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RICHARDSON'S
WAR OF 1813

Bdition iooo Copies
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Major John Richardson.

RICHARDSON'S WAR A OF A 1512

^.j»WITH NOTES ANE>jt.^»
A LIFE OF THE AUTHOR
By
Alexander Clark Casselman

HISTORICAL PUBLISHING CO.
TORONTO n A n n A 190 2

Entered according to Act of the Parliament of Canada, in the year nineteen
hundred and two, by the Historical Pcblishing Co., Toronto, at the
Department of Agriculture.

Toronto :
The Bryant Press, Printers
1902

PREFATORY NOTE.
The preparation of the biography of Major John Rich
ardson entailed a large amount of independent research.
Before I had gone far in the study of his career I found
that all existing biographies were meagre, fragmentary
or wrong in many important details. Several of his
relatives have beeti personally interviewed, other rela
tives have been communicated with ; and for the first
time the date and the place, both of his birth and of his
death , are correctly given . The bibliography will be found
to be more nearly complete and, as far as it goes, more
accurate than any previous attempt to give a list of his
works and of the editions published. Every positive
statement in the biography or the bibliography is made
on the authority of documentary evidence in my posses
sion. Failing such evidence, I have been cautious in
statement ; and I shall gladly welcome any additional
information on the subject.
The genealogy of the Richardson and the Askin fami
lies is not intended to be complete ; but it is hoped that
it will be found of some historical interest and value.
The letters of Colonel John Askin, Major John Rich
ardson and Colonel Elijah Brush have never been pub
lished before ; and it must be conceded that they throw
absolutely new sidelights on that period of our history.
One promise made in the announcement of this book
has not been fulfilled. No picture of Major-General
Henry Procter could be obtained. Under a mistaken
impression, which is by no means uncommon, arrange
ments had been made to publish the portrait of Ivieut.-
General Henry Adolphus Proctor, C.B., when I found
that it was not his military achievements that occupy so
large a share of Richardson' si narrative. The careers of
these two officers are briefly given in the Appendix.
No change has been made in Richardson's narrative

vi prkfatory note.
except to correct the manifest typographical errors, to
which he refers in the advertisement at the end of his
volume. But the official despatches of the British and
American officers, as given in the original edition of
1842, were found on comparison with the Archives and
other sources to be in many cases incorrect or abbreviated.
Rather than impair the historical value of the volume
by leaving the despatches imperfect, I have in each
instance substituted without comment the full official
account. To the numerous friends and relatives of Major Rich
ardson, I tender my sincere thanks for the aid they have
given, which has enabled me to prepare the biography.
I am particularly indebted also to Mr. C. C. James, M.A.,
Deputy Minister of Agriculture for Ontario, for valuable
advice and many historical notes; and to my lifelong
friend, Mr. John Stewart Carstairs, B.A., of Harbord St.
Collegiate Institute, Toronto, for help in the revision of
the proofs and in the preparation of the biography.
A. C. C.
Toronto, February, 1902.

CONTENTS.
PAGE
Prefatory Note. v
Introduction. xi
Biography of Major John Richardson. Biblio
graphy. I
Indians in British Wars — Riots of the
"War-Hawks." 5
Efforts to Control Indians. Riots at Baltimore.
Kindly Feeling in the North. II
Hull's Invasion — Capture of Michilimackinac. 13
Defences at Amherstburg. Hull's Proclamation.
Brock's Proclamation. First Engagement. Capture
of Michilimackinac. Promptness of Captain Rob
erts. His Official Despatch. Articles of Capitula
tion. John Askin' s Letter. Ill
Brownstown and Maguaga. 26
Defeat of Major Van Horne. Indian Ferocity.
Indian Scalped. James' History Criticised. Retreat
of British and Indians. Regulars at a Disadvan
tage. Major Dalliba's Report., Major Dalliba's
Report Criticised. vii

viii CONTENTS PAGE
IV
Brock's Capture of Detroit. 47
Preparations for the Siege. The British Cross
the Detroit. Bold Advance of the British. A White
Flag. The British Occupy the Fort. Brock's
Gsneral Order. Brock's Official Despatch. Articles
of Capitulation. Brock's Proclamation. Hull's
Despatch. I^etter of Colonel Cass. Review of
Hull's Despatch and Cass' I^etter. How Brock
Saved Canada. Transportation of Prisoners. The
Detroit and Caledonia Surprised. Narrow Escape
of Brock. V
Expedition to Fort Wayne. 93
Difficulties of the Undertaking. American Scouts
Killed by Indians. Major Muir's Retreat. American
Accounts. Indian Adoption of a Prisoner. Difficult
Duties of the 41st Regiment. VI
Battle of Queenston Heights. 104
An Unwise Armistice. Queenston Attacked by
Americans. British Opposition. Brock and Mac-
donell Mortally Wounded. Flank Attack of General
Sheaffe. Defeat and Surrender of the American
Army. Officers of the York Militia Engaged.
Sheaffe' s Official Account . Van Rensselaer' s Official
Account. Captain Wool's Report.
VII
The Battle of Frenchtown. 132
Fort Meigs Built. Major Reynolds Repulsed.
Advance of t^olonel Procter. The Battle. General
Winchester Taken Prisoner.. I,ieut. Irvine's Daring
Feat. Ingratitude of a Prisoner. Procter's Official
Report. General Winchester's Official Report.
General Harrison's Report.

CONTENTS IX
PAGE
VIII
The Battle op the Miami. 148
Harrison at Forti Meigs. The Fort Besieged by
General Procter. British Batteries Captured. Re
taken. Clay's Division Defeated. Harrison's Suc
cessful Sortie. Exchange of Prisoners. Massacre
of Prisoners. James Corrected. Noble Act of
Metoss. The Bombardment Ineffectual. The Siege
Raised. General Procter's Official Account. Proc
ter's Account Criticized. General Harrison's Des
patch, No. I. General Harrison's Despatch, No. 2.
General Clay's Report. General Clay's Address to
the Troops.
IX
The Attack on Fort Stephenson. 177
The Fighting 41st. Tecumseh's Plan. Its Fail
ure. Procter's Assault of Fort Stephenson. The
Assault Repulsed. Major Croghan' s Gallant Defence.
Adjutant-General Baynes' Report. Major Croghan's
Report. General Procter's Report.
X
The Battle of Lake Erie. 189
American activity in building Vessels. Barclay' s
motley Force. The Engagement. Perrj; shifts his
Flag. The British Fleet Destroyed. Comparison of
the Squadrons. Barclay's Official Account. Report
of I/ieut. Inglis. Perry's Official Account.
s,
XI
The Battle of Moraviantown. 204
Procter's proposed Retreat. Tecumseh's Speech.
Preparations for Retreat. Harrison's Pursuit. Defeat
of the British. British Retreat cut off. Death of
Tecumseh. Prevost's General Order. Prevost

X CONTENTS PAGB
characterized. Harrison's Report Criticized. Re
buttal of Procter's Defence. An Officer's Diary.
Procter's Defence Reviewed. Major Friend's Let
ter. Lieut. Bullock's Reply. General Harrison's
Report. XII.
Prisoners of War. 243
Officers Paroled. ' Visit to Barclay's shattered
Fleet. At Fort Stephenson. March to Chillicothe.
Arrival at Chillicothe. Prevost's General Order.
President Madison's Order. Treatment of the Brit
ish Prisoners. Misery of the Prisoners. Plan for
Escape Formed. Plot Revealed. In Fetters. Suf-
erings while in Irons. Removal to Frankfort.
Lieutenant Harrison's Kindness. Again on Parole.
Hopes of Release Crushed. Prevost's General Order.
Firm Stand of Prevost. General Winder's Reply.
Negotiations Continued. Departure from Frankfort.
Escape of Indian Prisoners. In a Pitiable Plight.
Embark for Cleveland. Richardson Joins the 8th.
Regiment.Appendix. 295
Major Muir's Official Report of the Expedition to
Fort Wayne.
Letter from Colonel John Askin, Strabane, to Cap
tain Charles Askin, of the Militia, stationed
at Chippawa.
Letter from John Richardson to his uncle, Cap
tain Charles Askin, at Queenston.
Letter from Colonel Elijah Brush, Detroit, to
Colonel John Askin, Strabane.
Notes on Illustrations.

INTRODUCTION.
biography of major JOHN RICHARDSON.
On the Canadian side of the Niagara river, just where
its foaming and turbulent waters issue from the narrow,
rocky gorge, stands the straggling village of Queenston.
The place at the present time is of very little importance
except as a terminal port for a magnificent iieet of
pleasure vessels that carry tourists and excursion parties
to visit the Falls, five or six miles farther up the river.
But as the scene of one of the proudest victories of
Canadian and British arms during the War of 1812
Queenston has won a fame that is world-wide.
The settlement proper of the country dates from the
close of the Revolutionary war, when the disbanded
soldiers of Butler's Rangers and other United Empire
Loyalists took up grants of land on the banks of the
river. At the mouth of the river there soon grew up the
town of Niagara (Newark), opposite Fort Niagara, at
that time and until 1 796 in the hands of the British.
The great highway of the trade with Detroit and other
western settlements was the Niagara, and as this trade
increased, the laden vessels from the lakes were taken as
far up the river as possible, to shorten the portage
around the Falls. This head of navigation was called at
first the New Landing, and later Queenstown. Thus
favorably situated for trade, the new town prospered
and soon became the home of several pioneer merchants,
who never dreamed that the stream of commerce could
possibly find any other course.
Queenston derived an additional importance, at this
early period, from its proximity to the seat of govern
ment of the new. Province of Upper Canada. The first
Lieutenant-Governor of the Province, Colonel John
Graves Simcoe, selected Niagara as the capital ; and to
enforce his authority and protect his person a British
Regiment was sent to Canada. This Regiment was
recruited in England, Scotland, Nova Scotia and New
Brunswick, and was called the Queen's Rangers, from a

xii introduction
corps, commanded by Colonel Simcoe, during the war of
the Revolution. Among the officers of the new corps
who had not held commands in the old one was a young
Scotchman named Robert Richardson, the Assistant
Surgeon, a scion of the younger branch of the Annan
dale family, which had clung to the fortunes of the
Pretender. The detachment of the Queen's Rangers,
with which Dr. Richardson served, was quartered at
Queenston. The young military surgeon became
acquainted with the leading merchant of the place.
Honorable Robert Hamilton, member of the Legislative
Council, who had married Catherine Askin, daughter of
Colonel John Askin, a wealthy merchant of Detroit.
At his home Dr. Richardson met Miss Madeleine,
another daughter of Colonel Askin, then on a visit to
her sister. The visits of the handsome young Scotch
man were as frequent as his military duties would
permit, and the beautiful and accomplished Madeleine
encouraged him in his wooing; for we see in the
records of St. Mark's church, Niagara, that "Doctor
Robert Richardson, bachelor, and Madeleine Askin,
spinster," were married by Reverend Robert Addison
on January 24th, 1793. In July of this year a part at
least of the Queen's Rangers left Queenston for Toronto,
and Dr. Richardson accompanied them, leaving his wife
with her sister. We learn from a letter written in
French by Mrs. Richardson to her stepmother, Mrs.
Askin at Detroit, that she is passing a very sad time
awaiting news from Toronto, as no boat has arrived
from there lately ; and that, if she could only know that
Mr. Richardson was well, she would be satisfied.
While Mrs. Richardson resided at Queenston their
three eldest children were born : Jane, born May 19th,
1794, baptized at Niagara, August 17th; John, born
October 4th, 1796, baptized January 5th, 1797 ; Robert,
born September loth, 1798, baptized December 30th of
the same year.
In the fall of 180 1 a detachment of the Queen's
Rangers was ordered to Fort St. Joseph, a post on the
island of the same name, near the head of Lake Huron.
Dr. Richardson accompanied this force to the western
post, but the prospects of providing suitable accommoda
tion for his wife and young family in this fort were not
very promising, so it was arranged that Mrs. Richardson
and family should live with her father at Detroit.

BIOGRAPHY OP RICHARDSON xiii
In the summer of 1802 the Rangers were disbanded,
and the officers and men with their wives and children,
were provided with transport if they wished to return to
Great Britain. Dr. Richardson remained in Canada, and
was appointed surgeon to the Governor and garrison of
Fort Amherstburg ; and on June 7th, 1807, he was ap
pointed Judge of the District Court of the Western
District, an office he held until his death in 1832. Here
all his children were reared and educated. His eldest
son John was particularly brilliant, and although he
hated school he seems to have made considerable pro
gress in Latin, French and Euclid, as well as in the ordi
nary branches of an English education. Unfortunately
this course of instruction was abruptly cut short by the
United States declaring war and by the preparations
for the invasion of his native province. Much as he
may have lost by his lack of schooling, no trace of
such loss is perceptible in hii5 writings. And in
estimating the formative influences that produced our
first novelist of romance, our first delineator of manners
and customs, we must look elsewhere.
In that generation such a home and such a family as
those of the Richardsons must have been peculiarly
stimulating. The father, combining the strictness ofthe
soldier, the kindness of the physician and the sternness
of the judge, commanded the love and the respect, not
only of his own family, but of the community. Even
the redoubtable Simon Girty, the Sampson Gattrie of
" The Canadian Brothers," was awed into decorum at
the sight of the judge. The gentler virtues and the
gentler graces found their exponent in his mother. Edu
cated at the Convent of Congregation de Notre Dame at
Montreal, the foremost institution for young ladies in
Canada, Madeleine Richardson, with the national pride of
her race, taught her children from their earliest years to
speak and write the French language. It has been said
, that he who knows only one language does not know any.
In the learning of two languages young Richardson' s mind
was broadened, his observation quickened, and a nice
perception cultivated — perhaps as only years of training
in the class-room could have perfected. His quick eye
for natural beauty, his power in vivid description and his
marvellous ability in handling the sentence, are an in
heritance or an acquisition from his vivacious mother.
Nor was the influence of his grandfather's home less

xiv INTRODUCTION
marked. Although a British subject. Colonel Askin had
been unable, owing to large mercantile interests, to re
move from Detroit to Canada till April, 1802. Onthe
banks of the river Detroit opposite the lower end of
Belle Isle, then called Hog Island, there soon rose the
modest dwelling named Strabane, after the family seat
in Ireland. How greatly this removal influenced young
Richardson may be read in his after life. Who can
doubt that this devoted British officer would impress on
his youthful grandson that to live under that flag which
he had served so long was worth the sacrifice of a home
and a vast estate ? Here it was that Mrs. Askin used to
tell the boy those thrilUng stories of romance, of Detroit,
of Michilimackinac, that enchained his young imagina
tion. None made so deep an impression as the crafty
and well-conceived plans of Pontiac, the great chief of
the Ottawas, and his persistent efforts to capture Fort
Detroit. The events of that historic siege were the most
exciting- episodes in a life not lacking in exciting inci
dents. She had been an inmate of the fort, and the
lapse of time had not bedimmed one of the startling ex
periences of those eighteen months. Proofs of the
power of this accomplished lady as a story-teller still
exist. Her youthful listener even at that early age was
enkindled with a desire, ilot to be realized till he had
passed through thirty years of vicissitudes in two conti-
tinents, when in 1832 he gave to the world his masterly
"Wacousta." If the home life was thus wholesome in formative influ
ences, the community also in which he dwelt was rich in a
novel and diversified life that presented itself to his daily
observation at an age when the sharpest and most lasting
impressions are made. No other place on the continent
could boast of a floating population so varied in charac
ter and race, so rich in well-defined types of civilized and
barbarous human nature. At Amherstburg there were
the officers and soldiers of the garrison, dressed in bril
liant uniforms, moving about with apparently few duties
to perform, attracting the boyish fancy and exciting his
admiration and his env}'. Nor was the British officer
wholly unworthy of this adoration. A scion of one of
Britain's best families, he obtained promotion oftener by
purchase than by proficiency gained from actual service ;
fully cognizant of his own importance, here he lived in a
community that fully acknowledged his superiority.

BIOGRAPHY OP RICHARDSON XV
Next to the soldiers in attractiveness were the Indians
that periodically repaired to the town to receive at the
hands of the Superintendent of Indian Affairs their cus
tomary presents. Many a time young Richardson would
wander to the shores of the Detroit to watch the large
fleets of canoes in military array, heading for the camping
ground of Bois Blanc island ; or as the Indians marched
to the storekeeper's with a pride and haughty mien that
contrasted strangely with the object of their visit, or as
they engaged in various games of leaping, wrestling,
ball-playing, he would follow and delight in receiving
recognition from some chieftain whose acquaintance he
had made before. Often, on a visit to the island camp,
he would be an interested spectator of their daily habits ;
it was thus that he acquired that close and accurate
knowledge of Indian character and life that he afterwards
so successfully used in his literary productions. His de-
Uneation of Indian character in ' ' Wacousta ' ' has never
been equalled, even by James Fenimore Cooper himself.
In ' ' The Canadian Brothers ' ' he gives us a description
of the principal Indian chiefs who were allies of the Brit
ish in the War of 1812, to be found nowhere else.
Besides the soldiers and the Indians, there were those
engaged in the fur trade, now fast declining here owing
to the march of civilization westward. The French-
Canadian and half-breed voyageur had not wholly for
saken the Detroit ; and at times was to be seen the
trader, just returned from trafficking Avith the Indians at
their homes in the wilds of the interior, and in dress or
complexion scarcely distinguishable from the Indians
themselves — in some cases not degenerate successors of
the coureurs de bois of the French period.
, It was among such varied surroundings, then, that
Richardson must have accumulated almost all the
material that he used so effectively in history, poem or
novel. The scenes of his boyhood are the favorite set
ting for his characters ; and never after his boyhood had
he the opportunity for a lengthened stay in those beloved
haunts. The news of the declaration of war against Great
Britain reached Amherstburg, and awoke this frontier
garrison from its monotonous routine of regular work.
The miUtia were called out. The marine department
became active in fitting out trading schooners and small

xvi INTRODUCTION
gunboats for the purpose of defending from invasion the
western district. The academic life of John Richardson
was brought suddenly to a close. Hull's army had
appeared on its march to Detroit, whence as a base it was,
to invade the land of a contented and happy people,
guiltless of wrong to the United States. All the martial
spirit of his ancestors was roused in John Richardson,
and at the tender age of fifteen he resolved to fight in
defence of his native land.
Through the influence of his father, and his grandfather
Askin, he was appointed a gentleman volunteer on the
strength of the 41st Regiment, a detachment of which -
was in garrison at Fort Amherstburg. From a District
General Order we learn that ' ' The undermentioned gen
tlemen are appointed as volunteers in His Majesty's
regular forces, from the periods specified opposite their
respective names. They will continue to do duty with
the 41st Regiment until further orders.
Henry Procter, Gent., ist July, 181 2.
Alex. Wilkinson, " i " 1812.
John Richardson, " 9 " 1812.
By Order. Thomas Evans,
Brigade Major."
Richardson fought in every engagement in which the
detachment of the 41st took part, until its disastrous
defeat at Moraviantown on October 5th, 18 13. On this
occasion he was taken prisoner, and suffered close im
prisonment until released in 1814. The story of these
engagements and his experiences during his captivity
are fully set forth in his history of the Right Division.
With the exception of the official reports of the officers
commanding, his account of these engagements, and of
the captivity of the prisoners, is the only one that has
been written by any of the participators. In his first
novel, " Ecarte," Dormer, one of the characters, and Clif
ford Delmaine, the hero, meet after years of separation in
Paris. Dormer describes his experiences since they were
schoolmates. The adventures of Dormer in the army in
Canada and his imprisoament coincide closely with the
actual events in this part of Richardson's career. In
' ' The Canadian Brothers ' ' one can gather likewise the
story of the events in which the Right Division took
part, and the story of the imprisonment.

From History of Freemasonry, by J. Ross Robertson, Toronto,

Amherstburg, 1800.

BIOGRAPHY OF RICHARDSON xvii
After his return from captivity he was given a lieuten-
antcy in the 2nd Battalion of the Sth (King's) Regiment.
In June, 18 15, both battalions embarked at Quebec for
Ostend, to join the Duke of Wellington's army in
Flanders. But Waterloo had been fought and won
before they were half way across the Atlantic. As a
permanent peace with France seemed to have been made,
and as Britain had no need for so large a standing army,
several regiments were reduced. Transferring its men
fit for duty to the first battalion, the second battalion of
the Eighth disbanded on the 24th of December, 1815,
and its officers were placed' upon half -pay. Within six
months Sir Henry Torrens, then Military Secretary, pro
cured Richardson's appointment to his own, the Second
or Queen's Regiment ; and on the 24th of April, 18 16,
the regiment embarked at Portsmouth for the West
Indies, and landed at Barbadoes on June 5th. How long
he remained with the Queen's is not known, but it is
probable that he was invalided home after a short term
of service in that exceedingly unhealthy climate. He
was subsequently transferred to the 92nd Highlanders,
and was again placed on half -pay on October ist, 181 8.
For the next ten years Richardson lived the life of a
literary man in London with occasional visits to Paris.
He wrote sketches of West Indian and Canadian life
that appeared in the periodicals of the time, and pro
duced two of his longer works, the poem "Tecumseh"
published in i828(?), and the novel "Ecarte, or the Salons
of Paris," published in 1829.
" Tecumseh," Richardson's only effort in poetry con
sists of four cantos of 188 stanzas of ottava rima ; in the
first canto there are 45 stanzas, in the second 50, in the
third 48 and in the fourth 45. No evidence is at hand
from which we can judge how this poem was received
in literary circles in England. The generation born
during the Napoleonic wars would not be enraptured with
martial poems: they had experienced too many of the hard
ships of war. At that time the heroic deeds and states
manlike achievements of our greatest Indian ally were
unknown in Britain, and could appeal to but a limited
number of readers. The poem itself is marked by a strict
adherence to the conventional stanza form, with which
Byron, took such Hberties in his Don Juan. With a few
exceptions, there is marked care in the choice of words

xviii INTRODUCTION
and in the workmanship. The epic theme follows closely
the historical facts and presents many opportunities for
effective dramatic treatment. But perhaps the measure
chosen was ill-adapted to so stirring a subject. That
Richardson was not quite satisfied with his poetic effort
is proved by his confining himself to prose in future.
"Ecarte," said Captain R. H. Barclay, in a letter to
the author, ' ' is assuredly an able and dreadful essay
against the most insidious and ruinous of alL sorts of dis
sipation and idleness, gaming, bad enough anywhere, but
perhaps in Paris it holds its throne." Paris was then a
favorite resort for many young British officers absent on
leave ; and Richardson, in his visits, appears to have
entered fully into the gay life of that metropoUs. He
had an affair of honor with a French officer of Cuirassiers
and probably indulged in play, but it is hardly possible
that he lost heavily, got in debt and was given time to
contemplate the fickleness of fortune, and form good
resolutions for the future in a room in the prison he so
accurately describes in "Ecarte."
This novel was published by Colburn, of London, and
was well received in some quarters ; but, by a strange
circumstance, was doomed in so far as it might possibly
bring immediate fame to the author and wealth to the
publisher. Jerdan, a leading influential writer on the
staff of the Literary Gazette, had some disagreement with
Colburn, and to be revenged wrote him that he would
"cut up " his next book in his review. The next book
published by Colburn was " Ecarte," and Jerdan was as
good as his word. This unwarranted criticism, Richardson
acknowledges in "Eight Years in Canada," prevented
him from writing many more works.
However, he appears to have been busy with his pen
as " Wacousta " appeared ini832. This story was pub
lished in three volumes by T. Cadell, Strand, London,
and from the first met with great success. A second edi
tion was pubHshed in the same style in 1840. It is
considered his best work.
The London Literary Gazette, the London Atheneum
the London Satirist, the Morning Post, the London
Atlas and Miss Sheridan's Magazine spoke in very flat
tering terms of the novel and the author. He was atonce
recognized as a powerful rival of Cooper, then at the
height of his popularity in England and America

:biography of richardson xix
The story is founded upon the designs of Pontiac to
possess himself of the fort at Detroit. The principal
characters are drawn from the actors in that historic
event, and are portrayed with a marked fidelity to his
torical accuracy. Even Wacousta himself may have
been suggested by the career of some real personage. The
only feature of the story that it is possible to consider
weak may be found in the incident of the capture in the
St. Clair river of the schooner, having on board the sur
vivors of the massacre at Fort Michilimackinac. Here,
to cause the capture to take place in the river, the author,
departing from geographical truth, makes the St. Clair a
narrow stream, with the branches of the tall trees meeting
in an arch overhead. But even for this he may
well plead the licence that is always granted to writers of
fiction. ,
The interview between Pontiac and Governor De Hal-
dimar in the great council hall of the fort is the master
stroke of all Richardson's Hterary work. For dramatic
power and graphic description it has not often been sur
passed or even equalled in the language. As a character-
sketch, unfolding on the one hand the adroit craft and
subtle deceit of Pontiac with all the varied play of mo
tives, and on the other the defiant confidence and intrepid
fidelity to principle of the governor, it will compare
favorably with those searching analyses of human pas
sions to be found in the works of George EHot.
Richardson has been accused of imitating Cooper in
this novel. How closely one author may follow the style
and character of another's productions and still rank as
a great writer, will never be very clearly determined.
The only ground for such an accusation is that both
wrote stories with Indians figuring prominently in the
foreground. And it is doubtful that Richardson owes
more to Cooper's works than the bare suggestion that a
romance deaHng with the Canadian Indian would prove
both popular and successful. For such a work he pos
sessed peculiar qualifications, in power, in material and
in desire. His power had already been revealed in
' ' Ecarte ' ' ; his material had been gathered from the ex
periences of his boyhood and the stirring stories he heard
from his grandmother ; the desire had been enkindled
thirty years before when he heard those stories by the
open fireplace at Strabane.

XX introduction
Richardson's characters are never impossible. His
Indians have aU the virtues and all the vices of the great
est prototypes of the race. He was personaUy acquainted
with Tecumseh. His grandmother had been in the fort
when besieged by Pontiac. The original of Captain
Erskine is no doubt his grandfather, Colonel John
Askin ; Lieutenant Johnstone is probably his father's
relative. Dr. Richardson belonged to the Annandale
family, so did Lieutenant Johnstone ; and further to
prove the identity, one of Major Richardson's half-
brothers was named Johnstone Richardson, plainly show
ing that Johnstone was a family name. The name of
Bombardier Kitson for one of the minor characters is a
reminiscence of an officer of that name in the Royal Ar
tillery who fought with the Right Division in the War of
1 8 1 2 . No doubt a careful comparison of the incidents of
the novel with the actual events would reveal many
other similarities. This is an instance in which we must
go to fiction for reliable history.
In 1834 the Spanish Ambassador to Great Britain re
cruited an army in that country to assist the regent,
Christina, to preserve the throne of Spain for her daugh
ter Isabella, against the forces of Don Carlos, who
claimed the crown. This force, which consisted of ten
regiments of 1,000 men each, was known as the " British
Auxiliary Legion," and was under the command of
Lieut. -General De Lacy Evans, a veteran officer who had
seen active service in India and the Peninsula, at Wash
ington and New Orleans, and as Quartermaster- General
at Waterloo. Richardson was assigned a captaincy in
the 2nd Regiment, which sailed from Portsmouth on board
the transport Royal Tar, on July 23rd, 1835, and arrived at
San Sebastian on the 27th. After a short stay here the
Legion marched to Vitoria, where typhus fever carried
off about 700 men and 40 officers. The soldierly quali
ties and executive abiHty of Richardson were recognized
by his being appointed commandant of Vitoria ; but on
January 30th, 1836, he was stricken down with the pre
vailing malady. His splendid physique, however, en
abled him to combat the disease, and he rose from his
bed on the 17th of March. During his illness intrigue
and jealousy were at work, and he was displaced on the
staff by a relative of the Lieut. -General ; and to add to
his troubles his regiment and the 5th were broken up.

biography of RICHARDSON Xxi
but he was appointed senior captain in the 6th (Scotch
Grenadiers). To recuperate, Richardson applied for and
received two months' leave of absence to visit England.
He left Vitoria in April and proceeded to the coast, but
before he had an opportunity to embark for England the
Legion marched to the attack of San Sebastian, now
occupied by the Cariists. Although on sick leave, Rich
ardson, in his anxiety to be of assistance, volunteered
his services on the staff. His offer was refused, and, en
feebled as he was, he led his own company of the 6th
Regiment in the battle of the 5th of May.
An account of this battle appears in his memoirs. On
the nth he left Spain for London by way of Paris.
While in Spain he kept a journal which he was anxious
to publish, as it would in a measure be an answer to the
attacks and aspersions made against the character and
actions of the Legion by the persons and the press that
opposed interference with the internal affairs of a foreign
nation. While in London a Gazette appeared which .contained
a list of the names of officers decorated for their conduct
in the action of May 5th. Richardson's name did not
appear, and, to add to his disappointment, he was morti
fied to find in the announcement that a junior officer had
been promoted to a majority over his head. In his
anger he wrote an addition to the preface of his book,
" Movements of the British Legion," in which he set
fprth his claims, and in doing so reflected somewhat on
the conduct of the other officers. When his wrath had
subsided he recalled the irritating paragraphs and substi
tuted others less incisive ; but he had already sent a copy
of the preface to the Lieut. -General, and had written a
private letter to the military secretary in which was con
veyed a mild threat that some officers had honors to
which they were not entitled. Meanwhile Richardson
started for Spain and at once carried out his plans against
the Lieut. -General ^nd other officers, which resulted in
the appointment of a court of inquiry to investigate and
report on the whole affair.
On the 29th of June, just one day before the assem-
bHng of the court, his year of service having expired, he
tendered his resignation and signified his retirement from
the service. He therefore appeared before the commis
sion, not as an officer of the Legion, but as a

xxii INTRODUCTION
private citizen, and at the investigation his superior
talents, aided by the justice of his cause, enabled
him to wring from a hostile court a verdict that
exonerated him in every particular. After the an
nouncement of the verdict the Lieut. -General intimated
to Richardson that he would like to make reparation for
the injury that had been done him. Consequently it
was arranged that his resignation should be withdrawn.
On this being done Richardson appeared in general orders
as promoted to a vacant majority which was dated May
13th, and at the same time was transferred from the 6th
Scotch to the 4th Queen's Own Fusiliers. With this regi
ment Major Richardson served till the 19th of August,
being in command of it at an engagement at the
" Heights of Passages " on July 30th, 1836. Soon after,
he returned to England.
To'Major Richardson's experiences in Spain we owe
the existence of three of his works. ' ' Movements of
the British Legion," referred to before, recounts in the
form of a journal the operations from their arrival at San
Sebastian, July 27th, 1835, till the attack on the same
stronghold. May 5th, 1836. The second edition, pub
lished in 1837, contains also the narrative to the close of
March, 1837. Thfe book in its first edition is a faithful
account of the events of the campaign, and is a worthy
tribute to the mihtary capacity of Lieutenant-General
De Lacy Evans, the commander-in-chief. But the fail
ure of that officer to promote Richardson to a majority
to which he was entitled by seniority, led to a bitter per
sonal quarrel with the Lieutenant-General, who does not
seem to have been averse to showing a desire for revenge
on the Major, who had worsted him before the Court, of
Inquiry. As De Lacy Evans had estranged his offi
cers, had infringed the rules of service and had secured
a reputation for delay and indecision, he was not invul
nerable, and Richardson was always a merciless assail
ant. Accordingly, in the second part of the second edi
tion, the author seldom loses an opportunity of
attributing every failure or disaster to the incapacity of
the commander. As a fact, . only ten of the fifty ex
perienced officers who had originally embarked in the
cause chose to remain. It was easy for the officers to
withdraw from the service, but with the rank and file it
was very different. They had to stay tiU their term of

BIOGRAPHY OF RICHARDSON Xxiii
service expired, and when this time came their pay was
in arrears and no passage to England was to be got.
Some re-enlisted, others in their despera:tion joined, the
Cariists. Their plight was a melancholy one. Neglected
by their native country and cast off without pay by the
nation they served, the survivors managed to reach Great
Britain in a penniless condition, deplorable examples of
the neglect usually shoWn to the private soldier when
the nation no longer requires his services.
The affairs of Spain were made the subject of a debate
in the British House of Commons on the motion of Sir
Henry Hardinge. In this debate the opportunity was
seized by O' Connell and some other members to attack
Richardson, but his character and conduct were clearly
vindicated. His cause was championed by Captain
Boldero and Sir Henry Hardinge, the proposer of the
motion. It would be exceedingly unfair even to hint
that anything but justice could influence a man of the
integrity and noble character of Sir Henry Hardinge,
but his interest in Richardson in this connection may
have arisen from his kindly remembrance of Richard
son's father when they served in the same regiment.
Sir Henry Hardinge began that military career which
shone so brilliantly at Albuera and at Ferozshuhr, as an
ensign in the Queen's Rangers'!^ 1798 in Upper Canada,
when Dr. Richardson was assistant surgeon of the same
corps. No better example of the appreciation of the subtleties
of language can be found than in the volume, " Move
ments of the British Legion." At p. 162, in discussing
the unhealthy and uncomfortable condition of the hos
pitals at Vitoria, Richardson had said :
' ' Things are said to have been better managed in Por
tugal under Mr. Alcock, who is second in rank of the
Medical Department here." Mr. Alcock, considering
that he had been complimented at the expense of his
chief, wrote to the author, asking that the statement be
amended or omitted in any future edition. Richardson
replied, begging him " to consider it, however, as one of
the typographical errors, and that ' said ' should be in
italics, not ' second.' You cannot fail to observe that
this alteration will give a totally distinct reading to the
passage." This arnende honorable has something so genu
inely clever about it that it deserves this special notice.
It is scarcely paralleled even by Lord Robert Cecil's

xxiv INTRODUCTION
famous apology to Mr. Gladstone as related by Justin
McCarthy. Richardson's second work on the affairs in Spain entit
led "Personal Memoirs of Major Richardson," was pub
Hshed in Montreal in 1838. Events, that will be referred
to presently, caused him to come to Canada in that year ;
hence its appearance in this country. In this volume the
injustice that he had suffered is submitted to the pubHc.
The documentary evidence adduced clearly shows that he
pursued the only course consistent with honor and d;ig-
nity. As he himself says, p. 144 : ?
" By the cold and the calculating— by the selfish and
the prudent — I shall no doubt be considered as having
adopted a course more chivalrous than wise in the uni
form opposition I have shown to the various measures of
oppression — so unworthily — so ignobly arrayed against
me. By those, however, of high honour — of proud and
independent feeling — by those who are incapable of sacri
ficing the approval of the inward man to mere considera
tions of personal interests and expediency, I shall be
judged in a nobler spirit. They, at least, will admit,
that in adopting the line of conduct unfolded in the pages
of this brief and local memoir, I have studied that which
was most befitting an honourable mind. As I have had
elsewhere reason to observe, never did a more cruel sys
tem of injustice seek to work its slow and sinuous course
beneath the mantle of liberalism. Every engine of his
power had been put in motion by General Evans, to ac
complish the ruin of an officer, who had in no other way
offended than by refusing tamely to submit — firstly, to
his injustice — secondly, to his oppression, and that the
utter overthrow of such officer has not been accomplished,
is attributable, npt to any forbearance on the part of his
persecutor, but to his own innate integrity and right."
His third work was a satire, not issued, however, in
book form, but as a serial in The New Era or Cana
dian Chronicle, a paper published by Richardson in
BrookviUe in 1841 and 1842. Theodore Hook in his last
volume had transferred his hero. Jack Brag, to the staff
of De Lacy Evans in Spain as Acting Assistant Deputy-
Deputy Assistant Commissary General. Richardson saw
his opportunity and took Hook's hero successfully in
hand. Hook was pleased with the continuation of his
satire and made an effort to secure a publisher for it.

