a
demand which, at one stroke, annihilated the very
foundation of liberty in this country, and placed her
in the lowest, basest state of vassalage, without leav
ing to her the least right or property in any instance
whatever ! And as complete servitude must have been
the immediate effect of a passive, non-resisting sub
mission to this despotic claim, so, if Heaven had per
mitted them to seduce or conquer us into this subjec
tion, after resisting them with our arms, the conse
quences must have been still more insupportably
13*

298 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
dreadful ; for a conquest would at once have made
the court of Britain both lords and landlords of this
whole continent ; and while our principal leaders, in
the cabinet and field, would have been doomed to the
block, or the gallows, the rest of us, with our children,
down perhaps to late posterity, must have been
humble, cringing tenants and s-laves, hewers 'of wood
and drawers of water to the haughty minions of Brit
ish power !
Let us seriously contemplate, my brethren, those
tremendous evils, which we had so much reason to
fear, together with those we have actually felt, from
the disappointed ambition and cruelty of our foes ; —
let our thoughts take a range through their polluted
prison ships, and other murderous places of confine
ment, which have slain so many of our deserving sons
— let us visit the many populous towns wantonly con
sumed, with the vast amount of property pillaged or
destroyed by their hands, with the many other traces
of a base, vindictive spirit, which has marked their
conduct toward us ; — let us cast a retrospective eye
on the many awful scenes of blood and carnage, of
havoc and depredation, with the long train of evils,
both natural and moral, which compose war's gloomy
retinue ; and then say, whether that event which puts
a period to all these distresses, perils, and fears, which
anchors our political ship in the harbor of security and
peace, after having so long encountered the rage of so
tempestuous a sea, is not a very great and capital
mercy of Heaven !¦ — a mercy unspeakably enhanced
and sweetened by the long and gloomy scenes of trou
ble which have preceded and introduced it ! A mercy
too of a very complicated kind, not only as it saves us

THE TREATY OF PEACE. 299
from such a complication of evils, but as it carries in
its bowels, or naturally draws after it, a long chain of
important positive blessings, of extensive and perma
nent advantages.
For, besides the usual sweets and benefits of peace,
"accompanied with freedom — in the full scope and
animating encouragement it gives to industry, to arts,
to science, to every noble, advantageous employment,
improvement, and gratification of life — besides these,
the peaceful establishment of our liberty and inde
pendence opens to us far more extensive and glorious
prospects ; it presents ns with a fair opportunity, with
the noblest inducements and advantages, for convert
ing this immense northern continent into a seat of
knowledge and freedom, of agriculture and commerce,
of useful arts and manufactures, of Christian piety
and virtue ; and thus making it an inviting and com
fortable abode for many, millions of the human species ;
an asylum for the injured and oppressed in all parts
of the globe ; the delight of God and good men ; the
joy and pride of the whole earth; soaring on the
wings of literature, wealth, population, religion, vir
tue, and every thing that is excellent and happy, to a
greater height of perfection and glory than the world
has ever yet seen.
It likewise opens a door for an extensive commercial
intercourse between us and all nations, and directly
leads to a rapid increase of it among the various
parts of the world ; which is not only an inexhaustible
source of wealth and opulence, but tends to expand
the human mind ; to introduce a reciprocation of good
offices and benefits ; " a general knowledge of wants,
and the means of supplying them ; an experimental

3Q0 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
acquaintance with the necessity and beauty of hospi
tality ; an universal enlargement of the habits of
thinking;" more rational ideas, and a more liberal
administration of civil government; a better knowb
edge and relish of the sacred rights of humanity — all
which directly conduce to humanize, refine, and ex
alt the human mind and manners, and carry forward
mankind to a greater perfection and happiness than
have yet been attained.
Our late convulsion, with its present happy ter
mination, tends to wake up and encourage the dormant
flame of liberty in all quarters of the earth — to rouse
up an oppressed, enslaved world from that stupor
which has so long benumbed it — to rouse it to a due
inquiry into the natural rights of man, and its own
disgraceful and wretched situation in tamely submit
ting to the deprivation of them — to open the eyes of
kings and subjects to the true principles of liberty
and justice, and to the absurdity and iniquity of tyr
anny and persecution in all their forms ; and thus to
lead mankind to a manly assertion, and a happy re
covery and re-establishment of their civil and religious
rights, and hereby open and prepare their minds for a
more complete reception of the truth and grace of the
gospel. Accordingly, every wheel of Providence seems
to be now in motion to hasten on the downfall of tyr
anny, of popish superstition and bigotry, and pro
mote the cause of freedom, knowledge, and truth.
-The destruction of the whole order of Jesuits, who
were the main prop of the papal power — the abolition
of persecution in many European countries, particu
larly in France, where the present truly great and
generous monarch has placed the Protestants on an

THE TREATY OF PEACE. 301
equal footing with his other subjects— and in Ger
many, where true liberty of conscience is granted to
all peaceable subjects of every denomination— the
downfall of the hellish Inquisition in Spain, and the
liberal institutions which begin to take place in that
country, so remarkable hitherto for a blind, narrow,
persecuting bigotry — the secret contempt in which
almost all the learned and more knowing in popish
countries are said to hold the absurdities and fooleries
of that religion — the rapid progress of knowledge, and
a spirit of free inquiry, of late years over the earth :
these, and other similar events, form a grand chain of
Providence, in which the American revolution is a prin
cipal link — a chain which is gradually drawing after
it the most glorious consequences to mankind, which
is hastening on the accomplishment of the Scripture
prophecies relative to the millennial state, the- golden
age of the church and the world in the latter days.
How magnificently great do the works of Jehovah
toward America appear, when viewed in this light !—
what complicated, extended, lasting advantages seem
to be wrapped up in them, not only to many millions
in this Western World, but to countless multitudes,
as we trust, in various parts of the globe !
If we go on to apply the other characters or greatness
enumerated above, relating to the manner in which
divine favors are conferred, or deliverances wrought,
we find them all emphatically verified in God's gracious
manifestations toward America. For was it not a
very uncommon, unexpected, unlikely spectacle, to
see Heaven not only raise up and inspirit as it were
an infant from its cradle, to encounter a mighty, arm
ed giant, but to guide, aid and succeed its untaught

302 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
feeble efforts, and infatuate, confound, baffle its boast
ing, terrible antagonist, in a manner almost unparallel
ed in the annals of the world ? Was it not an extraor
dinary phenomenon in the political world, for so many
distinct and distant states, so different in many re
spects in their education, laws, customs, manners, pre
judices, and interests — not only to unite in one com
mon cause, but to preserve and even strengthen their
union amidst all the serpentine, unwearied artifices of
a subtle enemy to divide them: insomuch that the
very measures they took to disunite and destroy ns,
have uniformly operated to defeat their own designs
and expectations.
Was it not a very unusual spectacle to see so young
a country produce such a number of able, spirited
statesmen and commanders, whose abilities and pat
riotism, whose equally judicious and vigorous measures,
have at once saved their own country, and com
manded the admiration and applause of the world ?
The celebrated Lord Chatham, speaking of our first
general Congress, gives them this very honorable testi
mony : — " I must declare and avow, that in all my
reading and observation, for solidity of reasoning,
force of sagacity, and wisdom of conclusion, no nation
or body of men can stand in preference to the general
Congress at Philadelphia." And if we turn our eyes
from the cabinet to the camp, what an assemblage of
wonders rises to view in our illustrious military Chief!
A general destined by Heaven for just such a period,
country, and cause as ours ! — whose judiciously cau
tious, defensive, delaying mode of conducting this
war has at once saved his own army and country, and
weakened and worn down those of the enemy — a gen-

THE TREATY OF PEACE. 303
eral whose character combines all the different quali
ties of coolness and spirit, consummate prudence, and
proportionate vigor, the most generous tenderness and
compassion joined with the most firm, undaunted
heroism, the most patient, unshaken constancy under
heavy discouragements and sufferings, joined with a
noble spirit of enterprise on all proper occasions.
My friends, while we contemplate this great charac
ter, placed at the head of our inexperienced forces,
at such a critical, seasonable juncture — when we sur
vey the bright constellation of heroes under him, the
subordinate officers and soldiers, whose hardships,
toils, dangers, battles, victories — whose triumphant
patience, courage, and perseverance, have instrument-
ally procured the blessings in which we now rejoice :
when we travel over the several bright stages of this
contest, from the bloody, yet victorious Nineteenth of
April, 1775, to the ever-memorable preservation of
our young troops, and destruction of the veteran foe,
at the battle of Bunker-hill ; the brilliant magnificent
attacks and victories at Trenton and Princeton ; the
glorious capture of two whole British armies at Sara
toga and Yorktown ; the very critical detection and
defeat of Arnold's black conspiracy, by a train of nice
and seemingly fortuitous incidents : when to all this
we add, the astonishing magnanimity, generosity and
fidelity of the king of France, the Cyrus of our Israel,
whose paternal, liberal, and effectual aid, afforded to
us in our low estate, so remarkably resembles the con
duct of that ancient, noble prince, whom Heaven in
spired, though an alien from their religion, to proclaim
and effect the great deliverance celebrated by God's
Israel in the text : when we further behold the top-

304 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
stone of this grand fabric laid, in the ratification of a
treaty of peace, which establishes our unconditional
independence, enlarges our territories, and gratifies
our highest expectations and wishes : and lastly, when
we reflect on the ill-deserving, provoking character of
the people, in a moral view, for whom Jehovah has
wrought all these wonders ; are we not constrained
to own, with raptures of grateful admiration, that the
Lord hath indeed done great things for us — that .his
perfections have triumphed gloriously in our favor —
have triumphed not only over all the hostile attempts
of our foes, but over all our own increasing and cry
ing guilt.
What then remains but that we suitably entertain
and improve these astonishing and endearing divine
manifestations in our favor? Which is the second
thing to be illustrated and enforced.
It becomes us then, in the first place, to ascribe the
whole glory of them to God, in imitation of the pious
pattern of the text. This is nothing more than ren
dering to Jehovah his due : — this is a debt, which
every sacred motive, every ingenuous principle, every
tie of gratitude, decency, and equity, forcibly urges
us to pay. For sound reason, as well as revelation,
teaches us, that all the abilities, prowess, conduct, and
success, which have guided and crowned our long
conflict, have been derived from above — from the
same Being, who raised up Moses to lead his Israel
from their Egyptian bondage, and Cyrus to emanci
pate them from their Babylonian servitude. It was
therefore a very foolish as well as impious speech of
an European commander in a former war, that Prov
idence always favors an hundred thousand men;

THE TREATY OF PEACE. 305
meaning, that notwithstanding the influence of Provi
dence, the strongest army may be sure of success ; —
for there are a thousand contingencies, which essen
tially affect the health, supplies, counsels, courage,
operations and success of an army, whicli no human
sagacity can foresee, or human ¦ power control, but
which are wholly determined by an omnipotent Prov
idence. To the God of providence then let us con
secrate the gladness of this day — let us return back to
Him, in devout ascriptions of praise, that full tide of
joy, which He is pouring into our hearts — let us say,
in the language of inspiration : "I will sing unto the
Lord, for he hath triumphed gloriously." " O sing
unto the Lord a new song: for his right hand, and his
holy arm hath gotten the victory." " The Lord
reigneth: let America — let the earth rejoice: let the
multitude of the isles be glad thereof."
But while we religiously adore the governing prov
idence of Jehovah, and gratefully ascribe to him all
those great events which swell our bosoms with joy,
let us beware that we do not impute these signal di
vine appearances in our favor, to any peculiar excel
lence in our national character. Alas, sirs, the moral
face of our country effectually confutes such a vain
glorious sentiment. Crimes of the blackest hue —
countless multitudes of abominations, mark the visi
ble character of this great, this highly favored com
munity, and still provoke the great displeasure of
Heaven, while they serve as a foil to heighten and
set off the triumphant freeness and riches of that
goodness which has clone such great things for so un
worthy a people ; as, on the other hand, the turpitude
and guilt of our national provocations are exceedingly

806 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
enhanced by those glorious manifestations of divine
benevolence against which they are committed. The
present occasion, then, loudly calls us to mingle the
most humble penitence and contrition with our joyful
gratitude and praise ; and, indeed, there can be no
truly grateful and holy joy in the goodness of God,
without true humility, repentance and reformation,
for its foundation, companion and fruit ; for humble,
godly sorrow and thankful joy, mutually beget, and
strengthen, and keep pace with each other ; and no
people, however highly favored in external respects,
have any sure ground or warrant, or, indeed, any pres
ent moral capacity or meetness for the exercise of true
rejoicing in the divine goodness, while persisting in
an impenitent course of rebellion against him.
These considerations call upori us to rejoice with
trembling, with humility, with a sober, cautious, se
rious air, iti opposition to all levity, pride, vainglory,
sensuality, carnal confidence and security. While we
rejoice in the divine beneficence, let us remember
that for his own sake he hath done these great things ;
not for any righteousness in us ; not merely that we
might enjoy the exultation of victory and peace, or the
pride of independence and empire ; but that his own
name may be exalted, that his own great designs,
hinted above, of glorifying Himself, and extending
the kingdom of His Son, may be carried into effect :
and though he has been using us, in the late revolution,
as instruments of car?ying forward this glorious and
benevolent plan, yet. if we ourselves mean not so — if
in our hearts and practice we are opposed to his inter
ests and glory— if we as a people continue to fight
against Him, after such great displays as he has made

THE TREATY OF PEACE. 307
of Himself before our eyes — if we abuse the blessings
of returning peace and public felicity to greater wan-
toness in sin, to nourish a spirit of pride, ambition,
luxury, dissipation, venality,. infidelity, and other con
comitant vices : in this^case our very prosperity will
finally destroy us in the most aggravated manner, and
God will promote the designs of his glory in our ex
emplary ruin, as he has now been doing in our sur
prising salvation.
These ideas may well give a solemnity to our joy,
and cause it to flow in the channel, and bring forth the
fruits, of true holiness. Oh let us exhibit our praises,
not in word only, but in deed and in trutlf; let us
testify the cordial sincerity of our joys and thanks
giving on this occasion, by a practical, steady con
formity and obedience to that great and good Being
whom we profess to extol ; and, let me add, by gen
erous testimonies of our esteem and gratitude for
those whose toils, dangers, and sufferings have emi
nently contributed to our present security and happi
ness ; let our grateful love to the infinite Author flow
down and flow out, in suitable proportions, to the
honored instruments of these inestimable benefits.
Let those men who have stood forth in the foremost
rank of danger, and made the greatest private sacri
fices to the public cause, whether in the senate or in
the field — whether at home or in foreign climes — let
these live in our hearts; let their names and heroic
deeds live and shine in our grateful annals, till time
shall be swallowed up in eternity. Let us be eager to
recompense their important labor of love for us and
our children, and for the unborn millions of our future
descendants. Let us welcome the suffering soldier to

308 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
the bosom of a free and peaceful country, with tears
of gratitude and smiles of applause— let us gladly
divide with him those sweets of independence and
wealth which his gallantry and wounds have secured
to us. Let us fly to sooth the griefs and wipe away
the tears of the many widows and orphans which
this cruel war has made, and to relieve the mortifying
distresses of poverty into which it has plunged many
of our meritorious citizens.
Let us gladly contribute our share toward fulfilling
the engagements of the public, to all that have cred
ited or in any way assisted it, whether our own
citizens or foreigners ; and instead of complaining of
the load of debt which lies upon us, let us bless God
that the great object of our long struggle is obtained
at so cheap a rate ; that our burden, however pressing,
is light, compared either with the value of the acqui
sition, or with the insupportable load which must
have fallen upon us and crushed us into ruin had we
been reunited to Great Britain ; let us be willing to
sacrifice the paltry yet expensive pleasures and parade
of luxury, prodigality, vain magnificence, and other
impoverishing though fashionable vices, and practise
frugality, industry, humility, and moderation, with
the whole train of private and patriotic virtues ; then,
by the blessing of God, we may hope that our coun
try will ere long be delivered from every embarras
sing difficulty which retards her progress toward the
zenith of perfection, and will become au ample theatre
for the last and most glorious displays of the divine
benevolence to the human species. Who, that loves his
country or mankind, can help exulting in so glorious
a prospect, and wishing to see it speedily realized ?