BIOGRAPHY OP RICHARDSON xXV
He went to Colburn and to Bentley, but they declined to
accept it as they considered the delineation of the char
acters too faithful a reflection of the originals, and the
strictures on the Radicals at Westminster too severe.
In 1837 the political affairs of the Canadas caused no
little alarm to the British Government of the day. Rich
ardson, eager again to see active service, more particu
larly in defence of his native land, against those who
would have robbed Britain of her fairest colony, embarked
at London on the i8th of February, 1838, for Canada,by
way of New York. He was accompanied by his wife, a
member of a family in Essex, whom he had married about
the year 1830. Her family name is not recorded that I
have seen, and a diligent inquiry among Richardson's
relatives, who knew her, has proved fruitless in the matter.
All, however, agree in saying that she was accompHshed,
talented, and possessed of some literary ability, and that
they were devotedly attached to each other.
While waiting in New York for four days Richardson
met the Earl of Gosford and Sir Francis Bond Head, who
had lately arrived from the Canadas on their way to Eng
land. He had a letter of introduction from Lord Glenelg,
Colonial Secretary, to Sir Francis, in which was expressed
the desire that some official position should be given him
in his native province. Sir FVancis was so concerned and
.agitated, probably through fear that violence might
be done him by some sympathizers with the rebels in
Canada, that after reading the letter he returned it to the
Major unsealed, with a request to present it with his
compliments to his successor. Sir George Arthur.
On the 29th of March he went by boat to Albany,
thence by railroad to Utica, then by coach through
Auburn, Geneva, Rochester and Lockport to Lewiston,
where he arrived on Wednesday, the 3rd of April. The
mingled feelings with which he viewed his native village
of Queenston, a spot hallowed with so many recollections,
are well described at the close of the second chapter of
his " Eight Years in Canada."
' ' We reached Lewiston a few miles below the Falls of
Niagara about 6 o'clock ; and from that point beheld, for
the first time since my return to the country and in its
most interesting aspect, the Canadian shore. Opposite
to Lewiston is the small village of Queenston, and over
hanging the latter, the heights on which my early friend

xxvi introduction
and military patron — the warrior beneath whose bright
example my young heart had been trained to a love of hero
ism, and who had procured me my first commission in the
service — had perished in the noble but unequal conflict
with a foe invading almost from the spot on which I
stood. More than five-and-twenty years had gone by,
but the memory of the departed Brock lived as vividly in
the hearts of a grateful people as it had in the early days
of his fall ; and in the monument which crowned the
height, and which' no ruffian hand had yet attempted to
desecrate, was evidenced the strong and praiseworthy
desire to perpetuate a memory as honored as it was
loved. ^ This moment -v^^as to me particularly exciting,
for it brought with it the stirring reminiscences of the
camp, and caused me to revert to many a trying scene in
which my younger days had been passed. Since that
period I had numbered a good many years, and had
experienced in other climes a more than ordinary portion
of the vicissitudes of human life ; but not one of these
had the freshness aud warmth of recollection of my earlier
services in America, in which (independently of the fact
of my having been present at the capture of Detroit,
tinder the gallant . soldier whose bones reposed beneath
the monument on which my gaze was rivetted, as if
through the influence of an irresistible fascination) I had
been present in five general engagements, and twelve
months a prisoner of war with the enemy before attaining
my seventeenth year. These were certainly not ' piping
times of peace,' and I must be pardoned the egotism of
incidentally alluding to them."
Before leaving London, Richardson had been en
trusted with the important duty of furnishing political
information to the London Times. In availing itself
of the services of a writer so singularly competent
and eUgible as Richardson, the foremost of English
daiUes showed both enterprise and sagacity. In those
times it was well to have sources of information on what
was taking place in the Canadas, other than the official
despatches of the governors and the news letters appear
ing in the United States press. Richardson began at
once to study the political situation in Upper Canada.
His opportunities for obtaining information were ex
cellent. His brother Charles, with whom he lived at
Niagara, represented that town in the Legislative

BIOGRAPHY OP RICHARDSON XXvH
Assenibly of Upper Canada, and through him Richardson
could learn without reserve the state of affairs in the
country, and get a description of the events that led up to
armed resistance to the Government. He soon began his
journey to Quebec to meet Lord Durham on his arrival.
While in Toronto he called on and was entertained by Sir
George Arthur, and by his own old comrades in arms when
Detroit was taken, the Honorable John Beverley Robin
son, then Chief Justice, and Colonel S. P. Jarvis, then
Superintendent of Indian Affairs. In Montreal he found
out the feeling in the province of Lower Canada. His
observations in Canada up to this time are embodied in
two letters published in the Times, one written from
Niagara and the other from Montreal, and signed In
quisitor. On his arrival at Quebec he called upon the
governor, and was received by him with every mark of
respect. He was invited to dine at the Castle of St. Lewis
with a brilliant assemblage. Lord Durham made him the
special object of his attention, and during the course of a
long conversation he unfolded in their entirety all his
plans and projects for the government of the colony.
Richardson was convinced that these plans were not only
the best for the country, but perhaps the only ones that
would harmonize the various conflicting interests arrayed
in arms against each other. If Richardson was impressed
by the honesty and integrity of Lord Durham, and his
thorough grasp of the political situation, on the other
hand it is merely just to record that he possessed the con
fidence of that nobleman to the fullest extent.
By birth and training Richardson was personally op
posed to the general policy represented by the Melbourne
administration. He was the trusted correspondent of a
paper that had assailed that administration with a bit
terness rarely exhibited by any journal. His salary of
;^30o and travelling expenses along with his half -pay
would have enabled him to live in affiuence. Moreover,
his work was congenial, and no favor that Lord Durham
or any succeeding governor might grant could offer more
attractions to a man of Richardson's temperament than his
present employment. Accordingly every motive and
every prejudice of worldly wisdom would have led an
ordinary man into opposition to the governor, but it is
very gratifying to know that Richardson viewed the
affairs of Canada with notable impartiality, which leaves

XXVIU INTRODUCTION
no doubt of his patriotism and of a marked disregard of
any selfish interests. Richardson was convinced that
Lord Durham would do for the colony what no other
governor had ever attempted in respect to its permanent
interests. He realized the wisdom of his policy and
grasped the spirit of his plans for the future. Time has
already vindicated the action of the governor, and it
must in all fairness grant to Richardson credit and honor
for the personal sacrifices he made in advocating the
cause that has proved so beneficial to British North
America. Unfortunately for him the ' ' mighty engine ' '
he was in Canada to represent did not approve his
course. The editor did not see fit to publish all his let
ters, and informed him that his connection with that
journal would cease at the termination of his year's en
gagement. It would seem that a paper that delegates to
itself the high position of directing the policy of a great
nation should place accuracy of information before every
other consideration ; that it should have placed more con
fidence in the opinions of its correspondent than upon its
party traditions. The awakening was too sudden for
most Englishmen to see clearly. The many reforms
that had been gained in England within a half-dozen
years were alarming to one party, and the other party
were not prepared to support their official in his advanced
ideas of granting self-government to the colonies. It is
therefore too much to expect that a paper like the Times
could change its colonial policy so quickly. The dis
avowal of Richardson by the Times enlisted the sympathy
of Lord Durham, himself suffering from a more cruel
desertion. In a letter to Richardson he says :
" It is indeed most disgusting to see such proofs of
malignity in those who ought to value truth and fair
dealing as the best means of informing the public of
which they profess to be the ' best possible instructors.'
Your course has been that of a man of honor and in
tegrity, and you can hardly regret the dissolution of a
connection which it appears could only have been pre
served by the sacrifice on your part of truth and justice
— by the suppressio vert, if not the assert lo falsi."
If subsequent events had not clearly proved that the
course adopted by Richardson was the proper one, this
letter is sufficient exoneration. Lord Durham's poHcy
and his acts while in Canada are fuUy set forth in chap-

BIOGRAPHY OF RICHARDSON Xxix
ters III., IV. and V. of Richardson's " Eight Years in
Canada." On November 2nd, 1838, the day after Lord Durham
embarked for England, Richariison left Quebec to join
his friends at Niagara. At Kingston he was much im
pressed by a visit to Von Schoultz, the " patriot " leader
recently captured at theWiridmiU at Prescott. While
he was in Toronto the news of the defeat of the brigand
invaders at Windsor by Col. Prince was received, and Sir
George Arthur employed Richardson to carry the des
patches of that event to Sir John Colborne at Montreal,
but was anticipated by half an hour by an express from
Colonel Dundas at Kingston, to whom also he had carried
a despatch of the affair. This duty being performed he
joined his wife at Niagara.
On his way to Quebec during the spring of this year
(1838), Richardson took the earliest occasion to settle
an affair with Colonel Chichester, for which no oppor
tunity offered while at San Sebastian in Spain. It appears
that Colonel Chichester seconded a motion to expel Rich
ardson from the San Sebastian club. On learning the
truth of the matter Colonel Kirby, the proposer of the
motion, apologized to Richardson in England. Richard
son now required a similar apology from Colonel Chi
chester, who granted it. All the documents that were
necessary were now in his possession, consequently his
' ' Personal Memoirs ' ' were published this year.
During the winter he made preparations to take up his
residence at Amherstburg. On his arrival there he is dis
appointed in the place. The charms that it possessed in
his youth have all departed. No fleet of government
vessels now make the little harbor their home. No
Indian watchfires add a picturesqueness to the beautiful
island opposite the town. No bands of Indians now
come there to sit in solemn council or to receive their
annual presents. And where in other days a half regi
ment of regulars and a battery of artillery enlivened the
town, now, but a single company remains, to garrison a
fort, — but a mere shadow of its former greatness.
Although the town appeared to have every mark of
decay, yet Richardson could not hire a vacant house.
The quartering of the regulars and militia there in con
sequence of the rebellion, had increased the population so
quickly that all the houses were occupied. He then

xxx INTRODUCTION
went to Sandwich, where he made his home in a
small brick house " gable end to the street." The
house still stands about loo yards south of St. John's
Church, and but for a covering of bright red paint and
the addition of a verandah in front, presents the same
appearance as 60 years ago. It was pointed out to me
lastsummerbyMr.ThomasMcKee,the genial County Clerk
of Essex, who remembered Richardson well and had
many interesting stories to relate of him. It was in this
house that the finishing touches were put upon " The
Canadian Brothers," a sequel to "Wacousta." Some
chapters of this novel had appeared in ' ' The Literary
Garland," a magazine that had been started in December,
1838, in Montreal. One of these contributions was en
titled "Jeremiah Desborough," and the other "The
Settler or the Prophecy FulfiUed."
Having received the encouragement of 250 subscrip
tions among the military and the people of Canada, Rich
ardson resolved to publish the sequel to "Wacousta"
and went to Montreal to see the work through the press.
The registration notice of this novel bears the date, Jan
uary 2nd, 1840. It was published in two volumes in the
original edition, and was dedicated to Sir John Harvey,
Lieutenant-Governor of New Brunswick. The tale is an
historic one and deals with the War of 1812 on the
Detroit frontier. In a measure the work is autobiograph
ical and covers the same period as that of his history of
the war. General Brock, Colonel Procter, Captain Bar
clay, Tecumseh, Walk-in- the-Water, Split-Log and Round
head appear in the work under their proper names. Ger
ald and Henry Grantham, the Canadian Brothers, are
Major Richardson and his favorite brother Robert. Simon
Girty appears as Sampson Gattrie and the description of
this personage in the book is the best ever written. St.
Julian is Colonel St. George, Cranstoun is Brevet-Lieu
tenant-Colonel Short, and Middlemore, Lieutenant Gor
don. The other officers all have places in the narrative,
but to avoid a multiplicity of characters one per
sonage in the story often represents two or more in the
real events. For instance, Gerald Grantham is made to
act the parts of Lieutenant Rolette, Lieutenant Irvine
and Midshipman Robert Richardson. Some anachron
isms occur for which the author prepares us in the preface.
Captain Barclay and General Brock meet at Amherstburg

BIOGRAPHY OF RICHARDSON XXXI
before the fall of Detroit and the battle of Queenston
Heights is not fought until October, 1813. The storyin
many respects is not the equal of "Wacousta." The
purely fictitious characters are not so well drawn in ' ' The
Canadian Brothers, "while the historical ones are per
haps more faithfully pictured. The weakest part is the
attempt to make it a sequel. Jeremiah Desborough, the
villain of the novel, is a character without a purpose.
He is but an intruder in the insignificant place he has in
the tale. When Richardson knows the type of man he
is describing, we get a picture that delights us by the
boldness and clearness of the delineation of every phase
of his character ; but when he does not know him the
portrayal is a palpable failure. He found out, too late
to correct it in the first edition, that the Scotch dialect
he makes Cranstoun use is very" imperfect. In the
second edition, published in New York in 1851, in one
volume, under the author's supervision, this imperfection
just pointed out does not occur.
Afterthe publication of "The Canadian Brothers,'"
Richardson made preparations to start for his home
in Sandwich. He decided to travel by means of his own
equipage, a method affording greater freedom and more
ease and convenience. He therefore purchased a sleigh,
a team of spirited French- Canadian ponies, and suitable
harness and robes, and engaged a servant to care for the
ponies at all stopping places. He set out from Montreal
during the last days of February. In Cornwall he
stayed some days, rehearsing old times with Judge G. S.
Jarvis, an old fellow-officer of Sth (King's). His fondness
for being entertained by his old friends on the way, and
an accident in the early part of the journey, delayed
him, and by the time Brookville was reached it was im
possible to go farther by sleigh.
While waiting here some days to make the necessary
changes to travel by waggon, he was induced to purchase
a piece of land, beautifully situated on the high banks
of the St. Lawrence, on which were a gpod house, a barn
and other outbuildings. The journey, which occupied
about two months, the greater part of which time was
spent in visiting at Kingston, Toronto and London,
ended about the last of April.
Preparations were made for the return trip to his
' ' farm ' ' in Brookville. Before the time for starting

XXXU INTRODUCTION
came round, a grand demonstration was announced, which
was to be held at Fort Meigs by the Whigs of Ohio in
honor of their candidate for the Presidency of the United
States. The place was appropriately chosen, as it was
on the Miami that General Harrison won the military
renown associated with his name, which contributed
not a little to his success at the coming election. Rich
ardson accepted an invitation from his friends at Detroit
to be present, and to visit the place where he also had
seen some hard fighting against the general whose ex
ploits his party were now commemorating.
The trip to Brookville was begun in the last week in
June. The ponies and waggon were again used, and by
this picturesque and delightful method he and his wife
reached BrookviUe in the first week in July. For some
weeks his time was occupied in superintending the reno
vation of the house and the improvement of the grounds.
But after this work was completed he became somewhat
melancholy, a feeling that quite naturally follows when
a person who has led a wandering life becomes a fixture *
in a place.
At this time he appears to have had no settled plans
for the future. No event appears to have suggested
itself as suitable for weaving into a romantic story. One
alluring prospect seems to have taken possession of his
very being. He hoped to be appointed to some office, in
the gift of the Governor and his Council, which would
enable him to live comfortably the rest of his days and
to devote his leisure to literary work. He had strong
and reasonable claims for such a position upon the gov
ernment of Canada. His qualifications for many posi
tions in the gift of the government were of the highest
order. He was dignified in bearing and a thorough
gentleman. He spoke English and French with equal
fluency. His military training had specially fitted him
to perform the routine duties of a public officer with
promptness and attention to detail, necessary acquire
ments in a public official. He had done not a Httle for
Canada. He fought in her defence at a time when she
was most in need of assistance. He was for a year a
prisoner of war, and for a part of that period suffered
close imprisonment while two governments delibera
ted whether a certain number of their prisoners should or
should not suffer death. When internal dissensions

BIOGRAPHY OF RICHARDSON xxxiil
threatened again to make his native country the easy prey
of a foreign power, he hastened to her shores to fight
once more for British connection, if it were necessary.
When he came to Canada in 183S he represented the
most powerful newspaper in the Empire. Through the
medium of that paper he endeavored to teach the public
of Great Britain that the unity of the Empire depended
upon the 'granting of Responsible Government to the
Canadian people. For daring to express these views he
was relieved of his position on the paper. As he had not a
sufficient income to support himself and his wife it became
necessary for him to seek some employment. In this
extremity it was quite natural for him to turn, for the aid
he required, to those he had served so consciraitiously and
so faithfully. Lord Durham, cognizant of his devo
tion to the cause of Responsible Government and of the
effort Richardson had made to shield him from the storm
about to break about his devoted head, promised to exert
himself in his behalf. The early death of that nobleman
left him without any hope of reward from that source.
The social conditions of Brockville in 1840 were
in marked contrast to the refinement and culture of
the large cities of Europe ; and it is not difficult
for one to believe that Richardson felt himself im
prisoned. Of this he says : ' ' There were moments
when the idea of being buried alive, as it were, in this
spot, without a possibility, perhaps, of again seeing
the beautiful fields and magnificent cities, and mixing
in the poHshed circles of Europe, and of matchless Eng
land in particular, came like a blighting cloud upon my
thoughts, and filled me with a despondency no effort of
my own could shake off."
He, however, felt the necessity of self -exertion. Some
of his friends were confident that if a newspaper were
started in BrockviUe, it would prove a profitable invest
ment. He resolved to adopt their advice. His talents
and tastes were literary and a periodical seemed to offer
the best means of supporting the cause he had so much
taken to heart. His judgment in the matter was the
more easily influenced in favor of the suggestion because
he thought the dawn of a new order of things would
quicken the literary activity of the colony.
Type, presses and compositors were necessary for the
venture, and to obtain these Richardson went to New

xxxiv INTRODUCTION
York. While transacting the business that brought him
to that city he received marked attention from several
persons who had been charmed and delighted by reading
his works. In him they found a person who could accept
their homage with that ease and grace which marked the
man whose gentility and decorum had been fashioned in
the refined company of Europe.
His business having been completed, he started for
home, and arrived there on the last day of the year 1840.
In the early part of June of the following year the neces
sary machinery for printing arrived in Brockville, and
the first issue of the paper was published. It was named
The New Era or Canadian Chronicle, a title sug
gestive of the political change that Lord Sydenham came
to Canada to introduce, and which Lord Durham had
advised as a solution of the political problem. The paper
was a weekly, and the subscription price was four dollars
for a year. The leading articles and the other matter
Were all from the pen of the editor. No paying adver
tisements or local topics found a place in its columns.
His ' ' Jack Brag in Spain ' ' and ' ' Recollections of the
West Indies ' ' were serials that ran through several
issues. While the paper was interesting and enter
taining, it had not that variety and freshness which
would secure arid retain a long list of paying sub
scribers at four dollars a year. Consequently, the editor
became involved financially, and the paper was on
the verge of suspension. Another brave effort, how
ever, was made to reanimate it by appealing to the
patriotism of the Canadian people. Ridiardson enter
tained the suggestion of his military comrades in the last
war, now in high positions in the country, to write a his
tory of the War of 1812. Although the immediate object
was to make money, there was a higher motive that
made Richardson eager to undertake the task. The
various accounts of that war which had as yet found gen
eral circulation in Upper Canada were those contained in
United States text-books, which were used almost exclu
sively in the schools of the province. The whole object
of the historians of the United States during the first
half of the 19th century seemed to be to create in the
minds of their readers a hatred of everything British.
A devotion to truth in h^torical -writing, so pretty gen
erally in evidence at the present day among her historians,

biography op richardson xxxv
had not as yet been found acceptable to American readers
or profitable to American historians.
Richardson was qualified in a special manner for such
an undertaking. He had been an active participator in
all the engagements in which the Right Division of
the Canadian army had taken part. He had promises of
assistance from several of his countrymen who had
seen active service in the several campaigns. Sir John
Harvey, then Governor of Newfoundland, promised to
put at his disposal his personal narrative of the cam
paigns of 1813 and 1 8 14. His experience in the several
capacities of the service from gentleman volunteer to
Major in command of a battalion in action, would enable
him to comment intelligently on the skirmishes, battles
and strategical evolutions of the combatants. The
honesty and fairness he had shown in his letters on
Lord Durham's administration was a guarantee that his
prejudices would not lead him to give any.but an impartial
treatment of the incidents of the struggle.
The History of the War was to be written in Three
Series. The first was to contain "A Narrative of the
Operations of the Right Division," and was to be published
serially in The New Era. The first instalment ap
peared in the first number of the second volume, which
was issued on March 2nd, 1842. The paper appeared at
intervals that varied from a week to two weeks ; and in
fourteen numbers, the last of which appeared on July
15th, 1842, the Narrative was completed. Four more
numbers were published in which was reprinted his poem
"Tecumseh"; thepaper ceasing with the iSth number
on August 19th, 1842.
The Narrative was set up in wide columns in The New
Era and by simply dividing the matter into pages, the
work could be printed in book form. The history was
dedicated to the United Legislature of Canada, to which
Richardson applied for financial aid to reimburse him for
his expenditure on the First Series and to enable him to
complete the work. His petition was introduced and
read by Sir Allan MacNab, and approved by the House,
only one member dissenting. In consequence ;^250 was
voted by the Assembly and paid to Richardson.
The appeal to the people of Canada to subscribe for
The New Era, because the history of the War of 181 2
was to appear in its columns, was not responded to by

XXXVI introduction
any large increase in the circulation. To bring the his
tory generally before the people the author made an effort
to get the district councils to recommend it for use
in the schools within their boundaries. Johnstown dis
trict voted ;^5o to purchase copies, to be used in their
schools, but this vote was afterwards rescinded because
the council had no power to vote money for that purpose.
No other council took any action in the matter. The
booksellers of the province with whom it had been placed
on sale had disposed of about thirty copies, and in Kings
ton, the capital of the Province, all that a copy wotdd
fetch at auction was seven and one-half pence currency.
The poor reception accorded the First Series of the
History of the War caused the author to postpone the
preparation of the other parts ; and as the prospect never
became more promising dturing his lifetime the history
was not completed. It is of some interest to know that
this publication was the third for which a copyright
was granted by the old Province of Canada.
The New Era supported in a general way the prin
ciple of Responsible Government andthe "cabinet" that
was administering the government ; but Richardson, like
many others, became displeased because Sir Charles
Bagot, a Conservative, had selected as his advisers per
sons belonging to both parties and had shown a similar
impartiahty in his appointments to office. Richardson
may have had personal as well as public reasons for his
action. However, he resolved to oppose the Ministry and
to do so started at Kingston a paper called the Canadian
Loyalist and Spirit of 1S12. The poHtical articles
that appeared were very severe upon the members of the
Lafontaine-Baldwin Ministry ; Mr. Francis Hincks get
ting more than his share. The appointment to office of
"men of more than questionable loyalty — of unmasked
traitors and rebels — over the honest and self-sacrificing
defender of the rights of the British Crown" was the
" prominent ground on which the poHtical priiiciples of
the Canadian Loyalist were based. ' ' The paper fulfiUed
Its mission. Sir Charles Metcalfe as Governor, main
tained that he might appoint officials without cofasulting
his Council ; disagreement followed, and aU his estecutive
except Mr. Daly resigned. The Canadian Loyalist
which was started at the beginning of 1843 was dis
continued about the middle of the year 1844.

BIOGRAPHY OP richardson XXXvii
Parliament met next in Montreal on July ist and dur
ing the session Richardson was as active as ever in his
support of Sir Charles Metcalfe ; and when the House
was dissolved both parties made preparations for the
coming struggle. In the elections that followed, the
Conservatives had a majority. Richardson now expected
some reward for the support he had given the party in
power. The canals of Canada were being built and a
system of police was instituted by the government to
prevent disturb|nces of the peace. The office of Super
intendent of Police on the Welland Canal, which was
being enlarged, became vacant, and Richardson was ap
pointed to the office by Lord Metcalfe on May 20th, 1845.
The pay was only ten shillings a day, but he hoped for
something better and entered on his duties with alacrity.
To add to the smartness of the force he induced the men
to purchase uniforms to be paid for in six equal instal
ments, he in the meantime advancing the pay for them.
The force was disbanded on January 31st, 1846, on seven
days' notice, and at that time there was due the Superin
tendent from the men for equipment ;^5 1 . At the com
ing session of Parliament Richardson petitioned the
House, complaining of the sudden dismissal of himself
and the force, and praying compensation for losses
sustained and for clothing for the force. The petition
was referred by the House to a select Committee which
reported that : An allowance for clothing had been made
to the force at Lachine and Beauharnois ; that they saw
no reason why it should be withheld from the petitioner ;
that injustice had been done him by the abrupt dismissal ;
that he and the men be allowed a gratuity ; and that he
had discharged his responsible duties in a satisfactory and
creditable manner. When the question upon the motion,
to concur in the report of Committee, was put in the
House the motion was negatived. It is very difficult for
one at this distance of time to understand how the Legis
lature could make a distinction between the officials on
the Welland Canal and those on the Lachine Canal. One
thing is certain, the verdict of the House was not based
upon the evidence as it appears in its Journals.
While Superintendent of Police, Richardson suffered
the loss of his wife, who died at St. Catharines on the
1 6th of August, 1845. Her remains were interred in the
Butler burial ground, near Niagara, where his eldest

xxxviii introduction
sister Jane and other relatives were buried. The inscrip
tion on the headstone that he erected to mark her grave
is unique. Without indicating the lines or forms of
letters the following is the order of the words :— " Here
Reposes, Maria Caroline, the Generous-Hearted, High-
Souled, Talented and Deeply-Lamented Wife of Major
Richardson, Knight of the Military Order of Saint
Ferdinand, First Class, and Superintendent of Police on
the Welland Canal during the Administration of Lord
Metcalfe. This Matchless Wife and This (illegible)
Exceeding Grief of Her Faithfully Attached Husband
after a few days' illness at St. Catharines on the i6th
' August, 1845, at the age of 37 years."
After being reHeved of the duties of Superintendent of
PoHce, Richardson prepared for pubHcation "Eight
Years in Canada," an exceedingly well- written descrip
tion of his career in Canada from 1838 tiU March, 1847.
The administrations of Lord Durham, Lord Sydenham,
Sir Charles Bagot and Lord Metcalfe are very fully
treated ; it is the only contemporary history we have
of this transitional period, and in subsequent histories of
this epoch he is very freely quoted. Although written
after the position he filled had been abolished, and after
he had abandoned all hope of receiving any office from
the government, it exhibits a fairness one would scarcely
expect from a person so unjustly used. Sir Charles Bagot
and the Lafontaine-Baldwin ministry are severely hand
led , while the administration of Lord Metcalfe is eloquently
praised. In defending the course of the latter he takes a
position beside perhaps the greatest controversial writer
of Canada, Reverend Egerton Ryerson.
In 1847 (the book bears the date 184S) Richardson
entered for copyright a sequel to his ' ' Eight Years iri
Canada," called "The Guards in Canada or the Point of
Honor." In it the story is told of how differences were
settled by duels if an apology was not forthcoming.
Richardson never allowed an insult tendered him to pass
unnoticed. The person offending would apologize if the
insult was offered through some misunderstanding, or
would meet him. His first duel was in Paris. I have no
record of any being fought in England. In Canada he had
several affairs: there is living yet in Ontario a person hold
ing an honored and exalted position who, when a mere boy,
acted, much against his will, as a second for Major

biography op richardson xxxix
Richardson in a matter, which happily was settled through
the seconds by asking mutual apologies from the prin
cipals. ' ' The Guards in Canada ' ' was the last of Richardson' s
works published in Canada under his direction. The
book was written to vindicate his character for courage in
an affair with a resident of Montreal, and incidentally it
was a setting in order of his Canadian affairs before tak
ing up his residence in New York, a step he had contem
plated for some time.
He did not leave his native province without just cause.
He had tried by every honorable means to gain a liveli
hood among the people he loved best. He squander
ed his accumulations and all that he had derived from
the sale of his best works in the hope that his countrymen
would appreciate his efforts. His historical works,
thoroughly patriotic in tone and written in a bright
vivacious style, were not bought in Canada. In all
probability they were as generally read here as any
novels pr histories of the time. The lack of interest in
literature in Canada was general. Education was at a
low-water mark, among the great mass of the
population, who even as late as the middle of the century
felt too keenly the struggle fpr existence. The intellect
ual energies of the few, who were educated, were
directed into political channels ; and the unsettled con
ditions of our government absorbed all their time, leaving
no leisure for those avocations that exercise their benign
influence in refining the politics of the Motherland.
Even the clergy were drawn into the political whirlpool.
The great founder of the educational system of Ontarip,
Rev. Egerton Ryerson, had been appointed to office only
in 1844, and the fruits of his labors were not to be seen
for some years. He also was engaged before 1844 in the
most remarkable political controversy in the history of
Canada. .
Richardson's case was not an isolated one by any
means. Other writers had started periodicals and mag
azines, Canadian in sentiment, of an undoubtedly high
Hterary character, and were as hopeful of receiving
support as Richardson ever was, but these all were
compelled to stop after a few numbers were published.
Writers in those days did missionary work and if they
did not receive the reward they hoped for, they sow

?;1 INTRODUCTION
seed that in some cases fell on good ground. We are
beginning to reap the benefit of their self-sacrificing
labors and if we are in the morning of a brighter and a
more appreciative day, a large share of credit for these
hopeful conditions must be attributed to the earlier
workers in this unprofitable and unfruitful field.
In New York Richardson was engaged in preparing
new editions of his published novels and in writing others.
' ' Hardscrabble or the Fall of Chicago ' ' was published
in New York in 1850 or before that year, since it is named
on the title page 'of "Wacousta" published in 1851; but as I
have not seen a copy except the one in my library, publish
ed in 1888, I cannot give any further information regard
ing the first edition. The story is much shorter than
the author's previous ones and may be considered weak
when compared with " Wacousta." The scene is laid at
Fort Dearborn on the Chicago river in the year 1812.
In all probability Richardson got the facts for the story
from a pamphlet published in 1844, which described the
events as seen by an actor in them. Two or three sur
prises and an affair of love are introduced by means of a
slight change in the order of events. The names of the
officers at the fort are but transparently disguised in the
romance. Captain Heaid, Lieut. Helm, Ensign Ronan
and Surgeon Von Voorhees, appear as Captain Headley,
Lieut. Elmsley, Ensign Ronayne and Surgeon Von Votten-
berg in the story. In 1852 a work by Major Richardson
entitled ' ' Waunangee or the Massacre of Chicago ' '
was published. I have not been able to see a copy
of this work but in aU probabUity it is either the
same as "Hardscrabble," or a sequel to it. The
leading Indian character of the historical narrative is
Naunongee, who is called Waunangee in the novel;
accordingly, the name seems to point to some connec
tion with this romance. As a title "Waunangee"
would certainly be both more appropriate and more
attractive than "Hardscrabble." "Wacousta" and
' ' Ecarte ' ' were revised by the author and pubHshed
in cheap octavo form, the former by Robert M. De Witt
and the latter by Dewitt and Davenport in 185 1. In
the same year a revised edition of "The Canadian
Brothers ' ' appeared under the name ' ' Matilda Mont-
gomerie," the heroine of the story. It wiU be readily

BIOGRAPHY OP RICHARDSON xli
seen that it would not be politic for the author to issue a
story in New York entitled " The Canadian Brothers,"
even if the publishers gave their assent. " Matilda
Montgomerie " is much improved in the revision. The
Scotch dialect, which Richardson himself acknowledges
to be so imperfect, he^ omits in this edition. Sampson
Gattrie now appears under his proper name, Simon Girty.
But the most marked change from the first edition is the
suppression of the several passages in which • the author
had used all his eloquence to sound the praises of the
British in the numerically unequal struggle they had been
called upon to maintain. Notable instances are the
omission of all reference to Col. Harvey's night attack at
Stoney Creek and to the details of the victory at Queens
ton Heights. It is very interesting to compare- the two
editions and to notice the passages that are suppressed or
modified, evidently to suit the tastes of his new audi
ence. His other works were " Westbrook, or the Outlaw,"
and " The Monk Knight of St. John." As I have not
seen either of these books I cannot give any facts relat
ing to them, except what are gleaned from other bibli
ographies. " Westbrook " is mentioned by Morgan, but
the date of publication is not given. Dr. L. E. Horning,
of Victoria University, Toronto, suspects "that this
'Westbrook' is only 'Wacousta' with another name." I
think this scarcely possible. ' ' Wacousta ' ' was the
most popular of Richardson's works, and the name had
gained a vogue that had a definite cash value to both
author and publisher. The names of successful books
'are not usually changed. If I were to offer any opinion,
I should say that the scene is laid in the western penin
sula of Upper Canada, and that the tale introduces the
exploits of a renegade Canadian named Westbrook, an
actual elusive personage who, at the head of some Amer
icans and a few Canadian rebels, went about the district
from Long Point to the Talbot Settlement robbing the
people and burning homes during the year 1814. It is
quite possible Richardson knew of this marauder's acts,
but whether more than the name was suggested by this
knoMedge, can be settled only by a study of the book
itself. In the Dictionary of National Biography, 1850 is given
as the date of pubHcation of "The Monk Knight of St.

xHi INTRODUCTION
John," but as I have nota copy of the book I cannot con
firm this date. It is a tale of the Crusaders, and those
who have read it say that it is a unique story
probably suggested by reading Byron and Moore.
These books were all published in cheap form, and
consequently the revenue that the author derived must
have been comparatively small. It was the day of the
cheap novel. About 1840 two New York papers began
to reprint in their columns the most popular English
novels, which, when finished, were issued in parts at a
very low price. . No international copyright law protected
the British author in the United States. " Wacousta"
had been pirated and issued in Philadelphia in 1833.
The regular publishers had to issue books in cheap form
and at lower prices or go out of business. Richardson
arrived in New York when this competition was perhaps
thekeenest. " fecartfe," "Wacousta," " Matilda Mont
gomerie ' ' and ' ' Hardscrabble ' ' appeared in paper-cov
ered Svo form at 50 cents a volume.
Major Richardson died suddenly on the 12th of May,
1852, at his lodgings No. 113 West Twenty-ninth street.
New York. The obituary notice as it appeared in the
New York Journal of Commerce of May 14th, 1852, is
as follows :
" Died — On the 12th inst. Major John Richardson,
late of H.B.M. Gordon Highlanders aged 53 (55) years.
His friends are invited to attend his funeral, without fur
ther invitation, from the Church of the Holy Communion,
corner 6th Avenue and 20th Street, this day, at two
o'clock, P.M."
His remains were taken outside the city for burial, ,
but diligent inquiry has failed to find his last resting
place. The immediate cause of death was erysipelas ; at first
the symptoms were not considered alarming, but when
medical aid was summoned it came too late. To his
many friends the news, besides the shock of suddenness,
brought qualms of self-reproach when they learned that
Richardson had been living in more straitened circum
stances than his appearance or his conversation indicated.
To die in poverty and neglect is no disgrace. Findifig no
means of livelihood in his native land, he sought a foreign
city after his prime of life was past ; and if he was unsuc
cessful in gaining a competence, perhaps the causes arose

BIOGRAPHY OF RICHARDSON xHii
from the training of his early manhood i'ather than from
circumstancfe within his control. The camp does not
train a man for the mart. He who has entered the army
a youth of sixteen, to retire at thirty-nine, seldom, unless
in official routine, can adapt himself successfully to'the
new environment of civilian life. The task of gaining a
Uvelihood by literature in Canada was the harder because
he had been accustomed to the cultured circles of Lon
don society. It is no reproach to the people of Canada,
individually, amid the many difficulties they contended
with, that they failed to appreciate and purchase
the works of their first novelist. It is a reproach to them
collectively, to their government, that Richardson was not
given an opportunity of earning enough to enable him to
Uve in simple comfort in his native land. He had no
vanity of authorship. On this he says : — "I look upon
the art of ingenious -writing, not as a merit, but a mere in
cidental gift, for which one is more indebted to nature
than to judicious application." As a man of letters he
was publicly honored but once. Yet, because he was not
honored more he felt inclined to pity rather than to
censure his countrymen. In a careful study of his career,
no mean, no dishonorable act will be found. Faithful to
his friends, true to his convictions, loyal to his country,
he unselfishly served friends and country better than he
served himself.
One wish he asked to be respected by future genera
tions of his countrymen, which has not been regarded. He
says " I cannot deny to myself the gratification of the ex
pression of a hope that should a more refined and culti
vated taste ever be introduced into this matter-of-fact
country in which I have derived my being, its people will
decline to do me the honor of placing my name in the list
of their ' Authors.' I certainly have no particular ambi
tion to rank among their future ' men of genius,' or to
share any posthumous honor they may be disposed to
confer upon them."
Richardson's whole career was a noble and manly
struggle. Pugnacious and exclusive in temperament,
-with but a slight sense of humor, he pursued unde-viat-
ingly a course of the strictest integrity. He knew
neither tact nor compromise. He fought harder for the
political principles he cherished, for the social code he
respected, than he did for life itself.

xHv INTRODUCTION
Like the earliest EngHsh novelist, Richardson has suf
fered neglect in his own land. All that Scotland had for
her greatest poet was an office worth ;^70 a year, but her
succeeding generations remembered his exquisite produc
tions. Canada could find not even such an office for her
first noveHst. His own generation refused him a living
in his native land ; subsequent generations of Canadians
know him not. And his works, if obtainable, can be bought
only at almost prohibitive prices. Yet three years before
Scott died ; when Thackeray was a stripling of eighteen;
when Dickens had not yet become a reporter, Richardson
was winning, by his first work of the imagination, ap
plause from the EngHsh press andalargeaudienceof Eng
Hsh readers. In the very year of Scott' s death, his mas
terpiece, "Wacousta" appeared; and the six editions
through which it has run bear testimony to its pop'ularity.
Whatever Richardson did he tried to do well. Unlike
Cooper, he never trusted to chance to develop the circum
stances of his plot ; unlike Cooper he tells his story well,
and tells it in faultless English. The interest is sustained
to the end. There are no carelessnesses, no crudities, no
notable mannerisms. Cooper often loses himself in the
pathless mazes of his long sentences. Richardson, incis
ive and logical, builds clause on clause, phrase on phrase,
here adding a limiting detail and there a defining circum
stance, until you marvel at the accumulated result and
you would not have a single word changed. Yet there is
no straining after rhetorical effect, no attempt at fine
writing. The lucidity of style recalls Macaulay, who at
this period was writing his early essays.
A born Hterary artist, Richardson has drawn with a
firm and skilled hand not only the children of his imagi
nation, but the people of his own day. His autobio
graphical sketches, his historical works, as well as his
novels, show us their foibles, their weaknesses, and their
merits. His great interest is in men and their achieve
ments ; but there are deHghtful bits of painting from
nature. Though a lover of nature, he seldom gives him
self up to that revel in the life of nature which is so
great a merit of Cooper's work. It is men and women
in action that interest him. Only less perhaps did the
brute creation claim his attention. His ponies are stiU a
memory among the older people of Windsor and Sand
wich. He delights in describing the capture of a young

BIOGRAPHY OF RICHARDSON xlv
wild deer in the river opposite his grounds in, Brockville,
which eventually became a great pet. Its antics and
actions are not too insignificant to be recorded in one of his
most valuable literary productions. But though he took de
light in the possession of the ponies and the pet deer,
his intimate companions were his dogs. In Sand-
-wich, in Brockville, in Montreal, he was always accom
panied by a beautiful specimen of the Newfoundland spe
cies named Hector. His grief at the loss of this dog by
poison in Brockville was great, and another named after
the Trojan hero was his companion in New York till
almost the last. At the end of a long and favorable
notice of Major Richardson's career in "The New York
Joumal of Commerce" a few days after his death this
pathetic anecdote is told : "A week or two since, he
was heard by someone who met him in a bookstore,
accompanied as usual by his faithful canine friend, to
say, ' Ah, poor Hector, we must part or starve.' " And
it is further related that the dog was sold a few days be
fore his master's death to provide him with food.
His notions of life were by no means puritanical. He
believed that solace and comfort were to be derived from an
after-dinner cigar. In complete accord -with the customs
of the times among the circle in which he moved in his
palmy days, he took his glass of wine, but none abhorred
excesses more than he.
If we judge Richardson by the literary success that
cheered him even amid his many days of adversity, we
can merely wonder that a writer so wholesome in atmo
sphere, so buoyant in spirit, so notable in our literary
development, is now almost completely forgotten. His
works, whether we consider their subject-matter, their
literary merits, or their position in the growth of the
novel, place their gifted author' high on that roll we
choose to designate as our list of Canadian authors.
These productions of his genius are his sole monument.
The bright young Canadian lad who left school to fight
his country's battles had to seek in the land he fought
against an unknown grave in the teeming solitude of
America's greatest city. No votive garland can be laid
on that tomb ; no admiring young Canadian may visit
that shrine.

xlvi INTRODUCTION
THE RICHARDSON GENEALOGY
Robert Richardson was born in Scotland, and came to
Upper Canada with the Queen's Rangers as assistant
surgeon in 1792. He was stationed with his regiment at
Queenston, Toronto, and St. Joseph's Island. When
the regiment was disbanded in 1802 he took up his resi
dence at Amherstburg, where he acted as surgeon to the
garrison, and as such was with the' Right Division in
every engagement until the battle of Lake Erie, where
he was taken prisoner but released through the interces
sion of his brother-in-law, Col. Elijah Brush. On June
i2th, 1807, he was appointed judge of the Western Dis
trict, an office he held till his death. On the 27th of
April, 1824, he was appointed one of the Commissioners
of Customs, an office he held till nth January, 1826.
After the war of 1812 Dr. Richardson was appointed sur
geon to all the tribes of Indians in the Western District.
His death took place at Amherstburg in 1832, and his re
mains were interred in the burial ground adjoining
Christ Church in that town.
Robert Richardson married (I) Jan. 24th, 1793,
Madeleine Askin, 2nd daughter of Colonel John Askin,
of Detroit, who died at Amherstburg Jan. loth, 181 1,
and was buried in Christ Church burial ground ; (II.)
Aug. Sth, 1811, Ann McGregor, born at Detroit, April
ist, 1 78 1, third child of Gregor McGregor, the first
Sheriff of the District of Hesse, appointed by Lord
Dorchester on July 24th, 1788, who lived in Detroit
till 1796 when he removed to Canada taking up his
residence at Petite Cote, on the banks of the Detroit
river.
Of the first marriage.
I. — Jane, born May 19th, 1794, married Captain
Robert Rist, of the 37th Regiment, Jan. 15th,
1S16 ; died Oct. 31st, 1S31, buried in the Butler
burial ground, Niagara.
2.— John, born Oct. 4th, 1796, died in New York city
May i2th, 1852. This was Major John Richard
son, the author.
3.— Robert, born Sept. loth, 1798, joined the marine
department as midshipman, wounded severely at
the battle of Frenchtown Jan. 22nd, 1813. Re
ceived a pension from the Legislature which

THE RICHARDSON GENEALOGY xlvii
amounted to ;^78 17s. from Jan. 22nd, 1813, till
Dec. 31st, 1816. He died at Amherstburg June 7th,
1 819, and was buried in Christ Church burial
ground.
4.— William, born Jan. 7th, 1801, married Jane Cam
eron Grant, youngest daughter of Honorable
Alexander Grant and Theresa Barthe, on Feb.
nth, 1834. Was postmaster at Brantford, where
he died. His son James lived at London some
years ago.
5. — James A., born Jan. 19th, 1803, died Aug. i8th,
1828. He was Registrar of Kent from 1S25 until
his death.
6. — Charles, born March 26th, 1805, died 1847,
married (I) April 2nd, 1827, Elizabeth Euretta
Clench (born 1808, died Sept. 28th, 1833), young
est daughter of Ralph Clench, of Butler's Rang
ers, afterwards Colonel of Militia and Judge ; (II)
Jane Clarke, daughter of William Clarke, Niagara.
He began the study of law in York (To
ronto), was appointed cornet of the " Queen's
Light Dragoons ' ' (now represented by " The
Governor- General's Body Guard for Ontario ") at
the organization in 1822 ; removed to Niagara,
where he practised law ; was Clerk of the Peace
for Niagara District ; elected by the town of Nia
gara a member of the Legislative Assembly of
Upper Canada in 1835; re-elected in 1836.
' Of the first marriage.
(i) Eliza Magdalene, born May 31st, 1828, died
June 3rd, 1.828. (2) John Beverley Robinson,
baptized Jan. 5th 1830. (Sponsors : Chief Jus
tice John Beverley Robinson ; Captain Hanson,
71st Regt. ; and Miss Clench.) Was an attorney
at Versailles, Missouri, U.S.A., where he died
March, 1899, his wife dying the next year. (3)
Eliza Euretta, baptized June 14th, 1832. Married
in 1853 Hugo M. Grout, born at Grimsby, On
tario, I S3 1 ; sometime civil engineer on the Great
Western Railway, the staff of which he joined in
1850; went to the United States in 1863; re
turned to Canada in 1895 ; li-ving at present in re
tirement at St. Catharines, Ontario. Two chil
dren sur-vive ; George H. Grout, ci-vil engineer in

xlviii INTRODUCTION
southern United States ; and Mrs. F. O. Hall, oi
Akron, Ohio.
Of the second marriage.
(i) Jeanie died, aged 6 years, (2) Kate died,
aged 18 years.
7. — Alexander, born Feb. 15th, 1808, It is said
that he and his brother James were drowned in
Lake Erie, and if at the same time, his death oc
curred on Aug. iSth, 1S28.
S. — George J., born Aug. 25th, 1810, died Feb. 3rd,
iSii.
Of the second marriage.
I. — George McGregor, born July 4th, 1812, married
March 2nd, 1S36, Mary, daughter of Colonel
Robert Nelles, and had issue (i) Robert married
Minerva Hendershott and had issue Frank, Duf
ferin, Minnie and Emily; (2) William-Lock;
(3) Abram married Emma Horne and had issue
George and one daughter ; (4) Emily-Fanning
married Francis Dougall of Windsor, Ontario, and
had issue, Frank ; Arthur ; Susan married Wil
liam Davies, of Detroit ; Emily married Frank
Marcon, of Windsor, son of the late Frank E.
Marcon, of Windsor, Deputy Clerk of the Crown ;
Marion ; Delia.
For the Nelles genealogy, see ' ' Ontarian Fami
lies," by E. M. Chad-ndck, Vol. II. , p. 154.
2. — Henry Wellington, born Aug. 12th, 18 14, a
barrister, died unmarried at Amherstburg, Dec.
2ISt, 184I.
3. — David Johnstone, born Aug. 12th, 1816, for
¦many years Collector of Customs at Windsor,
Ontario ; died there 18S5. Married (I.) Jan.
22nd, 1844, Margaret Watson, of Windsor; (II.)
in 1856, Sarah Mercer, of Sandwich. Of the first
marriage: (i) Robert Watson, born Nov. 26th,
1S44, married Aug. loth, 1870, Katherine Don-
neUy, daughter of the late Dr. E. B. DonneUy.
Lives at Windsor. (2) Theresa Ann Grace, born
Oct. loth, 1846, married Jan. 20th, 1876, William
H. Rowley, of Ottawa, Secretary and Treasurer
of The E. B. Eddy Co. , HuU, Que. Of the second
marriage: (i) Mary Mercer, bom May 27th,
1858, now living in Louisville, Ky. (2) Neville

the askin genealogy xlix
Peto, born Sept. 12th, i860, married Carrie Wil
cox, May, 1878 ; lives in Windsor. (3') George
Eccles, born 1862, married Bessie Baby, Nov. 17th,
18S3 ; lives in Detroit. (4) Harvey McGregor,
born Nov., gth, 1S64; lives at. Port Townsend,
Wash. (5) Joseph Mercer, twin brother of (4) ,
married Harriet Payne, June 5th, 1895 ; Uves in
Detroit. (^6) Mabel Treacher, born Feb. 17th,
1869 ; lives in Ottawa.
4. — Ann, born June 2nd, 1818, died March 23rd, 1S69,
married June 4th, 1S42, WilHam G. Duff, Jr., son
of WiUiam Duff, Sr., of the Barrack and Ordnance
Department of Amherstburg, who married Susan
nah McGregor, fifth child of Gregor McGregor,
born at Detroit Oct. 4th, 17S5. William Duff, Sr.,
who died July 12th, 1S61, aged 82, was the son of
a minister of the same name at Faveran, Aberdeen
shire, Scotland. Had issue one daughter, Ann
Susan, born March 19th, 1843, married Aug. 13th,
1 866, Raymond A. LaCroix ; lives in Detroit.
5. — Catherine Grace, born Aug. 31st, 1S20, died at
Amherstburg Dec. 3rd, 1841, unmarried.
6. — Th^rES^ Louisa, born Oct. 6th, 1822, died in
Ottawa, June Sth, 1878, married July 4th, 1S48,
Captain John Neville Peto, of the Royal Canadian
Rifles, son of Rev. James Peto, Vicar of Preston
near Faversham, Kent, England. Capt. Peto died
at Amherstburg Sept. 6th, 1862, without issue.
7. — Robert Harvey, born March 3rd, 1825 ; unmar
ried, died at Grasshopper river, Missouri, about
1S51. THE ASKIN GENEALOGY
The first of this name in Upper Canada was Colonel
John Askin. He was of Scottish descent and was a,
kinsman of John Erskine, Earl of Mar, who headed the
revolt of 17 1 5 in favor of the Old Pretender. The failure
of the rising led those concerned in it to leave Scotland.
The father of Col. John Askin removed to Strabane, in
the County of Tyrone, Ireland, and, there to conceal his
identity, he took the name Askin. Some time previous
to the commencement of the Seven Years' War, his son
John emigrated to America, and at the time the British
conquered Canada he was a merchant at Albany. There

1 INTRODUCTION
is a tradition in the family that he accompanied Major
Robert Rogers to Detroit when that officer received its
surrender to the British in 1760. However it is kno-wn
that when old Fort Pontchartrain at Detroit wds invested
by Pontiac, John Askin was entrusted with the important
duty of taking suppHes from Albany to Lake Erie and
thence to Detroit to relieve the garrison. This difficult
undertaking having been successfully performed, John
Askin was rewarded by the British with grants of land
near Detroit. In 1764 he went as King's Commissary to
Michilimackinac, and in 1780 he returned to Detroit to
engage in trade. Here he amassed a large fortune which
he was compelled to abandon, in part, when he removed to
Canada and took up his residence on the bank of the
Detroit just opposite the lower end of Isle aux Cochons
or Hog Island, now Belle Isle, the beautiful island park
of Detroit. This home he called Strabane, after his
paternal home in Ireland, a name by which it is known
at the present day.
In 1787 Mr. Askin received a commission as Captain of
Militia from Lord Dorchester for the town of Detroit,
and in 1796 was commissioned Lieutenant-Colonel of
Militia for the Western District, and in iSoi was pro
moted to the position of Colonel in the same corps. At
the formation of the Land Boards he was appointed a
member for Detroit, the other members being Colonel
England and Montigny. He was also one of the Magis
trates of the District. On the evacuation of Detroit by
the British in 1796 he did not immediately leave that city
but he made his election as continuing a British subject, for
which he was brought to trial before the magistrates of
the United States Government, and then he came to
Canada. Colonel John Askin married (I.) a French lady whose
name could not be ascertained, and (II.) Marie Archange
Barthe, of Detroit.
Of the first marriage :
I.— John, Jr., many years CoUector of Customs at
Amherstburg and later storekeeper and interpreter
at St. Joseph Island. He married an Indian
woman of prominence among her people, who
possessed a fair English education. Their son,
John B. Askin, Hved for many years at " Wood-
view," near London, Ontario. He was Colonel of

THE ASKIN GENEALOGY li
Militia and saw some active service in 1837-38. His
death occurred Nov. 15th, 1869. The capture of
Mackinac, July 17th, 181 2, and its retention till the
end of the war, was due largely to the influence
John B. Askin and his father had over the Western
tribes of Indians, a large body of whom they in
duced to make the trip to Amherstburg, to assist
the Right Division. In the note on page 25 the
inference is that John Askin, Jr., died in 1869.
This error arose from confusing the father and .
son. John Askin, Jr., died about 181 8.
2. — Catherine, died Dec, 1796, married (I.) John
Robertson, (II.) Hon. Robert Hamilton, of Queen
ston, died March Sth, iSii, and had six children.
For the Hamilton genealogy, see " Ontarian Fami
lies," by Edward Marion Chadwick, Toronto, Vol.
I., p. 143.
3. — Madeleine, died Jan. loth, 181 1, married Dr.
Robert Richardson Jan. 24th, 1793, of whom see
Richardson genealogy following.
Of the second marriage :
I. — Charles, born 1780, married Monique Jacobs,
Captain of Militia, present at taking of Detroit
(medal and clasp) , was at Queenston Heights and
several other engagements, appointed Clerk of the
Peace and Clerk of the District Court in 1824;
was Commissioner of Customs from April 27th,
1824, till 1S36; inherited the homestead of Strabane
which descended to his son, the present occupant,
Alexander-Henry Askin, named after Alexander
Henry the fur trader, a friend of Col. John Askin
when he was King's Commissary at Michili
mackinac.
2. — Adelaide, born May 30th, 1783, married in 1802,
Col. Elijah Brush, of the Michigan Militia and
' Attorney- General of the Northwest Territory.
3. — ThIres^, married Col. Thomas McKee, son of
Col. Alexander McKee, Deputy Superintendent
General of Indian Affairs. Col. Thomas McKee
was elected M.L. A. for Kent in 1796 and for Essex
in 1 80 1. They had issue: Alexander married
Phyllis Jacob, whose son Thomas is at present
County Clerk of Essex, resides at Sandwich.
William J. McKee, son of the latter, the present

lii INTRODUCTION
M.L. A. for North Essex, married the eldest
daughter of Charles Baby.
4. — Eleanor, born 1788, married Richard Pattinson,
of Sandwich, Captain of MUitia, and had issue :
Richard, who served 16 years in India, rose to rank
of Major of i6th Lancers, was Adjutant- General of
Cavalry, was present at battles of Aliwal and
Sobraon (the Sutlej medal, two clasps), present at
battle of Maharajpore (star); exchanged to a
Highland Infantry Regiment and while stationed
at- Halifax in 184S visited his native town of
Sandwich; served throughout the Crimean War
(medal with clasps) ; appointed Governor of Heli
goland, 1857.
5. — Archange married Lieut.-Col. Meredith of the
Royal Artillery.
6. — Alexander, died unmarried.
7. — James, married Frangoise-Navarre-Gode Maran-
tette. Colonel of Militia, served as Lieut, at taking '
of Detroit (medal with clasp) , Captain in 2nd Essex
Militia at Frenchtown and the battle of the Miami ;,
appointed Registrar of Essex in 1831. They had
issue : (i) John, who succeeded his father as
Registrar in 1846, and who was in turn succeeded
by his son, J. Wallace Askin, in 1872. (2) Ar
change married Henry Ronalds, their only child,
Mary-Elizabeth-Lucy died 1901, married 1868,
George-Becher Harris, grandson of Lieut.-Col.
Samuel Ryerson (1752-1812), and had issue,
George- Henry -Ronald, born 1873 ; Edward Mont
gomery, born 1880 ; Amelia- Archange. (3) James
went to New Zealand in 1848 and afterwards to
Australia. (4) Charles, Lieut, of Militia, killed
accidentally by a sentry at Amherstburg in 1S38.
(5) Jane married (I.) Daniel Murray, of Toronto,
(II.) Edward Skae. (6) Therese. (7) AHce.
' (8) EUen.

bibliography Hii

BIBLIOGRAPHY.
I. Tecumseh, a poem of four cantos, and i88 stanzas
of ottava rima. 1828 (?)
This poem was published before February iSth, 1S28,
but I do not know in what form. Captain R. H. Barclay,
in a letter of this date, thanks Richardson for the
flattering notice he gets in the poem. It was re-pub
lished in The New Era or Canadian Chronicle, in
its last four issues bearing the dates, July 22nd, July 29th,
August i2th^nd August 19th, 1842.
II. I. !^cart6 ; or the Salons of Paris, London, 1829.
It is stated in Allibone's Dictionary of Authors that
it was published in 3 Vols. Post Svo.
I have not seen this edition.
2. ifecARTi;: I or, | the Salons of Paris. | by Major Rich
ardson, I Kniglit of the Order of St. Ferdinand, | Author
of " Wacousta," " Hardscrabble, &c., &c. | Author's
revised edition. | New York : | Dewitt & Davenport, Pub
lishers, I Tribune Buildings.
206 pp. Illustrated paper cover. Price fifty cents.
Size 9x5^.
Entered according to Act of Congress, 1851.
3. fecARTii ; or the Salons of Paris. New York, 1888.
Pollard & Moss. i2mo.
Issued as No. 83 in the P. & M. i2mos., cloth at fifty
cents, and as No. 31 of the Echo series, paper, at twenty-
five cents.
"Ecarte," "Wacousta," "Matilda Montgomerie " and
' ' Hardscrabble ' ' were printed in 1 888 by Pollard & Moss,
New York, from the same plates as were used by Dewitt,
& Davenport for printing their editions. The plates were
cut down, to fit a shorter page.
III. I. Wacousta ; | or, | The Prophecy : | A Tale of
the Canadas. I

" -Vengeance is still alive ; from her dark covert,
¦With all her snakes erect upon her crest.
She stalks in view and fires me -with her charms."
Tlie Revenge.

liv INTRODUCTION
By ¦ the anthorof" :6carte." | in three volumes. | Vol.
I. I London : | T. Cadell, Strand ; and W. Blackwood, |
EdinWgh. I 1832. I
Vol. I. 4-F280 pp. Vol. II. 4+332 pp. Vol. III. 4-F
372 pp. Size, 7x45^. Dedicated to the 41st Regiment.
2. Wacousta : | or | The Prophecy. | A Tale of the
Canadas. I

' -Vengeance is still alive ; from her dark covert,
-With all her snakes erect upon her crest.
She stalks in vie-w and fires me with her charms." T^he Revenge.