THE TREATY OF PEACE. 309
That it may be so, O thou great Arbiter of the na
tions, who hast done such great things for us, still guard,
maintain, and perfect the magnificent structure which
thine own hand hath reared in this western world !
Grant that here may ever dwell the uncorrupted faith,
the pure worship, the benevolent, peaceful virtues of
primitive Christianity, extending their benign in
fluences to the utmost bounds of this vast continent,
and causing the wilderness and waste places of Amer
ica to blossom like the rose, and flourish as the garden
of God ! May this infant empire, this new-born
nation, live in thy sight ! May it grow and flourish
under thy almighty patronage, in every thing that is
great, good, and happy, till all the states and empires
of the world shall be absorbed in the everlasting
kingdom of thy Son !

JOHN RODGERS, D. D.
Doctor Rodgers was born in Boston, Massachusetts,
on the second day of August, 1727. At an early age,
being a frequent listener to the eloquence of the pious
Whitefield, his mind became impressed with the im
portance of religion, and he commenced his prepara
tion for the duties of the Church. His teacher was
the eminent Doctor Blair, one of the most learned,
pious and venerable men of his day. Under his tui
tion, he was soon enabled to preach, and at twenty-
two he was ordained at St.. George's, Delaware, where
he remained in the exercise of great usefulness until
1765. At that time he went to New York, and on
the death of Doctor Bostwick he was called to fill his
place in the Wall street Presbyterian Church. In
this position he remained for many years. The sacred
functions of his office were exercised with purity, sim
plicity and truth. Though he had not the aid of a
collegiate education, which circumstance he often re
gretted, he possessed a rich vein of pulpit eloquence,
accompanied with irresistible energy and pre-eminent
zeal in the cause of Christianity, which placed him
high on the list of the most distinguished ministers of
his time.
Doctor Rodgers possessed a retentive memory, and

JOHN RODGERS, D. D. 311
was a great textuarian. The strength of the solemn
truths he wished to enforce were always supported
with a torrent of scriptural testimony, which carried
irresistible conviction to the minds of his hearers.
The natural powers of his mind were only exceeded
by his piety and zeal. Convinced of his piety toward
God, and benevolence toward his fellow-men, he shone
auspiciously in the general conduct, of his life, and
secured the warm affections of the church over which
he presided, with the commanding dignity which the
consciousness of the sacredness of his high charge nat
urally inspired.
He survived the greatest part of his usefulness, and,
when his faculties had fallen into decay from the
languor of age, humbly retired, impressed .with the
sense of duty, into the hu'mble vale of private life.*
He died on the seventh of May, 1811, universally
beloved and respected by his fellow-citizens.
* Public Advertiser, May 9, 1811.

312 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.

DrVTNE GOODNESS DISPLAYED.*

Tlie Lord hath done great things for us, whereof we are glad.
Psalm cxxvi. 3.
The subject of this divine poem, from whence I have
taken my text, not obscurely points us to the occasion
on which it was penned. It was the return of the Jews
from their captivity in Babylon. This is what is meant
by " the captivity of Zion," in the first verse.
It is generally supposed, and with great probability,
that the prophet Ezra was its inspired penman. The
first verse expresses the effect this signal deliverance
of his people had upon them : " When the Lord turn
ed again the captivity of Zion, we were like unto men
that dream."t It was so great and unexpected an
event, that they could not, at first, believe it was real.
But they soon found it was real, however great ; and,
in consequence thereof, were filled with the most sin
cere joy and gratitude to God. " Then was our mouth
filled with laughter, and our tongue with singing.":]:
Such was the nature of this deliverance, that the hea
then nations around them took notice of it. " Then
said they among the heathen, The Lord hath done great
things for them."§ It is no uncommon thing for our
God so to effect the salvation of his people, as to at
tract the attention and force the acknowledgments of

* " The Divine Goodness Displayed in the American Revolution;" a
Sermon, preached in New York, December 11, 1780, appointed by
Congress as a day of public thanksgiving throughout the United States.
f Terse 1. % Verse 3. § Verse 2, latter part.

DIVINE GOODNESS DISPLAYED. 313
their enemies themselves. But, however they may
treat it, those who are the subjects of God's delivering
goodfless, at any time or in any way, ought to notice
it with care, and acknowledge his hand in it with grat
itude of heart. Thus did the people of God of old,
and thus are we taught to do in the words of our text:
"The Lord hath done great things for us, whereof we
are glad."
You will readily perceive, my brethren, with what
ease and propriety the words of our text apply to the
design and the duties of this day. They contain the
very language the God of Providence has put into our
mouths, aud teach us that notice we are to take of
the dealings of his gracious hand toward us.
If you will please to attend, I will
I. Point you to some of the great things our God
has done for us ; and for which we have cause to be
glad this day.
II. Show how we ought to manifest this gladness.
I. Let us consider some of those great things our
God has done for us; and which it becomes us to
acknowledge this day.
These are different, according to the different points
of view in which we consider ourselves : either as the
creatures of his hand; as sinners, under a dispensation
of grace ; or as the members of society. But to enter
into a particular consideration of each of these would
be as vain as to attempt to count the stars in the fir
mament, or number the sands on the sea-shore. You
will expect, therefore, but a very few of the numer
ous instances of the great things our Lord has done
for us.
1. He has given us his son, Jesus Christ, to redeem
14

314 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
us from the curse of his broken law ; and open the way
' for our return to the favor of heaven, which we had
lost by sin. And who that attends to the inestimable
value of this gift of God ; the character of the persons
for whom he was given ; the nature of the work for
which he gave him; and the rich and numerous
benefits that flow to our race from God through him ;
but feels the force of the apostolic remark : " Herein
is love ; not that we loved God, but that he loved ns,
and sent his Son to be the propitiation for our sins."*
Surely God has done great things for us in this un
speakable gift of a Saviour.
2. He has opened a treaty of peace with us through
the mediation of this his incarnate son. He is
" God in Christ, reconciling the world unto himself;
not imputing their trespasses unto them."f This
treaty he is negotiating in and by the ministry of the
gospel ; which is therefore styled : " The ministry of
reconciliation."^: I am well aware that the ministry of the gospel,
however judiciously and faithfully discharged, is es
teemed by many as the Israelites esteemed their
manna of old; but as a light thing. They do not
consider there is not a faithful minister of Christ,
whatever may be his particular denomination, or
wherever he may be employed, but his gifts and
grace cost the Son of God his blood upon the cross ;
or a single gospel sermon they hear, or might hear
and neglect, but what our Lord purchased with his
expiring groans on Mount Calvary. And this is the
reason why the ministry of the gospel is ranked, by
* 1 John iv. 10. ¦(¦ 2 Cor. v. 19. t Verse IS.

DIVINE GOODNESS DISPLAYED. 315
the apostle of the gentiles, among the richest of our
Lord's ascension gifts.*
Thus it appears, God does great things for a coun
try or a people, when he blesses them with a judicious
and faithful administration of his word, and ordi
nances ; however the more ignorant, or profane part
of mankind, may esteem it.
3. He gives us his Holy Spirit, for the rendering
this word and these ordinances effectual, for the great
purposes for which they are instituted. Thus they
become " the power of God, and the salvation of God,
to them that believe." Such is the ignorance and de
pravity of human nature, that they will be all un
availing, unless rendered successful by this divine
agent. Hence we hear the evangelical prophet complaining,
" Who hath believed our report, and to whom is the
arm of the Lord revealed ?"f And it is worthy of
our notice, that our Lord himself, was far from being
so successful in his ministry, as might have been ex
pected, seeing, " he taught as man never taught."
Multitudes who heard him, not only continued unbe
lieving, but blasphemed him and his doctrine. This
was, no doubt, wisely ordered, for the support of his
faithful ministers, in every age; who for reasons,
worthy of God, though not known to us labor so
much in vain.
But this serves to illustrate the necessity of the
operations of the spirit of grace, for rendering the
ordinances of the gospel successful ; and at the same
* See Eph. iv. 8, 11, 12, comp.
f Is. liii. 1.

316 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
time highly illustrates, what great things God has
done for us, by appointing him to this important
office. 4. God does great things for his people, when his
spirit applies the redemption of Christ to their pre
cious souls. Then it is their sins are pardoned, and
they receive a title to the inheritance of the saints in
light. Then it is, they become " the children of God
by faith in Christ Jesus."* Then it is, they are renew
ed in the spirit of their minds; and that good work
begun in them that shall be perfected to the day of
the Lord Jesus. " Happy is that people, that are in
such a case ; yea, happy is that people whose God is
theLord."t But it is time I should proceed to observe, God has
done great things for us, if we consider ourselves as
members of society. This is one of the most interest
ing points of view in which man can be considered ;
and a point of view, in which much is required of us,
and much is done for us. This is the point of view
in which the Psalmist principally considers himself,
and the church of Israel, when he exclaims exulting
in the text : " The Lord hath done great things for us,
whereof we are glad." And this is the point of view
in which we are especially to consider ourselves this
day. And were we to take a particular survey of
what God has done for us, as members of society, we
should be led to consider the many blessings, spiritual
and temporal, we enjoy, either as the church of God,
or as citizens of the state. But this would be a^sub-
ject too copious for our time.
* Gal. iii. 26. \ Psalm cxliv. 15.

DIVINE GOODNESS DISPLAYED. 317
I shall call your attention, therefore, to those things
only, which our God has done for us, as a people
struggling for our inestimable privileges. This best
accords to the design of the day.
And it may be truly said, the Lord has done great
things for us, in this point of view ; whether we con
sider the ends he has accomplished for us, or the
means by which he has accomplished them.
I. Let us briefly consider the ends, the great ends, .
God has accomplished for us. He has graciously and
fully defeated the designs the court of Britain had
formed to deprive us of our liberties. They had laid
their plans with such art as to deceive the nation into
favorable sentiments of their measures, and thus led
them to aid in the accomplishment of their purposes.
I need not here repeat the measures pursued by them
for this end. They are too recent to be forgotten by us.
The warding off this blow, was all we at first thought
of. The redress of these grievances, which their un
constitutional acts of Parliament laid upon us, was the
only object we had first in view. And oh, with what
joy and gratitude of heart, would we have received
this at their hands, any time before the beginning of
the summer of 1776.
But this is not all heaven has done for us ! He has
broken our connection with that people, long practised
in the arts of venality, and grown old in scenes of cor
ruption. He has fully delivered us from all their un
just claims and future practices upon us ; and given
us a place among the kingdoms of 'the world. We
have, under the auspices of his holy providence, risen
into existence as a people, and taken our station among
the nations and the empires of the earth ! — an event

318 - THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
of such magnitude, that it forms a new era in the his
tory of mankind. And we have nothing to do now,
but wisely improve this event, to render it a fruitful
source of happiness to ourselves and millions yet
unborn. Little did we think of such an event as this, when
we began the struggle for our invaded privileges.
The growing injustice of the British administration ;
their accumulated injuries opened it upon us, and
forced us into the measure, as the only alternative ; to
save our oppressed laud. It was this, or the most ab
ject slavery ! A dread alternative, indeed, at which
every bosom, at first beat with terror ; but which an all-
governing Providence has wisely overruled for our
salvation ! Surely our God has done great things
for us !
But this will appear stillmiore clear, if,
II. We attend to some of the ways, the means, in
and by which God has effected these great things
for us.
But where shall I begin,' or where shall I end here ?
The subject is so copious, that I can but barely glance
at the few following particulars.
The early and just alarm our country took at the
measures pursued by the British court toward us,
strongly points us to the watchful care of a kind Prov
idence over us. The unanimity in opposing these
measures that prevailed among the then colonies,
and among all ranks and degrees of their respective
inhabitants, with a very few exceptions indeed, is
another remarkable display of the kindness of heaven
toward us.
It is true, both these were the native effects of the

DIVINE GOODNESS DISPLAYED. 319
unconcealed designs of the court of Britain upon our
liberties, and the manifest injustice of their claims.
But this strongly marks the hand of Heaven — that
they should be left to act a part so undisguised and
'impolitic, and therefore so calculated to alarm, when
they could have effected their purposes with unspeak
ably more ease, with less expense, and with a moral
certainty of success, without giving any alarm at all,
unless it had been to the sagacious few. And, as if
the avowal of their designs was not sufficient to alarm
and unite us, they did not hesitate to enforce these
claims, by all the terrors of the sword. Thus we
were called to resistance, and obliged to resistance, by
the principles of self-preservation — that first law of
nature. Their violence awakened those fears, and
armed those resentments, that their artifice could not
reach. Heaven designed ©ur emancipation, and there
fore left them to act the part best calculated to ef
fect it.
Again, the appointment of proper men, by the then
several colonies, to meet in Congress, to consult re
specting the general interests and defence of the whole,
was a measure of the highest importance. And the
prudence and firmness of the measures pursued by
them exhibit the fullest evidence of the wisdom of that
august body, and the kindness of Providence in direct
ing them thereto.
The military ardor, in defence of our privileges, that
inspired all ranks, from the one end of the continent
to the other, deserves our careful notice here. Into
what but the hand of Heaven can we resolve that mili
tary enthusiasm that seized our country, and spread
like a rolling flame from colony to colony? — bosom

320 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
catching fire from bosom, and thus pouring forth an
army, sufficient to make a most respectable resistance
against the enemy (for so we must now call them
through the remaining part of the war), wherever
they came forth against us. In evidence of this, you
will please to recollect the manly resistance they met
with at Lexington, where the first American blood
was shed in the controversy, April 19th, 1775— the
well-fought battle of Bunker' Hill, so fatal to the
British troops, on the 17th of June following ; and the
confining their whole army within the town of Boston
and its environs, for near a year from this time, by a
set of raw, undisciplined men, till they were obliged
to steal away, with precipitation and shame.
Thcnorthern expedition in the fall of this same year,
under the brave General Montgomery — the taking St.
John's, Chamblee, and Montreal — in a word, the over
running the whole province of Canada, and laying
siege to the city of Quebec* itself, by this new raised
army, exhibit anothar lively display of this military
ardor. Allow me to add, for the event is memorable, of the
same kind is the gallant and successful defence of Fort
Moultrie, on Sullivan's Island, in South Carolina, in
the month of June, the following year. By this event,
truly glorious to the American troops that defended
it, and equally reproachful to the British forces that
attacked that unfinished fortress, the town of Charles
town, and thus the whole state of South Carolina, were
* At this siege fell, greatly and deservedly lamented, the gallant Mont
gomery, his aide-de-camp, Major John Macpherson, a most amiable and
accomplished young gentleman, and the brave Captain Cheoseman, ol
New York.