I Bythe author of ":6carte." | in two volumes. | Vol.1. |
Philadelphia: | Keyand Biddle, 23 Minor Street. | 1S33. |
Vol. I. 264 pp. Vol. II. 274 pp. Size 6J^x4^.
This edition was not issued withthe author's sanction.
3. Wacousta; | or | The Prophecy : | A Tale of the
Canadas, | by Major Richardson, | Knight of the Mil.

Order of St. Ferdinand.
Canadian Brothers," &c.

Author of "Ecarte," "The

' -Vengeance is still alive ; from her dark covert,
¦With all her snakes erect upon her crest,
She stalks in view and fires me with her charms."
The Revenge.

I Second edition. | In three volumes. | Vol.1. | London; |
1S40. I
Vol. I. 4+280 pp. Vol. II. 2+332 pp. Vol. III. 2-1-
372 pp. Size7>^x4.
From a careful comparison of this edition with the
first, I have come to the conclusion that the author
brought several copies of the first edition, in sheets, from
London and had them bound in Canada, uniformlj' -with
"The Canadian Brothers," -with a new title page as
above, printed tiere, but bearing the imprint London. The
typography, paper, pagination and name of printer agree.
Dedicated to the Sth (or King's) Regiment.
4. Wacousta; | or, | The Prophecy I An Indian
Tale. I

' Vengeance is still alive ; from her dark covert,
¦With all her snakes erect upon her crest.
She stalks in view, and fires me with her charms."
THB RBVBNGB.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Iv
I By Major Richardson, | ' Author of ' ' Hardscrabble, ' '
" Ecarte," &c. | Revised edition. | New York : | Robert
M. De Witt, PubHsher, | 33 Rose Street. |
224 pp. Paper; price, fifty cents. Size, 9x5^.
Introduction by author dated January ist, 1851.
Some copies bear the imprint 160 & 162 Nassau St.
5 . Wacousta ; | or | The Prophecy : | An Indian
Tale. I

¦ ¦Vengeance is still alive ; from her dark covert,
¦With all her snakes erect upon her crest.
She stalks in view, and fires me with her charms."
THE REVBNGE.

By Major Richardson, | Author of "Hardscrabble,"
"Ecarte," etc. | First Canadian edition. | Montreal: |
John LoveU, St. Nicholas Street. | 1868. | 168 pp.
Size, 9^^x614;.
6. Wacousta ; | or, | The Prophecy | An Indian
Tale. I

" ¦Vengeance is still alive ; from her dark covert,
¦With all her snakes erect upon her crest,
She stalks in view, and fires me with her charms."
THE REVENGE.

By Major Richardson, | author of "Hardscrabble,"
"Ecarte," &c. | New York: | Pollard & Moss, | 47
John Street. |  | 188S.
262 pp. Cloth. Size, 7^x5.
No. So of the P. & M. i2mos. Price, 50 cents.
No. 27 of the Echo Series. Paper. Price, 25 cents.
' ' Wacousta ' ' was published as a serial in ' ' The
Transcript" newspaper of Montreal.
IV. I. Movements of the British Legion. First edi
tion, London, 1836. I have not seen this edition.
2. Movements | ofthe | i^ritish Legion, | with | stric
tures on the course of conduct pursued | by Lieutenant
General Evans. |  | By Major Richardson, K.S.F.
author of "Ecarte," '-'Wacousta," &c., &c. | 
Second edition. | To which is added, with new views.
A Continuation of the Operations from the 5th of May,
1836, to the close of | March, 1837. |  | London

Ivi INTRODUCTION
Published by Simpkin, MarshaU andCo.Stationer'sHaU |
Court ; J. Macrone, St. James's Square ; and E. Wilson,
I Royal Exchange, CornhiU. |  | 1837. |
XVI.+330PP. Size, SJ^xsJ^.
Contains seven Hthographed plates.
V. Personal Memoirs | of | Major Richardson, |
[Author of " Movements of the British Legion," &c.
&c. &c.] I as connected with | the singular oppression of
that officer whUe in Spain by | Lieutenant General Sir
De Lacy Evans. |  | A man who is too proud to
acknowledge a fault when he is conscious of having com
mitted 1 one, and thereby wounded the feelings of an
other, shows'himself to be, instead of elevated | rank,
very low indeed in the scale of intellectual worth. His
pride is of the meanest kind, and | to him even more dis
graceful thari his ia.Vilt,~Anonymous, \  ] Montreal :
Armour & Ramsay : | W. Neilson, Quebec ; R. Stanton,
Toronto ; and J. Macfarlane, | Kingston. |  | 183S. |
146+ IV. pp. Size, 9x5?^.
VI. I. The I Canadian Brothers ; | or, | The Prophecy
Fulfilled. I A tale of the late American War. |  -| By
I Major Richardson, | Knight of the Military Order of
Saint Ferdinand, | Author of "Ecarte," "Wacousta,"
&c. &c. I  I In two volumes. | Vol. I. |  | Mon
treal : I A. H. Armour and H. Ramsay. |  | 1840. |
Vol. I., XIV. + 220 pp. Vol. II. , 228+ IV. pp.
Size, 75^x414:.
This book, revised and slightly abridged by the author,
was published in the United States under the title of
" Matilda Montgomerie." The following are the editions
of this work under this title :
2. Matilda Montgomerie : | or, | The Prophecy Ful
filled. I A tale of the late American War. | Being the sequel
to " Wacousta." | By Major Richardson, | Knight of the
Order of St. Ferdinand. | Author of "Wacousta," "Hard
scrabble," "Ecarte," etc., etc. | No place. No date.
No publisher's name. 192 pp., octavo, paper cover.
Entered in 1S51 by Dewitt & Davenport, New York.
3. Matilda Montgomerie: | or, | The Prophecy Ful
filled. I A tale of the late American War. | Being the
sequel to Wacousta. | By Major Richardson, I author of

bibliography lvii
"Wacousta," "Hardscrabble," "Ecarte," etc., etc.
New York: | Pollard & Moss, | 47 John Street. | 1888.
226 pp., size 73^x5.
No. 28 of the Echo series, paper cover, price 25 cents.
No. 81 of the P. -& M., i2mos., cloth, price 50 cents.
VII. War of | 1812. |  | First Series. | Containing
a full and detailed narrative | of the | operations of the |
Right Division, | of the | Canadian Army, | by | Major
Richardson, K.S.F. |  | 1842. | (Brockville.)
6-t-2-|-i84 pp. SizeSJ^xsJ^.
Published originally in. Vol. II. of The New Era or
Canadian Chronicle, a paper published by Richardson,
at Brockville. The first number of Vol. II. was published
on March 2nd, 1842.
This book was the third article for which a copyright
was granted in the Province of Canada.
VIII. Eight Years in | Canada ; | embracing | A Re
view of the Administrations | of | Lords Durham and
Sydenham, Sir Chas. Bagot, | and Lord Metcalfe ; | and
including | numerous interesting letters | from Lord Dur
ham, Mr. Chas. Buller, and other | well-known public
characters. |  | By Major Richardson, | Knight of the
MiUtary Order of St. Ferdinand, | Anthorof "Ecarte,"
"Wacousta," " The Canadian Brothers," &c. &c.
g^Q I  -.^ I ]3g Omnibus Rebus et Quibusdam Aliis.
I  I Montreal, Canada : | Published by H. H. Cun
ningham, 50, Notre Dame Street. |  | 1847. |
232 pp. Size 85^x5.
Some copies contain a lithographed portrait of the
author. IX. The I Guards in Canada ; | or, the | Point of
Honor : | being a . sequel to | Major Richardson' s |
"Eight Years in Canada." |  | Montreal: | Published
for the Author, I By H.H. Cunningham. I  | 1848. |
56 pp. Size8J^x5^.
Yellow-coated paper covers. Title nearly as above in
two colors, with border, verso, arms of Great Britain.
Although this book bears the date 1848 on the title
page the registration notice is as follows : ' ' Entered
according to the Act of the Provincial Legislature, in
the .year one thousand eight hundred and forty-seven, by

Iviii introduction
Major Richardson, in the office of the Registrar of the
Province of Canada. ' '
X. I. Hardscrabble; | or, the | Fall of Chicago. | A
Tale of Indian Warfare. | By Major Richardson, | Author
of "Wacousta," "Ecarte," "Matilda Montgomerie," etc.,
etc., I New York: | Robert M. De Witt, Publisher | i6o
& 162 Nassau St. | no date, 100 pp. Svo., paper cover.
PubHshed probably in 1 850.
2 . Hardscrabble ; | or, the | Fall of Chicago. | A
Tale of Indian Warfare. | By Major Richardson, | Author
of I "Wacousta; or, The Prophecy," "Matilda Mont
gomerie; or. The Prophecy | Fulfilled," " fecarte; or. The
Salons of Paris," etc., etc. | New York: | Pollard &
Moss, I 42 Park Place and 37 Barclay Street. | iSSS. |
114 pp. Size 7^x5.
No. 87 of the P. and M., i2mos., cloth, price 50 cents.
No. 42 of the Echo Series, paper, price 25 cents.
In Allibone' s Dictionary of Authors it is stated that
an edition was published in octavo form in 1856.
XI. Waunangee ; or The Massacre of Chicago. A
Romance. Octavo, paper, twenty-five cents. Long &
Bro. New York and London. 1852.
I have not been able to see a copy of this work. It
may be " Hardscrabble " under another name, or it may
be a sequel to it. ' ' Hardscrabble ' ' describes the events
that took place until the 4th of July, 1812. The
massacre of the garrison at Fort Dearborn took place in
August, hence this book may be a sequel.
XII. The Monk Knight of St. John; a tale of the
Crusaders. New York. The Dictionary of National
Biography gives the date of this work as 1S50, while
Morgan gives 1854.
XIII. Westbrook ; or, the Outlaw. Svo.
I have not seen a copy of either XII. or XIII.

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M
O
S ^
= w

WAR OF
1812.

FIRST SERIES,

CONTAINING A FULL AND DETAILED NARRATIVE
OF THE
OPERATIONS OF THE
Biii©iii=i? ®n"^nsn®.sr£)
QF THE
•BY
MAJOR RICHARDSON, K. S. F.
184 2  ^^^
Facsimile of the title page of the original edition.

" Entered according to Act ofthe Provincial Legislature, in
" the year 1842, by Major Richardson, K. S. F., in the OfBce
" of the Registrar of the Province of Canada."

DEDICATION

To the present United Legislature of Canada, in whom has origi
nated, and by -whom has been carried into partial operation, one of
the most beneficent measures -which can be conferred upon a young
country-that of a salutary provision for Education-this Historical
Narrative, the first of an important series, (the completion of -which
must depend upon the countenance and support extended to the com-
mencement)and compiled with a view to the furtherance of their
object. Is Dedicated,
By Their Very Obedient,
And Humble Servant,
lhe AUTHOR.
July 1 6th, 1842.

PREFACE

In preparing this first of a series of Historical Nar
ratives for the use of Schools in Canada, the Author has
been influenced by considerations, -which he conceives -will,
more or less, govern the minds of those to -whom the
Education of the youth of the country is entrusted.
It is a humiliating, yet undeniable fact, that there are
few young men of the present generation -who are at all
aware, except by vague and inaccurate report, of the bril
liant feats of arms, and sterling loyalty displayed by their
immediate progenitors, during the stern but brief struggle
with the neighboring Republic, wherein numbers were
fearfully against them, but in which, supported by true
courage, and the consciousness of a good cause, they rode
triumphant over every obstacle, and came forth uncon
quered from the strife. Or, if they have read of these
matters, their information has been derived through the
corrupt channel of American party publications bearing
on the subject, all which have a tendency to pervert
facts, and to instil into the youthful mind that diffidence
and mistrust which operate as a check upon the generous
aspirings, and weaken the energies of the national char
acter. Recovering as this country is, at this moment, from the
severe shock which, although but of temporary duration,
has deeply tested its general attachment and fealty to the
British throne, and lapsing into that state of tranquillity

2 PREFACE
from which it never should have departed, it will without
difficulty be conceded that no compilation could, with
greater propriety or consistency, be placed in the hands
of Canadian students, than that which records the gallant
deeds performed by their Fathers, fighting side by side,
with the troops of England in defence of their invaded
firesides : when, actuated by a devoted spirit of loyalty,
and a generosity of emulation never exceeded, they won
golden opinions from their Sovereign, and stood boldly
forth in the hour of the country's greatest need — nor,'
although the youth of Western Canada have the greatest
reason to feel pride in this fact, should it fail to be a
soturce bf satisfaction to the French Canadian pupil,whose
Sire was, at the epoch treated of in the foUo-wing narra
tive, ever forward in the demonstration of his attachment
to British Institutions, and unwavering in his resolution
to defend them with his hfe. These were, indeed, happy
and well-remembered days, when but one sentiment actu
ated the French and English races, who were knit to
gether in one common bond of good fellowship, and knew
rivalry only in their desire to tender to the parent, who
had cherished and nursed them, the grateful evidence of
their love. This is no over-charged picture of the feeUng
which then existed in the Canadas, and on the direction
given to the minds of its youth of the present day, French
and EngUsh, must depend its utter extinction or revival.
In adopting the familiar style of the narrative, the
Author has had two distinct inducements in -view — firstly,
because that species of composition relieves history of the
dryness which is so great a barrier to interest -with the
student ; and secondly, because, in identifying himself with
his subject, the reader is necessarily led to do the same.
There are few Canadian youths who -will fail to be inspired
by a generous spirit of emulation, as they bear vividly
before them the fact that the Author whom they are per
using, and who has -written for their instruction and infor-

PREFACE 3
mation, was even hiniself a student' when summoned by
the trumpet of War, from a perusal of the miUtary exploits
of the most renowned warriors of by-gone days, to range
himself in the next hour under the victorious banner of a
modern Chief not less daring, and scarcely less celebrated
than any of those and to defend, with his feeble yet willing
arm, the soil which gave him birth, and the Standard to
which he owed allegiance.
That the lot which was the Author's may be that of
the Reader, is a reflection which can never be lost sight
of by the generous of character whose rallying cry, when
ever domestic rebellion or foreign invasion stalk through
out th'e land their Sires have consecrated to England with
their blood, will assuredly ever be ' ' Aut vincere aut
mori." The past has pledged, the future will redeem
the bond.
1 1 had first breathed the breath of life near the tfcen almost isolaf
ed Falls of Niagara — the loud roaring of whose cataract had, per
haps, been the earnest of the storms — and they have been many —
which were to assail my after life. My subsequent boyhood, up
to the moment, when at flfteen years of age, I became a soldier,
had been passed in a small town (Amherstburg), one of the most
remote, while, at the same time, one of the most beautifully situat
ed in Canada. I had always detested school, and the days that
were passed in it. were to me days of suffering, such as the boy
alone can understand. With the reputation for some little capa
city, I had been oftener flogged than the greatest dunce in it, per
haps as much from the caprice of my tutor as from any actual
wrong in myself — and this had so seared my heart — given me such
a disgust for Virgil, Horace, and Euclid, that I often meditated
running away, and certainly should have gratified the very laud
able inclination, had I not apprehended a severity from my father
—a stern, unbending man, that would have left me no room for
exultation at my escape from my tutor. It was, therefore, a day
of rejoicing to me when the commencement of hostilities on the
part of the United States, and the unexpected appearance of a large
body of their troops, proved the signal of the " break up " of the
school, or college, (fbr by the latter classical name was known the
long, low, narrow, stone building, with two apologies for wings
springing at right angles from the body), and my exchange of
Caesar's Commentaries for the King's Regulations and Dundas.
The transition was indeed glorious, and in my joy at the change
which had been wrought in my position, I feltdisposed to bless
the Americans for the bold step they had taken.
Eight Years in Canada, by Major Eichardson, p. 87.

OPERATIONS. OF THE
RIGHT DIVISION
OF THE
ARMY OF UPPER CANADA
DURING THE
AMERICAN WAR
OF 1812
&c., &c., &c.
I
indians in british wars  riots of the
' ' war-hawks' ' '
Miich has been said and written in respect to the Red-
men of the forest ; but I do not recollect having ever met
¦ with a detail sufficiently accurate to convey a just idea of
the character of these people. As they -will occupy a tol
erable portion of my attention, and frequently appear
under circumstances which may incline the reader to in
credulity, I will merely observe, that no one incident will
be found committed to these pages, which may not be
attested by every officer who served with the Right
Division of the Canadian army. In fact, to that division
alone were the more savage of the Indian race attached ;
and when it is considered, that among the warriors of at
.  «» 
1 " War-hawks " was a name given to a portion of the Eepublican
party that clamored for war against Great Britain. Madison se
cured his second nomination for the Presidency by agreeing to
their demands. The principal leaders of the war party
were Henry Clay of Kentucky, Felix Grundy of Tennessee,
Langdon Cheves, William Lowndes and John C. Calhoun of
South Carolina, and Peter B. Porter of New York, having seats in
the House of Eepresentatives and William H. Crawford, in the
Senate. See The United States, an Outline of Political History
by Goldwin Smith, D.C.L., p. 170.

6 INDIANS IN BRITISH WARS
least twenty different tribes, there were those who had
scarcely ever any previous intercourse with whites, and
had seldom approached a fortified place but in open hos
tility, the indomitableness of their natures will cease to
excite surprise. As it is my intention to give a faithful
account of the various cruelties committed during our
struggle in Canada — cruelties -we had not power to pre
vent, since perpetrated by an ally over whom we had no
control — it may not be improper to advert to the motives
for their employment. The Americans have invariably
been loud in their condemnation of a measure which
alone secured to us the possession of Upper Canada : with
how little reason, however, will appear from the well-
known fact, that every possible exertion was used, by the
agents of their Government, to detach the Indians from
our cause. Embracing the system adopted and followed
by England for years, presents of all descriptions were
issued to the warriors ; while, in the council, the most
flattering promises were made, the most seducing offers
held forth, to induce them to make common cause with
the invader. The wary chieftains, however, were not to
be tempted by professions of friendship from those whose
perfidy had long been proverbial with the Indian race.
The bounties of England had been heaped on them with
no sparing hand — the faith of the Government had never
been violated — no spirit of interest or domination had
chased them from the homes of their forefathers — the
calumet of peace had never once been dashed from the
lips of those they were called on to abandon ; and they
remained true to the faith they had pledged, staunch to
the cause in which they had embarked. The natives
must have been our friends or our foes : had we not
employed them the Americans would ; and although
humanity may deplore the necessity imposed by the very
invader himself, of counting them among our allies, and
combating at their side, — the law of self-preservation was
our guide, and scrupulous indeed must be the power that

EFFORTS TO CONTROL INDIANS ^
would have hesitated at such a moment in its choice.
The act of aggression was not ours — we declared no war
against America — ^we levied no armies to invade her soil,
and carry desolation wherever they came : — ^but we
availed ourselves of that right, common to every weak
power — the right of repelling acts of aggression by every
means within our reach. Yet though it is admitted that
the Indians, while our allies, were in some instances
guilty of those atrocities peculiar to every savage people ;
.let it not be supposed that these atrocities were sanc
tioned either by the Government or by individuals. On
the contrary, every possible means were tried by the
officer commanding at Amherstburg, and Colonel Elliott, '
superintendent of Indian affairs for that post, to soften
down the warlike habits of the natives. The most likely
method of preventing the unnecessary effusion of blood
I Col. Matthew Elliott, Deputy Superintendent of Indian Affairs,
whose name is inseparably associated with the events on the De
troit frontier from 1775 till his death on the 7th May 1814, en
tered the Indian Department as a captain. The influence that
Britain exercised over the Indians was in a great measure due to
his prudence, tact and firmness. Many of the hardships incident
to a border warfare were much ameliorated by the power this offi
cer possessed over the wildest and most savage tribes. The
treacherous murder of his eldest son, a promising young lawyer,
by some American Indians, his prisoners, was a sad blow to the
Cfolonel. His humanity was well-known and Gen. Harrison bears
testimony to his efforts to prevent the slaughter of American
prisoners. '
When he removed to Upper Canada he built a large house,
still standing in part, on the Detroit river opposite the south
ern end of Bois Blanc island. This point is still called Elliott's
Point. Col. Elliott was exceedingly active during the flrst years of the
war. On the evacuation of Amherstburg, he retreated with Proc
ter to Moraviantown, and it is said he saved Procter's life there by
throwing up the rifle of Tecumseh, who was going to shoot Procter
for his contemplateii retreat before the battle was decided. In this
engagement, had he been less intent on his public duties,
he might have saved both his personal baggage and his valuable
plate which were captured by the Arnericans. The hardships of
the trying campaign of 1813 told heavily upon him at his ad
vanced age and hastened his death. He was M.P.P. for Essex
from 1801 to 1812.
Frederick E. Elliott, the present representative of the family,
lives on part ofthe land grant given to his grandfather forhis services.

8 INDIANS IN BRITISH WARS
was that of offering rewards for prisoners. This, how
ever, except in a very few instances, was found to be
ineffectual ; for the character and disposition of the
savage were not to be tamed by rewards, nor the impres
sion of ages to jbe removed by such temptations. To
have employed force, would have been to have turned
their weapons against ourselves ; and a body of five hun
dred troops, composing the utmost strength of the gar
rison, could have effected little against three thousand
fiery warriors, unused to restraint, and acknowledging
no power but their own will. The Americans themselves
had Indians employed in their service — a few only it is
true — ^but if they had not more, it was not owing to any
want of exertion on their parts ; and if it is admitted on
the one hand, that they conducted themselves with more
humanity, it cannot at the same time be denied on the
other, that the feebleness of their numbers rendered them
more immediately subject to the authority of the Ameri
can commanders, neither can it be disputed, that com
pulsion alone bound them to the adverse cause, their
families having been often detained as hostages to answer
for their fidelity.
On the 1 8th of June, 1812, a formal declaration of war
against Great Britain and her dependencies was passed
by both Houses of Congress, ' and approved by Mr. Madi
son, the President — on the 20th it was officially notified
by General Bloomfield to the American army, and in what
spirit received by the war-party may be inferred from the
following account which appeared in the American papers
of that period. Gazette Office, Boston, August 2nd, 1812.
This morning's mail gives us a few particulars of a most
barbarous riot in Baltimore, instigated by the friends of
I The majority for war -ft-as 30 in the House of Eepresentatives
and but 6 in the Senate. The country divided almost geograph
ically pn the question. The vote on the Act declaring war with

RIOTS AT BALTIMORE 9
the Administration, and completed by French Democracy.
Our blood stagnates with cold horror at the enormity of
the scenes ; while our indignation is roused at the passive,
and therefore encouraging deportment of the Pohce ; and
our grief is deep and most painful from the loss of the
eminent, the patriotic and the worthy characters who have
fallen a sacrifice to the fury of the friends of War, and
upholders of the Administration. Baltimore, July 29th, 1812.
' ' The peace of our city has been again disturbed by the
mob, the effects of which have been dreadful. On Mon
day morning, the ' Federal Republican ' was again issued
from the press in this city. Mr. Hanson, one of the Edi
tors, expecting an attack, had collected his friends in the
New office (which is a brick house in Charles Street) to
the number of from 50 to 75, completely armed with mus
kets, pistols, daggers, etc. , determined to defend the house
at all hazards. The mob collected and commenced the
attack between 9 and 10 o'clock in the evening, by break
ing all the windows with brick-bats ; and attempting to
Great Britain was as follows : —

New Hampshire 
Massachusetts 
Ehode Island 
Connecticut 
Vermont 
New York 
New Jersey . . . . , 
Pennsylvania 
Delaware 
Maryland 
Virginia 
North Carolina 
South Carolina 
Georgia  ' 
Kentucky 
Tennessee 
Ohio 
Majority for war 

In House op
Repkesentat-

IN Senate

Yeas. 'Nays,

0 03 3
2
16 0 6
14 683ri 3 1

79
30

71
11 4 2 1
35300
0 0
0

49

Yeas.

Nays.

1

1

1

1

0

2

0

0

1

0

1

1

1

1

2

0

0

2

1

1

2

0

2

0

2

0

2

0

1

1

9

0

0

1

19

13

6

IO RIOTS OF THE " WAR-HAWKS
force the door. The Garrison, after warning them of the
consequences, fired a few rounds of blank cartridges,
which had no other effect than to exasperate them. They
then commenced firing with ball and slugs. Two or three
were killed, and numbers were desperately wounded. The
mob then retreated, and marched to Fell's Point and pro
cured a cannon, with which they returned about 2 o'clock
in the morning. The piece was loaded, and placed before
the house ; but through some defect in the management
of the gun they could not get her to go off. Partial attacks
were in this way kept up until morning when the garrison,
seeing no practicability of being rescued by the civil auth
ority, found means to escape privately : all except about
25 who were determined to hold out. About 7 in the
morning the Mayor of the City, and General Strieker,
ha-ving collected a force of horse and infantry, amounting
in all to about one hundred men, marched them to the
scene of action, and paraded them in front of the house,
but took no pains to disperse the mob by which they
were surrounded. The small band of heroes who still
garrisoned the house, now offered to give themselves up
to the Mayor and General Strieker, if they would promise
to protect them from the mob. This was acceded to by
the Mayor and the General, who gave them their word of
honor that they should have ample protection from all
harm. They were accordingly taken from the house, sur
rounded by the miUtary, who formed a hollow square, and
in this manner marched to the City prison, where theywere
lodged and left -without any guard, the troops being im
mediately dispersed, notwithstanding they were followed
by tha mob (often pelting them with brick-bats and pav
ing-stones) and swearing that the prison should not pro
tect the damned Tories, but that they should all be killed
in 24 hours. At noon verbal orders were issued for the
5th Regiment of Infantry to turn out at 3 o'clock, P.M.,
and after the utmost exertions of some spirited officers, at
4 o'clock but about 30 or 40 men were collected ; they'
continued under arms about an hour, when orders came
from the Mayor, as the mob had dispersed, to dismiss
them. About 8 o'clock in the evening the mob again col
lected, attacked the prison, and forced the outer door,
when the Sheriff it is said delivered them the keys of the
inner apartments, which they opened, and brought the un
fortunate men out two at a time, and beat them -with clubs

KINDLY FEEIvING IN THE NORTH II
until they thought them dead — one they carried away,
tarred and feathered him, beat him until he was almost
dead; pricked him -with sharp irons, and carded him vnth
a wool-card. At lo o'clock I saw five lying in front of the
prison apparently lifeless, while these horrid savages were
prowling over them, and exulting in their worse than
savage barbarity ; it was indeed a horrid sight, and it
makes my blood boil when I think pf it.
' ' I am informed this morning, that there is but one
actually dead, that some can live but a few hours, and
the lives of the greatest part are despaired of. They were
secured, I am told, by meritorious exertions of the doctor
who persuaded the butchers that they were dead, and had
them conveyed away in carriages, as fast as they could
get them out of their hands. The one who is ascertained
to have been killed was General Lingau, an old Revolu
tionary Officer. General S. L,ee of Virginia was also
among them ; the rest were chiefly young men whose
connections were the most respectable in the City. The
inhabitants are in the utmost consternation : all business
is suspended : people collect in small groups in the streets,
with a settled gloom upon their countenances, and every
man looks with suspicion on his neighbor, for no man
thinks himself safe whose political creed does not agree
-with that of the mob ; lest that an unguarded expression
may subject him to their fury. The number stated to
have been massacred in the gaol exceeds twenty, and
among these are Captains Murray and Lingau of the
United States army."
Such is the picture drawn of American feeling on the
occasion, by an American himself. Let me place in
relief to it kindlier relations which existed at that period
along the border, as exhibited in a letter dated
Niagara, (Aitnerican side) June 28th.
' ' The news of war reached the British at (Niagara)
Fort George the 24th by express, two days before it was
received at our military station. General Brock, the
British Governor, arrived at Fort George the 25th.
Several American Gentlemen were there on a visit, who
were treated very politely by the Governor, and sent
under the protection of Captain Glegg, his aid, to Fort
Niatgara with a flag. The news of war was very unwel
come on both sides of the river. They have been for six

12

RIOTS OF THE " WAR-HAWKS"

years in habits of friendly intercourse, connected by mar
riages and various relationships. Both sides were in con
sternation ; the women and children were out on the
banks of the river, while their Fathers, husbands, sons,
etc., were busily employed in arming. It was said
Captain Glegg also bore a summons for the surrender of
Fort Niagara, but this was contradicted by Captain
Leonard commanding that post, who said the message
was merely to inquire if h6 had any official notice of the
war ; and that he answered in the negative."
A more remarkable illustration of this feeling is the following
Answer of the Men of New York Inhabiting the Western District,
to the proclamation of Gen. Smyth addressed to them :
General. — We have seen your Proclamation. We have seen
this Country, not many years ago, the sole habitation of the beasts
of the forest and their prowling Enemy. We see it the habitation
of many thousand souls, rich iu all the necessaries and in many
of the comforts of life. Till the day that the sound of war burst
on our ears from the Capitol at Washington, we scarcely exper
ienced one moment of anxiety for the safety of our persons and
property. Tlie clamor of avaricious traders, and of factious office-seekers
trouble not our quiet. It reached us, but at the period of the elec-
¦ tions, and it was then but like a blast of wind on our lakes, varie
gating but for a moment the placid uniformity of the surface.
Why should our Swords be drawn in redress of injuries which
we have never felt, or which, if they exist, are beyond our reach?
Why appeal to our valor for the destruction of our own happiness
or of that of others? ¦
We are the descendants of the men that fought at Bennington
and at Saratoga. The labors of the field are proof, alike, against
degeneracy, and the rage of contending factions. You, General,
have been more exposed to their influence. The men who fought
at Bennington and Saratoga fought for the liberties of their Coun
try. Foreign Mercenaries had set foot upon the soil which their
hands had redeemed from the desert and rendered fertile ; they
had entered the sanctuaries of their wives and children. Our
Fathers fought and conquered. You, General, who are taking the
place of these mercenaries, you cannot appeal to us.
The renown which you seek is not our renown. It is the renown
of Europe, not of America. The wrath of God precedes it, and
desolation follows in its footsteps. It delights in blood, and in
flelds strewn with carnage, in the tears of the widow, and the
plainings of the orphan perishing of want and disease. This is
your glory. Ours has upon it the primeval blessing of the Al
mighty ; our Victories are Victories over the unproductive face pf
nature ; our renown is in fertile fields, in peaceful homes arid
numerous and happy families.
Go, General, if you will. Should you ever reach the Walls of
Quebec, the' shade of Montgomery will reproach you for not hav
ing profited by his example ; and when vou fall, the men of New
York will lament that follv has found new victims.