DIVINE GOODNESS DISPLAYED. 321
saved from falling into the enemy's hands. Had that
southern expedition succeeded against us, that year, you
will easily perceive the baleful influence it must have
had upon our affairs, at that early period of the war.
The providing a proper person to take command of
the American army, is none of the least of the dis
plays of the goodness of God to, us, in this struggle.
How judicious, how heaven-directed the choice of Con
gress in this matter!- You all know the illustrious
Washington was the man on whom their unanimous
choice fell — the man whom Heaven had raised up,
for the great business of leading our armies, aud sav
ing his country — the man in whom all the states,
and all ranks in these states, have so" happily, and so
justly reposed the most entire confidence. But the
interest had by this great man, in the esteem and the
confidence of those he commanded, through the course
of the war, both Americans and foreigners, illustrates
in a signal manner, the goodness of God to our coun
try, in raising him to this elevated station ; and at the
same time illustrates his great personal merit. But,
above all, the event demonstrates both these.
The kindness of Heaven also in providing officers of
an inferior rank to command our armies in one de
partment and another, deserves our grateful notice.
We have had officers of different ranks who have
highly merited of their country during the course of
this severe and eventful war, and who stood justly
entitled to their gratitude and their remembrance.*
* The early and active part which that illustrious young nobleman,
the Marquis de Lafayette, took in our cause, and the eminent servicos
he has rendered us, both with his court and nation, and in the field,
justly entitle him to the warmest gratitude of every American.
14*

322 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
But this army, thus collected and thus commanded,
had neither arms, ammunition, or military skill, to op
pose the formidable enemy that came forth against
ns. But how conspicuous the hand of Heaven, in
providing us with all these from time to time.
The contempt with which our enemies treated us in
the beginning of this struggle, led them into a system
of conduct ruinous to themselves, and at the same
time greatly advantageous to us in all these several
points of view. There are two things that deserve
our notice upon this head — ^their making their first
attack upon the Eastern colonies (for so they were at
that time), instead of the Southern, and particularly
their attacking the well-peopled and brave province
of Massachusetts Bay. Had they gone with equal.
numbers against any of the three Southern colonies at
that time, the events that afterward took place in the
course of the war show with what ease they would
have possessed themselves of them, and, at least, pre
vented their joining in the general union, and thus
prevented their emancipation. To this I may add,
the smallness of the army they at first sent out against
us. They thought a few thousand men would effect
their purpose ; which gave us leisure, after the com
mencement of hostilities, to prepare, in all the above
respects, for opposing and defeating them. They
themselves contributed not a little, during this period,,
to teach us the art of war : and after we had taught
them to fear us, and they had, in consequence of this
fear, augmented their numbers to more than a suffi
ciency to crush us, their pusillanimous caution was,
in the hand of Heaven, no small mean of our salva
tion. Witness their conduct during the summer and
fall of 1776.

DIVINE GOODNESS DISPLAYED. 323
This system of pusillanimity, among many other
instances of that campaign, was shamefully conspicu
ous, in their suffering the retreat of our army, not
half their number, from Long Island, two nights after
the battle of the twenty-seventh of August, that year.
And while the secrecy and. expedition with which this
retreat was conducted^ do the highest honor to the
military talents of our great commander and his brave
officers, its success, and the signal interpositions of
Providence that contributed thereto, exhibit a most
lively display of the guardianship of Heaven over
us- and our liberties.*

* This retreat was determined upou in a council of war, in the after
noon of the day before it took place; and the more effectually to cover
the design from the army themselves, and the enemy, in case of infor
mation by deserters, the militia, then on the island, were ordered over
immediately, as if to provide them with shelter in the city, from the
heavy rains then falling, as they had no tents.
The embarkation of the troops was committed to Major-General
M'DougalL then a brigadier, who was upon the spot at Brooklyn ferry,
at eight o'clock, the hour fixed upon for the commencement of this im
portant movement; but, to his great mortification, he found the militia
had not yet embarked. The getting them over protracted the time till
between ten and eleven o'clock. In the mean time, about nine o'clock,
or a little after, the tide of ebb made, and the wind blew strong at
north-east, which, adding to the rapidity of the tide, rendered it impos
sible to effect the retreat in the course of the night, with the number
of Tow-boats they could command, and the state of the wind and tide
put it out of their power to make any use of their sail-boats. The brig
adier sent Colonel Grayson, one of the commander-in-chief's aids, who
attended him on that occasion, to report to his excellency their embar
rassed situation, and gave it as his opinion that the retreat was imprac
ticable that night. The colonel returned shortly after, not being able
to find the commander-in-chief; on which, the brigadier went on with
the embarkation under all these discouragements.' But abput eleven
o'clock the wind died away, and soon after sprung up at south-west,

324 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
Who that reflects upon the dark scenes through
wliich we passed, from the period now before us till
the glorious battle of Trenton, December 26th follow
ing (and dark indeed they were) — who that considers
the awful poise in which the fate of America then
hung, destruction awaiting us on every side — and at
the same time considers the complicated difficulties
and hazards that attended that well-timed enterprise,
with its signal success and extensive consequences —
can help exclaiming, in the language of our text,
" The Lord hath done great things for us?"
Think also, my brethren, of the masterly movement
of our great general and his little army from the vi
cinity of Trenton a few nights after, by which he
escaped the fangs of a greatly superior and enraged
enemy. This grand military manoeuvre, and the suc
cessful battle of Princeton next morning, which spread
such dismay among the enemy, delivered the whole
of West Jersey from their ravages, and drove them
back with precipitation and terror to the banks of the

and blew fresh, which rendered the sail-boats of use, and at the same
time, rendered the passage from the island to the city direct, easy and
expeditious. By this means, the whole army, nine thousand in num
ber, with all the field artillery and such heavy ordnance as was of most
value, were got over safe by daylight, except the covering party ; and
not long after day broke, a heavy fog rose, and hovering over the heights
of Brooklyn, concealed this party from the notice of the enemy, not
withstanding their vicinity to our works, by which means they also ef
fected their retreat without interruption.
Had it not been for this providential shifting of the wind, not more
than half the a'rmy could possibly have got over, and the remainder,
with a number of the general officers and all the heavy ordnance, at
least, must inevitably have fallen into the enemy's hands.

DIVINE GOODNESS DISPLAYED. " 325
Raritan, to which they were confined, till they were
obliged to abandon the state.*
The American army by a variety of casualties, dur
ing two campaigns, being now reduced to a shadow ;
the raising a new army; the making the necessary
provision for the feeding, clothing and paying them ;
the keeping them together in the face of countless
difficulties, with which both country and army had to
struggle ; the unexampled patience and perseverance
of this patriot band, unde/ every hardship, arising
from cold and hunger, poverty, nakedness and neglect ;
and, above all, their astonishing success, from time to
time ; aided, indeed, by the brave militia of the coun
try, ever ready when called upon, so clearly point us
to the finger of God, that it would be unpardonable
* I need not inform those who are acquainted with the ground occu
pied by our army when this movement was determined upon, how
perilous their situation I To all human appearance, they must have been
completely taken, or cut to pieces before noon next day, had it not been
effected. Which leads me to mention a providence that contributed to
its accomplishment that deserves our notice. The weather had been
very moist for some days, which rendered the ground so soft, and the
roads and fields they had to pass so deep, that they were scarcely pass
able for the field-pieces and other carriages necessarily attendant upon
the army, which must have rendered their march extremely difficult and
slow, if at all practicable. But the weather cleared up in the evening,
became very cold, and froze so severely, that the ground became suffi
ciently hard before the hour fixed upon to bear both men aud carriages
without the least inconveniency; and this gave a plausible pretext for
that line of fires the commander-in-chief caused to be kindled soon after
dark in the front of his army, the true- design of which was to conceal
him and his movements from the notice of the enemy, and induce them
to believe he was still there waiting for them till morning. For this
purpose, the men appointed to the business kept the fires in full blaze
till break of day, and both these important ends were fully answored by
the stratagem.

326 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
stupidity not to notice it and the basest ingratitude
not to acknowledge it.
Think also this day, of the battle of Bennington^ in
the month of August, 1777, the first dawn of pros
perity upon our affairs, in that quarter — and of the
gallant and successful defence of Fort Schuyler. Think
of the capture of General Burgoyne and his whole
army, in the month of October, that same year. And
the confining the British army within Philadelphia,
during their possession of that city, notwithstanding
their great superiority to our army in point of numbers,
and their great advantages over them, in every other
respect, save only in the goodness of their cause, and
their military virtue. Think also of their evacuation
of that city, unable to hold it full nine months, after
all their immense expense of treasure and labor, and
their no small loss of blood in taking it.* And of the
battle of Monmouth, ten days after, by which they
were driven back with disgrace, into this city. And
" hath not the Lord done great things for us ?"
I might here mention the evacuation of Rhode
Island, in the month of October, 1779 ; by wliich
they" abandoned the conquest of the eastern states, as
hopeless, at the end of four years and six months'
fruitless toil for this purpose. And the severe repulse
they met with, in their descent upon the eastern parts
of New Jersey, in the summer of 1780 ; principally
by the brave militia of that state. But our time does
not admit of recounting all the various instances of
success, with which Providence was pleased to bless
* Philadelphia was taken September 27th, 1111, and ovaouated June
18th, 1118.

DIVINE GOODNESS DISPLAYED. 327
our arms, during this severe conflict ; nor even of
enumerating all his kind interpositions in our favor.
I may not, however, omit the providential discovery
of that infernal plot, laid by the basest of traitors, for
the delivering our strong-holds on the Hudson River,
into the hands of the enemy, in the month of Septem
ber of that year. This discovery was so seasonable,
and even critical, and the evils from which our coun
try was hereby saved, were so many and so great, that
we may truly say : " The Lord hath done great things
for us."
But it is time we should pass to the Southern states,
whose deliverance out of the hands of our enemies,
when so fully possessed by them, illustrates, in a
striking manner, the great things our God has done
for us. Here the Arherican army, and the gallant
militia of that country, exhibited the most astonishing
examples of patience, perseverance and fortitude ;
and their success was the reward of their signal mili
tary virtue. Recollect here the battle of King's Moun
tain, September 1780, where Providence began to
smile upon our arms in that quarter ; the memorable
victory of Morgan over Tarleton, at the Cowpens,
January 17th, 1781 ; and his remarkable escape, with
his prisoners, from the pursuing vengeance of Lord
Cornwallis and his whole army.* Recollect, too, the
* Immediately after the battle was over, General Morgan, without loss
of time, set out for North Carolina and Virginia, with his prisoners, to
the number of five hundred, apprehensive that lord Cornwallis, who
lay with his army at no great distance, would attempt a rescue. In this
he was not mistaken. His lordship, without delay, destroyed his heavy
baggage, and pursued the fleeing victor. And being able to march with
greater expedition than Morgan, encumbered with so many prisoners,

328 THE PATRIOT PEEACHEES.
well-fought battles of Guilford Court-House, and the
Eutaw Springs, with the delivery of the enemy's
strong posts, in those states, into our hands, the one
after the other, until the states themselves were totally
and finally rescued from their domination. Can you
review these scenes, to-day, and not acknowledge,
with gratitude of heart, that " The Lord hath done
great things for us ?"
But one of the most signal displays of the great
things our God did for us, in that quarter, is yet un
noticed. You will easily understand me as alluding
to the capture of Lord Cornwallis and his army, in
the month of October, 1781. There were so many
events, the taking place of which, and the combi
nation of which, were necessary to the accomplish
ment of this end ; and these events so entirely de
pendent upon Providence — so wholly out of the reach
of human wisdom to direct, or of human power to
effect or combine, th^t the hand of the Lord was
eminently conspicuous in them. Shall I mention the
following, without enlarging ? Lord Cornwallis taking
post at York and Gloucester, the most favorable po
sition in all that country for besieging him so as to
secure him from escaping. The seasonable arrival of
the French fleet commanded by the brave Count de

gained upon him. Morgan crossed the Catawba, if I am rightly in
formed, the evening of the second day; he passed it, however, without
difficulty, and encamped on the north side of the river. A few hours
after his lordship came to the river, and found it so swelled with rains
that had fallen in the mountains, though they had none there, that he
could not pass it. And being detained two days, notwithstanding all
his efforts to get over, General Morgan, in the mean time, escaped
with his prisoners out of his reach.

DIVINE GOODNESS DISPLAYED. 329
Grasse, so as to prevent his lordship's escape by sea,
when he must have discovered he was the object of
our illustrious commander's movements. The defeat
of the British fleet on the fifth of September, off the
mouth of the Chesapeake, when they attempted to
throw in succors to his lordship's relief; or, it may
be, take him off. The remarkably opportune arrival
of the Count de Barras' squadron from Rhode Island,
after having been in the utmost danger of falling in
with the British fleet, and becoming a prey to their
superior force. This gave the fleet of our allies so
decided a superiority over the enemy as to cut off all
hope of relief from them. And, lastly, the safe ar
rival of General Washington, with the allied army
under his command, after a march of five hundred
miles in that hot season of the year, at the very junc
ture it was proper to commence their offensive opera
tions. The entire harmony that existed in* the allied
army, notwithstanding their difference in language
and manners, and what is more, their difference in
religion, and their former national prejudices, is an
event that also deserves our notice; especially con
sidering the influence it must have had on the glorious
issue of the campaign. And what was it our Lord
did for us by all this ? He hereby delivered into our
hands an army of seven thousand two hundred and
forty-seven chosen troops ; the flower of the British
army in America, and under the command of the
most enterprising general they had upon the con
tinent, with a large train of artillery, and all their
military stores.
And what renders this Providence the more re
markable is, that it was the second British army God

330 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
delivered into our hands during the war ; an instance
scarcely to be paralleled in history, that two whole
armies, with all their military apparatus, should be
thus completely taken in the course of four years.
Thus it was God taught our enemies, that America
was not to be conquered by the power of the sword :
and hath not the Lord done great things for us?
It has been frequently remarked, and with great
justice, that the goodness of God, in the great things
he has done for us, has been not a little enhanced, by
the seasonable manner in which he has often inter
posed in our behalf. When our affairs have worn the
darkest aspect, then it was God has appeared for our
relief." " In the mount of the Lord it has been often
seen." Witness the winter of 1776, just before the
memorable and critical battle of Trenton, already
mentioned — the summer of 1777, just after the loss of
Ticonderoga and its dependencies — and the winter of
1777, when Heaven provided the seasonable and pow
erful alliance with France, in our favor.
It also deserves our notice, that the means on which
our enemies placed the highest dependence for accom
plishing their purposes, had almost uniformly the di
rectly contrary effect. This was remarkably the case
respecting the cruelties exercised upon us, from time
to time, in wantonly burning our towns ; laying waste
some of our richest frontier settlements, by the sav
ages of the wilderness ; murdering our citizens ; burn
ing and otherwise destroying so manyof our churches,
and the like.* They designed and expected by all these
* It is much to be lamented, that the troops of a nation that hns been
considered as one of the bulwarks of the reformation, should act as if

DIVINE GOODNESS DISPLAYED. 331
to break our spirits, and terrify us into submission, but
their never-failing effect was, to rouse and animate
the country into a more vigorous and determined op
position. These addresses to our fears, as if we were capable of
no more generous principle of action ; this treatment of
us as slaves, excited our indignatibn and our contempt,
as well as our resentment— our indignation at the
insult hereby offered us ; and our contempt of the men
who showed such ignorance of human nature, in its
present state of improvement. They hereby taught
us their utter incapacity to govern us, both in point of

they had waged war with the God whom Christians adore. They have,
in the course of this war, utterly destroyed more than fifty places of
public worship in these states. Most of these they burnt ; others they
leveled with the ground, and in some places left not a vestige of their
former situation ; while they have wantonly defaced, or rather destroyed
others, by converting them into barracks, jails, hospitals, riding-schools,
&c. Boston, Newport, Philadelphia, and Charlestown, all furnished
melancholy instances of this prostitution and abuse of the houses of
God. And of the nineteen places of public worship in New York, when
the war began, there were but nine fit for use when the British troops
left it. It is true, Trinity Church and the old Lutheran were destroyed
by the fire that laid waste'so great a part of the city a few nights after
the enemy took possession of it: and therefore they are not charged
with designedly burning them, though they were the occasion of it; for
there can be no doubt, after all that malice has said to the contrary,
but the fire was occasioned by the carelessness of their people, and they
prevented its more speedy extinguishment. But the ruinous situation
in which they left two of the Low Dutch Eeformed Churches, the three
Presbyterian Churches, the French Protestant Church, the Anabaptist
Church, and the Friends' -new meeting-house, was the effect of design,
and strongly marks their enmity to those societies. It will cost many
thousand pounds sterling to. put them in the repair they were when the
war commenced. They were all neat buildings, and some of them ele
gant.

332 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
wisdom and virtue ; for all this was no doubt done by
order of their rulers. And thus they taught us, too,
the necessity of maintaining our independence, or per
ishing in the struggle.
I have only to remark farther here, that the suc
cesses of our enemies, have, in more instances than
one, proved the very snares in which they have after
ward been taken. Of this their taking Ticonderoga,
in July, 1777, just noticed ; and their boasted victory
at Guilford Court-House, North Carolina, March loth,
1781, are illustrious instances.
Again, the formation and completion of that social
compact among these states, which is usually styled
the Confederation, is another instance of the great
things our God has done for us. This is that wliich
gives us a national existence and character. Previous
to this great event, we had no permanent union among
ourselves ; nor were we considered by the other powers
of the earth, as a people, a nation, distinct from that
from which we had so lately separated. By this event
the thirteen United States, though so different in sit
uation, customs and manners, and, in many respects
local interests, became one people. Their interests,
however different, are hereby united and consolidated
into one common interest ; and they stand jointly and
severally pledged to each other, for the united defence
of the respected rights of every distinct state, and the
common rights and privileges of the whole body.
And this teaches us, by the way, the sacred obligation
each state is under, and every individual in each state,
to support and strengthen this federal bond, and to
give it energy and efficiency, to the utmost of his
J power. Our all, under Providence, depends upon this.

DIVINE GOODNESS DISPLAYED. 333
Once more, God's raising us up such powerful friends
among the nations of the earth, who have so gener
ously espoused our cause, is another instance of the
great things he hath done for us, during the late war.
I need not remind you here, how unable we were, in
every point of view, to contend with the mighty nation
that had made war upon us. But so had the God of
providence ordered matters in the course of events,
that it was the decided interest of the great nation
who first took us by the hand, and indeed of all the
maritime powers of Europe, to favor our cause. They,
it is true, acted upon the principles of human policy ;
but that God whose kingdom rules over all, was hereby
accomplishing his own great and gracious purposes,
respecting these states.
Another instance of the divine goodness to us, and
which we may not pass unnoticed, is, his providing us
in New York with so good a constitution, for the
securing our inestimable rights and privileges. I do
not say it has not its imperfections ; but it is upon the
the whole, equalled by few, and surpassed by none of
the constitutions of the sister states, in wisdom, jus
tice, and sound policy. The rights of conscience both
in faith send worship, are fully secured to every denom
ination of Christians. No one denomination in the state,
or in any of the states, have it in their power to oppress
another. They all stand upon the same common level
in point of religious privileges. Nor is this confined
to Christians only. The Jews, also, which is their un
doubted right, have the liberty of worshiping God
in that way they think most acceptable to him. No
man is excluded from the rights of citizenship on ac
count of his religious profession. Nor ought he to be.

334 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
What great things has the God of Providence done
for our race ! By the revolution we this day celebrate,
he has provided an asylum for the oppressed, in
all the nations of the earth, whatever may be the na
ture of the oppression. And that, while he is here
by accomplishing these great things, that are opening
the way for the more general spread of the gospel in
its purity and power ; and in due time, the universal
establishment of the Messiah's kingdom in all its be
nign efficacy in the hearts and lives of men. Inter
esting events that lie before us, in the grand system
of Providence! How glorious the prospects which
these scenes open upon human nature ! But our time
forbids the pursuing them.
Lastly, God has done great things for us, by that
honorable and I may add glorious peace, by which he
has terminated the late unnatural war. In whatever
point of view we consider this event, it is all as im
portant as we now represent it. It has closed a truly
tragic scene in our country. It has secured to us all
we have ever claimed or contended for in any stage
of the war. The fullest possession of absolute sove
reignty, independent of the crown and people of Great
Britain ; or any other power upon earth. »
We are hereby put in possession of a most extensive
and fertile territory, abounding with every article
necessary for the support or convenience of its inhabi
tants ; a territory that furnishes the richest plenty of
materials for every kind of the mechanic arts ; and
all the various articles necessary for the most extended
commerce with all the nations of the earth.
The exhausted state in wliich this great event found
our country, and the short time in which God has ef-

DIVINE GOODNESS DISPLAYED. 335
fected all this for us, not a little enhance the mercy.
Not quite eight years, if we compute the time from
the first commencement of hostilities between Britain
and us, to the ratifying of the provisional treaty.
This is a less lime than that in which the states of Hol
land, in their glorious struggle with Spain, dared so
much as lay claim to independence.
There is not an instance in history, within my recol
lection, of so great a revolution being effected in so
short a time, and with so little loss of lives and prop
erty, as that in which we this day rejoice.
It is true it has cost us both blood and treasure;
but if you consider the magnitude of the object for
which we have been contending, the unequal terms on
which we commenced and pursued the contest, and
its glorious issues, now fully secured to us by the de
finitive treaty, these are less, much less, than we had
a right to expect.
There is one circumstance that has had no small in
fluence on the speedy accomplishment of this happy
event, that must not be omitted ; I mean the impov
erished state of Britain, as a nation, notwithstanding
her great resources, and the princely wealth of many
of her subjects. Her national debt had grown to so
enormous a height, that all the revenues of the king
dom, though improved by the highest arts of financing,
are scarcely equal to the discharge of the annual in
terest, and the charges of collecting them.
Had it not been for this enormous, and this accu
mulating debt, which shook their national credit, they
would not have so readily listened to terms of pacifi
cation with us, much less would they have given us the
advantageous and honorable terms we have obtained.

336 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
Tims, that God whose kingdom rules over all, has
been laying the foundation of this empire ever since
the days of the illustrious William III. ; for it was
in his reign the foundation of this ruinous debt was
laid, and laid by the friends of liberty in that day.
And now, my brethren, put all these things to
gether, and may we not say with the greatest propri
ety : " The Lord hath done great things for us, where
of we are glad ?" Which leads me to
II. Show you how we ought to manifest this glad
ness of heart for all the great things our God has done
for us. And here we must necessarily be very brief.
1. By a careful notice of them.
Not to notice these interesting events, and especi
ally not to mark the hand of the Lord in them, would
he both stupidity and ingratitude. They address us
in the following language of inspiration : " The Lord
reigneth, let the earth rejoice; let the multitude of
the isles be glad thereof. Clouds and darkness are
round about him ; righteousness and judgment are
the habitation of his throne."* This is one of the
most instructive ways by which the Lord Jehovah is
teaching us his being and perfections, his character
and government.
2. By recounting them before God with joy and
gratitude of heart. This was the frequent and in
structive practice of the inspired Psalmist, respecting
the deliverance of the people of Israel out of Egypt,
and their peaceful settlement in the land of Canaan.
You have repeated instances of this in the Book of '

* Psalm xovii. 1, 2.

DIVINE GOODNESS DISPLAYED. 337
Psalms. The song of Moses at the Red Sea is an
other instance of the same kind. And this leads me
to remark the propriety of setting apart particular
times and seasons for this important business — the
Christian's setting apart seasons for it in private, and
thus making it a part of the devotions of the closet.
And it is admirably calculated to raise and promote a
spirit of truly Christian devotion. And communities
setting apart particular days, on proper occasions, for
the same purpose. Of this kind is the day we now
celebrate. They are tokens of national gratitude, and
no improper way of expressing it.
3. By psalms and songs of praise to God for all
these great things. The expressing our gratitude to
God for his goodness, by songs of praise, is a natural
and an ancient custom that has the sanction of divine
authority. It was this gave rise to many of those
divine poems called the Psalms of David. That from
which we have taken our text is an instance of this
kind, with many^others. This^ too, is the divine com
mand : " Is any merry, let him sing psalms."
4. J3y testifying a benevolent and kind disposition
one toward another. The Divine beneficence, in all
the great things he has done for us, is designed and
calculated to form us to a similar temper and conduct
toward our brethren of the human race. Many of
them indeed may be unworthy of it ; but, you will
please to recollect, that our unworthiness does not
preclude us from the beneficence of Heaven, otherwise
he had not effected this glorious revolution for us.
This is, in no instance, the rule of his conduct toward

* James, v. 13.
15

338 THE PATRIOT PEEACHEES.
us; neither ought we to make it the rule of our con
duct toward our fellow-creatures in the duty before us.
You should especially beware of indulging a spirit
of resentment and revenge on this occasion. True
greatness of mind guards us against this evil. The
decision of Unerring Wisdom and Truth is, " He that
is slow to anger is better than the mighty, and he that
ruleth his spirit than he that taketh a city."* Nor
can any thing be more opposed to that benevolence
which the religion of Jesus so strongly breathes, so
warmly enjoins, and with which it never fails to in
spire its genuine votaries.
This benevolence ought in an especial manner to
manifest itself with respect, to those religious distinc
tions that unavoidably take place among the disciples
of our common Lord in the present state of imper
fection. It is not to be expected that we should all
be united in opinion, and it is best, for the more gen
eral exercise and improvement of the Christian tem
per, that we should not ; but we may be all united in
affection. And. this is what I most devoutly recom
mend. And where we cannot agree to agree, let us
agree to differ. Love is the peculiar characteristic of
the religion of Jesus. Hark, in what affectionate lan
guage our Lord himself addresses us on this subject :
" A new commandment I give unto you, that ye love
one another ; as I have loved you, that ye also love
one another. By this shall all men know that ye are
my disciples, if ye love one another." f
But I may not dismiss this improvement of the
great things our God has done for us, without remind-
* Prov., xvi. 32 J John, xiii. 34, 35.

DIVINE GOODNESS DISPLAYED. 339
ing you of the case of those deserving citizens, who
have lost theil- all, by this struggle, some in one way
and some in another ; and that, with many of them,
while they have been hazarding their lives, in the
high places of the field, in the defence of their coun
try. To which I may add, the more piteous case ol
those, who have become widows and fatherless, by
this great contest. My heart bleeds for them. Could
the tears of sympathy supply their wants, or repair
their losses, it should soon be done. I most affection
ately recommend them to, the notice and the friend
ship of their more opulent fellow-citizens, and the
attention of the public ; not upon the score of charity,
but of justice. Can no plans be fallen upon, for em*
ploying such deserving members of the community,
which is the best method of providing for them ?
And can luxury and dissipation, those awkward vices
in our present situation (to give them the softest
name), can they spare nothing for the supply of the
more indigent among them ? The approaching winter
enforces the duty before us, with an energy that lan
guage fails to express.
5. We ought carefully to manifest our joy in God,
and gratitude to him, on this occasion; by a wise im
provement of the great things he has done for us — he
has, by the revolution we this day celebrate, put all
the blessings of liberty, civil and religious, within our
reach. Perhaps there never was a nation that had
the fair opportunity of becoming the happiest people
upon earth, that we now have. But misery, as well
as happiness, lies before us (and both in the extreme),
unless the present state of things is wisely improved
by us. They are both at our option. And heaven

340 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
and earth are looking with eager expectation, to see
which we shall choose. The eyes of those ministers
of Providence, the angels of God, who have so often
aided us in this glorious struggle for liberty ; the
eyes of the nations of the earth, and particularly the
eyes of all Europe, are upon these states, to see what
use they will make of the great things God has done
for us. How dignified, how interesting the situation !
But, however solemn and interesting, the path is plain
before us. Would you reap the fruits of your toils,
your losses and your blood ; it is indispensably neces
sary that the federal Union of these states be cement
ed and strengthened — that the honor of the great
council of the nation be supported, and its salutary
measures carried into execution, with unanimity and
dispatch, without regard to partial views, or local in
terests — that the credit of this new empire be estab
lished, on the principles of the strictest justice — and its
faith maintained sacred and inviolable, in whatever
way, or to whatever description of persons it has been
pledged, or may at any time be pledged. Alas ! that
its glory has suffered so much already, by the failure
of our currency.
Let us carefully repair this waste of honor, if we
cannot repair the waste of property, by the most sacred
adherence to our engagements, in all future time.
Among the virtues necessary to be attended to for the
accomplishment of these great ends, industry and
frugality are of the highest moment.*
* The following extract from my first sermon, after the evacuation of
the city by the British troops, I take the liberty to annex, as not im
proper in this place : —
"Thus it appears we have been deeper and longer in the furnace

DIVINE GOODNESS DISPLAYED. 341
It is of the last importance, too, that you make the
constitution and laws of our country the great rule of
your political and civil conduct. Be pleased to re
member here, that the government to which I recom
mend your reverence and obedience is a government
of your own framing — and a government for which
we have fought and bled ; and, blessed be God, have
fought and bled with success ; and that the magistrates
by whom this government is administered are the men
of your own choice — the magistrates of your own
appointing. Thus it becomes both your duty and
your interest to strengthen the hands of government
and its ministers, as the sure path to national happi
ness in all future time.
And would you know the influence this line of con
duct will have upon your reputation as a people, re
collect the ever-memorable 25th of November (the
last month), the day when the deliverance of these
states was completed, by the evacuation of New York.
The order, decorum and dignity with which the change

of affliction than our brethren and sisters in the othert,states of the
Union ; we should therefore come forth more refined by bur trials. This
will be justly expected of us by our God and by our country.
"I particularly beseech you to beware of that pride and vanity, that
dissipation and luxury, that so soon disgraced most of the cities and
towns in the neighboring states, on their deliverance from the hands
of the common enemy. These are evils at all times displeasing in the
sight of a holy God, but especially so when under his correcting hand,
or rejoicing in his delivering goodness. They will in our case and
situation be an offence against all the laws of sound polic}r as well a3
true religion. Let patriotism and piety, therefore, unite their efforts in
guarding' you against these destructive evils, and engaging you in the
practice of the conft-ary and important virtues of humility and temper
ance, industry and economy."