II
hull's invasion — CAPTURE OF MICHILIMACKINAC
The garrison of Amherstburg, at the commencement of
the war, consisted of about 200 men of the first battalion
of the 41st Regiment, a very weak detachment of the
Royal Newfoundland Fencibles, and a subaltern's com
mand of artillery. Situated at the head of Lake Erie,
and forming the key to our relations with the Western
Indians, this post became an object of additional interest
to the enemy. With every opportunity of ascertaining
the weakness of its defences, and the almost utter impos
sibility of its obtaining supplies, the fall of Amherstburg
was looked forward to by the Americans, as an event
which admitted not of doubt. With this view, the
division under General Hull, consisting of two thousand
three hundred men, had been urged forward with all pos
sible despatch to Detroit, at a distance of eighteen miles
beyond Amherstburg, an attack on which latter place
was immediately contemplated. Having collected his
boats, and made every other necessary preparation, the
American General, on the 7th of July, "" landed three
miles above Sandwich, a small town nearly opposite to
Detroit, and within view of a corps of observation, which,
in conformity with its instructions, retired on his
approach. Colonel St. George, Inspecting Field officer,
and then commanding at Amherstburg, with that spirit
and activity by which he was distinguished throughout
I This date should be 12th of July. Every authority that I have
seen places it on this date. Anthony S. Baker in a despatch to
Lord Castlereagh dated Washington, August 1st, 1812, says :
"General Hull entered Canada on the night of the llth ult."
It is probable that the landing was on the night of llth and
morning of the 12th. 13

14 hull's invasion
the war, made every judicious disposition for his recep
tion. The militia were called out, and, through the
exertions of the various agents of their department, a
body of 600 Indians was soon collected. At a distance of
eight miles from Amherstburg, and traversing the high
road, is the Canard River, which empties itself into that
of the Detroit, and is impassable even by cavalry. Over
this, and near its mouth, a bridge composed entirely of
timber had been constructed. Seizing at once the advan
tage of this position, and determining to profit by the
delay the enemy must consequently experience; Colonel
St. George instantly caused the bridge to be destroyed,
and a body of marksmen to be posted among the long
grass and weeds with which the banks of the river are
covered, for the purpose of annoying such of the enemy
as appeared for its reconstruction. The Queen Charlotte,
a vessel of twenty guns, was at the same time anchored
at the mouth of the river, for the purposfe of keeping
them more effectually in check.
Meanwhile, General Hull amused himself and his enemy
by the following piece of rhodomontade, in the shape
of a PROCLAMATION.
Inhabitants of Canada !
After thirty years of peace and prosperity, the United
States have been driven to arms. The injuries and ag
gressions, the insults and indignities of Great Britain, have
once more left them no alternative but manly resistance
or unconditional submission. The army under my com
mand has invaded your country, and the standard of Union
now waves over the territory of Canada. To the peace
able, unoffending inhabitant, it brings neither danger nor
difficulty. I come to find enemies, not to make them. I
come to protect, not to injure you.
Separated by an immense ocean, and an extensive wil
derness from Great Britain, you have no participation in
her councils, no interest in her conduct — you have felt her

hull's PROCLAMATION 1 5
tyranny, you have seen her injustice ; but I do not ask you
to avenge the one, or redress the other. The United
States are sufficiently powerful to afford you every security
consistent -with their rights and your expectations. I
tender you the invaluable blessings of ci-vil, poUtical and
religious liberty, and their necessary result, individual and
general prosperity — that Uberty which gave decision to
our councils and energy to our conduct, in a struggle for
independence, and which conducted us safely and triumph
antly through the stormy period of the revolution — that
Uberty whicii has raised us to an elevated rank among the
nations of the world, and which has afforded us a greater
measure of peace, and security, of wealth and improve
ment, than ever fell to the lot of any country.
In the name of my country, and by the authority of
Government I promise you protection to your persons,
property and rights. Remain at your homes ; pursue
your peaceful and customary avocations, raise not your
hands against your brethren. Many of your fathers
fougjit for the freedom and independence we now enjoy.
Being children, therefore, of the same family -with us, and
heirs to the same heritage, the arrival of an army of
friends must be hailed by you vsdth a cordial welcome.
You -will be emancipated from tyranny and oppression,
and. restored to the dignified station of freemen. Had I
any doubt of eventual success, I might ask yoxur assist
ance, but I do not. I come prepared for every contingency
— I have a force which -will look down all opposition, and
that force is but the vanguard of a much greater. If
contrary to your o-wn interests and the just expectations
of my country, you should take part in the approaching
contest, you -will be considered and treated as enemies,
and the horrors and calamities of war -will stalk before
you. If the barbarous and savage poUcy of Great Britain
be pursue^, and the savages let loose to murder our citi
zens, and butcher our women and children, this war vsdll
be a war of extermination. The first stroke of the toma
hawk, the first attempt -with the scalping knife, will be
the signal of one indiscriminate scene of desolation ! No
white man found fighting by ihe side of an Indian will be
taken prisoner ; instant destruction will be his lot. If the
dictates of reason, duty, justice and humanity cannot
prevent the employment of a force which respects no right,
and knows no wrong, it will be prevented by a severe

1 6 hull's invasion
and relentless system of retaliation. I doubt not your
courage, and firmness — I will (not) doubt your attach
ment to liberty. If you tender your services voluntarily,
they will be accepted readily. The United States offer
you peace, Uberty and security — your choice lies between
these, and war, slavery and destruction. Choose then,
but choose wisely ; and may He, who knows the justice
of our cause, and who holds in His hand the fate of
nations, guide you to a result the most compatible with
your rights and interest, your peace and happiness.
W. HULL.
By the General,
H.Q. Sandwich, A. P. Hull,^
July 8th,' 1812. Captain of 13th U.S. Regt.
of Infantry & Aid de Camp.
As every thing relating to General Brock is, or ought to
be, of undying interest to the people of Canada, the
counter proclamation, issued by that officer, on receipt of
intelligence of the course which was being pursued by
I This proclamation is found in several documentary histories of
the war, and all differ in several minor particulars, such as capi
talization and punctuation, but the sense of all, however, is the
same. The author was, no doubt, Gen. Hull, but after his death the
authorship was claimed for Gen. Cass. Hull's grandson, James
Freeman Clarke, in his History of the Campaign of 1812, says :
"Whenever the proclamation is condemned. Gen. Hull is treated
as the author — when it is praised it is said to have been written by
Gen. Cass." Anyone acquainted with the various accounts must
come to the same conclusion. A copy was sent to Washington
and approved by the President ; but the American Commissioners
at the Treaty of Ghent declared the proclamation to have been un
authorized and disapproved by the Government. The date has
been given as the 12th and as the 13th of July. Hull in his memoirs
says the 12th,, so does Brannan in his Military and Naval Letters,
while the copy from the Archives of Canada given in Vol. 15 of the
Michigan Historical Collections is dated the 13th. The date given
by Richardson is certainly not correct.
2 The Aid to Gen. Hull and the signer of this proclamation was
his son, Abraham Fuller Hull. The second initial is a misprint
that appears in several copies of the proclamation. A. F. Hull
was a captain in the 13th U.S. Infantry, taken prisoner with the
army at Detroit, Aug. 16th, 1812, and exchanged on Jan. 18th,
1813. He was given a company in the 9th U.S. Infantry, and was
killed at its head at the battle of Lundy's Lane on July 25th,
1814. A small stone marks his grave in Lundy's Lane graveyard.

General William Hull.

brock's proclamation 17
General Hull, cannot be more appropriately introduced
than at this point of the narrative. It is a striking speci
men of manly eloquence, and firmness, and compared
with that which precedes it, is as sterling gold to tinsel.
Both proclamations, as -will be seen hereafter, are singu
larly characteristic of the men who framed them.
Proclamation .
The unprovoked declaration of War, by the United
States of America, against the United Kingdom of Great
Britain and Ireland and its dependencies has been fol
lowed by the actual invasion of this Province, in a remote
frontier of the Western District, by a detachment of the
armed force of the United States. The Officer Command
ing that detachment has thought proper to invite His
Majesty's subjects, not merely to a quiet and unresisting
submission, but insults them with a call to seek voluntarily
the protection of his Government. Without condescend
ing to repeat the illiberal epithets bestowed in this appeal
of the American Commander to the people of Upper
Canada, on the administration of His Majesty, every in
habitant of the Province is desired to seek the confutation
of such indecent slander, in the review of his own par
ticular circumstances ; where is the Canadian subject
who can truly affirm to himself that he has been injured
by the Government in his person, his liberty, or his
property?, Where is to be found in any part of ,the
world, a growth so rapid in wealth and prosperity, as this
colony exhibits ? Settled not thirty years by a band of
veterans, exiled from their former possessions on account
of their loyalty, not a descendant of these brave people is
to be found, who, under the fostering liberality of their
Sovereign, has not acquired a property and means of
enjoyment superior to what were possessed by their ances
tors. This unequalled prosperity could not have been
attained by the utmost liberality of the Government or
the persevering industry of the people, had not the mari
time power of the mother country secured to its colonies
a safe access to every market where the produce of their
labor was in demand.
The unavoidable and immediate consequence of a sep
aration from Great Britain must be the loss of this
inestimable advantage ; and what is offered you in

1 8 hull's invasion
exchange ? to become a territory of the United States,
and share with them that exclusion from the ocean which
the policy of their present government enforces — you are
not even flattered with a participation of their boasted in
dependence, and it is but too obvious that once exchanged
from the powerful protection of the United Kingdom, you
must be re-annexed to the dominion of France, from
which the Provinces of Canada were wrested by the arms
of Great Britain, at a vast expense of blood and treasure,
from no other motive but to relieve her ungrateful children
from the oppression of a cruel neighbour ; this restitution
of Canada to the Empire of France was the stipulated
reward for the aid afforded to the revolted colonies, now
the United States ; the debt is still due, and there can be
no doubt but the pledge has been renewed as a consider
ation for commercial advantages, or rather for an expected
relaxation in the tyranny of France over the commercial
world. Are you prepared. Inhabitants of Upper Canada,
to become -willing subjects, or rather slaves, to the Despot
who rules the Nations of Europe with a rod of iron ? — If
not, arise in a body, exert your energies, co-operate cor
dially with the King's regular forces, to repel the invader,
and do not give cause to your children, when groaning
under the oppression of a foreign master to reproach you
with having too easily parted with the richest inheritance
of this Earth — a participation in the name, character, and
freedom of Britons.
The same spirit of justice, which will make every rea
sonable allowance for the unsuccessful efforts of zeal and
loyalty, will not fail to punish the defalcation of principle ;
every Canadian freeholder is, by deliberate choice, bound
by the most solemn oaths to defend the monarchy as well
as his own property ; to shrink from that engagement is
a treason not to be forgiven : let no man suppose that if,
in this unexpected struggle. His Majesty's arms should
be compelled to yield to an overwhelming force, that the
Pro-vince will be eventually abandoned ; the endeared
relation of its first settlers, the intrinsic value of its com
merce, and the pretensions of its powerful rival to re
possess the Canadas, are pledges that no peace -will be
established between the United States, and Great Britain
and Ireland, of which the restoration of these Provinces
does not make the most prominent condition.
Be not dismayed at the unjustifiable threat of the

brock's proclamation 19
commander of the enemy's forces to refuse quarter
should an Indian appear in the ranks. The brave bands
of natives which inhabit this colony were, like His
Majesty's subjects, punished for their zeal and fidelity,
by the loss of their possessions in the late colonies, and
rewarded by His Majesty with lands of superior value in
this Province ; the faith of the British government has
never yet been violated, they feel that the soil they
inherit is to them and their posterity protected from the
base arts so frequently de-vised to overreach their sim
plicity. By what new principle are they to be prevented
from defending their property ? If their warfare, from
being different from that of the white people, is more
terrific to the enemy, let him retrace his steps — they seek
him not — and cannot expect to find women and children
in an invadirig army ; but they are men, and have equal
rights with all other men to defend themselves and their
property when invaded, more especially when they find
in the enemy's camp a ferocious and mortal foe, using
the warfare which the American commander affects to
reprobate. This inconsistent and unjustifiable threat of refusing
quarter for such a cause as being found in arms with a
brother sufferer in defence of invaded rights, must be ex
ercised with the certain assurance of retaliation, not only
in the limited operations of war in this part of the King's
Dominions, but in every quarter of the globe, for the
national character of Britain is not less distinguished for
humanity than strict retributive justice, which -will con
sider the execution of this inhuman threat as deliberate
murder, for which every subject of the offending power
must make expiation.
God Save the King.
ISAAC BROCK,'
Maj. Gen. and President.
Head Quarters, Fort George, 22nd July, 1812.
By order of His Honor the President, J. B. Glegg, Capt. A.D.C.
'"Brock's admirable production is generally believed to have
been prepared by Mr. Justice Powell, then Senior Puisne Judge of
the Court of King's Bench, of which Court he became Chief
Justice in the year 1816."
Sketches of Glengarry in Canada by J. A. Macdonell. p. 188,

20 HULL S INVASION
The activity with which General Hull commenced his
offensive operations gave indication that they would be
followed up with -vigor, and that, ha-ving once effected his
landing, he would afford not time for his enemies to col
lect the few resources they could command, or place them
selves in an attitude of defence. The fort of Amherstburg
could not have sustained a siege of any duration. Quad-
rangularin its form, four bastions alone flanked a dry ditch,
offering little obstacle to a determined enemy. This
passed, a single line of picketing, perforated with loop
holes for musketry, and supported by a slight breast work,
remained to be carried. A prudent commander would,
however, have chosen a less uncertain mode of dislodging
the garrison. A few shells properly directed would have
answered the purpose, since, with the exception of the
magazine, all the buildings -within were of wood, and cov
ered -with pine shingles of such extreme thinness, as
would have been found incapable of resisting missiles of
far less weight. The disadvantage of awaiting the enemy
in this position. Colonel St. George well knew. He con
sequently preferred giving him battle with the trifling
force he had at his disposition. With this view, the gar-'
rison received orders to be under arms at a moment's
warning, and the approach of the invader was anxiously
awaited. Satisfied, however, with having effected his
landing, and deriving no other advantage than that of
having his troops quartered on his enemy, the American
General appeared to have forgotten altogether the object
of his mission. Instead of descending the river Detroit
in boats, or attempting to throw a bridge across the Can
ard, at a point where we had no outpost, he contented
himself with despatching workmen, supported by bodies
of cavalry and infantry, to repair that already partially des
troyed. Repulsed in every attempt, the daily skirmishes
which ensued led to no action of a decisive nature.
Here was poured forth the first British blood shed in

FIRST ENGAGEMENT 21
the American War, and that in a manner so honorable to
the fallen, that it would be, in the highest degree unjust,
to omit insertion here of the most flattering official at
testation that ever was penned and published, in approval
of the heroic conduct of a private soldier of the British
Army. Enduring honor to the 41st Regiment to which
corps these gallant and devoted fellows belonged. Their
names, which, from some unaccountable cause, have not
been given in the General Order, were Hancock and
Dean, the former killed, the latter taken prisoner,' as
.shown in the foUo-wing extract from that order dated
Quebec, August 6th, 1812.
' ' The Commander of the Foi-ces takes great pleasure in
also announcing to the troops, that the enemy tmder
Brigadier General Hull have been repulsed in three at
tacks made on the i8th, 19th and 20th of last month,
upon part of the Garrison of Amherstburg, on the River
Canard, in the neighborhood of that place ; in which at
tacks His Majesty's 41st Regiment have particularly dis
tinguished themselves. In justice to that corps His Ex
cellency wishes particularly to call the attention of the
Troops to the heroism, and self-devotion displayed by two
privates, who being left as sentinels when the party to
which they belonged had retired, contrived to maintain
their station agains't the whole of the enemy's force, until
they both fell, when one of them, who,se arm had been
broken, again raising himself, opposed with his bayonet
those advancing against him, until overwhelmed by num
bers. An instance of such firmness and intrepidity de
serves to be thus publicly recorded, and His Excellency
thinks that it -will not fail to animate the Troops under
his command -with an ardent desire to follow so noble an
example, whenever an opportunity shall hereafter be
offered them."
Nor, among the very many daring exploits performed
at the Canard river, during the brief period of General
Hull's occupation of the Western District of Canada,
must omission be made of the gallant conduct of 22 War-
1 This event took place on the 16th of Julv.
Procter to Brock, July 26th, 1812.

22 CAPTURE OF MICHILIMACKINAC
riors of the Minoumini ' tribe of Indians, who defeated and
drove in a detachment of 200 Americans, under the com
mand of Major Denny, who had advanced as far as the
mutilated bridge, with a view of forcing a passage. The
river, as it is called, is not more than three or four rods in
width. While these unimportant events were passing in the
neighbourhood of Amherstburg, the small Garrison of
St. Josephs, the niost remote of our North Western
defences, was not idle. Information ha-ving been con
veyed to Captain Roberts of the loth Royal Veteran
Battalion, commanding that post, that war had been
declared by the American Government, that officer lost
no time in availing himself of the advantage afforded by
the ignorance of the fact, and consequent absence of
preparation on the part of the adjacent American Post of
Michilimackinac, and marched his disposable force to
compel a surrender of that fortress. Captain Roberts'
official despatch' on the subject has, we believe, never
" The modern spelling of this name is Menomoui. Their home
was along Green Bay, Lake Michigan.
2 Capt. Charles Eoberts to Colonel Baynes :
FoBT Michilimackinac, 17th July, 1812.
Sir, — On the 15th instant I received letters by Express from
Major General Brock, with orders to adopt the most prudent
measures either of offence or defence which circumstances might
point out, and having received intelligence from the best informa
tion that large reinforcements were daily expected to be thrown
into this garrison, and finding that the Indians who had been col
lected would soon have abandoned me if I had not made the
attempt, with the thorough conviction that my situation at St.
Joseph's was totally indefensible, I determined to lose no time in
making the meditated attack on this Fort.
On the sixteenth, at Ten o'clock in the morning, I embarked my
few men with about one hundred and fifty Canadian Engagues,
half of them without arras, about three hundred Indians and two
Iron Six-pounders. The boats arrived without the smallest acci
dent at the place of Eendevouz at three o'clock the following
morning. By the exertions of the Canadians one of the Guns was
brought up to a height commanding the garrison, and ready to
act, about Ten o'clock. A summons was then sent in, a copy of

ARTICLES OF CAPITULATION 23
been published, but the following letter from a gentleman
connected with, the Indian Department, to Colonel Claus,
the Superin tenden t-in- Chief of Indian affairs, sufficiently
details the nature of the operations of the little detach
ment. which, as well as of the capitulation which followed, I have the
honor to enclose. At twelve the American Colors were hauled
down and those of His Majesty were hoisted.
A Committee has been appointed to examine into tbe state of
the Public stores. Enclosed also are the Eeturns of the Ordnance
and Military stores found in the Fort, and the strength of the gar
rison. The greatest praize is due to every individual employed in
this expedition. To my own oflicers I am indebted in particular
for their active assistance in carrying all my orders into effect.
The Indians are flocking in from all Quarters, but in a few
weeks I shall be left in a great measure to my own resources, and
I trust His Excellency the Governor- General will see the necessity
©f adding to my force. I have the honor to be, sir,
Your most obedient servant,
CHAELES EOBEETS,
The Adjutant-General, Captain Commanding.
Ac, &c., &c. Heights above Fort Michilimackinac, 17th July, 1812.
Capitulation agreed upon between Captain Charles Eoberts,
commanding His Britannic Majesty's forces on the one part, and
Lieutenant Hanks, commanding the forces of the United States of
America, on the other. ARTICLE.
1st. The Fort of Michilimackinac shall be immediately surren
dered to the British force.
2nd. The garrison shall march out with the Honours of war, lay
down their arms and become prisoners of War, and shall be sent
to the United States of America by His Britannic Majesty not to
serve this war until regularly exchanged, and for the due perform
ance of this article the officers pledge their word of honour.
3rd. All the merchant's Vessels in the Harbour with their cargoes
shall be in possession of their respective owners.
4th. Private property shall be held sacred as far as in my power.
5th. All Citizens of the United States Who shall not take the
oath of Allegiance to His Britannic Majesty shall depart with
their property from the Island in one month from the date hereof.
Signed Signed
LIEUT. HANKS CHAELES EOBEETS
Commanding Captain commanding
the forces of the His Britannic Majesty's
United States at Forces.
Fort Michilimackinac.

24 CAPTURE OF MICHILIMACKINAC Mackinac,' i8 July, 1812.
Dear Sir,
I am happy to have it in my power to announce to you
that Fort Mackinac capitulated to us on the 17th inst., at
II o'clock A.M. Captain Roberts at our head with part
of IOth R.V. Battalion. Mr. Crawford had the command

I The first mission station in this district was established
by Father Marquette in 1670 or 1671. The site of this mission was
Point St. Ignace, north of the strait. Jn 1673 the French built,
near the mission church, a palisaded fort which was the
first Fort Michilimackinac. When De la Motte Cadillac was
in command it was called Fort Buade in honor of Count
Frontenac, Governor of New France. In 1701 Cadillac built
Fort Pontchartrain on the Detroit Eiver, and through his
influence the garrison from Michilimackinac was withdrawn and
the missionaries followed soon afterwards. In 1714 a post waa
re-established but the site of this fort was on the peninsula south of
the strait. It remained in the hands of the French till 1761, when
it was handed over to the British. It was before this fort on the
4th of June, 1763, that that great game of "ball" was played between
the Chippawas and Sacs, which ended in lhe capture of the fort
and the massacre of nearly all the whites, — an incident described
in Major Richardson's novel "Wacousta." For the sake of
security a new fort was built on the island of Mackinac, bought
from the Chippawas for £5,000. On July 13th, 1780, this fort waa
occupied by the British under Captain Patrick Sinclair, who
had the title of Lieut. -Governor and Superintendent of the
Post. In 1796 it was handed over to the United States to fulfil a
clause in Jay's treaty of 1794 and consequentlv the British garrison
was removed to the Island of St. Joseph. Captain Charles Eoberts,
commanding at St. Joseph, invested Fort Michilimackinac or
Mackinac on July 17th, 1812, with a force of whites and Indians,
and received its surrender from Lieut. Hanks on the same day.
It was held till the close of the war, although the United States
made strenuous efforts to retake it. To prevent surprise the old
fort was strengthened and a new one built on higher ground farther
inland, and named Fort George in honor of the King ; but when
the island was again ceded to the United States this new fort was
renamed Fort Holmes after Major Andrew Hunter Holmes, second
in command of the American force, who had been killed in the
attack on it on Aug. 4th, 1814. On July 18th, 1815, Lieut.-Col.
Eobert McDouall, the British commander, handed it over to Col.
Anthony Butler, representing the United States. It remained a
garrison post until 1895, when it was abandoned and given by
Congress to the State of Michigan.

JOHN askin' S LETTER 25
of the Canadians which consisted of about 200 men.
Mr. Dickson 113 Scioux, Fallsowines,' & Winnebagoes ;
myself about 130 men, Ottawas and Chippawas : part of
Ottawas of L' Arbre Croche had not arrived. It was a
fortunate circumstance that the Fort capitulated without
firing a single gun, for had they done so, I firmly believe
not a soul of them would have been saved. My Son,
Charles Langlade, Augustin Nolin, and Michel Cadotte,
Junr. , have rendered me great service in keeping the
Indians in order, and executing from time to time such
commarids as were delivered to me by the Commanding
Officer. I never saw so determined a set of people as the
Chippawas and Ottawas were. Since the Capitulation,
they have not tasted a single drop of liquor, nor even
killed a fowl belonging to any person, a thing never
known before, for they generally destroy everything they
meet with.
The Hon Col. W. Claus, I am Dear Sir,
&c. &c. &c. Your most o'bt Servant,
Fort George. (Signed) JOHN ASKIN,= Junr,
Store Kr. Dept.
» This name is variously spelled as Fallesavonies, Folavoines,
Fallovines, Fallsovines. The word is the French designation of
the Menomoni tribe and should be spelled Folleavoine. Menomoni
and Folleavoine each means the plant called wild oats by the
French and wild rice by the English.
2 John Askin, Jr., was son of Colonel John Askin, of " Strabane,"
by his flrst wife, and consequently uncle of Major Eichardson. I
believe his descendants live at London, Ontario, where he died
November 15th, 1869.

Ill
brownstown and maguaga
On the 6th of August,' information having been con
veyed to Colonel Procter, that a body of the enemy were
then on their march to convoy a quantity of provisions
for the use of the garrison of Detroit, Brevet-Major
Muir, with a detachment of about a hundred men of the
forty-first regiment, and a few militia, received orders to
cross the river and occupy Brownstown, a small village
on the American shore, through which they were expected
to pass ; and thither we repaired accordingly.
It was on this occasion, that one of these rigid customs
peculiar to the Indians was observed. Previous to our
arrival at Brownstown a detachment of American troops,
consisting of 200 Riflemen of the Ohio Volunteers, tmder
the command of Major Van Horne, had been sent from
Detroit to escort the Mail, and to open a communication
with Captain Brush who, on his way with a supply of
provisions for the army of General Hull, had been com
pelled to halt at the River Raisin, thirty- six miles below
Detroit, his route having been intercepted by the Indians.
The spies or scouts of these latter, having given inti
mation to Tecumseh, who was then at Brownstown at the
I This should be Sth August. Procter in his despatch of Aug. llth,
1812, to Brock, says the date of the skirmish at Brownstown waa
Aug. Sth. Gen. Hull, in his despatch of Aug. 7th, says that Major
Van Horne was detached from his army on Aug. 4th ; but as the
American army was on the Canadian side of the Detroit river on
this date. Van Home crossed the river on the 4th and encamped
that night about eleven miles beyond the Ecorces river. Onthe
Sth they fell into the Indian ambuscade. Both officers in com
mand, therefore, agree as to the date.
26

DEFEAT OF MAJOR VAN HORNE 27
head of a small force, of the approach of Major Van
Home, he tpok with him a party of 24 warriors, andwith
these formed an ambuscade about three miles from the
"village, and lining the thick woods on either side of the
road which passed through them, as far as his little band
would permit, there awaited the advance of the enemy.
Major Van Horne, having neglected to throw out skir
mishers oran advanced guard of any kind, came suddenly,
with the main body of his riflemen chiefly mounted,
within reach of the Indians, who opened upon them a
most destructive fire, killing many men ' and horses, and
compelling the remainder to wheel about and seek their
safety in flight. The Indians rose from their ambush
and, uttering fierce yells, pursued them for a considerable
distance, but without much subsequent loss to the enemy,
the fleetness of whose horses enabled them soon to dis
tance their pursuers.
The only loss sustained by Tecumseh was one man
killed, and that by almost the last shot fired, in their
confusion, by the enemy. This individual was a young
Chief named Logan, who often acted as an interpreter,
and who, from partially understanding the English lan
guage, and being in frequent communication with them,
was nearly as great a favourite -with the Officers and men
of the Right Division, as he was with his own people.
At the close of the action, Logan's dead body was
brought in, and placed in a long, low, log building which
the Indians chiefly used as a council room. Here the
recently engaged warriors now assembled, taking their
seats in a circle, with an air of great solemnity, and in
profound silence. Up to that moment one prisoner only
" The American loss at Brownstown, according to Hull's despatch
of Aug. 7th, 1812, was 7 officers and 10 privates killed ; the num
ber of wounded, unknown. Major Van Horne, in his evidence at
Hull's trial, put his loss at 18 killed, 12 wounded and 70 missing,
which may be considered as correct. Colonel Procter, in his let
ter to Brock on Aug. llth, 1812, puts the American loss at " about
50 killed." The British loss was not more than stated, aa Major
Van Horne made scarcely any resistance.