342 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
of government was introduced on that happy day,
and which have ever since reigned in our city, do the
highest honor to our cause, our citizens, and our army.
They have attracted the notice, excited the admiration,
and forced the acknowledgments of our enemies them
selves, in favor of our virtue, and regard to order arid
good government; while they will greatly enhance
the pleasure and esteem of every friend of the revo
lution throughout the Union.
6. And lastly, God calls us to testify our joy in him
and gratitude to him, by lives devoted to his fear and
service. This is the most acceptable manner in which
we can express our thankfulness to God for any favor,
spiritual or temporal. One of the great ends, for which
he pours his goodness upon us, in such rich plenty and
variety, is to lead us to repentance, for our manifold
transgresssions against him. Every instance of his be
neficence, is a cord of love thrown over our souls, to
allure us to himself. To offer praise to God, to glorify
him, and to order our conversation aright, are used by
the Holy Spirit himself, as phrases of the same import,
in the following words : " Whoso offereth praise, glori
fieth me, and to him that ordereth his conversation
aright, will I show the salvation of God."
You will please to remember, farther, that the vir
tue I recommend, both political and moral, is essential
to the preservation of the dear-earned privileges in
which we rejoice this day. This is especially the case
in a democratic government, and the more democratic
the government, the more necessary. Prevailing vice
will assuredly sap the foundation of our privileges
sooner or later ; nor is any great length of time neces
sary for this fatal purpose.

DIVINE GOODNESS DISPLAYED. 343
I only add, once more, that the sons of profaneness
cannot now sin at the cheap rate, in point of criminal
ity, they were wont to do. Yojir guilt is greater, in
your neglect of God, and contempt of his Son Christ ;
in your profane cursing and swearing; your drunken
ness, reveling and uncleanness ; your sabbath-breaking,
gaming and dishonesty in dealing ; in a word, in your
every species of impiety, than in years past, in pro-.
portion to the great things God has done for us, as a
people. I beseech you, then, my dear brethren, by
all these mercies of God, in addition to all the grace
of the gospel of his Son Christ, that you break off your
sins by repentance, and study to walk before him as
it becometh those for whom the Lord hath done such
great things. Which may God of his infinite mercy
grant you may be enabled to do, for Jesus' sake.
Amen and Amen.

GEORGE DUFFIELD, D. D.
This distinguished and successful preacher was born
in the month of October, 1732. He was educated
for the ministry, and first settled at Carlisle, Pennsyl
vania. There he labored with all his energy. His
natural abilities and energies enabled him not only
to attend to the duties of his own church, but he was
continually visiting and doing his good work among
the people of the neighboring districts. These cir
cumstances marked him out as one properly and
peculiarly qualified for organizing churches, in places
destitute of the regular administration of the gospel
ordinances. To this important business he was there
fore called and appointed, and in company with the
missionary Charles Beatty, he passed a year in visit
ing the western frontiers, preaching to the Indians,
and " those who were perishing for lack of knowl
edge," and forming them into congregations.
From Carlisle Doctor Duffield removed to Philadel
phia, and entered upon the duties of pastor of the
Third Presbyterian Church in that place. There ho
remained until his death, which took place on the 2d
of February, 1790. His lifelong career in that posi
tion was one of constant devotion. His eulogist, in
recounting this portion of his life to the congregation

GEORGE DUEEIELD, D. D. 345
which he had so long directed, says: "Here, my
brethren, you have been witnesses both of his re
spectability and fidelity in his sacred office. Yon
have seen him possess a distinguished weight and in
fluence in all the judicatures of' the church to which
he belonged. You have seen him happily unite the
wisdom of the serpent with the harmlessness of the
dove in the management of all its concerns and in
terests. You have seen him called by the Congress
to officiate as one of their chaplains during the whole
of their residence in Philadelphia. But what he was
more solicitous about than for all earthly honors —
you have seen him, 'instant in season and out of
season,' to promote your spiritual and eternal wel
fare. It was his zeal to do good."
Doctor Duffield possessed an active, vigorous mind
and a benevolent disposition. Quick in thought and
prompt in utterance, he was enabled to preach with
a freedom and frequency which few divines attain.
These qualities gave him a great consequence and
utility in deliberative bodies. The firmness ofjris
mind was a leading trait, a prominent feature of his
whole character. To the opinions which he formed
he adhered with steadiness. He was neither fright
ened from them by the number of his opponents, nor
soothed by the respectability of their characters.
As a scholar he was considerably distinguished.
He early discovered a thirst for knowledge, which led
him to the pursuit of liberal science. His knowledge
was of the more solid, than of the ornamental or
15*

346 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
polished kind. He was accurate in the classics, and
loved philosophy in all its branches. In the common
walks of life he was eminent for public spirit, the
love of liberty, and for the promotion of any design
which had for its object the general welfare. No one
was a more zealous and active patriot than he ; or, in
the lesser divisions of society, more sincerely en
deavored to do service to the community. In the
revolution he was an early, a decided, and a uniform
friend to his country, and after the peace he was
equally assiduous in using all his influence to advance
the public interest and tranquillity. This peculiarity
of character is forcibly illustrated in the sermon
which succeeds this sketch.
He was indefatigable and evangelical as a preacher.
In the early part of his ministry he was remarkably
animated in his public addresses, and acquired a high
popularity. An intimation that he was to preach,
was the sure promise of a crowded auditory. His
manner was always warm and forcible, and his in
structions always practical. He had a talent of touch
ing the conscience almost peculiar to himself. He
dwelt with emphasis and strength on the plain and
essential truths of the gospel ; yet he was master of a
singularly happy method of explaining the Scriptures,
wliich, in later life he frequently practised.
As a Christian, Doctor Duffield lived the religion
which he professed. The spirit of the gospel seemed to
have tinctured his whole mind, and to possess a constant
and powerful influence on his heart. He was truly

DECLARATION OP PEACE. 347
and remarkably an example of the life of God in the
soul of man. His " fellowship with the Father of his
spirit," and his " conversation with heaven," appeared
to be almost uninterrupted. Nor was he less dis
tinguished in active duty. He sought all occasions
of serving his Lord. Of him it .may be said with
truth, that he " went about doing good."*

DECLARATION OP PEACE.f

An event of such magnitude and importance as
that which has occasioned our convening to-day, ac
complished in so short a space of time, and with so
small a share of difficulty in comparison with what
might have been expected, is one of those occurrences
in the kingdom of Providence that command the ad
miration of every observer. And while it affords an
irrefragable argument (to convince even an Atheist)
that the Most High ruleth over the affairs of men, and
raiseth up and casteth down at his pleasure, demands
also our warmest gratitude to that God who has done
great things for us, whereof we are glad.
With a view, therefore, to assist in this delightful
service, permit me to invite your attention to these
emphatical words of the prophet Isaiah, lxvi. 8 :

* See Rev. Ashbel Green's sermon on the death of Dr. Duffield.
f This sermon was preached in the Third Presbyterian Church, in
Philadelphia, on the 11th of December, 1783.

84S THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
Who hath heard such a thing? Who hath seen such things? ShaU
the earth be made to bring forth in one day ? Shall a nation be born
at once ? For as soon as Zion travailed she brought forth her children.
This, passage, it must be confessed, has a manifest
respect to that happy period generally termed the
latter-day glory, when the various nations of the earth,
formerly styled Gentiles, and yet in darkness, shall,
in a sudden and surprising manner, be converted to
the knowledge and obedience of Christ, and the Jews,
so long rejected of God, shall, by an admirable display
of Divine power and grace, be gathered home from
their dispersion as in one day, and being formed into
a people in their own land, shall become the most re
markable and leading part of the Christian Church
in activity and zeal for their God, and for Jesus the
Saviour, their then acknowledged Messiah.
The former of these events appears designed, by
the earth bringing forth in a day ; and the latter, by a
nation, viz., the Jewish, being born to God at once :
both which, taken together, will constitute that joy
ous state of affairs which the apostle terms life from
the dead. But, as the prophet has evidently in view
to awaken our attention to the hand of God in his
works of wonder among the children of men, and it
is not without example in sacred record to accom
modate passages to similar events, the importance of
that event we celebrate to-day ; and the remarkable
interposition of the providence of God, so manifestly
displayed therein, will, I trust, sufficiently justify my
applying the passage before us to the present occasion,
to which also it appears with peculiar propriety adapt
ed; for who indeed hath heard. such a thing? — who,
but. a few years back, would have believed the report,

DECLARATION OP PEACE. 349
had a prophet himself declared it ? (his credentials, at
least, and marks of authority, had first been carefully
scanned with a critical eye) — who, since time began,
hath seen such events take place so soon ? The earth
has indeed brought forth in a clay. A nation indeed
has been born as at once. It has not been Israel's forty
years of tedious wilderness-journey; nor Rome's, nor
the united Belgic provinces' long-continued scene of
arduous, dubious struggle ; but almost as soon as our
American Zion began to travail, and without experi
encing the pangs and pains which apprehensive fear
expected, she brought forth her children, more nu
merous than the tribes of Jacob, to possess the land
from the north to the south, and from the east to the
yet unexplored, far distant west ; that with great pro
priety may we hail every friend of liberty on this au
spicious day, in the language nearly following our text.
Rejoice ye with America, and be glad with her, all
ye that love her; rejoice for joy with her, all ye that
mourned for her : " for thus saith the Lord, Behold, I
will extend peace to her like a river, and glory like a
flowing stream." Here, then, as from one of those
hills from whence the tents of Jacob were viewed
of old, let us look back on what God hath done, and
contemplate the prospect he opens before us, and may
He (in whose hands are the hearts of the children of
men) inspire, every breast with a grateful sense of his
goodness, so liberally bestowed through the whole.
The British monarch had formed a design- (for
actions speak louder than words) to reduce these
states, then British colonies, into absolute vassalage.
A venal Parliament had approved the unrighteous
purpose, and passed a decree to bind us in all cases,

350 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
both civil and religious, to the obedience of such laws
as they might deem meet to enact. Some have as
cribed this extravagant conduct to the same spirit of
jealousy wliich once influenced the councils of Egypt
against the house of Joseph ; lest, waxing too power
ful, they might break off their connection, and pursue
a separate interest of their own. Pharaoh, indeed,
might have reason to fear, because Israel was an en
tirely different people ; and in their religion and man
ners separated far from the people of the land. But
in the present case, though the court of Great Britain
appear carefully to have copied the Egyptian model,
and their measures have produced a similar event,
yet, as the people of these states were the same as the
people of Britain, their religion and manners the same,
and no disposition to separate from them had ever ap
peared — but an attachment, even to enthusiastic fond
ness, had always obtained, it must have required an
exorbitant share of infatuation to have raised a sus
picion so high as to have produced the spirit and zeal
that directed the British cabinet.
To raise a revenue, and bring America to bear her
proportion of the national debt, has been assigned as the
motive. America, by centring her trade in Britain,
contributed her liberal share, nor had she ever with
held her blood or her treasure when requisitions were
made ; that even malevolence itself had been non
plussed from thence to derive a plea, unless through a
mad desire to take by compulsion what would other
wise be cheerfully given. It seems, therefore, most
probable his Britannic majesty wished to increase the
power of the crown, so as to wrest the very shadow
of liberty out of the hands of all his subjects, and

DECLARATION OF PEACE. 35 1
reign an absolute monarch-; and for this end began
where he hoped, by bribes and craft, to cloak his de^
sign under the cover of parliamentary sanction. It
may be, he desired to urge America to arms, that,
being vanquished (which seems to have been taken as
a granted point), and her principal men, and all who
should dare to oppose his aims, having either fallen in
the field, or been executed as traitors, or constrained
to fly to some foreign land, the whole of the country,
with the subdued, dastardly inhabitants that remained,
might revert to the crown. This, with its native con
sequences of American lords and vassals, all at the
monarch's pleasure, must soon have weighed down the
liberties of Britain.
Or, perhaps he expected to intimidate into submis
sion, by the appearance of determined military force.
This charity would fondly persuade us to admit, as
being the least wicked of the two. And in that case,
an host of place-men and pensioners, with their in
fluence among a people destitute of spirit and subdued
by threats, though not so suddenly, would yet as cer
tainly have produced the desired effect, and finally im
posed the same humiliating terms on Britain herself.
But whatever might have been the motive, America
was marked out for servile submission or severe subju
gation, and the power of Britain employed to accom
plish the end.
A day now arose, lowering thick with dark and
heavy clouds. A scene was opened painful to the
mind only to review. On the one hand to resign
every dear birthright privilege and bow down uncon
ditionally to foreign masters, from whom we had
nothing to expect but sovereign contempt and heavy

352 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
burdens imposed ; who, by their remote situation could
neither see our calamity nor partake in our sufferings.
On the other hand to wage war with the most formida
ble power on earth, that had been for ages a terror to
the nations, and had lately risen into a state of gran
deur and glory far surpassing all her former greatness.
A nation long inured to war ; her fleets commanding
the ocean ; her troops numerous and veteran, and in
martial deeds famed as inferior to none ; her wealth
, immense ; her resources many, and her pride and misr
taken sense of honor prompting her to exert every
nerve, to secure a compliance with her claims and de
mands. Hard alternative!, to resign liberty, or wage
this hazardous war ; and yet none other remained.
America had her numerous husbandmen, her mer
chants and mechanics; her sons of the learned pro
fessions, and students in every science ; her inhabi
tants were many; but untaught in the policy of courts
and cabinets ; strangers to the art of war, and divided
into different colonies, under different forms of govern
ment, had scarce ever communicated sentiments on a
single point. Armies she had none, nor a single ship
of war to protect her coast. Arms and ammunition
had never been her care ; and her money scarce suffi
cient for common occasions. Resources 'tis true there
were ; but as the precious metal lies hid in the un-
sought-for ore, they remained unexplored and un
known. In this situation shall she dare to provoke tho
vengeance of Britain ! A stoical observer would have
pronounced it madness. But Liberty was the prize.
She chose "Freedom or Death" as her motto, and
nobly resolved on war with all its horrors ; that at least
her last expiring groan might breathe forth Freedom.