28 brownstown
of the American detachment had fallen into their hands.
This poor fellow had been wounded, although not in such
a way as to disable him from walking, and he was made
to take his seat in the circle. Added to the 24 Warriors
selected by Tecumseh, was the eldest son of Colonel
Elliott, the Superintendent of Indian affairs, a very fine
young man who was afterwards killed, (and scalped I
believe) and who, dressed as an Indian throughout the
day, now took his station as one of the war-party, among
his late companions in arms. It chanced that the prisoner
was placed next to him. After having been seated some
little time in this manner, Mr. Elliott, observing the
blood to flow from some part of his neighbor's body,
involuntarily exclaimed — ' ' Good God, you are wounded. ' '
The sound of an English voice operated like magic upon
the unhappy man, and his look of despair was in an
instant changed for one of hope. " Oh Sir," he eagerly
exclaimed, "if youhave the power to save me do so."
Mr. Elliott, who related the whole of the above circum
stances to us later, stated that he had never experienced
such moments of mental agony as he felt during this
short appeal. Bitterly repenting the indiscretion which
had been the means of exciting an expectation, which he
well knew he had not the slightest power to realize, he
was compelled to reply somewhat harshly that he had no
more voice there than the prisoner himself, which indeed
was the fact. The American said no more ; he bent his
head upon his chest, and remained silent. Soon after
wards a bowl with food was placed before him, evidently
with a view (as the result proved) of diverting his atten
tion. Of this he slightly partook or seemed to partake.
While occupied in this manner, a young warrior, obeying
a signal from one of the elders, rose from his seat, and
coming round and behind the prisoner, struck him one
blow with his tomaliawk on the uncovered head, and he
ceased to Uve. Not a yell, not a sound beside that of the
crashing tomahawk was heard, not a muscle of an Indian

INDIAN FEROCITY 29
face was moved. The young warrior, replacing his
weapon, walked deliberately back, and resumed his seat
in the circle.^ The whole party remained a few minutes
longer seated, and then rose to their feet, and silently
withdrew — leaving to those who had not been of the war-
party, to dispose of the body of the -victim. Tecumseh
was not present at this scene.
Nor was this the only melancholy sacrifice offered to
the wanes of the lamented and unconscious Logan. On
the very morning after this occurrence, as the Officers sat
grouped together on the grass, literally imbedded in
letters, the contents of the mail from Detroit, which had
been captured by the Indians, and which were now being
opened for the purpose of ascertaining the intended
movements of the enemy, the wild and peculiar yell of
several Warriors announced that another captive was
being brought in. We immediately rose and advanced
toward the low, log building already described, when we
beheld several Indians approaching it, preceded by a
prisoner whom they had secured by a long leathern thong,
made fast to another which confined his hands. He was
a finely-proportioned yotmg man, and the air of dejection
which clouded his brow, gradually gave way to a more
cheerful expression, when, on approaching the encamp
ment, he perceived those frorh whom he expected protec
tion . Several of the men advanced to meet and converse
-with him, and the poor fellow had apparently banished
all feeling of apprehension for his future fate, when an
aged aunt of the deceased issued from her tent, and stole
cautiously behind him. Even at the moment when the
mind of the prisoner was lulled into confidence, and with
out any previous admonition, the heartless woman drew
a tomahawk from beneath her mantle, and buried its
point in the skull of her victim. Stunned but not felled
by the wound, the unhappy man — his whole countenance
expressing horror and despair — grasped at the first soldier
near him for support ; but the blow was repeated so

30 BROWNSTOWN
suddenly, -and with such violence, that he soon fell pant
ing and convulsive to the earth. Fortunately he was
not suffered to Unger in his agony. The Indians arotmd
instantly despatched and scalped him, stripping the body
of its clothes, and committing violations on his person in
which the truel aunt of Logan bore a principal share.
The indignation of the men was excessive ; but any
attempt to interfere, could they even have foreseen the
occurrence in time to render interference effectual, would
not only have cost them several lives, but produced the
most alarming consequences to our cause. Their dis
pleasure was, however, expressed by their murmurs, and
the atrocity of the act became the theme of conversation
throughout the camp. At the moment of its perpetration,
I had myself approached within a few paces of the group,,
and became an unwilling spectator of the whole transac
tion. The wild expression of the sufferer' s eye : the sup
plicating look which spoke through the very distortion of
his features, and the agony which seemed to creep
throughout his every limb, were altogether indescribable.
In these two several sacrifices of human life, the
motives for action, it will be seen, were wholly different.
In the first case the Indians simply followed up a custom
which had prevailed among them for ages, and indeed, if
proof were required of this fact, it is at once to be found.
in the absence of all ferocity, or excitement, or disposition
to insult the prisoner who had already been doomed to
death. The very fact of their having placed food before
him, with the manifest object of absorbing his attention,
and quieting his mind at the very moment of infliction of
the death blow, was an evidence of mercy — not mercy, it
is true, as understood by the Christian — ^but still mercy —
the mercy of the child of nature, whom the stern habits
of his forefathers have taught the lesson of sanguinary
retribution, yet who, in the midst of its accomplishment,
seeks to spare all unnecessary pang to its victim.
The features of the second tragedy bore no resemblance

INDIAN SCALPED 31
to those which characterized the flrst. There, it was Uter
ally a religious immolation to the ashes of the deceased,
whose spirit, it was presumed, could not rest in quietness,
unless an enemy had been offered up as a propitiatory
sacrifice. H^re, it was a piece of wanton revenge, and
perpetrated under circumstances of peculiar atrocity.
Not a sound of triumph escaped from the band of War
riors met to avenge the death of their recently-fallen
friend and comrade, although they might have been sup
posed to have been inflamed and excited by the action in
which each had borne so prominent a part, in the early
part of the day — not a look of levity derogated from the
solemnity of their ptirpose. On the contrary, loud shouts
and yells, and menacing looks and gestures, accompanied
the actions of those, who, taking their tone from the
cruel relative of Logan, scalped and otherwise mutilated
the body of the second prisoner.
The demeanor of the first party was that of a Chris
tian tribunal, which sits in solemn judgment upon a
criminal, and beholds, without emotion, the carrying into
effect of its sentence by the executioner. The bearing of
the second was that of a Christian mob, to whose infuri
ated passions a loose has been given, and who, once
excited by the sight of blood know not where to set a
bound to the innate and aroused cruelty of their nature.
In justice, however, to the Indians, it must be admitted
these seeming e-vidences of cruelty were not confined to
them. The American backwoodsmen were in the habit
of scalping also ; and indeed it is singular enough that,
although General Hull's famous, or rather, infamous
proclamation awarded death to any one of the subjects of
Great Britain, found combating at the side of, and there
fore, assumed tobe a participator in the barbarities attrib
uted to the Indians, the very first scalp should have
been taken by an officer of his o-wn army, and that within
a few days after the proclamation was issued. — James, in
his History of the Wa,r, relates — founded on a vague

32 BROWNSTOWN
rumor of the day — that at the action fought at Browns
town, where Major Van Horne was defeated, a letter was
found in the pocket of Captain McCulloch (who was
among the slain on that occasion) addressed to his wife,
and stating that he had shot an Indian near the Canard
bridge, on the 15th of July, and had the pleasure of tear
ing off his scalp wiih his teeth. Now of the fact itself
there can be very Uttle doubt, for we had one Indian
(and one only) killed and scalped at the Canard. But,
although Captain McCulloch is entitled to all the credit
of this .feat, there is reason to infer that James is incor
rect in stating this information was obtained from a Irtter
found in his pocket. In the first instance it is extremely
unlikely that the Indians, in rifling and stripping the
body, would have brought off anything so valueless to
them as a letter, and secondly, it is much more probable
that such communication from McCulloch to his wife,
had been placed in the mail, which the party, to which
he belonged, were escorting from Detroit with the cor
respondence of General Hull's army, and which, it -will
be recollected, was captured by the Indians. The whole
of the letters passed through our hands, and it is highly
probable the disclosure was made in this manner. I
rather think it was, although I have no distinct recollec
tion of the fact. There is another grave error into which
James has fallen, in regard to the defeat of Major Van
Home's detachment. He states the force under Tecum
seh to have amounted to 70 Warriors. As has already
been shown here, there were but 25 including Tecumseh,
and, added to these, young Elliott.
I call it a grave error, not only because it diminishes
the extraordinary merit of th? action, but because it de
tracts from the glory and influence of Tecumseh, the
prestige of whose name and presence as much as any
thing else, by inspiring the utmost confidence in his Uttle
band of followers, contributed to the signal defeat sus
tained by the enemy on that memorable occasion. James

JAMES' HISTORY CRITICISED 33
has, moreover, fallen into another error, in stating the
first British blood shed, to have been spilt at Maguaga.
It has already been sho-wn that Hancock, one of the two
gallant sentinels forgotten at the Canard by Lieut. Clemow,
on -withdrawing his picket, was the first British soldier
killed in the war. James incidentally alludes to the mat
ter, but writes of both sentinels as ha-ving simply been
wounded ; whereas Hancock was cut down, while desper
ately wounded in two places, and on his knees, (on which
he had sunk from inabiUty to support himself otherwise)
opposing a fruitless resistance to tljie advance of a body of
men, who had not magnanimity enough to spare the life
of so valiant and resolute, yet so helpless a foe. But
these are not the only objections to James, on the ground
of inaccuracy. There is not one action, fought by the
Right Division, which he has described with that fidelity
that alone can render history of importance to posterity ;
and, moreover, he betrays too much of the spirit of parti
zanship. Instead of adopting the calm and dignified style
befitting the historian, half his pages are filled with bitter,
though perhaps merited enough, sneers against the one
sided American accounts of the war, and, in his eagerness
to refute these, he is often led into the very error he attrib
utes to them — namely, mis-statements of force and cir
cumstance. Of this, numerous instances might be ad
duced, but as it does not come within the object of this
narrative to notice these, ,1 shall not enter upon the enu
meration. After these incidental remarks, it may not be
unimportant to add, that I never read James' History of
the War until the first number of this compilation was
completed. On the morning of Sunday, the 9th, the -wild and dis
tant cry of our Indian scouts gave us to understand that
the enemy were advancing. In the course of ten minutes
afterwards they appeared issuing from the wood, bound
ing Uke wild deer chased by the huntsman, and uttering
that peculiar shout which is known among themselves as

34 MAGUAGA
the news-cry. From them we ascertained that a strong
column of the enemy, cavalry and infantry, were on their
march to attack us, but that the difficulty of transporting
their guns rendered it improbable they could reach our
position before night, although then only at a distance of
eight miles. It being instantly decided on to meet them,
the detachment was speedily under arms, and on its march
for Maguaga, a small Indian village distant about a league.
The road along which we advanced was ankle-deep with
mud, and the dark forest waving its close branches over
our heads, left no egress to the pestilential exhalations
arising from the naked and putrid bodies of horses and
men killed of Major Home's detachment, which had been
suffered to lie unburied beneath our feet. No other sound
than the measured step of the troops interrupted the soli
tude of the scene, rendered more imposing by the wild
appearance of the warriors, whose bodies, stained and
painted in the most frightful manner for the occasion,
glided by us with almost noiseless velocity, without order
and without a chief ; some painted white, some black,
others half black, half red ; half black, half white ; all
with their hair plastered in such a way as to resemble the
bristling quills of the porcupine, -with no other covering
than a cloth around their loins, yet armed to the teeth,
with rifles, tomahawks, war-clubs, spears, bows, arrows,
and scalping-knives. Uttering no sound, and intent only
on reaching the enemy unperceived, they might have
passed for the spectres of those wilds, the ruthless demons
which War had unchained for the punishment and oppres
sion of man.
Having taken up a position about a quarter of a mile
beyond Maguaga, our dispositions of defence were speed
ily made, the rustling of the leaves alone breaking on the
silence which reigned throughout our line. Following
the example of the Indians, we lay reclined on the ground,
in order to avoid being perceived, until within a few
yards of the enemy. While awaiting, in this manner, the

RETREAT OF BRITISH AND INDIANS 35
approach of the column, which we knew to be at no great
distance advancing upon us, our little force was increased
by the arrival of Lieut. Bullock of the 41st Grenadiers
who, with a small detachment of twenty men of his own
company, twenty Light Infantry, and twenty Battalion
men had been urged forward by Gen. Brock, from the
Headquarters of the Regiment, then stationed at Fort
George, for the purpose of reinforcing the little Garrison
of Amherstburg, and who having reached their destina
tion the preceding day, had been despatched by Col.
Procter, (lately arrived to assume the command) to
strengthen us. Shortly the report of a single shot echoed
throughout the wood ; and the instant afterwards the
loud and terrific yells of the Indians, followed by a heavy
and desultory fire, apprised us that they were engaged.
The action then became general along our line, and con
tinued for half an hour, without producing any material
advantage ; when unluckily, a body of Indians that had
been detached to a small wood about five htmdred yards
distant from our right, were taken by the troops for a
corps of the enemy endeavouring to turn their flank. In
vain we called out to them that they were our Indians.
The fire which should have been reserved for their foes
was turned upon their friends, who, falling into the same
error, returned it with equal spirit. The fact was, they
had been compelled to retire before a superior force, and
the movement made by them, had given rise to the error
of the troops. That order and discipline which would
have marked their conduct as a body in a plain, was lost
sight of, in a great measure, while fighting independently
and singly in a wood, where every man, foUo-wing the
example of the enemy, was compelled to shelter his per
son behind the trees as he could. Closely pressed in
front by an almost invisible foe, and on the point of
being taken in the rear, as was falsely imagined, the
troops were at length compelled to yield to circumstance
and numbers.

36 MAGUAGA
Although our retreat, in consequence of this unfortu
nate misapprehension, commenced in some disorder, this
was soon restored, when Major Muir, who had been
wounded early in the engagement, succeeded in rallying
his men, and forming them on the brow of a hill which
commanded a short and narrow bridge intersecting the
high road, and crossing a morass over which the enemy's
guns must necessarily pass. This was about a quarter of
a mile in rear of the position we had previously occupied.
Here we remained at least fifteen minutes, when finding
that the Americans did not make their appearance as ex
pected. Major Muir, whose communication with Tecum
seh had been cut off, and who now heard some smart fir
ing in the woods beyond his left, naturally inferred that
the enemy were pushing the Indians in that quarter, with
a view of turning his flank, gaining the high road in our
rear, and thus cutting off our retreat. The order' was
then given to retire, which we certainly did at the double
quick, yet without being followed by the enemy, who
suffered us to gain our boats without further molestation.
In this affair, which we never then regarded as any
thing more than a sharp skirmish, yet to which the
Americans have since attached an undue importance,
their loss was i8 killed and 63 wounded'; ours, one rank
and file killed, two Officers, two Sergeants, nineteen
I Gen. Hull, in his despatch of Aug. 13th, 1812, puts the Ameri
can loss at 10 non-commissioned officers and privates killed, and
45 wounded of 4th U.S. regiment, 8 killed and 12 wounded of Ohio
and Michigan volunteers. He estimates the British loss at— In
dians, about 40 killed, number wounded not known ; Major
Muir and two subalterns wounded, one since dead ; 15 of the
41st killed and wounded, 4 made prisoners.
Col. Procter, in his letter of Aug. llth, 1812, savs the 4l8t lost
3 killed, 13 wounded and 2 missing; the mifitia 1 killed, 2
wounded ; Indians, 2 killed and 6 wounded. He does not give
the American loss, but says it was considerable.
Major Dalliba states the American loss to be 18 killed and 63
wounded, and the British 58 killed and wounded, Indians 102
killed and wounded.
Major Eichardson evidently accepted Major Dalliba's report of

REGULARS AT A DISADVANTAGE 37
rank and file wounded, and two rank and file missing,but
afterwards recaptured by the Indians. The wounded
officers were Major Muir, and Lieutenant Sutherland.
They were near each other when the attack commenced,
and Major Muir having observed an American taking a
deliberate aim at them, hastily placed a short rifle, which
he usually carried with him on these occasions, on the
shoulder of his companion, and levelled it at his enemy.
Both fired at the same instant. The ball of the American,
entering Lieut. Sutherland's cheek, came out at the back
of his neck, and passed through one of Major Muir's
wings (he commanded the Light Company of the 41st),
while the rifleman himself fell dead on the spot, from his
adversary's bullet. Major Muir soon afterwards received
another ball in the leg, yet without being disabled.
Severe as proved the wound of Lieut. Sutherland, (who
was bome off the field when the retreat commenced, on
the back, if I do not greatly mistake, of one of the Messrs.
Caldwell of Amherstburg) he would have recovered had
he not imprudently, some ten days afterwards, made pre
mature use of his tooth-brush. This opened the wound,
brought on hemorrhage, and before medical assistance
could be procured, (the main body of the force being then
in occupation of Detroit) he bled to death. Tecumseh
was also slightly wounded, by a buckshot, on this occa
sion. Here it was that we had first an opportunity of perceiv
ing the extreme disadvantage of opposing regular troops
to the enemy in the woods. Accustomed to the use of
the rifle from his infancy — dwelling in a measure amid
forests with the intricacies of which he is wholly
acquainted, and possessing the advantage of a dress
the American loss, but gives no authority for his statement of the
British loss, which he certainly must have underestimated, as
Procter had better means of knowing than any other British offi
cer. The safest guide is to accept the statement of each command
ing officer for his own casualties, as they would know more about
their own loss than that of their opponents.

38 MAGUAGA
which renders him almost undistinguishable to the eye of
an European, the American marksman enters with com
parative security into a contest -with the English soldier,
whose glaring habiliment and accoutrements are objects
too conspicuous to be missed, while his utter ignorance of
a mode of warfare, in which courage and discipline are
of no avail, renders the struggle for mastery even more
unequal. The principal armies to which the Right
Division was opposed during the war, consisted not of
regular and well-disciplined troops, but levies of men
taken from the forests of Ohio and Kentucky, scarcely
inferior as riflemen to the Indians. Dressed in woollen
frocks of a gray color, and trained to cover their bodies
behind the trees from which they fired, -without exposing
more of their persons than was absolutely necessary for
their aim, they afforded us, on more than one occasion,
the most convincing proofs that -without the assistance of
the Indian Warriors, the defence of so great a portion of
Western Canada, as was entrusted to the charge of the
numerically feeble Right Di-vision, would have proved a
duty of great difficulty and doubt.
I have stated that the Americans subsequently attached
an undue importance to the affair of Maguaga. The fol
lowing is an extract from a most voluminous account,
¦written by Major James Dalliba, and published under the
immediate inspection of Gen. (then Colonel) Miller, who
on this occasion commanded the American forces which,
by their own admission, consisted of the whole of the 4th
Regiment of United States Infantry, except one company
left at Sand-wich to garrison a small fort, bviilt by order
of General Hull : a small detachment of the ist Infantry,
and a small number (enough to man two pieces of cannon)
of Artillerists from Captain Dyson's company stationed in
Fort Detroit. This composed the regular force, in aU
300 men. Then there were, according to the same
authority, ' ' 60 men of the Michigan Militia, 40 Dragoons
and Mounted Spies, and 300 Riflemen of the Ohio Volun-

MAJOR dalliba's report 39
teers, making in all 600 men." But now for Major
Dalliba's extract.
' ' The position which the enemy had chosen, lay in an
open oak wood, just at the declivity of a rising ground
over which the Americans had to pass. He had thrown
up breastworks of trees, logs, etc., behind which he lay
concealed in force, and in order of battle. His works
were thro-wn up in form of a courtine -with two flanks.
The line of the courtine lay across the road and perpen
dicularly to it. The banks formed an angle with the
courtine of about 120°. The courtine was lined with
British regular troops, two deep, of the 41st Regiment of
foot, under the command of Major Muir, of that regiment,
who had long been in command at Maiden. The flank of
the courtine, on the enemy's right, and American left,
was lined -with Canadian militia and Indians, commanded
by Walk-in-the- water and Marpot. This line was flanked
by the river Detroit. Most of the militia were dressed
and painted like their 'brethren inarms,' the savages.
The left flank of the courtine was lined entirely by sav
ages, under the command of the celebrated warrior, Tecum
seh, of the Shawanee nation. The number of the British
regulars and militia amounted to about 300 ; about 200
regulars. The Indians amounted to 450 ; making the
enemy's force about 750 men.
' ' The position and strength of the enemy were entirely
unknown to Colonel Miller and to the army, at this time.
"At 12 o'clock, meridian, the detachment arrived at a
large opening which contained 4 .or 5 Indian houses,
gardens and orchards. The army halted to take some
refreshment, and bury the man who had been killed ;
where they lay about one hour. The village was deserted,
and nothing left in the houses of consequence.
" The march was again resumed at i o'clock P.M. and
continued -without interruption. The troops marched
over the ground on which Major Van Horne had been
defeated four days before ; and passed the dead bodies of

40 MAGUAGA
several of the slain, and some dead horses. The body of
Captain M'CuUock lay under an Indian bark. The col
umns having arrived at the oak woods near Bro-wnstown,
at half past three, some guns were heard ahead by them.
In a few seconds a volley was heard from Captain
Snelling' s advance guard, and another instantly returned
from a great number of pieces. The troops, by this time
completely awake, were ordered to halt. Colonel Miller
rode towards the centre at full speed, halted, and with a
firm voice, ordered the columns to ' form the line of bat
tle,' which was executed with that order, promptness,
and zeal, which he had expected : after the first vollies,
the firing became incessant in front. Captain Snelling
stood his ground till the lines were formed, and moved to
his relief. He stood within pistol shot of the enemy's
breastworks, in a shower of balls from the regular troops
in his front, who shewed themselves after the first fire,
and set up the Indian yell. When the first line appeared
before the breastwork, they received the fire of the whole
front and a part of the flanks : at this instant Colonel
Miller discovered that the enemy outflanked him, when
the second line and flank guards were brought upon the
flanks of the front line, and extended to meet the whole
line of the enemy. The savages, in unison with the
British troops, set up a horrid yell, and a severe conflict
ensued. The incessant firing in the centre ran diverging
to the flanks ; from the cracking of individual pieces it
changed to alternate vollies ; and at length to one con
tinued sound : and while every thing seemed hushed
amidst the wavering roll, the discharge of the six-pounder
burst upon the ear. The Americans stood ! — At this
instant Colonel Miller -was thrown from his horse which
took fright at the discharge of the artillery ; he was sup
posed to be shot. Those near him flew to his aid. The
savages who saw him fall sprang over the breastwork to
take his scalp, but were driven back. Colonel Miller

MAJOR dalliba's report 4 1
instantly remounted and returned to continue his orders.
The fire from the Indians, who were screened by their
breastworks, was deadly. The soldiers saw the advan
tage it gave them, and Colonel Miller, thro-wing his eye
along the Une, discovered one or two edging to place
themselves behind a tree. He saw the instant must be
improved, and ordered ' charge ! ' which instantly ran
through the line : the men whom he saw edging, with
€very other, brought do-wn their pieces, struck up a
huzza! and marched directly into the breastworks. The
effect of the grape from the six-pounder, and the approach
of the bayonet, caused the British line to yield, and then
to break, and the troops fled in disorder ! At nearly the
same instant the Indians and militia on their right flank,
being charged in their work, by the Michigan legion,
¦under Captain De Cant, and a part of the Ohio riflemen
turning this flank by the river, fled in confusion.
Tecumseh, on the enemy's left flank, stood longer ;
some of the Indians under his command, near the ex
tremity of the line, had jumped over the breastworks, in
the full assurance of victory : they were driven back, by
the point of the bayonet. Tecumseh endeavoured to
outflank the American line, and turn their right ; but
from the skill and gallantry of the officers, and firmness
of the men on that flank, he was foiled in every attempt,
and was finally forced to fall back, and take new posi
tions, and fight on the retreat. The British and Indians
on their right flank, fled directly down the river, and
were pursued by Colonel Miller, with that part of his
troops which had opposed them ; and Tecumseh, -with
his Indians, fled directly from the river, westwardly,
into the wilderness and were pursued by that part of the
troops which had opposed them overtaking those who
were (severely) wovmded, and otherwise unable to escape.
' 'After the British had retreated about one mile, they
came into an opening of about half a mile in diameter;
here they endeavoured to form again, but on theprecipi-

42 MAGUAGA
tate approach of the Americans, they again broke and fled
into the woods, down the river. They were pursued to the
edge of these woods, when Colonel Miller received infor
mation from Major Van Horne, whom he had left in
command of the right flank, that Tecumseh had retreated
westwardly, that he successively took new positions -with
his Indians, that they were still fighting, and that it was
still doubtful how the conflict would finally terminate in
that quarter. On the receipt of this information Colonel
Miller ordered the troops under his immediate command,
to halt, and form the line. He informed the officers,that
it would not do to pursue the enemy any farther, until
he had heard again from the right flank. That as
Tecumseh had retreated in another direction, the army
was now divided, and the two divisions, already out of
hearing of each other's musketry. That if Tecumseh
was likely to overpower that division, he must send back
a reinforcement to their relief, or the Indians would other
wise immediately advance upon the field of battle, and
massacre the wounded, destroy the rear guard, and take
the ammunition and stores ; and finally fall upon his
rear. ' 'Information was at length brought that Tecumseh had
finally fled, and that the troops were returning to join that
di-vision as soon as possible.
' ' Colonel Miller immediately ordered the troops to march
in further pursuit of the British. They entered the woods,
and the cavalry moved ahead at full speed. When they
arrived through these woods, which was about half a mile,
they came upon the beach of Lake Erie, and discovered
the enemy all in boats, steering towards Maiden, and out
of reach of their shot. They had concealed their boats at
this point, when they came over, for this purpose, if they
should be defeated. This circumstance, however, could
not have been known to Colonel Miller before. He now
ordered the troops to return upon the field from whence
they had last marched, which was done ; and on their

MAJOR dalliba's REPORT CRITICISED 43
arrival, they were joined by the other division, which had
returned from the pursuit of Tecumseh and his Indians.
"The cause is now shewn, which has not been generally
understood heretofore, why the British were not all cap
tured, when they had been so totally defeated.
' 'The troops were then formed in Une, fronting the field
of battle ; when Colonel Miller rode in front of the centre,
and addressed them in the following words :
" 'My brave fellows ! you have done well ! every man
has done his duty. I give you my hearty thanks for your
conduct on this day ; you have gained my highest esteem ;
you have gained fresh honor to yourselves, and to the
American arms ; your fellow-soldiers in arms will love
you, and your country will reward you. You will return
to the field of battle, to collect those who have gloriously
fallen ; your friendly attention to your wounded compan
ions is required.'
"At sunrise the march -was resumed, and at i2 o'clock on
the 12th of August, the detachment re-entered the town of
Detroit, covered with mud from foot to head, their clothes
not having been dried in two and a half days. The sun
now cheered them with its influence ; they marched
through the street to the encampment. They were met
by their brother soldiers and citizens, with all that sym
pathy and heartfelt joy which constitutes the soldier's
reward for his hard earned victory ."
Now, the courtine, alluded to by Major Dalliba, could
have had no existence except in the heated imagination of
a warrior flushed with -victory, and magnifying the difficul
ties which his intrepidity and daring have surmounted.
We had no breastwork of any description, and for this
simple reason — that when we left Brownstown in the
morning to meet the enemy, we knew not at what point
we should halt. When the ground we did occupy was
reached, the Americans were not more than a mile, or a
mile and a half, in our front, and Major Muir, finding it
to be not an unfavorable position for defence, inasmuch as
we were covered by the brow of a slightly rising grotmd.

44 MAGUAGA
ordered the men to lie down, and otherwise cover them
selves with what logs happened to be in the way. There
had been no pre-vious selection of ground, and, therefore,
no preparation — no precaution beyond that which has just
been stated. Here we had been only a very short time,
before the American advance was engaged with the In
dian? on our left, thrown forward, and soon the affair,
during which the enemy's grape was very liberally dis
pensed, became general. — Great, however, as was the dis
proportion of arm and numbers (for it will be recollected
that even with the reinforcement brought by Lieut. Bull
ock, ours did not exceed 150 men of the 41st Regiment,
to which might be added some 40 or 50 militia) there is
no reason to infer that the men would not longer have
maintained their ground, had it not been for the certainty
which existed that the enemy were outflanking us. I
perfectly recollect the position, even at this hour, although
I have never passed over the ground since, and I can
understand the alarm which prevailed. Immediately on
our right — and I was on the extreme of that flank — was a
plain of wild high grass, extending about 600 yards, and
at its termination, an open wood, running parallel with
the roads, thro' which, during the heat of the affair, a large
body of men, whom itwas impossible to distinguish, were
discovered hastening their movements, with the evident
intention of gaining our rear. Such, indeed, proved to be
their object, but the men, who unluckily had not been
apprised of the fact of a party of Indians having been des
patched to the extremity of the wood in question, mis
took these (now driven back by the American left) for
the enemy, and commenced firing upon them ; thus re
lieving the actual dnemy from much of the obstacle
which had hitherto been opposed to their advance. The
Indians, probably laboring under the same erroneous im
pression, or indignant at being assailed in this manner by
their friends, partially returned the fire, and this of
course tended still more to confirm the belief entertained
by the men that they were Americans endeavoring to turn

MAJOR dalliba's report CRITICISED 45
their flank — nor could the earnest assurances of their
officers remove this con-viction. The discouraging effect
of a panic of this kind is well known. The men hastily
retired, carrying off their wounded, however, but the
Americans did not pursue farther than the point we had
abandoned. As has already been seen, the troops were
speedily rallied and reformed, but without further invita
tion from the enemy to renew the contest.
There is another error in Major Dalliba's very lengthy
detail of this affair, a notice of which is only important,
because it tends to show, that the courtine, which he has
so emphatically described, may have originated in the
same want of recollection (and he states that he -writes
from recollection) of the actual condition of the ground
where the skirmish commenced. He states, as will be
seen in the extract I have given, that before the action
commenced, they (the American detachment) passed the
spot where Major Van Horne had been defeated a few
days before ; and that they, among many dead bodies of
men and horses, discovered tha.t of Captain McCulloch
placed under an Indian bark. Now this was impossible
for we had passed these dead bodies in the morning, and
they lay nearly midway between Brownstown and the
scene of action. I can well recollect this fact, for such
was the stench and the effluvia arising from the disgusting
and bloated objects, which had been suffered to fester
beneath a scorching sun, during several consecutive days,
that, both in the advance, and the retreat, I experienced
anything but regret when I had quitted the atmosphere
they poisoned -with their presence. Major Dalliba must
have passed these at a subsequent period of the day, when,
as he observes, the Arnericans came out of the wood near
Brownsto-wn, and found that the handful of British had
been suffered to effect their retreat without interruption.
It must not be omitted to remark that, on the return of
Colonel Miller to Detroit, he was closely followed by a
band of about 250 Indians, chiefly Pottawattomies, who
hung on the American rear and captured several boats

46 MAGUAGA
laden with ammunition, gnd containing their wounded.
Among the latter were two privates of the 41st who had
been too badly hit to be brought off, and being close to the
Americans had fallen into their hands, at the first and
feeble attempt made at pursuit.
As I have unconsciously been led into a much more ex
planatory account of the Maguaga affair than I had origi
nally intended, I cannot take my leave of it without tran
scribing an anecdote related by the same -writer which is
so characteristic of the detestation entertained by the
Indians for the Americans, and resembles so nearly the
conduct of the noble Hancock, who fell at the Canard,that
it cannot fail to be read with interest.
' ' Some time in the evening of the 9th (writes Major
Dalliba) Captain Maxwell returned with his spies, having
been sent forward to the village of Bro-wnsto-wn, and re
ported that the village was abandoned, and that no enemy
could be discovered. Early next morning, August loth,
detachments were sent out by Colonel Miller, to scour the
woods in search of one man who was ascertained to be
still missing : he was, however, found dead. While the
men were ranging over the woods, one of them was shot
dead. A smoke of a piece was discovered at a distance,
rising from the ground by the party — they approached the
spot, and beheld an Indian lying on the ground wounded,
and unable to stand. One arm and one leg were broken,
— he had lain there, during the night, by his piece which
was loaded when he fell . The cool deliberation with which
he died (of course from this we infer the Americans
killed the wounded man) proved the native fortitude of
the savage to meet death when resistance is useless. Un-
-willing to endure his pains longer, and die by degrees, he
determined to die by the hand of his enemies, and to sell
his life as dear to them as possible. He summoned to
gether the little strength -which remained, and so steadily
levelled his rifle at the approaching American, as to put
the ball through his heart."

IV
brock's CAPTURE OF DETROIT
Meanwhile General Brock, then at York (Toronto) fully
sensible of the danger of Amherstburg, threatened as he
knew it to be by an overwhelming, and professedly exter
minating foe, lost no time in repairing to its assistance.
The first detachment of the 41st pushed forward to its
relief was, as has been seen, that which joined us at
Maguaga — and consisting of sixty men. Forty more were
sent to Long Point, for the purpose of collecting the
MiUtia in that neighborhood, and fifty, under Captain
Chambers,^ were despatched into the interior -with a view
of encouraging and being joined by the Indians. The
General himself embarked on the 5th of August, ' for Fort
George and Long Point, doubtless having inwardly ma
tured thedaring object whichhe subsequently accomplished,
so much to his own honor, and that of the troops who
participated in his glory. Leaving Long Point on the
Sth, with no other force than the 40 men of the 41st,
who had been previously despatched thither, and about
260 militia, principally volunteers from Toronto, General
Brock coasted the shore of Lake Erie, on his route to
Amherstburg, which post he reached on the morning of
the 13th.
The two subjoined orders, issued on this occasion, are
not unworthy of record, not because they are important in
themselves, but because they are eminently characteristic
I Captain Peter Latouche Chambers came to Canada with the
41st Eegiment about the year 1800. He was frequently mentioned
in despatches during the war and afterward became Lieut.-Colonel
of the 41st. His death occurred in 1828.
2 In Tupper's Life of Brock, p. 241, this date is given as the 6th
of August. 47

48 brock's CAPTURE OF DETROIT
of him, who was prudent only where recklessness were a
fault and hazardous only where hesitation were disaster.
Head Quarters,
Banks of Lake Erie,
15 miles S.W. of Fort Talbot,'
August nth, 1812, 60' clock p.m.
General Orders,
The Troops will hold themselves in readiness, and will
embark in the boats at twelve o'clock this night pre
cisely. It is Major General Brock's positive order that none of
the boats go ahead of that in which is the Head Quarters,.
where a light will be carried during the night.
The Officers commanding the different boats will im
mediately inspect the arms and ammunition of the men,
and see that they are constantly kept in a state for im
mediate service, as the troops are now to pass through a
part of the country which is known to have been visited.
by the enemy's patroles.
A Captain, with a subaltern and thirty men, will mount
as picquet upon the landing of the boats and a sentry will
be furnished from each boat, who must be regularly
relieved to take charge of the boats and baggage, &c.
A Patrole from the picquet will be sent out on landing
to the distance of a mile from the Encampment.
By order of the Major Gen.
J. B. Glegg, Capt., A.D.C.
J. Macdonell, P. A.D.C,
Point Aux Pins,
Lake Erie, August 12th, 1812.
General Orders.
It is Major General Brock's intention, should the wind
continue fair, to proceed during the night. Officers com
manding boats will therefore pay attention to the order of
sailing as directed yesterday. The greatest care and
attention will be requested to prevent the boats from scat
tering or falling behind.
A great part of the Bank of the Lake when the. boats
will this day pass is much more dangerous and difficult of
I Fort Talbot is a misprint for Port Talbot the home of the Hon.
Col. Thomas Talbot, a man who took a very prominent part in the
settlement of the western district of Upper Canada.