DECLARATION OE PEACE. 353
Already had Britain planted her baleful banner on
our coast, and her proud, insulting flag had possessed
our harbors. Her oppressive edicts had gone forth ;
and her naval and military strength were combined to
enforce obedience.^ As the careful mariner watches
the heavy gathering cloud and dreads the approaching
storm, -America with anxiety beheld, and waited the
event. Prudence would have seemed to dictate an
early resistance to manifest hostile designs ; nor suffer
an avowed enemy to every privilege to intrench in
quiet, and strengthen themselves in a capital town.*
Nor was America blind to the measure ; but that God
who- so early espoused her cause, that her innocence
in the case, and her reluctance to arms, might be evi
dent to all, withheld her from the deed, and left Brit
ain, on Lexington's ever-memorable day, to open the
scene of war.
Quick as the flash of lightning glares from pole to
pole ; so sudden did a military spirit pervade those
then limited colonies ; but now, blessed be God, con
federated, established states. The peaceful husbandman
forsook his farm, the merchant relinquished his trade ;
the learned in the law dismissed their clients ; the
compassionate physician forgot his daily round ; the
mariner laid aside his compass and quadrant ; the me
chanic resigned his implements of employment ; the
sons of science ceased their philosophic pursuits, and
even the miser half neglected, for a time, his gold and
his gain ; and the griping landlord his rents. All pre
pared for war, and eagerly flew to the field. The del
icate female herself forgot her timidity, and, glowing
* Boston.

354 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
with patriot zeal, prompted the tardy to arms ; and
despised and reproached the lingerer that meanly loi
tered behind. Nor were those of the sacred order
wanting to their country, when her civil and religious
liberties were all at stake. But, as became faithful
watchmen, they blew the trumpet on the walls of our
Zion> and sounded an alarm for defence.
From then, standard was pitched against standard,
and the battle was fought with varied success, from
the east to the west, and from the north to the south ;
and the field and the forest, the hills and the valleys,
the shore and the inland parts, .have all heard the
shoutings of the warrior, the clang of arms, and seen
garments rolled in blood, and summer's scorching
heat and winter's parching cold borne testimony to
American perseverance and valor.
Nor was military prowess only given. He that put
off the spirit of Moses on the elders of Israel, raised
up senators, and guided them in council, to conduct
the affairs of his chosen American tribes ;* and though,
like the Jewish congregation of old, language of mur
mur and complaint has been heard in our land, and
we have had our Korahs and Dathans, whose en
deavors have been to weaken the hands of our rulers,
depreciate their merit and lessen their esteem in the
eyes of the people, yet (I hesitate not to pronounce it)
generations yet unborn will look back with wonder,
and venerate the memories and long perpetuate the
names of those who guided the helm through the
storm, nor sunk dismayed while so furious &Eurocly-
don of innumerable difficulties lashed so sore and lay
* The Continental Congress.

DECLARATION OE PEACE. 355
so long upon us; but have at length, by the good
hand of our God upon them, brought the billow-beaten
vessel of public affairs safe into harbor. These pos
terity will admire and revere, and wish to have seen
the day when those men lived upon the earth — a day
which commanded the attention of states and king
doms, far and wide. And as Joshua's day arrested the
sun in its course, the nations stood still in silent sur
prise, to see the balance of war so nearly poised be
tween contending parties so unequal. Fondly would
the spark of humanity within have led them to aid
the American cause. Their wish was all they durst
give, for they dreaded the omnipotent arm of Great
Britain, nor dared to awaken her resentment.
The monarch of France alone was found, whose
zeal for the rights of humanity inspired him beyond
the power of any meaner consideration. Solemn ties
had bound him to consult the good of the people over
whom he was placed. Nor could he have answered
to his God, his conscience, or his kingdom, to have
involved the nation in the calamities of an arduous,
hazardous war, had no prospect of advantage risen
into view. God, who had early designed him for dis
tinguished honor, and raised him to the throne to estab
lish his name and his glory as lasting as the annals of
time, as the protector of the rights of mankind, had
therefore, by a firm decree, united the interest of
America and France; that his majesty might be just
to his conscience, his people and his God, while in
dulging the ardent glow of his magnanimous breast,
in affording to the distressed a vigorous aid. And his
fleets and his armies were embarked in our cause.
Let detraction, therefore, be silent, nor object the in-

356 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
fluence of interest to sully the generous deed. God
has connected duty and interest by indissoluble bonds ;
nor may either, of right, assume the name alone.
Ancient prejudices, instilled by Britain, seemed to
forbid connection with a nation we had long been
taught to consider faithless, pusillanimons and cruel.
The generosity of France recovered the mind to judge
by a candid scale. And as a mutual intercourse in
creased our acquaintance, the scales of ignorance fell
from our eyes, the mist of prejudice vanished, and
America found herself united to the most enlightened
civilized nation on earth, and rejoiced in an alliance
cemented, not by interest only, but by the strong
additional bonds of cordial affection. An alliance
which, may that God whose watchful eye guards the
affairs of men, perpetuate unimpaired, while sun and
moon endure.
The citizens and subjects of both nations embraced
as brethren, and fought side by side, with united hearts
_and hands, in the then made common cause. Their
only strife was, who should display the noblest deeds,
and render themselves worthy each other's esteem.
America's day, the morning of which had lowered
with heavy clouds, began to brighten apace, and its
hurrying hours hastened their way to a noontide glow.
The justice of her cause, the influence of her great
ally, and the insults and injuries experienced by other
nations, from British arrogance, procured her still
further Bupport ; and narrowed the distance to the
object of her wish. Britain saw with indignation,
and in firm alliance with every infernal power (for
from heaven she dared not expect, nor would any on
earth, Hesse, Anspach, and savages excepted, afford

DECLARATION OP PEACE. 357
her aid) she resolved on the utmost vengeance, and as
a tiger in the forest, taken in the toils, exerted her
every effort. Nor need I here recount Monmouth,
Cowpens by Catawba, or Eutaw, with the many sore-
fought days on the land, or the briny ocean, repeat
edly stained with the generous blood of war ; or the
ravages which desolated the south; or the devastation
and ruin that ranged along our coast; whilst their
ruthless savage allies, to the eternal infamy of those
who employed them, drenched the wide frontier with
the warless blood of helpless women and babes.
These deeds of Britain are written with the pen of
remembrance on the minds of all. They are engraved
as with the point of a diamond on a rock, on the
pillars of time ; and, handed down in the faithful
historic page, shall long be read by ages yet to come.
Nor shall Carolina or Georgia, New York or Virginia,
Philadelphia, Rhode Island or Boston, be named, but
grateful acknowledgments shall rise of the kind deliv
erance afforded. And oft shall the traveller turn
aside to survey the seat of Gloucester and York in
Virginia, and view the spot ever to be remembered,
where the great decisive event took place ; and shall
read inscribed on the memorative marble,* the im
portant victory there obtained. The inhabitant, in
structed from father to son, shall bear him company,
and recount the various parts of the scene. " On this
point the blood-stained British general, Lord Corn
wallis, held his garrison. Yonder the great Washing
ton and illustrious Rochambeau, made their first- ap
proach. Across that rivulet and through that valley,
* A marble pillar ordered by Congress to be erected there.

358 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
ran their first parallel ; and where now that range of
buildings stands, 'they drew their second. There stood
a redoubt carried b}' cool, determined Gallic bravery ;
and there the Americans stormed and conquered.
Here, encaved in the brow of the bank, the Britons
met to hold their dark and gloomy councils ; in that
part of the river the Charon was set on fire ; and yon
der, across the water, the Generals Weeden and Chois-
sey hemmed in the imprisoned British ranks. There
the French and American troops formed a glittering
lane; and on yonder plain the numerous garrison piled
their arms."
The listening child, led forth in his father's hand,
shall hear him relate, and repeat it over again to his
little companions. And they also shall rejoice in that
great event, which struck Britain With terror and de
spair, and led on to that happy restoration of peace
for which, to-day, we give thanks to our God. For,
according to this time, shall it, be said of these United
States, What hath God wrought for them ? Great in
deed, is the salvation he hath shown ! and great the
obligations we are under to praise ! For had we
failed in our just attempt to secure our invaluable
rights, America's choicest blood had flowed in liberal
streams, and her most valuable citizens, throughout
the states, had expired by halters, and on gibbets.
The daring patriot, whose zeal for his, country had led
him, with his life in his hand, to take a seat in the
great council of the states, or in legislation, or in ad
ministering justice ; or who had led in the field in his
country's cause — these had been led forth the first, in
haughty triumph, amidst ten thousand insulting scoffs,
as the victims of insatiable vengeance. Nor only

DECLARATION OP PEACE. 359
these — but all who had dared to follow their councils,
and abet the cause for which they contended ; nor a
single character worth notice left remaining, that
dared to breathe the language of freedom. The paths
of life had now been thin of the many virtuous citi
zens convened to-day, throughout these states, to give
thanks on this happy occasion. America had been
enriched, indeed, and her soil made fat with the blood
of her children. - Made fat — not for the rightful own
ers, but to pamper the lusts of tyrannical lords, sharing
the country among themselves ; the surviving former
possessors only vassals at pleasure, and slaves to their
lordly masters.
This, my friends, is not a flight of fancy, or appre
hensive imagination run wild. It is founded in just
observation, and what bitter experience would have
taught, but too late, had our enemy prevailed. But,
blessed be God, with Israel of old we may take up
our song : " Blessed be the Lord, who gave us not as
a prey to their teeth. Blessed be the Lord, the snare
is broken, and we are escaped." We cried unto him
in the clay of our distress. He heard our entreaties,
and hath brought us forth into a large place, and
established our rights, and opened before us a glorious
prospect. May wisdom be given to esteem, and im
prove the invaluable blessing. Here has our God
erected a banner of civil and religious liberty,* and
* Religious liberty is a foundation principle in the constitutions of tlie
respective states, distinguishing America from any nation in Europe;
and resting religion on its proper basis, as supported by its own
evidence and the almighty care of its divine Author, without the aid
of the feeble angry arm of civil power, which serves only to disgrace
the name and religion of Jesus, by violating the rights of conscience.

360 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
prepared an asylum for the poor and oppressed from
every part of the earth. Here, if wisdom guides our
affairs, shall a happy equality reign, and joyous free
dom bless the inhabitants wide and far, from age to
age. Here, far removed from the noise and tumult
of contending kingdoms and empires — far from the
wars of Europe and Asia, and the barbarous African
coast — here shall the husbandman enjoy the fruits of
his labor ; the merchant trade secure of his gain ; the
mechanic indulge his inventive genius ; and the sons
of science pursue their delightful employment, till the
light of knowledge pervade yonder yet uncultivated
western wilds, and form the savage inhabitants into
men. Here, also, shall our Jesus go forth conquering
and to conquer, and the heathen be given him for an
inheritance, and these uttermost parts for a possession.
Zion shall here lengthen her cords and strengthen her
stakes; and the mountain of the house of the Lord
be gloriously exalted on high. Here shall the religion
of Jesus — not that falsely so called, which consists in
empty words and forms, and spends its unhallowed
zeal in party names and distinctions, and traducing
and reviling each other — but the pure and undefiled
religion of our blessed Redeemer ; here shall it reign
in triumph, over all opposition. Vice and immorality
shall yet here become ashamed and banished ; and
love to God and benevolence to man, rule the hearts
and regulate the lives of men. Justice and truth
shall here yet meet together, and righteousness and
peace embrace each other; and the wilderness blos
som as the rose and the desert rejoice and sing. And
here shall the various ancient promises of rich and
glorious grace begin their complete divine fulfilment ;

DECLARATION OP PEACE. 361
and the light of divine revelation diffuse its benefi
cent, rays, till the gospel of Christ has accomplished
its day, from east to west around the world — a day
whose evening shall not terminate in night, but inT
troduce that joyful period when the outcasts of Israel
and the despised of : Judah, shall, be restored; and
with them: the fulness of the Gentile world shall flow
to the standard of redeeming love; and the nations
of the, earth become the kingdom of our. Lord and
Saviour, under whose auspicious . reign holiness shall
universally prevail, and the noise and alarm of war
be heard no more. Nor shall there be any thing to
hurt or destroy or interrupt the tranquillity of men,
through all the wide dominions of this glorious Prince
of peace.
How "pleasing the scene! How transporting the
prospect ! And how thrice happy they whom God
has honored as instruments in the , great work now
brought to pass, subservient to these! important events.
May the blessing of Heaven surround them, and the
honor and: esteem of a grateful, country attend them
through life. May the names and memories of those,
O my country ! who have planned your measures
and guided your councils through a wilderness of in
surmountable difficulties, and brought your affairs,
by:the blessing of : God, to a happy conclusion, may
they ever be had in kind remembrance. Errors and
mistakes may have been ; but it is matter of wonder
and praise, that whilst treading an unknown, a diffi
cult and dangerous path, their mistakes and errors
have been so few.
Surely the hand of God was in it j- to guide and
guard their way. And let the illustrious Washing-
16