Frojn origriiial photojfrapli in possession of Mr. B. Gleg^g', Eackford Hall, Cliester, England.
Lieutenant- Colonel John B. Glegg.

PREPARATIONS FOR THE SIEGE 49
access than any we have passed. The boat therefore will
not land, excepting in the most extreme necessity, and
then great care must be taken to choose the best places
for landing.
The ttoops being now in the neighborhood of the
enemy, every precaution must be taken to guard against
surprise. By order of the Major-General,
J. B. Glegg, A.D.C.
'The arrival of Gen. Brock at Amherstburg was the sig
nal for an offensive demonstration in our tum. The bridge
at the Canard — so often the scene and object of conten
tion — ^had been repaired, immediately after the abandon
ment of the Western District of Canada, by General Hull,
who had recrossed the river, with the whole of his army,
during the 7th and Sth, and preparations had already been
made for bombarding Detroit. Under the superintendence'
of Captain Dixon, of the Engineers, and Captain Hall= of
the Provincial Navy, batteries were already in a train of
construction. The Queen Charlotte of twenty guns, and
the brig General Hunter of twelve, had moreover been
sent up the river for the purpose of covering their opera
tions, and conveying such warUke munitions as were re
quired for the siege. The position chosen for the batteries
was an elevated part on the bank of the Detroit, immedi-
I These officers were assisted by the Norfolk and Oxford Militia
under Captain John Bostwick, First Lieut. George Ryerson and
Second Lieut. George Rolph.
Lieut. Ryerson's narrative to Dr. Canniff, published in Bel-
ford's Magazine, Toronto, 187 1.
= Captain George B. Hall was next in command to Hon. Alex
ander Grant, the Commodore of the government fleet on the Upper
Lakes. When the war broke out Commodore Grant was 86 years
of age — too old for active service— consequently Captain Hall had
charge of the marine department until the arrival of CaptainBarclay .
He was present at the Miami in May, 1813, and was mentioned in des
patches. By order of Captain Barclay he was discontinued in
the Provincial Marine. For this act Barclay was reprimanded be
cause he had no authority to annul any appointment. Captain
Hall was retained in theservice as Superintendent of the dock
yard and naval stores at Amherstburg at the same pay as he
formerly received.
In 1817 a George B. Hall (in all probability Captain Hall) was
elected by Essex, as a member of the Legislative Assembly.

50 brock's capture of DETROIT
ately opposite to the fort of that name, and on the outskirt
of, what has since become, the Village of Windsor. The
distance across, at this point, is not quite a mile.
During the morning of the 15th, the batteries being
ready to open their fire. General Brock, who had lost no
time in repairing to Sandwich, and had ordered all the dis
posable force in Amherstburg to follow forthwith, des
patched a flag, with a summons to the American com
mander. Head Quarters, Sandwich, August 15th, 18 12.
Sir, — The force at my disposal authorizes me to require
of you the immediate surrender of Fort Detroit. — It is far
from my inclination to join in a war of extermination, but
you must be aware that the numerous body of Indians,
who have attached themselves to my troops, will be
beyond my control the moment the contest commences.
You will find me disposed to enter into such conditions
as will satisfy the most scrupulous sense of honor. Lieut.-
Colonel Macdonell, and Major Glegg are fully authorized
to conclude any arrangement that may lead to prevent
the unnecessary effusion of blood.
I have the honor to be,
Sir, your most obdt. Servant,
(Signed) ISAAC BROCK, Major Gen.
His Excellency, Brigadier Gen. Hull,
Commanding at Fort Detroit.
To which the subjoined answer was returned.
Head Quarters, Detroit, August 15th, 181 2.
Sir, — I have received your letter of this date. I have
no other reply to make, than to inform you that I am pre
pared to meet any force which may be at your disposal,
and any consequences, which may result from any exertion.
of it you may think proper to make.
I avail myself of this opportunity to inform you that, the
flag of truce, under the direction of Captain Brown, pro
ceeded contrary to the orders, and without the knowledge
of Col. Cass, who commanded the troops which attacked
your picket, near the river Canard bridge.
I likewise take this occasion to inform you that Cowie' s
house was set on fire contrary to my orders, and it did
not take place until after the evacuation of the Fort. From
the best information I have been able to obtain on the

THE BRITISH CROSS THE DETROIT 51
subject, it was set on fire by some of the inhabitants on
the other side of the river.
I am, very respectfully.
Your Excellency's most obdt. Servant,
(Signed) W. Hull, Brig. Gen.
His Exc'y. Major Gen. Brock, Comm'g the N.W. Army.
Comm'g His Britannic Majesty's
Forces, Sandwich, Up. Canada.
On this refusal being made known, the batteries, on
which were mounted one long eighteen, and two long
twelve-pounders, with a couple of mortars, opened a well-
directed fire upon the fort, which threw the enemy into
evident confusion. Some heavy guns were brought for
ward by them to the bank to bear upon the batteries, but
my impression is, although it may be yvrong, as General
Brock describes it in his Official Despatch as having been
spirited, that their fire was very languidly returned. Cer
tainly it produced no other effect upon the batteries, than
to cause them to throw in their shot with increased
rapidity and precision.
The refusal to surrender had of course been anticipated,
and preparations for crossing, and attempting to carry
Detroit by storm, having in the meantime been made —
everything was in readiness by daybreak on the following
morning. The batteries, which had kept up an irregular
fire during the night, renewed it at the first dawn with
unabated spirit, and the requisite boats having been pro
vided, the crossing was effected without opposition, under
cover of the guns of the Queen Charlotte and General
Hunter, which lay anchored about h^ a mile above
Sandwich. A soft August stm was just rising, as we
gained the ' centre of the river, and the view, at the
moment, was certainly very animated and exciting, for,
amid the Uttle squadron of boats and scows, conveying
the troops and artillery, were mixed numerous canoes
filled with Indian warriors, decorated in their half -naked
ness for the occasion, and uttering yells of mingled defi
ance of their foes and encouragement of the soldiery.

52 brock's capture of DETROIT
Above us again were to be seen and heard the flashes and
thunder of the artillery from our batteries, which, as on
the preceding day, was but feebly rephed to by the
enemy, while the gay flags of the Queen Charlotte, droop
ing in the breezeless, yet not oppressive air, .and playing
on the calm surface of the river, seemed to give earnest
of success, and inspirited every bosom.
The point of embarkation was nearly opposite to the
low, stone building at Sandwich, which (then a school) is
now used as a barrack, and the place of landing was a
little above the Spring Wells — ^not far, indeed, from the
spot where now stand the house and grounds of General
Schwartz. From this to the fort is about three miles,
and the road, occasionally winding, was commanded from
the rising ground, which then crowned the immediate
entrance to the town on the side by which we approached,
but which has since been partially levelled. The whole
of the force, including mihtia and Indians (most of these
latter had preceded us during the night of the 15th)
having landed. General Brock, who had crossed in one of
the leading boats, ordered the reports to be collected,
when it was found that there was but 550 men of all
arms present. This return appearing extremely weak.
Major Glegg assisted by Lieutenant MacLean, Brigade
Major to General Procter, was again desired to see if a
greater number could not be mustered. These officers
finally made out 750 men, including the militia who were
employed in rowing the boats, but who were not present
upon the ground. I am particular in detailing this fact,
because there have been so many versions of our strength,
that it is important the correct one should be known.
The column having been formed, we moved forward by
sections, at nearly double distance, in order to give to our
little force a more imposing appearance. Lieut. Bullock
commanded the advanced guard, and immediately in rear
of this, and preceding the column, were the light artillery
(three six and two three-pounders) with which only we

BOLD ADVANCE OF THE BRITISH 53
advanced against the enemy's fortress.' Nothing but the
boldness of the enterprize could have ensured its success.
When within a mile and a half from the rising ground to
which I have just alluded, as commanding the approach
to the town, we distinctly saw two long, heavy guns,
(afterwards proved to be twenty-four pounders) planted in
the road, and around them the gunners with their fuses
burning. At each moment we expected that they would
be fired, yet although it was evident the discharge must
literally have swept our small, but dense column, there
was neither halt nor indecision perceptible. This was
fortunate. Had there been the slightest wavering, or
appearance of confusion in the men, the enemy, who were
closely watching us, and who seemed intimidated by the
confidence of our advance, would not have failed to profit
by the discovery ; and fearful, in such case, must have
been the havoc ; for, moving as we were by the main
road, with the river close upon our right flank, and a
chain of alternate houses and close fences upon our left,
there was not the slightest possibility of deploying. In
this manner, and with our eyes riveted on the guns,
I Extract from District General Orders :
Head Quarters, Fort Amherstburg, Aug. 14th, 1812.
Captains Muir, Tallon and Chambers of 41st Regiment, Cap
tain Glegg, 49th Regiment, Captain Mockler, Newfoundland Regt.,
and Captain Dixon, Royal Engineers, are appointed to the rank of
major so long as the local service on which they are employed con
tinues. The troops in the Western District will be divided into three
brigades : The First, under Lieut.-Colonel St. George, to consist of
detachments of the Royal Newfoundland Regiment, and of the
Kent and First and Second Regiments Essex Militia. The Second
under the command of Major Chambers, consisting of 50 men of
the 41st Regiment, and of the whole of the detachments of York,
Lincoln, Oxford and Norfolk Militia. The Third Brigade, under
the command of Major Tallon, will consist of the remainder of the
41st Regiment.
Colonel Procter will have charge of the whole line, under the
orders of the Major-General.
James Givins, Esquire, late Capt. 5th Regiment, is appointed
Provincial Aid-de-Camp, with the rank of Major in the Militia.
By order of the Major-General. J. B. Glegg, Major, A.D.C.

54 brock's capture of Detroit
which became at each moment more visible, we silently
advanced until within about three-quarters of a mile of
the formidable battery ; when General Brock, having
found this point a position favorable for the formation of
the columns of assault, caused the whole to be wheeled
to the left, through an open field and orchard, leading to
a house about three hundred yards off the road, which he
selected as his Headquarters. In this position we were
covered. While this was passing on the right bank of the river,
our batteries had been performing good service on the
left. The officers in charge had succeeded in getting the
true range of their guns, which threw their shot with
admirable precision, and in the early part of the morning
an eighteen-pound ball had found its way into the fort
through an embrasure, and passing into the mess-room,
killed four officers (one of whom was Lieut. Hanks, the
commandant at Michilimackinac on its recent surrender to
Captain Roberts) scattering their brains and blood against
the walls of the apartment, and filling the Americans
within the fort, as we afterwards understood, with serious
dismay. As soon as this circumstance was reported to
General Hull, and about the time when the troops were
crossing below, he despatched a white flag to the bat
teries, but Captain Hall, who commanded there, having
stated, to the officer who bore it, that Gerieral Brock was
by that time on his own shore, and was the only person
by whom the flag could be received, the bearer imme
diately returned — the batteries discontinuing their fire,
however, in the meantime. This, of course, was during
our advance, and it might be reasonable to infer that it
was in consequence of this flag being then in the act of
passing from one shore to the other that the enemy had
not opened his fire from the long twenty-four pounders
pointed at our column, were it not that General Cass and
others have distinctly stated that they requested the sanc
tion of General Hull to fire, but that such sanction was

A WHITE FLAG 55
peremptorily refused, from an apprehension of ulterior
consequences. Whatever the cause, we certainly had
reason to congratulate ourselves that we had escaped the
threatened danger. I confess that I breathed much more
freely when we had left the road, which was quite as bad
as any cul-de-sac, and taken up our position near the farm
house. At the moment when the white flag was seen advancing
from the point at which the threatening twenty-four
pounders — their muzzles turned from the batteries upon
us — ^were yet planted. General Brock had advanced up the
brow of the rising ground which concealed us from their
view, for the purpose of reconnoitering the fort. He was
soon apprized of this new and unexpected feature in the
aspect of affairs, and promptly despatched Colonel
Macdonell and Major Glegg to meet it. It was the latter
officer, if I mistake not, who speedily returned by the
main road at full gallop to communicate to the General,
who in the meantime had returned to the column, that the
object of the flag was to propose a surrender of the fort.
Furnished with the instructions of his Chief, Major Glegg
rode back at the same speed to the party who were
awaiting his return, and all then entered the town for the
purpose of arranging the terms of capitulation.
At the termination of an hour, during which the arms
of the men who loitered indifferently about, were piled,
while such of the Officers as were fortunate enough to be
early in their application, were provided with an excellent
breakfast by the people of the farm-house, one of the
Aids-de-Camp was again descried hurrying from the
town at full speed. He brought the gratifying intelli
gence that the capitulation had been completed ; and the
order was then given for the troops to advance and form
upon the glacis of the fort. The "fallin" was imme
diately sounded, and we moved as directed, not by the
main road, but by the orchards and fields which inter-

56 brock's capture of Detroit
vened between our position and the fortress. As we
approached, and beheld the numerous cannon frowning
from their embrasures, it was impossible to avoid feeling
mingled surprise and congratulation that so formidable a
post should have been the fruit, apparently, more of a
party of pleasure than of war.
The glacis gained, the column was halted, and on our
arrival we found that the greatest portion of the regular
troops had marched out of the garrison upon the esplan
ade, where they were now loitering about as we had a
few minutes before, with piled arms. A guard of honor,
consisting of an officer and forty men, was immediately
formed to take possession of the fort. The command of
this devolved upon the officer who had led the advanced
guard — Lieutenant Bullock ; and among those of the
Militia who were attached to his party, and had first the
honor of entering the fortress, were the present Chief
Justice Robinson,' Samuel Jarvis, = Esquire, Superinten
dent of Indian affairs, and Colonel William Chisholm, s of
Oakville. >Sir John Beverley Robinson, Bart., was born in Berthier,
Quebec, July 26th, 1791. He was acting Attorney-General . of
Upper Canada, from the death of Col. John Macdonell in 1812,
until the return of Hon. D'Arcy Boulton to Canada in 1815 ; Soli
citor-General from 1815 to 1818 and Attorney-General from 1818
to 1829 when he was appointed Chief Justice of Upper Canada, an
office he graced till 1862. His death occurred January Slst, 1863.
He was the foremost of "The Fighting Judges," a term applied
to those men who fought' for their country, and who afterwards
by their ability rose to the Bench.
"Colonel Samuel Peters Jarvis, the eldest son of William Jarvis,
Secretary of Upper Canada from 1792 to 1817, was born at Newark
(Niagara) November 15th, 1792. At Detroit he was attached to
the 41st Regiment and was present as a lieutenant at Queenston
Heights, Stoney Creek and Lundy's Lane. He was Clerk of the
Crown in Chancery and Chief Superintendent of Indian Aftairs.
During the rebellion of 1837-38 he raised the "Queen's Rangers."
He died at Toronto, September 6th, 1857.
3 Colonel William Chisholm was the son of George Chisholm, who
emigrated from Inverness, Scotland, to Nova Scotia, where Colonel
Chisholm was born Oct. 1.5th, 1788. At the taking of Detroit he
was Lieutenant of No. 1 Flank Company of Lincoln Militia, and

iU^ETRCM^v^

Gold Miedal awarded to Ueut.-Col Tohn Macrlnnpii p a n r^ t
now in PossessiolTjoTnt°"^^]li^r^^^^ol°,^°J^^^^^ °f Detroit,

THE BRITISH OCCUPY THE FORT 57
An error, which, in many similar circumstances, might
have proved a fatal one, occurred on this occasion. The
order for the advance of the guard of honor was given
prematurely, by some officer of the Staff — ^whom however
I do not now recollect — for no sooner had the head of the
guard passed over the drawbridge into the fort, when it
found itself almost hemmed in by a host of the Ohio
Militia — many of them looking very fierce and very
indignant at the surrender — who had not yet been marched
out. As the entrance of the guard under these circum
stances was a violation of an article of the capitulation,
which expressly stipulated that the American Garrison
were to march out before the British troops took posses
sion, we were promptly faced to the rear, and marched
back again to the glacis — where we waited patiently
until the angry-looking riflemen found it convenient to
move. We then entered in form, and lowering the Ameri
can flag, hoisted, in default of the regular British ensign,
an Union Jack which a stray blue- jacket had brought
with him, tied round his body, and which he very cheer-
at Queenston Heights was in command of the flank company of
York Militia. He was Colonel of Militia in 1824, and commanded
the left wing of the Loyalists at Montgomery's Tavern (Gallow's
Hill), Dec. 7th, 1837. For several years he represented the County
of Halton in the Legislature, and in 1834 was appointed Collector
of Customs at Oakville, where he died May 4th, 1842.
His son, George King Chisholm, was also Colonel of Militia, and
took part in the defence of Fort Erie during the Fenian Raid of
1866. He represented Halton for one Parliament, and was for
some time Sergeant at Arms of the Parliament of Canada. He died
in April, 1874.
Another son Robert Kerr Chisholm succeeded his father as Col
lector of Customs and was elected to several Municipal offices.
Many of the descendants of Colonel Chisholm reside at Oakville.
Another officer of this name that served on the Niagara frontier
during the war was Colonel George Chisholm, who was born at
Fort Erie, Sept. 16th, 1792, the youngest son of George Chisholm,
a U. E. Loyalist. He took part in the battle of Queenston
Heights, and was in command of a company at Lundy's Lane.
In 1837 he was made a Lieut.-Col., and Col. in 1838. He was one
of the " Men of Gore " that accompanied Sir Allan N. MacNab to
Toronto to quell the rebellion. His death occurred in 1872.
D. B. Chisholm, Mayor of Hamilton in 1872, was his youngest
son.

58 brock's capture OF DETROIT
fully gave up for the purpose. The sentinels were then
planted around the ramparts, and I (at that time a young
volunteer armed with a musket taller than myself) had
the honor of mounting my first guard at the Flag Staff —
not a little elated I confess at the very enviable position
in which, as a young Warrior, I conceived myself to be
placed on the occasion. Nor was the feeling at all dimin
ished, as strutting most martially to and fro on my post,
and, casting my eyes downward upon the esplanade, I
saw, or fancied I saw, the American troops looking up
with anything but satisfaction at the red-coats who had
thus usurped their place.
The articles of capitulation having been finally settled,
and the troops — the main body of which had soon followed
the guard of honor — in possession of the fort, the first act
of General Brock was to enter and hberate, in person, the
gallant Dean who had been taken prisoner at the Canard
and who then lay confined in the guard-room. Shaking
him by the hand in presence of his comrades — while his
voice betrayed strong emotion, he warmly approved his
conduct, and declared that he was indeed an honor to the
profession of a soldier. Such commendation, from such a
man, was in all probability the happiest day of poor
Dean's existence, and must have amply repaid him for all
his sufferings in confinement.
Soon after our occupation of the fort, Lieut. Bullock the
officer commanding the guard, discovered the colors of the
4th Regiment of Infantry, which had been left in a room
contiguous to that in which the four American officers
were killed by the fire from our batteries. When it became
known to General Brock that the colors had not been
delivered over with the usual formahties, an order was
sent to the officer of the guard to take them down to the
esplanade where the American prisoners were assembled,
and hand them over to the officer in command of the 4th
Regt., with a view to their proper delivery. The order

brock's GENERAL ORDER 59
was promptly obeyed. Lieut. Bullock, taking with him a
few files of his guard, conveyed the colors to the ground
occupied by the 4th, when, on enquiring for the officer
commanding that Regiment, he was met by a Captain
Cook, who stated that in the absence of Colonel Miller —
lying ill with ague at the time — the command had devolved
on him. To this officer Lieut. Bullock communicated his
errand. Captain Cook took from him the colors, and
again presented them saying — ' 'Sir! the fortune of war has
placed these in your hands — they are yours." Lieut.
Bullock simply bowed, and withdrew. It was evident
that Captain Cook, and those around him felt much cha
grin on the occasion.
On the afternoon of the surrender of Detroit the follow
ing order was published. General Order,
Head Quarters, Detroit, 1 6th August, 1812.
Major-General Brock has every reason to be satisfied
with the conduct of the Troops he had the honor to lead
this morning against the enemy. The state of discipline
which they so eminently displayed, and the determination
they evinced to undertake the most hazardous enterprize,
decided the enemy, infinitely more numerous in men and
artillery, to propose a capitulation, the terms of which are
herewith inserted for the information of the Troops.
The Major-General requests Colonel Procter will accept
his best thanks for the assistance he derived from his ex
perience and intelligence.
The steadiness and discipline of the 41st Regiment, and
the readiness of the Mihtia to follow so good an example
were highly conspicuous.
The ability manifested by Captain Dixon of the Royal
Engineers in the choice and construction of the batteries
and the high state of the Royal Artillery under Lieut.
Troughton, afforded the Major-General much gratifica
tion, and reflect great credit on those officers.
The wilUng assistance given by Captain Hall and the
Marine Department during the whole course of the service
has been very conspicuous, and the manner the batteries

6o brock's capture of DETROIT
were served this morning evinced a degree of steadiness
highly commendable.
Lieut. Dewar, Dpt. Ass. Qr. -Master- General, afforded
strong proof by the local knowledge he had acquired of
the country, of an unremitting attention to his duty ; and
the care and regularity with which the troops were trans
ported across the river, must in a Uke degree, be ascribed
to his zeal for the service.
To Lieut.-Col. St. George, Majors Tallon and Chambers,
who commanded brigades, eyery degree of praise is due
for their unremitting zeal and attention to their respective
commands. The detachment of the Royal Newfoundland
Regiment, under the command of Major Mockler, is de
serving every praise for their steadiness in the field, as
well as when embarked in the King's vessels.
The Major-General cannot forego this opportunity of
expressing his admiration at the conduct of the several
companies of Militia who so handsomely volunteered to
undergo the fatigues of a journey of several hundred
miles to go to the rescue of an invaded district ; and he
requests Maj or Salmon, 'Captains Hatt, =Heward, sBostwick,*
'Major George C. Salmon was an officer of the 2nd Norfolk Mili
tia. By a militia general order of July 22nd, 1812, Colonel Talbot
was comraanded to make up a detachment of 200 men from the
1st and 2nd Norfolk, and the Oxford and Middlesex militia, and
place it under the command of Major Salmon, who was to proceed
with this force to Moraviantown to await the arrival of Major
Chambers, of the 41st Regiment, under whose command he was
to place himself. It is doubtful whether this order was carried
ont, as some authorities say he accompanied General Brock.
Major Salmon was an excellent officer, and was frequently men
tioned in despatches.
Mr. Justice William Salmon, Judge of the County of Norfolk,
who died Feb. 8th, 1868, was the second son of Major Salmon.
He took an active part in the suppression of the Rebellion of 1837.
The father of Judge Salmon and the father of Dr. Rolph emigrat
ed together from near Bristol in England in 1809.
^Captain Samuel Hatt was appointed by General Brock to com
mand the flank companies ot the 5th and 6th Regiments ot Lin
coln Militia. At the repulse ot General Smyth at Fort Erie, Nov.
28th, 1812, he was commended for his services by Col. Bisshopp.
sMajor Stephen Howard was in command of a company of the
York Militia at Detroit. He was for many years a prominent citi
zen of York (Toronto).
¦tColonel John Bostwick served in the war as a captain of the

brock's general order 6i
and Robinson,' will assure the officers and men imder
their respective command, that their services have been
duly appreciated and will never be forgotten.
The Major-General is happy to acknowledge the able
assistance he has derived from the zeal and local informa
tion of Lieut.-Col. Nichol, acting Quarter- Master- General
to the Militia.
To his personal Staff the Major-General feels himself
under much obligation ; and he requests Lieut.-Colonel
Macdonell, Majors Glegg and Givins,^ will be assured that
their zealous exertions have made too deep an impression
on his mind ever to be forgotten.
Norfolk militia. His conduct at Fort Erie, November 28th, 1812,
where he was slightly wounded, was specially mentioned in the
official despatch of that event. He served as colonel during the
rebellion of 1837-38.
There was a Lieut.-Col. Henry Bostwick of the Oxford Militia,
who served during the war.
I Captain William Robinson, an officer in the Norfolk Militia,
was born in New Jersey in 1776, his father having emigrated from
Yorkshire, England, four years before. In 1802 he came to Upper
Canada. His eldest son Richard enlisted at the beginning of the
war although but 15 years of age and served till its close. Capt.
Robinson died in 1829.
^Colonel James Givins came to Canada when a young man as
an officer in a British Regiment. For some years he was on the
Detroit frontier and among the native tribes of the west picking up
a knowledge of several Indian dialects which made his services
afterwards so useful to the Lieut. -Governors and the government.
In 1792 we flnd him at Newark (Niagara) as Lieutenant of the
Queen's Rangers and afterwards as Aid to Simcoe on his journey to
Detroit in February, 1793.
He accompanied Simcoe on his search for a new metropolis
ot the province, and when the site of Toronto was chosen he took
up his residence there and was appointed a Superintendent in the
Indian Department, an office which he held till 1842. When the
war commenced he entered upon active service which lasted till its
close. At the taking of Detroit he was Aid to Brock and Inter
preter, and at the defence of Fort Erie, he commanded the In
dians. When York was taken by the Americans in April, 1813, he,
at the head of 25 Indians and 60 men of the Glengarry Fencibles
stubbornly opposed the landing of Major Forsyth. In 1819 he
asked to be granted the Gold Medal for Detroit, as a staff officer,
his name being left oft the list of recommendations by an over
sight, but if he received this distinction to which he was justly en
titled, I have seen no record of it.
Canon Saltern Givins, Judge Givins, sometime of London,
Ontario, and Surgeon Major Givins, ot the India Medical Staff,
were his sons.

62 brock's capture of DETROIT
The conduct of the Indians under Col. EUiott, Capt.
McKee,' and other officers of that department, joined to
that of the gallant and brave Chiefs of their respective
tribes, has since the commencement of the war been
marked with acts of true heroism, and in nothing can
they testify more strongly their love to the King, their
Great Father, than in following the dictates of honor and
humanity, by which they have been hitherto actuated.
Two fortifications have already been captured from the
enemy without a drop of blood being shed by the hands
of the Indians ; the instant the enemy submitted, his life
became sacred. By order of Major-General Brock.
J. B. Glegg, Capt., A. D. C.
From Major-General Brock, to His Excellency, Sir
George Prevost. Head Quarters, Detroit,
Aug. 17th, 1812.
Sir, — I have had the honor of informing your Excellency,
that the enemy effected his passage across the Detroit
river on the 12th ult. without opposition ; and that, after
establishing himself at Sandwich, he had ravaged the
country as far as the Moraviantown. Some skirmishes
occurred between the troops under Lieut.-Col. St. George
and the enemy, upon the River Canard, which uniformly
terminated in his being repulsed with loss. The occupa
tion of Sandwich was evidently productive of considerable
effect on the minds of a large portion of the inhabitants.
The disaffected became more audacious, and the waver
ing more intimidated. I judged it therefore proper to
I Captain Thomas McKee, son of Colonel Alexander McKee, was
in coinmand of a party of Indians at the taking of Detroit, and in
the several subsequent engagements. He was Superintendeiit of
Indian Aftairs for many years. The McKee family have occupied
prominent positions in the western district since 1775. Colonel
Alexander McKee was appointed Deputy Superintendent General
of Indian Aftairs by Lord Dorchester, who expressed his satisfac
tion with his conduct. His death on January 14th, 1799, was a
distinct loss to the British in their dealings with the Indians.
Captain Thomas McKee was elected a member of the Legislative
Assembly for Kent in 1796 and for Essex in 1801. Thomas Mc
Kee, who so long has honorably filled the office of County
Clerk of Essex, is a grandson of Captain Thomas McKee. The
present able representative of North Essex in the Ontario Legisla
ture is W. J. McKee, great-grandson of the representative of 100
years ago and son of the present County Clerk.

brock's official DESPATCH 63
detach at every risk a force down the River Thames,
capable of acting in conjunction with the garrison of
Amherstburg offensively, but Captain Chambers, whom I
had appointed to direct this detachment, experienced
difficulties from the prevalent spirit of the mom^t that
frustrated my intentions.
The intelUgence received from that quarter admitting
of no delay. Colonel Procter was directed to assume the
command, and his force was soon after increased with
sixty rank and file of the 41st regiment.
In the meantime, the most strenuous measures were
adopted to counteract the machinations of the evil dis
posed, and I soon experienced the gratification of receiv
ing voluntary offers of service from that portion of the
embodied militia the most easily collected. In the attain
ment of this important point, gentlemen of the first char
acter and influence shewed an example highly creditable
to them ; and I cannot, on this occasion, avoid mentioning
the essential assistance I derived from John MacdoneU,
Esq. , His Majesty' s Attorney-General, who, from the begin
ning of the war, has honored me with his services as my
Provincial Aid-de-Camp. A sufficiency of boats being
collected at Long Point for the conveyance of 300 men,
the embarkation took place on the Sth instant, and in
five days we arrived in safety at Amherstburg.
I found that the judicious arrangements which had been
adopted immediately upon the arrival of Colonel Procter,
had compelled the enemy to retreat, and take shelter under
the guns of his fort ; that officer commenced operations
by' sending strong detachments across the river, with a
view of cutting off the enemy's communication with his
resources. This produced two smart skirmishes on the 5 th and 9th
inst., in both of which the enemy's loss was very con
siderable, whilst ours amounted to 3 killed and 13
wounded ; amongst the latter, I have particularly to regret
Captain Muir and Lieutenant Sutherland, of the 41st
regiment ; the former an officer of great experience, and
both ardent in His Majesty's service. Batteries had like
wise been commenced opposite Fort Detroit, for one 18
pounder, t,wo 12's, and two 5}^ inch mortars; all of
which opened on the evening of the 1 5th (having previously
summoned Brigadier Gen. Hull to surrender) , and al
though opposed by a well directed fire from seven 24

64 brock's CAPTURE OF DETROIT
pounders, such was their construction under the able
direction of Captain Dixon of the Royal Engineers, that
no injury was sustained from its effect.
The force at my disposal being collected in the course
of the 15th in the neighborhood of Sandwich, the embar
kation took place a little after day-light on the following
morning, and by the able arrangements of Lieutenant
Dewar, of the Quartar- Master-Ceneral's department, the
whole was, in a short time, landed without the smallest
confusion at Spring- Well ; a good position, three miles
west of Detroit. The Indians, who had in the meantime
effected their lainding two miles below, moved forward
and occupied the woods, about a mile and a half on our
left. The force which I instantly directed to march against the
enemy consisted of 30 Royal Artillery, 250 41st Regiment,
50 Royal Newfoundland Regiment, 400 militia, and about
600 Indians, to which were attached three 6 pounders and
two 3 pounders. The services of Lieutenant Troughton,
commanding the Royal Artillery, an active and intelligent
officer, being required in the field, the direction of the
batteries was intrusted to Captain Hall, and the Marine
department, and I cannot withhold my entire approbation
of their conduct on this occasion.
I crossed the river, with an intention of waiting in a
strong position the effect of our force upon the enemy's
Camp, and in hopes of compelling him to meet us in the
field ; but receiving information upon landing, that
Colonel M' Arthur, an officer of high reputation had lef t
the garrison three days before with a detachment of 500
men, and hearing, soon afterwards, that his cavalry had
been seen that morning three miles in our rear, I decided
on an immediate attack. Accordingly, the troops ad
vanced to within one mile of the fort, and having ascer
tained that the enemy had taken little or no precaution
toward the land side, I resolved on an assault, whilst the
Indians penetrated his Camp. Brigadier Gen. Hull, how
ever, prevented this movement, by proposing a cessation
of hostilities, for the purpose of preparing terms of capitu
lation. Lieutenant-Colonel John Macdonell and Captain
Glegg were accordingly deputed by me on this mission,
and returned within an hour with the conditions, which
I have the honor to transmit. Certain considerations

Major-General Sir Isaac Brock.

brock's OFFICIAL DESPATCH 65
afterwards induced me to agree to the two supplementary
articles. The force thus surrendered to His Majesty's arms,
cannot be estimated at less than 2,500 men. In this esti
mate. Colonel M' Arthur's detachment is included, as he '
surrendered, agreeably to the terms of capitulation, in
the course of the evening, with the exception of 200 men,
whom he left escorting a valuable convoy at some little
distance in his rear ; but there can be no doubt the officer
commanding will consider himself equally bound by the
capitulation. The enemy's aggregate force was divided into two
troops of cavalry ; one company of artillery regulars ;
the 4th United States regiment ; detachments of the ist
and 3rd United States regiments, volunteers ; three regi
ments of the Ohio Militia ; one regiment of the Michigan
territory. Thirty-three pieces of brass and iron ordnance have
already been secured.
When this contest commenced, many of the Indian
nations were engaged in active warfare with the United
States, notwithstanding the constant endeavors of this
government to dissuade them from it. Some of the prin
cipal chiefs happened to be at Amherstburg, trying to
procure a supply of arms and ammunition, which for
years had been withheld, agreeably to the instructions
received from Sir James Craig, and since repeated by
your Excellency.
From that moment they took a most active part, and
appeared foremost on every occasion ; they were led yes
terday by Colonel Elliot and Captain M'Kee and nothing
could exceed their order and steadiness. A few prisoners
were taken by them, during the advance, whom they
treated with every humanity ; and it affords me much
pleasure in assuring your Excellency, that such was their
forbearance and attention to what was required of them,
that the enemy sustained no other loss in men than what
was occasioned by the fire of our batteries.
The high sense I entertain of the abiUties and judgment
of Lieut.-Col. Myers, induced me to appoint him to the
important command at Niagara ; it was with reluctance
I deprived myself of his assistance, but had no other
expedient ; his duties, as head of the Quarter-Master-
General's department, were performed to my satisfaction

66 brock's CAPTURE OF DETROIT
by Lieut.-Col. Nichol,' Quarter-Master-General of the
Militia. Captain Glegg, my Aid-de-Camp will have the honor
of delivering this despatch to your Excellency; he is
charged with the colors t^ken at the capture of Fort
Detroit, and those of the 4th United States regiment.
Captain Glegg is capable of giving your Excellency
every information respecting the state of this province,
and I shall esteem myself highly indebted to your Excel
lency to afford him that protection, to which his merit
and length of service give him a powerful claim.
I have the honor to be, with every consideration, &c.,
ISAAC BROCK, Maj. -Gen.
His Excellency,
Lt.-Gen'l. Sir G. Prevost, Bart., Etc.
P. S. I have the honor to enclose a copy of a procla
mation, which I have issued immediately on taking pos
session of this country.
I should have mentioned, in the body of my despatch,
the capture of the Adams ; she is a fine vessel, and re
cently repaired, but without arms.