362 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
ton, the Joshua of the day and admiration of the
age, who, inspired from above with every military en
dowment to command the American armies, and great
in the field beyond example, retires still greater to
the humble character of a private citizen among the
citizens of the states ; let him live perpetual in the
minds and tho praises of all. Aid here, ye his
highly-honored fellow-citizens, aid feeble fame with
her hundred wings and tongues to proclaim his worth ;
and let Time, on his full and ever-willing stream,
convey down through every age, the unsullied re
membrance of the patriot, the hero, and the citizen
combined, and deliver his name to the unbounded
ocean of immortal esteem. And, from the commander-
in-chief down to the faithful sentinel, let the officer
and soldier who have bravely offered their lives and
have nobly dared death and danger in the bloody
field, on the horrid edge of the ranks of war, be re
membered with kindness: Let their services of hard
ship, toil, and danger be never forgotten ; but may
they ever experience a kind attention from their fel
low-citizens, and a faithful reward from their country,
whose rights they have 60 firmly defended. Let their
military garb and character ever command esteem.
Let their wounds and their scars plead their cause
and extenuate their foibles, and the residue of their
exhausted days be crowned with honor and ease.
With these let also be joined in never-dying remem
brance, a Warren, a Montgomery, a Biddle, embraced
by the briny waves, a MacPherson, and a Laurens,
in the bloom of youth, fallen in the bloody field in
their country's cause ; with the countless train of
Martyrs for American freedom, who, from the ocean

DECLARATION OF PEACE. 303
and the land, from prison-ships and jails, have sealed
with their lives their attachment to her cause — these,
these — number them not of the dead, they are enrolled
in the list of glory and of fame, and shall live immor
tal beyond the power of death and the grave. Bind
their brows, O ye American daughters ; haste ye !
haste ye ! bind their brows with never-fading laurels
and glittering crimson wreaths ; and let the evening
song and noon-day recital perpetuate their deeds and
their fame, while the silent tear stealing from the
eye shall testify how dear their memory and how high
their esteem. And whilst the curse of Meroz remains
on lasting record for those who withheld their aid, let
the blessings of all rest on every friend of liberty, who
willingly offered himself, when his country's necessity
called him to the field, and on all who have cheerfully
borne and suffered in its cause.
Nor let our great and generous ally, who offered
an early and a vigorous aid, be forgotten. But let
every American lip pronounce a " Vive le Roi," and
every heart conspire " long may his most Christian
majesty Louis the Sixteenth," long may he live, a
blessing and blessed on earth, and late resign an
earthly crown, to shine in brighter glory, and wear a
crown immortal, among the blessed above. And may
his subjects ever be embraced as brethren and dearest
friends, who have fought in our battles and bled in our
cause ; and partiality here held worthy of praise.
Nor may a due esteem ever be wanting to the
United Netherland States, whose heart and endeavors
were with us ; or to the court of Spain, for assistance
afforded, but be generously paid to all who have aided
to secure our rights. And whilst with a grateful sense

364 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS.
of their services done, we pay deserved honors to those
whom God has honored to bear a part in the great
work performed, let every heart adore the God of
goodness in all, and every lip and every life proclaim
his praise. 'Tis he, the sovereign-disposer of all events,
hath wrought for us, and brought the whole to pass.
It was he who led his Israel of old, by the pillar and
the cloud, through their wilderness journey ; wherein
they also had their wanderings ; 'twas he, the same,
presided over our affairs, directed our councils, and
guided our senators by the way. 'Twas he who raised
a Joshua to lead the tribes of Israel in the field of bat
tle ; raised and formed a Washington to lead on the
troops of his chosen states, to final conquest, and im
bued him with all his military patience, perseverance,
prowess and skill ; and admirably preserved his life
and health, through all the danger and toil. 'Twas
he who, in Barak's day, spread the spirit of war, in
every breast, to shake off the Canaanitish yoke ; and
inspired thy inhabitants, O America, with an ardent
glow through every rank, to assert the cause of free
dom ; and led forth the husbandman and mechanic,
with those of every class, to offer themselves undaunt
ed in the daring conflict. It was he who hid fear from
their eyes of either the superior numbers or skill of the
powerful foe they rose to withstand ; and from him
came down that firmness and fortitude that raised
American officers, and soldiers, beyond all former
example, through hunger, nakedness and cold, to fight
the battles of their country, and never forsake its
standard. It was he breathed from above, and fired
their bosoms in the hour of action, to crop the laurels
of triumph, or, having deafly sold their precious lives,

DECLARATION OP PEACE. 365
to embrace death, in all his glory, on the bloody field 1
And he only inspired our generous seamen with invin
cible firmness to endure the horrors of prison-ships and
jails, and expire by famine and British barbarity, rather
than renounce the virtuous cause in which they em
barked. It was he who raised up Cyrus, to break the
Assyrian force, and say : " Let Israel be free," endued
the monarch of France with an angel's mind, to assert
and secure the freedom of his United American States.
And by him were the hearts of other nations disposed to
our aid. And he, and he alone, who saith to the proud
waves of the sea : " Hitherto shall ye come, but no
farther," restrained the councils and arms of Britain
from improving against us many opportunities and
advantages which evidently lay within the line of their
power. Who can recollect the critical night of retreat from
Long Island; the scene- of retiring from New York;
the day of Brandywine ; or the endangered situation
of the arms of America on Trenton's ever-memorable
night — and not be constrained to say : " If it had not
been the Lord who was on our side, our enemy had
swallowed us up ; the waters had overwhelmed us ;
the proud stream had swept us away !" But, blessed
be his name, our help was found in him who made the
heavens and the earth.
It was God who blasted the secret designs of ene
mies and traitors against us ; and, by an admirable
interposition, brought forth into light the dark and
deep-stained villainy of an Arnold, cursed and de
tested of God and ment* And converted our repeated
* Deuteronomy, xxvii. 25.

366 THE PATRIOT PREACHERS;
misfortunes, and even mistakes, into singular mercies
and peculiar advantages, that not more manifest was
his voice on Sinai, or his hand in his affairs of his
Israel of old, than we have seen the wisdom, the
power, and the goodness of our God displayed through
the whole of our arduous contest, from its earli
est period down. We may, with emphatical pro
priety, say : It is He, the Almighty God, has accom
plished the whole in every part, and by his kind care
and omnipotent arm has wrought out our deliverance ;
cast forth our enemy ; bestowed upon us a wide, ex
tended, fruitful country ; and blessed us with a safe
and honorable peace ; and has brought the whole to
pass in so short a space of time, and with so few diffi
culties attending, in comparison with what we had
reason to expect, that the establishment of these
United States in the peaceful possession of their, rights
and privileges, stands, an instance of divine favor, un
exampled in the records of time.
Who does not remember the general language When
the war commenced ? Cheerfully to pay one half our
property to secure our rights. But far from even the
half of this has been required. Individuals, it is true,
and those amongst the most virtuous of the commu
nity, have suffered — have sorely suffered — by specu
lative miscreants, and a depreciating currency; their
confidence in the public faith has proved the temporal
ruin of many ; and widows and helpless orphans been
made a prey — many of whose sufferings might yet
still be greatly alleviated by a due attention, and a
6acred regard to justice and good conscience in direct
ing affairs; which must, also, sooner or later take
place — or the righteous God, who hates injustice, op-

declaration of peace. 367
pression and fraud, be highly displeased, and his judg
ments be yet poured out on our land, as he afflicted
Israel of old for unredressed injuries to the Gibeonites
among them. His justice and his power are still the
same. But the price of our peace, taken on a national scale,
compared with the advantages gained, and the num
ber by whom to be paid, scarce deserves a name.
In whatever point of light we view this great event
we are constrained to say : " It is the doing of the Lord,
and marvellous in our eyes," and to him be rendered
the thanks and the praise. " Not unto us, not unto us,
but unto thy name, 0 Lord, be the glory;" for thine is
the power, and the victory, and the greatness ; both
success and safety come of thee, and thou reignest
over all, and hast wrought all our works in us and
for us.
Praise, thehefore, thy God, O America; praise
the Lord, ye his highly-pavored United States. Nor
let it rest in the fleeting language of the lip, or the
formal thanksgiving of a day ; but let every heart glow
with gratitude, and every life, by a devout regard to
his holy law, proclaim his praise. It is this our God
requires, as that wherein our personal and national
good, and the glory of his great name consist, and
without which all our professions will be but an empty
name. It is that we love the Lord our God, to walk in his
ways and keep his commandments, to observe his
statutes and his judgments — that a sacred regard be
maintained to righteousness and truth — that we do
justice, love mercy, and walk humbly with our God —
then shall God delight to dwell amongst us, and these

368 THE patriot PREACHERS.
United States shall long remain a great, a glorious,
and a happy, people. Which may God,, of his infinite
mercy, grant ! Amen.

THE END.

LJA-TKILY PUBLISHED, AND
FOR SALE BY SUBSCRIPTION ONLY,
FRANK MOORE'S DIARY
OP THE
AMERICAN REVOLUTION;
FROM
WHIG AND TORY NEWSPAPERS,
AND
ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS.
In two Volumes, Svo., pp. 1100, Illustrated with Twelve
Superb Steel ^Engravings, by Ritchie ; with Plans of
Cities, Sattles, etc.

The materials of this work are taken from Whig
and Tory Newspapers, published during the Ameri
can Bevolution, Private Diaries, and other contem
poraneous writings. They present to the student of
this day the same view the readers of the Revolution
ary period enjoyed — the manners and customs of the
people, and the moral and religious, as well as polit
ical features of the time.
The work contains not only the current accounts by
both Whig and Tory Writers of the different skir
mishes and battles by sea and land, but, at the same
time, gives a clear idea of the effect of these occurs
rences upon the people and their homes.
It also embraces accounts of the balls, parties, mar
riages and deaths, criticisms upon men and books,

wedding parties, sleigh-rides, the Whigs tarred and
feathered by the Tories, and vice versa; fox-hunts by
the officers of the British army ; surprises, birth-day
celebrations, practical jokes by men whom we have
been taught to believe were of the most serious natu
ral disposition ; patriotic songs and ballads ; horse
races, games, masquerades, reviews ; anecdotes of the
most celebrated men and women, popular merriments
and usages, and the celebrations of national festivities.
The work carries the reader back into the homes,
upon the very hearthstones, the highways and battle
fields of the Bevolution, and lets him hear the Whigs
and Tories lampoon and abuse each other, and see the
armies fight in their own way.

Among the numerous letters and notices recommendatory of
the work, are the following :
From Hon. Chakles King, LL. D., President Columbia College,
' N.Y.
President's Room, Columbia College, New Yokk, 1859.
" I have looked, with some care and more interest, over your
'Diary of the American Revolution,' etc. Its plan makes it a
popular as well as instructive publication. Made up mainly of
the contemporaneous utterances of the daily press of all shades of
opinion, it is like listening, as we read, to the voices of the actors
in the great struggle for independence.
"The press, which has now grown up into an all -pervading and
powerful agency in our polity, had even as far back as your Diary
begins, a most important influence in moulding public opinion.
Through its columns burst forth on the one hand in all their fiery
freshness the daring language and schemes of the Sons of Liberty,
and on the other were more craftily insinuated or boldly avowed
the cautious doubts and timid -counsels or unhesitating loyalty, of
those who yet clung to the mother country.
"It is for us, who stand in the light of posterity to the men of
those days, to judge with impartial serenity their deeds and their
motives, and in your Diary the very best of means of judging cor
rectly are furnished, since both sides are heard in their own lan
guage.

" As an occasional student of our earlier annals, I thank you
for the undertaking." Believe me, truly yours,
CHARLES KING.
From Hon. MillAed Fillmore.Buffalo, Nov. 28, 1859.
Frank Moore, Esq.
Dear Sir : — " I have found your Diary of the Revolution very
interesting. The thonght of giving the events of that period in
the form of a Diary is a most happy one, and has only its equal
in the famous travels of Anacharsis the younger, through Greece.
I anticipate both pleasure and profit in a further perusal of it."
Truly yours, MILLARD FILLMORE.

From E. B. O'CallAghan, Esq., author "Documentary History
ofN. Y.
State Hall, Albany, Dec. 26, 1859.
My Dear Sir : — I have enjoyed much pleasure and information
from your 'Diary of the American Revolution.'
"The histories hitherto published of that great epoch, were
necessarily restricted to the principal events and actors, as they
appeared on the stage.
" Your work admits us behind tbe scenes ; where we are afforded
an opportunity of seeing many things of which we have been hith
erto ignorant.
"Here men, some already known, many long since forgotten,
but all active partisans on either side, give unreserved vent to
their patriotism or passion, their temporary fears or lofty aspira
tions, their individual sufferings, and private misfortunes.
" It is, indeed, the Domestic History of the Revolution, which
all will do well to study." Yours, very sincerely,
E. B. O'CALLAGHAN.

From W. B. Spragtje, D. D.
Albany, N. Y., Jan. IT, 1860.
My Dear Sir : — " I must tell you how much I have been, grati
fied by your recent work, 'Diary of the American Revolution.'
The -conception was certainly a most felicitous one, and the* exe
cution in every way worthy of it. While it contains a vast
amount of valuable information, much of which could not be
reached through any other channel, you have contrived, by the
manner in which you have presented it, to invest sober facts wi,th
the attraction of romance.
" I congratulate you sincerely, upon having made a book upon

the Revolution at this late period, that must take its place among
the most interesting and valuable works on that subject that have
ever been written." I am, my dear sir,
with great regard,
faithfully yours, W. B. SPRAGTJE.

From Hon. Jared Sparks, D. D., LL. D.
Cambridge, Feb. 20, 1860.
Dear Sir: — "I have perused the two volumes of the 'Diary of
the Revolution' with much satisfaction and profit. The selec
tions, taken as they are from various sources, show the spirit of
the times in a very remarkable degree, and exhibit in a strong
light the exciting topics which agitated the public mind from
day to day during the eventful period of the Revolution. Thus
they become the interpreters of history, and you may well con
gratulate yourself upon the success of your labors in having mado
a valuable contribution to the accessible aids for the reader who
would acquire a complete and accurate knowledge of the great
national struggle for achieving independence."
Respectfully and truly yours,
JARED SPARKS.

From Horace "Webster, LL. D., Pres. New York Free Academy.
New York, Jan. 9, 1860.
Frank Moore, Esq.
Dear Sir : — " I have read and re-read, with increased interest at
each perusal, your 'Diary of the Revolution.' The contents
being made up of the incidents of the Revolution, the accounts
of which were published at the time of their occurrence by the par
ties engaged in the contest, give the present generation of readers
a truer insight into the then condition of things, the spirit and
nature of tlie war waged, than can be obtained by reading the
more elaborate histories of that eventful period. These circum
stances give great value to your publication.
"No intelligent American who takes an interest in the history
of his country, or in the perpetuity of its institutions, can afford
to do without it, as it contains very peculiar and valuable infor
mation found in no other publication with which I am acquainted.
Very respectfully,
HORACE WEBSTER.

From the London Saturday Beview.
These volumes are a sort of substitute for the Memoires pour
servir which are so fruitful a mine to the student who is exploring
the history of an older nation. It would be vain to look for
diaries and autobiographies from combatants in a war of inde-

pendence. Such struggles are too stern and too engrossing to
leave the actors in them much leisure for catering gossip and
piquant anecdotes for the entertainment of posterity. Mr. Moore
has supplied their place by reprinting a laborious selection from
the fugitive literature of the moment. He seeks his material in
the lampoons and libels which the animosity of both sides fur
nished in abundance, in newspaper articles, and sometimes in un
published letters. . . . There never was a contest in which
the premium upon lying was so large. The Americans were fight
ing against a great empire, without any certain supply of men,
money, or munitions. To make good this deficiency involved a
constant and exhausting drain upon the mass of the peaceable in
habitants, which not only deprived them of the comforts, but often
of the barest necessaries of life. Such sacrifices could not but
have had a damping effect upon an enthusiasm which, to a large
number, must have seemed absolutely theoretic. The pressure
of hardship, mutual jealousy, the apparent hopelessness of suc
cess, the certain disastrousness of failure, were always tempting
the Americans to sluggishness, if not to desertion. In such a state
of popular feeling victory became a matter of prestige. It was
almost of more importance to be thought triumphant than to be
so. The representations of newspapers, the manipulation of in
telligence, became a warlike weapon of the most deadly efficacy.
The fortunes of the struggle depended in no small degree on the
false fears or the false hopes that could be instilled into the Amer
ican population. Accordingly, the journals published in America
during the war became about as careful of the truth of their in
formation as the Moniteur during a Napoleonic campaign. The
wildest canards were circulated without scruple ; the most liberal
accusations of the foulest atrocities were bandied freely from side
to side ; and the most conflicting narratives were solemnly attested
on each side concerning every one of the innumerable petty en
gagements of which the war was made up. The historical in
quirer will see in these pages an accurate and most mournful pic
ture of the fiendish passions which can be roused between kindred
races by a petty cause of quarrel, and he may make a fair collec
tion of tolerably clever parodies and pasquinades.
The feeling with which most Englishmen will rise from the
perusal of this work will be one of sorrowful but profound con
tempt for the government under which their ancestors flourished
in the good old days. Nobody, except perhaps Washington, ap
pears in very noble colors ; but the only actors who make a
thoroughly despicable figure are the English ministers and their
favorite generals. It was not that they committed here and there
an isolated mistake — the demon of blundering possessed them
from the very first measure to the very last of the twenty years'
struggle. Without subscribing to all the imputations of tyranny
in which the Americans vented the discontent that had been ac
cumulating for many years, no one doubts that the taxation of so

6 ,
powerful a colony was, as a mere matter of statecraft, a mistake.
If not a crime, , it was certainly a blunder. The military opera
tions, too, of the war on the English side are sufficiently infamous.
No commander, probably, throughout the whole course of the
warlike history of England has surpassed Howe, and Clinton in
inefficiency, with. the single exception of General Whitelocke,
whose sinister fame is. linked to the same fatal soil. But these
errors hardly equalled the folly of the policy which was pursued
between the first outbreak of discontent and the time when the
armed conflict was commenced in earnest. It was not the policy
of statesmen, but the policy which a spiteful woman pursues, to
obtain a household, victory. • The English government would not
yield, and they eitlier could not or would not take the steps ne
cessary to conquer; and so they adopted a middle course, which
conveniently combined the expenses of the one with the humilia
tion of the other. They did nothing to enforce, obedience, but
they did every thing to tease, to irritate, to exasperate. The shut
ting up of the port of Boston was not, likely to cow;the resistance
or allay the resentment of a high-spirited people. The closing
of the fisheries of Newfoundland to American enterprise had the
effect of depriving numbers of their bread, and making it their in;
terest to dare the utmost for the overthrow of the power that
was ruining them ; hut it did not deprive the rebels of a single
resource, or win back to loyalty a single wavering heart. ; , The
campaigns of many of the English commanders were carried on
in the same spirit. They made war on peaceful industry, on
defenceless commercial towns, on public buildings, on every
thing except armed men. They undertook scarcely apy great
military enterprises, and generally; contented themselves with sit
ting down in some seaport town until they were driven out of it;
but to make amends, they destroyed every sort 'of -property that
they could reach without fighting a battle. Even before the Dec
laration of Independence had been niade, they went on the
principle that whatever was loss to America was gain to England ;
and, consequently, they conducted war on a system even more
barbarous than is commonly adopted in contending with an alien
nation. Having command of the sea, they bombarded and, burnt
petty seaport towns, which could not have been troublesome, if
they had wished. They forged imitation Congress notes and cirJ-
culated them by thousands, in order to depreciate the American
currency. And General Gage even went so far as to transport to
this country all the title-deeds on which the New York proprietors
depended for the possession of their estates — though, happily for
our credit, his proceedings were not supported by the authorities
at home. The tales of plunder, of cruelty, and of maltreatment
of prisoners, with which the American papers, and even the Con
gress reports, are, rife, it, is, of- course, impossible to test. But
their complaints are pitched in a tone, and repeated with a per
severance, to which Davoust'.s campaigns in Northern Germany

furnish the nearest parallel. Throughout this disgraceful war, the
maximum of mi.-chief with the minimum of risk appears to have
been the object of the English soldiery,
This was not the way to reconquer alienated affections. When
Lord Cornwallis had taken Charleston, and found that none, even
of those who submitted and stayed in the town, would speak to
his officers, he is reported to have said, that, even if they should
succeed in conquering the men, the heavier task would still
remain of conquering the women. And one of the most striking
features in this ' Diary of the Revolution,' and the strongest proof
of the exasperation that prevailed, is the prominent share taken
by the women. They were all Joans of Arc or Maids of Sara-
gossa in their way. In one place, we find an association of young
ladies formed on the basis of refusing every lover who had not
taken an active part in the revolutionary campaigns. In another,
a " Tory," who, finding himself in exclusively feminine society,
thinks that he can parade his sentiments with impunity, is set
upon by the incensed Amazons, stripped incontinently to the
waist, and tarred and feathered on the spot. In a third place, a
party of ladies, equally patriotic, hearing that an unworthy mem
ber of the sex had baptized her child by a Tory name — baptisms
were a great subject for party demonstrations — marched up to
her with the intention of visiting her with the same sort of sum
mary justice; but, in this case, the victim had timely warning,
and made off. And many other similar demonstrations of female
patriotism are recorded in this book. But this exasperation of
the enemies of England was not the only evil effect of the atroci
ties that disgraced the English arms. They had a direct tendency
to alienate her friends. For the English ministers^—and it is one
of the circumstances that deepens the ignominy of their-failure —
had at first a very large support in native American opinion.
Throughout the Diary we find the rebels very much more afraid
of "Tories" than of British soldiers. In many States they at
tempted counter memorials and organizations., In North Caro
lina, a refugee Jacobite at .the head of the Tories, appeared in the
field against the troops of Congress; and Long Island was so com
pletely and inveterately Tory, that it was found necessary to
make a descent upon it from the mainland, and instil a whole
some Liberalism by force of arms. The passionate appeal at
page 168, vol. 2, for an extension of this system of proselytism,
which has always been popular in America, will give an idea
of the extent to which the Tories might have been made avail
able for the English cause, if common vigor or common temper
had existed in the councils of the king.
From the Philadelphia Bulletin.
"A really original work on our Revolution is, of course, a sur
prise. The facts are all so well known that it would seem impos
sible to impart to them an air of novelty. But Mr. Frank Moore

8
has presented a most fresh and vivid picture of the whole course
of events, from the beginning of 1775 till the close of the war.
The plan adopted has been to take the accounts of newspapers of
the time, both Whig and Tory, and such private diaries and cor
respondence as were within his reach, and to arrange all these in
the form of a diary. The skilful execution of this design has
given us one of the most readable and impartial narratives of our
struggle for independence that has ever been produced. The
events seem to pass before the reader's immediate vision, and to be
reported by him while the impression they produce ori his mind is
entirely fresh. ' ' From the New York Evening Post.
" Mr. Moore has happily executed a happy thought: he has writ
ten a history of the most important events of the last century in
the very words of its contemporaries.
"It would be impossible for any historian who merely writes
after authorities to impart so vivid an impression of the occur
rences of the period. All the great characters of the war, who
are now so venerable in our estimation that they seem rather
demi-gods than men, pass before us as they lived, and are seen
as they were seen by their contemporaries.
" Washington presents himself, not merely as the noble and suc
cessful leader of a great people struggling for their rights, but as
the rebel and the partisan, having many and bitter enemies,
who were capable of covering his name with the filth of their
abuse." 
From the Philadelphia North American.
" The work is novel, curious, interesting, and valuable in a very
high degree. Its effect is, to transport ns back into the time of
the Revolution in a more ' realizing ' manner than ever known
before ; so that we seem ourselves to be a living, moving portion
of the great panorama."

From the N. Y. Herald.
" We have been so accustomed to read American history through
the medium of rhetorical periods, better adapted to Fourth of
July orations than to the calm and impartial investigation of past
occurrences, that it is refreshing to meet with a book in which
the exact color of events is preserved, and the individuality of the
author lost. Every page of the work teems with facts gathered
from the daily life of the Revolution, and thus, without the inter
vention of modern speculation, we have brought before us not
merely the actors in the great drama of the Revolution, but their
actual thoughts,- feelings, and emotions.

From, the Independent.
"There is not— we speak advisedly and deliberately— in the

9

whole range of volumes and libraries upon American history,
there is not to be found any single contribution toward that his
tory of such value as that contained in these two volumes. The
author has made no attempt to write a history, nor does he indulge
in comment or criticism upon the materials which he has so labo
riously brought together; but he has reproduced, as by the
photographic art, the very times and s0ene8 of the american
Revolution as they were to the men who moved in the midst
of them. From the newspapers of that period, papers of every
shade of political opinion, he has carefully and conscientiously
culled the facts and incidents of the hour, with the notes and com
ments of those who recorded them ;— these he has arranged in
chronological order, and then has classified them in a complete
and elaborate index. The labor of such a work is immense ; its
value is incalculable: the reader will find init much to amuse and
instruct hiin upon many incidental topics, and a perfect mirror of
the Revolutionary era."

From the Christian Enquirer.
" 'The Diary of the Revolution' marks a new era in the litera
ture of the American Revolution. It presents no opinions and
no comments, but reproduces, with the naturalness of a daguer
reotype, the thoughts, feelings, aspirations, hopes, misgivings — in
one word, all the conflicting^emotions which stirred the minds of
men during the exciting period of our War of Independence.
Here we have, for the first time, history untainted and unsophis
ticated by the individuality and the fancy of the writer — history
stripped of all its meretricious adornments of style and criticism
— undefiled, genuine history, based upon facts squeezed out from
the newspapers of the times, and bearing upon their face the
marks of their truthfulness and stern reality. In pondering over
Frank Moore's unpretending but instructive pages, we become, as
it were, for the first time, aware that our Revolution was not due
to a few ambitious leaders, hut" that hundreds and hundreds of
anonymous writers all over the country sounded its tocsin, and
prepared the explosion of public opinion which found its climax
in the Declaration of Independence.
" The Diary is animated by a more truthful appreciation of our
national character than all the emanations of rhetorical historians.
The Toms, Dicks and Harrys whose communications he intro
duces for the first time before the public, are much more sturdy
specimens of the spirit of the universal Yankee nation than the
stilted heroes of their imaginations. Far from us the desire of
detracting either from the patriotic glory of the venerated foun
ders of our Republic, or from the literary laurels of their eulogists
and chroniclers ; but Frank Moore demonstrates the truth which
the latter have failed to establish.
"His 'Diary' shows that the leaders; of our Revolution acted
in obedience to the public sentiment, and tells us, by its copious

10
and sagacious newspaper extracts, how this public sentiment
was formed by those anonymous writers, whom we are ob
liged to designate by the general name of people, because we do
not know their real name, and because their name was legion.
"In this respect, then, the 'Diary' has struck an entirely new
chord. Our eminent writers bring before our eyes the stage of
history with the masterly skill of experienced dramatists, but the
editor of this work leads us behind the curtain. The heroes of
the former are few in number, but are made to dazzle the sight
by the splendor of their appearance. The 'Diary,' however,
teaches us to understand the tricks or mysteries of the stage, and
points good-naturedly to the pile of dusty papers in the green
room, and to the voice of the prompter, who whispers to the
actors the words of the play, but whose name is never mentioned.
" While our rhetorical historians crown the actors with laurels,
and are greeted with enthusiastic applause by the audience, Frank
Moore labors faithfully at the dusty papers behind the curtain, and
gradually, after some sixteen years of persistent toil, it oozes out
that those much-bepraised actors were only the agents, and that
they were roused to action by the omnipotent voice of public
opinion, as it thundered through the pages of those dusty jour
nals which this 'Diary of the American Revolution' has saved
from oblivion."

From the Philadelphia Evening Journal.
" The ' Diary of the Revolution' is a photograph of the times,
and is a graphic delineation of the manners, the customs, the
whole social life of the country in an era of distinguished men,
and which was fruitful of great events. We know of no work
which gives us so vivid a picture of the days which tried men's
souls as the interesting volumes which are now presented to tho
American public."

From the New York Express.
"By this work we are taken behind the scenes; we are intro
duced to the actors; we talk with them and listen to them; we
feel with or against them ; we believe in their motives. We are
not reading a calm statement, but receiving an animated defence
or attack. We laugh or are indignant ; we blush or are angered at
what we see or hear. We gain all sorts of odd information ; out
of the way news comes straight to us. We form a more correct
and better idea of the times and the men than from reading a
hundred measured tomes."

From the Philadelphia Press.
" The peculiar feature in this work which distinguishes it from
all other historical collections is that the conflicting views of persons
and events, as produced by writers on both sides of the question

11

— the whigs favoring independence, and the tories desirous of
keeping the United Provinces under the harsh dominion of George
the Third — are here related with great tact, blended with surpris
ing felicity, and dovetailed together with remarkable success.
Of all the historical works treating of our great revolutionary
struggle, there is not one so full of varied interest as this. Open
either volume where you may, and something amusing or instruc
tive strikes the eye.
" It may be said that this 'Diary' is the apotheosis of journalism,
for it is principally composed of newspaper accounts, for and
against, of the incidents, great and small, of the War of Inde
pendence."

This work is sold by Subscription only, at Five Dollars per Set, in Cloth;
or in Sheep Library Style, $6 50 ; in Half Turkey Morocco, $7 50 ; in
Half Calf Extra, or Antique, $8 00 ; in Turkey Morocco, $18 00.
CHAELES SCKIBNEK, Publishes,
124 Grand Street, Hew York.

NOTICE.
An earlier series of this work, embracing the newspaper his
tory of the American colonies, from the year 1750 until the com
mencement of 1775, is in course of preparation, and will be pub
lished, by subscription only, at an early day. Subscriptions,
payable on delivery of the work, are received by mail or otherwise,
by the Editor, at New York City.
Price per Volume, 575 pages, Two Dollars and Fifty Gents.

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