I Lieutenant-Colonel Robert Nichol, of the 2nd Regiment of Nor
folk Militia, was appointed Quartermaster General of Militia at
the beginning of the war, and performed the arduous and impor
tant duties of that office to the entire satisfaction of the command-.
ing officers. In his young days he worked as clerk for Colonel
John Askin, of Detroit, and after leaving this service he estab
lished a milling and mercantile business at Port Dover on Lake
Erie. When Brock resolved to go to Detroit, Col. Nichol was entrusted
with the arrangements for moving the force by water from Long
Point to Amherstburg. This duty was so well performed that it
called forth the praises of the General. He directed the crossing
of the troops on August 16th, 1812, and after the surrender of De
troit he remained to assist Colonel Procter to establish means
of defence. He was present at Fort Erie, Nov. 28th, 1812; and at
the battle of Fort George, May 27th, 1813, his horse was killed
under him while acting as Aid to Colonel Myers. But the greatest
service that Colonel Nichol did for his country during the war was
to induce Colonel Bisshopp and afterwards Major-General Vincent
to disobey the orders of Sir George Prevost to abandon west
ern Canada. On every important question he was consulted by
the officers in command, and his reports, such ason the possibility
of building a new fleet on Lake Erie and on the state of aftairs on
the Detroit frontier — show a thorough knowledge of military
matters. He sacrificed a great deal during the war. On May
15th, 1814, his houses, barns, mills ^nd distillery were destroyed

ARTICLES OF CAPITULATION 67
Camp at Detroit, i6th Aug., 1812.
Capitulation for the surrender of Fort Detroit, entered
into between Major-General Brock, commanding his
Britannic Majesty's forces, on the one part, and Brigadier
General Hull, commanding the North- Western army of
the United States, on the other part.
ist. Fort Detroit, with all the troops, regulars
as well as militia, will be immediately surrendered to the
British forces under the command of Major-General Brock,
and will be considered prisoners of war, with the ex
ception of such of the militia of the Michigan territory,
who have not joined the army.
2d. All public stores, arms, and all public docu
ments, including every thing else of a public nature, will
be immediately given up.
3d. Private persons, and property of every de
scription will be respected.
4th. His, Excellency, Brigadier- General Hull, having
expressed a desire that a detachment from the
State of Ohio, on its way to join his army, as well as one
sent from Fort Detroit, under the command of Colonel
M' Arthur, should be included in the above capitulation, it
is accordingly agreed to. It is, however, tobe understood,
that such part of the Ohio Militia as have not joined the
army, will be permitted to return to their homes, on con
dition that they will not serve during the war; their arms
will be delivered up if belonging to the public.
5 th. The Garrison will march out at the hour of 12
by a marauding party under Colonel Campbell. Notwithstanding
his valuable services and losses, his pay and allowances were struck
off at the peace. In 1817 he memorialized Earl Bathurst to pre
sent his case to the Prince Regent for relief, but I am not aware
that he received any compensation for his losses. He received the
gold medal for Detroit. On three occasions he was honored by
being elected member of the Legislative Assembly for the Countv
ofNorfolk-in 1813, 1817 and in 1820. His death was caused by fall
ing over the precipitous bank of the Niagara river between Niagara
Falls and Queenston one stormy night at the beginning of May,
1824, his funeral to Stamford cemetery taking place on the 6th.
He was married to Theresa Wright on December 21st, 1811. I
have not seen any record of the place or date of his birth, or that
any of his descendants are living at the present time.

68 brock's capture of Detroit
o'clock this day, and the British forces will take immediate
possession di the Fort.
J. MACDONELL, Lieut.-Col. militia, P. A.D.C,
. J. B. GLEGG, Major, A.D.C,
JAMES MILLER, Lieut.-Col. 5th U. S. Infantry,
E. BRUSH,' Col.com'gistregt.of Michigan Militia,
Approved, W. HULL, B. Gen'l. Com'g the N. W. Army,
Approved, ISAAC BROCK, Major-General.
An article supplemental to the articles of Capitulation,
concluded at Detroit, the i6th of August, 1812.
It is agreed that the Officers and soldiers of the Ohio
Militia and Volunteers shall be permitted to proceed to
their respective homes, on this condition, that they are
not to serve during the present war, unless they are ex
changed.
W. HULL, B. Gen'l. Com'g N. W. Army, U.S.
ISAAC BROCK, Major-General.
An article in addition to the supplemental article of the
capitulation, concluded at Detroit, the i6th of August,
A.D. 1812.
It is further agreed that the officers and soldiers of the
Michigan Militia and Volunteers, under the command of
Major Wetherell, shall be placed on the same principles
as the Ohio militia and volunteers are placed by the sup
plemental article of the 16th instant.
W. HULL, B. Gen'l. Com'g N. W. Army, U. S.
ISAAC BROCK, Major-General.
Return of the Ordnance taken in the fort and batteries
at Detroit, August i6th, 1812.
Iron Ordnance — nine 24 pounders, eight 12 pounders,
five 9 pounders. Brass Ordnance — three 6 pounders, two
'Colonel Elijah Brush who signed the capitulation was Attor
ney-General ot the North-West Territory, as well as commander of
the 1st Regiment of Michigan Militia. In 1802 he married Adel
aide Barthe Askin, daughter ot Col. John Askin, and was conse
quently uncle of Major Richardson. Colonel Brush was granted
special privileges after the capture of Detroit on the intercession of
his Canadian relatives, and, when the fortunes of war inclined to
his country after the defeat of Captain Barclay, he had an oppor
tunity to repay this kindness. His letter to Colonel Askin given
in the appendix shows how he interceded with Captain Perry for
Doctor Richardson.

brock's proclamation 69
4 pounders, one 3 pounder, one 8 inch howitzer, one 2%
inch ditto.
Total of Ordnance' taken — 33.
FELIX TROUGHTON, Lieut. Com. Royal Artillery.

Proclamation by Isaac Brock, Esquire, Major-General
commanding His Britannic Majesty' s Forces in the Province
of Upper Canada, &c.
Whereas the territory of Michigan was this day, by
Capitulation, ceded to the Arms of His Britannic Majesty,
without any other condition than the protection of private
property, and wishing to give an early proof of the
moderation and justice of the Government, I do
hereby announce to all the inhabitants of the said Terri
tory, that the laws heretofore in existence shall continue
in force until His Majesty's pleasure be known, or so long
as the peace and safety of the said Territory will admit
thereof ; and I do hereby also declare and make known
to the said, inhabitants, that they shall be protected in the
full exercise of their religion, of which all persons
both civil and military will take notice, and govern
themselves accordingly.
All persons having in their possession, or having any
knowledge of, any public property, shall forthwith deliver
in the same, or give notice thereof to the officer command
ing, or Lieut.-Col. Nichol, who are hereby duly author
ised to receive and give proper receipts for the same.
Officers of MiUtia will be held responsible, that all arms
in possession of militia-men be immediately delivered up,
and all individuals whatever who have in their possession
arms of any kind, will deliver them up without delay.
Given under my hand at Detroit, this i6th day of
August, 1812, and in the 5 2d year of His Majesty's reign.
ISAAC BROCK, Major-General.
iXhere is a mistake in this copy of the return of the ordnance.
The following is made up from the copy in the Canadian Archives.
Iron Ordnance — Nine 24 pounders, nine 12 pounders, flve 9
pounders, four 6 pounders, one 3 9-10 inch howitzer.
Brass Ordnance. — Three 6 pounders, two 4 pounders, one 3
pounder, one 8 inch howitzer, one 5J inch howitzer, three 2 9-10
inch howitzers.
Total, 39.
The 5J inch howitzer was surrendered at Saratoga by Burgoyne.
The 3 pounder was surrendered by Cornwallis at Yorktown.
Four of the 12 pounders were on board the Detroit in the harbor
of Fort Erie when it was recaptured by the Americans under Lieut.
Jesse D. Elliot and destroyed on the morning of Oct. 9th, 1812.

70 brock's capture of DETROIT
Explanatory as are the above documents, in relation to
the important capitulation of Detroit ; and indicative as
they are of the high aspirings of him to whose firmness
and decision its fall is alone attributable, the account
would be incomplete, were mention not here made of the
causes stated to have led to the surrender of so strong a
position, by the American Commander. Every" particular
relating, not merely to the conquest of Detroit — the first
and leading feat performed during the war — but to the
Hero, its conqueror, cannot be viewed as being given in
any spirit of prolixity. I shall therefore proceed to give,
first General Hull's letter of exculpation, addressed to the
American Secretary at War ; and secondly a somewhat
lengthy document from Colonel Cass, (now the United
States Minister at Paris,) highly condemnatory of the
conduct of his Chief.
From Brigadier- General Hull to the American Secretary
at War. Fort George, August 26th, 1812.
Sir, — Enclosed are the articles of capitulation, by which
the fort of Detroit hasbeen surrendered to Major-General
Brock commanding His Britannic Majesty's forces in
Upper Canada, and by which the troops have become
prisoners of War. My situation, at present, forbids me
from detailing the full and particular causes which have
led to this unfortunate event. I will, however, generally
observe that after the surrender of Michilimackinac,
almost every tribe and nation of Indians, excepting a part
of the Miamis and Delawares, north from beyond Lake
Superior, west from beyond the Mississippi, south from
the Ohio and Wabash, and east from every part of Upper
Canada, and from all the intermediate country, joined in
open hostility, under the British standard, against the
army I commanded; contrary to the most solemn assur
ances of a large portion of them to remain neutral : even
the Ottawa chiefs from L' Arbre Croche, who formed the
delegation to Washington the last summer, in whosefriend-
ship I know you had great confidence, are among the
hostile tribes, and several of them distinguished leaders.
Among the vast number of chiefs who led the hostile
bands, Tecumseh, Marpot, Logan, Walk-in-the- water.

hull's despatch 71
split-log,' &c., are considered the principals. This nu
merous assemblage of savages, under the entire influence
and direction of the British commander, enabled him
totally to obstruct the only communication which I had
with my country. This communication had been opened
from the settlements in the state of Ohio, 200 miles
through a wilderness, by the fatigues of the army, which
I had marched to the frontier on the river Detroit. The
body of the lake being commanded by the British armed
ships, and the shores and rivers by gun-boats, the army
was totally deprived of all communication by water. On
this extensive road it depended for transportation of pro
visions, military stores, medicine, clothing, and every
other supply, on pack-horses — all its operations were
successful until its arrival at Detroit, and in a few days
it passed into the enemy's country, and all opposition
seemed to drop before it. One month it remained in pos
session of this country, and was fed from its resources.
In different directions, detachments penetrated 60 miles
in the settled part of the Province and the inhabitants
seemed satisfied with the change of situation which ap
peared to be taking place. The militia from Amherstburg
were daily deserting, and the whole country, then under
the control of the army, was asking for protection. — The
Indians generally, in the first instance, had certainly ap
peared to be neutralized, and determined to take no part
in the contest. The fort of Amh'erstburg was 18 miles
below my encampment. Not a single cannon or mortar
was on wheels suitable to carry before this place. I con
sulted my officers whether it was expedient to make an
attempt on it with the bayonet alone, without cannon to
make a break in the first instance. The council I called
was of the opinion it was not. The greatest industry was
exerted in making preparation, and it was not until the
7th of August that two 24 pounders, and three howitzers,
were prepared. It was then my intention to have pro
ceeded on the enterprise. While the operations of the
army were delayed by these preparations, the clouds of
adversity-had been for sometime, and seemed still thickly
to be gathering around me. The surrender of MichiU-
mackinac opened the northern hive of Indians, and they
'The Huron chief Split-log and Chief Blackbird who were
British allies in 1812 and 1813, went over to the Americans in 1814.
Drummond's letter to Prevost, Kingston, May 31st, 1814.

72 brock's capture of DETROIT
were swarming down in every direction. Reinforcements
from Niagara had arrived at Amherstburg, under the ,
command of Col. Procter. The desertion of the militia
ceased. Besides the reinforcements that came by water,
I received information of a very considerable force under
the command of Major Chambers, on the river Le Trench,"
with four field pieces ; and collecting the miUtia on his
route, evidently destined for Amherstburg. And, in
addition to this combination and increase of force, con
trary to all my expectations, the Wyandots, Chippewas,
Ottawas, Pottawatamies, Munsees, Delawares, &c, with
whom I had the most friendly intercourse, at once passed
over to Amherstburg, and accepted the tomahawk and
scalping knif^. There being now a vast number of In
dians at the British post, they were sent to the river
Huron, Brownstown, and Maguaga to intercept my com
munication. To open this communication, I detached
Major Van Horn of the Ohio volunteers, with 200 men, to
proceed as far as the river Raisin, under an expectation
he would meet Captain Brush, with 150 men, volunteers
from the State of Ohio, and a quantity of provisions for
the army. An ambuscade was formed at Brownstown,
and Major Van Horn' s detachment was defeated, and re
turned to camp, without effecting the object of the
expedition. In my letter of the 7th instant, you have the particulars
of that transaction with a return of the killed and
wounded. Under this sudden and unexpected change of
things, and having received an express from General
Hall, commanding opposite the British shore on the
Niagara river, by which it appeared that there was no
prospect of any co-operation from that quarter, and the
two Senior Ofi&cers of the artillery having stated to me an
opinion that it would be extremely difficult, if not im
possible, to pass the Turkey -river, and river Aux Canard,
withthe24pounders, and that theycould not be transported
by water as the Queen Charlotte, which carried eighteen 24
pounders lay in the river Detroit above the mouth of the
river Aux Canard; and as it appeared indispensably
necessary to open the communication to the river Raisin
and the Miami, I found myself compelled to suspend the
operation against Amherstburg, and concentrate the
main force of the army at Detroit. Fully intending at
that time, after the communication was opened, to re-
I Now called Thames.

hull's despatch 73
cross the river, and pursue the object at Amherstburg,
and strongly desirous of contiiruing protection to a very
large number of the Inhabitants of Upper Canada, who had
voluntarily accepted it under my proclamation, I estab
lished a fortress on the banks of the river a little below
Detroit, calculated for a garrison of 300 men. On the
evening of the 7th, and moming of the 8th instant, the
army, excepting the garrison of 200 infantry, and a corps
of artillerists, all under the command of Major Denny of the
Ohio volunteers, re-crossed the river and encamped at De
troit. In pursuance of the object of opening the com
munication, on which I considered the existence of the
army depending, a detachment of 600 men, under the
command of Lieut.-Col. Miller, was immediately ordered.
For a particular account of the proceedings of this de
tachment, and the memorable battle which was -fought at
Maguaga, which reflects the highest honor on the Am
erican arms, I refer you to my letter of the 13th August
instant, a duplicate of which is enclosed, marked G.
Nothing, however, but honor was acquired by this
victory ; and, it is a painful consideration, that the blood
of 75 gallant men could only open thcv communication as
far as the points of their bayonets extended. The neces
sary care of the sick and wounded, and a very severe
storm of rain, rendered their retum to camp indispensably
necessary for their own comfort. Captain Brush with
his small detachment, and the provisions being still at the
river Raisin, in a situation to be destroyed by the savages,
on the 13th instant, in the evening, I permitted Colonels
M' Arthur and Cass to select from their regiments 400 of
their most effective men, and proceed by an upper route
through the woods, which I had sent an express to Cap
tain Brush to take, and had directed the militia of the
river Raisin to accompany him as a reinforcement. The
force of the enemy continually increasing, and the
necessity of opening the communication, and acting on the
defensive, becoming more apparent, I had previous to de
taching Colonels M' Arthur and Cass on the nth instant
evacuated and destroyed the fort on the opposite bank.
On the 13th, in the evening. General Brock arrived at
Amherstburg, about the hour Colonels M' Arthur and Cass
marched, of which at that time I had received no infor
mation. On the 15th I received a summons from him to
surrender Fort Detroit of which the paper marked A. is a

74 brock's capture of Detroit
copy. My answer is marked B. At this time I had received
no information from Colonels M' Arthur and Cass. An
express was immediately sent, strongly escorted, with
orders for them to return. On the 15th as soon as General
Brock received my letter his batteries opened on the town
and fort,and continued until evening. In the evening,all the
British ships of war came nearly as far up the river as
Sandwich, three miles below Detroit. At daylight, on
the 1 6th (at which time I had received no information
from Colonels M' Arthur and Cass, my expresses, sent
the evening before, and in the night, having been pre
vented from passing by numerous bodies of Indians)
the cannonade re-commenced, and in a short time I re
ceived information, that the British Army, and Indians,
were landing below the Spring- Wells, under the cover of
their ships of war.
At this time the whole effective force at my disposal at
Detroit did not exceed 800 men. Being new troops, and
unaccustomed to camp life ; having performed a laborious
march ; having been engaged in a number of battles and
skirmishes, in which many had fallen, and more had re
ceived wounds, in addition to which a large number being
sick, and unprovided with medicine, and the comforts
necessary for their situation, were the general causes by
which the strength of the army was thus reduced. The fort
at this time was filled with women, children, and the old
and decrepit people of the town, and country ; they were
unsafe in the town, as it was entirely open and
exposed to the enemy's batteries. Back of the fort
above or below it, there was no safety for them on
account of the Indians. In the first instance, the enemy's
fire was principally directed against our batteries, towards
the close it was directed against the fort alone, and
almost every shot and shell had their effect.
It now became necessary either to fight the enemy in
the field ; collect the whole force in the fort ; or propose
terms of capitulation. I could not have carried into the
field more than 600 men, and left an adequate force in
the fort. There were landed at that time of the enemy a
regular force of much more than that number, and twice
the number of Indians. Considering this great inequality
of force, I did not think it expedient to adopt the first
measure ; the second must have been attended with a
great sacrifice of blood, and no possible advantage, be-

HULLS DESPATCH 75
cause the contest could not have been sustained more
than a day for want of powder, and but a very few days for
the want of provisions. In addition to this. Colonels
M' Arthur and Cass would have been in a most hazardous
situation. I feared nothing but the last alternative — I
have dared to adopt it — I well know the high responsi
bility of the measure, and I take the whole of it on myself
— it was dictated by a sense of duty, and a full conviction
of its expediency. The bands of savages which had then
joined the British force, were numerous beyond any for
mer example. Their numbers have since increased, and
the history of the barbarians of the north of Europe does
not furnish examples of more greedy violence than these
savages have exhiibited. A large portion of the brave
and gallant officers and men I commanded would cheerfully
have contested until the last cartridge had been expended,
and the bayonets worn to the sockets, — I could not con
sent to the useless sacrifice of such brave m^n, when I
knew it was impossible for me to sustain my situation.
It was impossible, in the nature of things that an army
could have been furnished with the necessary supplies of
provisions, military stores, clothing and comforts for the
sick, on pack-horses through a wilderness of 200 miles,
filled with hostile savages. It was impossible, sir, that
this little army, worn down by fatigue, by sickness, by
wounds, and deaths, could have supported itself not only
against the collected force of all the Northern Nations of
Indians ; but against the united strength of Upper
Canada, whose population consists of more than 20 times
the number contained in the territory of Michigan, aided '
by the principal part of the regular forces of the province,
and the wealth and influence of the North-West and other
trading establishments among the Indians, which have
in their employment and under their control more than
2,000 white men. Before I close this despatch, it isa
duty I owe my respectable associates in command. Colo
nels M' Arthur, Findlay, Cass, and Lieutenant-Colonel
Miller to express my obligations to them for the prompt
and judicious manner they have performed their respect
ive duties. If aright has taken place during the cam
paign, which is honorable to the army, these Officers are
entitled to a large share of it. If the last act should be
disapproved, no part of the censure belongs to them. I
have likewise to express myobligation to General Taylor,

76 brock's capture of Detroit
who has performed the duty of quarter-master-general,
for his great exertions in procuring every thing in his
department, which it was possible to furnish, for the
convenience of the army ; likewise to brigade Major
Jessup, for the correct and punctual manner in which he
has discharged his duty ; and to the army generally for
their exertion and the zeal they have manifested for the
public interest. The death of Dr. Foster soon after he
arrived at Detroit, was a severe misfortune to the army ;
it was increased by the capture of the Chachago packet,
by which the medicine and hospital stores were lost.
He was commencing the best arrangements in the depart
ment of which he was the principal, with the very small
means he possessed. I was likewise deprived of the
necessary services of Captain Partridge by sickness, the
only officer of the corps of engineers attached to the
array. All the officers and men have gone to their
respective homes, excepting the 4th United States regi
ment, and a small part of the ist and Captain Dyson's
company of Artillery. Captain Dyson's company was left
at Amherstburg, and the others are with me prisoners ;
they amounttoabout340. I haveonly to solicit an investiga
tion of my conduct, as early as my situation and thc state
of things will admit ; and to add the further request that
the government will not be unmindful of my associates
in captivity, and of the families of those brave men who
have fallen in the contest.
I have the honor to be very respectfully.
Your Most obedient Servant,
W. HULL, Brig. Gen. Commanding
Hon. W. Eustis, Secretary N. W. Army, U. S.
of the Department of War.

Letter of Col. Cass, of the army late under the com
mand of Brig. -General Wm. Hull to the Secretary of
War. Washington, Sept. loth, 1812.
Sir, — Having been ordered on to this place by Col.
M' Arthur, for the purpose of communicating to the
governnient such particulars respecting the expedition
lately commanded by Brig. -Gen. HuU, and its disastrous
result, as might enable them correctly to appreciate the
conduct of the officers and men, and to develop the

LETTER OF COLONEL CASS 77
causes which produced so foul a stain upon the national
character, I have the honor to submit to your considera-
.tion the following statement.
When the forces landed in Canada, they landed with an
•ardent zeal, and stimulated with the hope of conquest.
No enemy appeared within view of us, and had an im
mediate and vigorous attack been made upon Maiden, it
would doubtless have fallen an easy victory. I knew
Gen. Hull, afterwards declared he regretted this attack
had not been made, and he had every reason to believe
success would have crowned his efforts. The reasons
given for delajdng operations, was to mount our heavy
cannon and to afford to the Canadian militia, time and
opportunity to quit an obnoxious service. In the course
of two weeks, the number of their militia who were
embodied had decreased by desertion from six hundred
to one hundred men, and in the course of three weeks,
the cannon were mounted, the ammunition, and every
preparation made for an immediate investment of the fort.
At a council, at which were present all the field officers,
and which was held two days before our preparations
were completed, it was unanimously agreed to make an
immediate attempt to accomplish the object of this
expedition. If by waiting two days, we could have the
service of our heavy artillery, it was agreed to wait ; if
not it was determined to go without it, and to attempt
the place by storm. This opinion appeared to correspond
with the views of the General, and the day was appointed
for commencing our march. He declared to me, that he
considered himself pledged to lead the army to Maiden.
The ammtmition was placed in the wagons ; the cannon
were embarked on board the floating batteries, and every
article was prepared. The spirit and zeal, the order and
animation displayed by the officers and men, on learning
the near accomplishment of their wishes, were a severe
and sacred pledge, that in the hour of trial, they would
not be found wanting in duty to their country and
themselves. But a change of measures, in opposition to
the wishes and opinions of all the officers, was adopted
by the General. The plan of attacking Maiden was
abandoned, and instead of acting offensively, we broke
up our camp, evacuated Canada, and re-crossed the river in
the night, without even the shadow of an enemy to injure
us. We left to the tender mercy of the enemy, the

78 brock's CAPTURE OF DETROIT
miserable Canadians who had joined us, and the protec
tion we afforded them was but a passport to vengeance.
This fatal and unaccountable step dispirited the ti-oops,
and destroyed the little confidence which a series of
timid, irresolute, and indecisive measures had left in the
commanding officer.
About the loth of August, the enemy received a rein
forcement of 400 men. On the 12th, the commanding
officers of three of the regiments (the fourth was absent)
were inforined through a medium which admitted of no
doubt, that the General had said, that a capitulation
would be necessary. They on the same day addressed to
Gov. Meigs, of Ohio, a letter of which the following is
an extract.
" Believe all the bearer will tell you. Believe it, how
ever it may astonish you, as much as if told by one of us.
Even a c  is talked of by the  . The bearer
will fill the vacancy."
The doubtful fate of this letter rendered it necessary to
use circumspection in its details, and therefore these
blanks were left. The word "capitulation" will fill the
first and ' ' commanding general ' ' the other. As no
enemy was near us, and as the superiority of our force
was manifest, we could see no necessity for capitulating,
nor any propriety in alluding to it. We therefore deter
mined in the last resort to incur the responsibility of
divesting the General of his command. This plan was
eventually prevented by two of the commanding officers
of regiments being ordered upon detachments.
On the 13th, the British took a position opposite
Detroit, and began to throw up works. DuHng that and
the two following days, they pursued their object without
interruption and estabUshed a battery of two 18 pouliders,'
and an 8 inch howitzer. About sunset on the evening of
the 14th, a detachment of 350 men from the regiments
commanded by Col. M' Arthur and myself, was ordered
to march to the river Raisin, to escort the provisions,
which had some time remained there, protected by a party
under the command of Capt. Brush.
On Saturday the 15th, about one o'clock, a flag of
truce arrived from Sandwich, bearing a summons from
General Brock, for the surrender of the town and fort of
Detroit, stating he could no longer restrain the fury
of the savages. To this an immediate and spirited refusal

LETTER OF COLONEL CASS 79
was returned. About 4 o'clock their batteries began to
play upon the town. The fire was returned and continued
without interruption and with little effect until dark.
Their shells were thrown until 11 o'clock.
At daylight the firing on both sides recommenced ;
about the same time the enemy began to land troops at
the Spring- Wells, three miles below Detroit, protected by
two of their armed vessels.
Between 6 and 7 o'clock, they had effected their land
ing and immediately took up their line of march. They
moved in a close column of platoons, twelve in front,
upon the bank of the river.
The fourth regiment was stationed in the fort ; the
Ohio volunteers and a part of the Michigan militia,
behind some pickets, in a situation in which the whole
flank of the enemy would have been exposed. The
residue of the Michigan militia were in the upper part of
the town to resist the incursions of the savages. Two 24
pounders loaded with grape shot, were posted upon a
commanding eminence, ready to sweep the advancing
column. In this situation, the superiority of our position
was apparent, and our troops in the eager expectation of
victory, awaited the approach of the enemy. Not a
sigh of discontent broke upon the ear ; not a look of
cowardice met the eye. Every man expected a proud
day for his country, and each was anxious th^t his indi
vidual exertion should contribute to the general result.
When the head of their column arrived within about 500
yards of our line, orders were received from Gen. Hull
for the whole to retreat to the fort, and for the 24
pounders not to open upon the enemy. One universal
burst of indignation was apparent upon the receipt of
this order. Those whose conviction was the deliberate
result of a dispassionate examination of passing events,
saw the folly and impropriety of crowding i , 100 men into
a little work, which 300 men could fully man, and into
which the shot and shells of the enemy were falling.
The fort was in this manner filled ; the men were directed
to stack their arms, and scarcely was an opportunity
afforded of moving. Shortly after, a white flag was
hung out upon the walls. A British officer rode up to
inquire the cause. A communication passed between the
commanding Generals, which ended in the capitulation
submitted to you. In entering into this capitulation.

8o brock's capture OF DETROIT
the General took counsel from his own feelings only.
Not an officer was consulted. Not one anticipated a
surrender, till he saw the white flag displayed. Even the
women were indignant at so shameful a degradation of
the American character, and all felt as they should have
felt, but he who held in his hands the reins of authority.
()ur morning report had that morning made out effect
ive men present fit for duty i,o6o, without including the
detachment before alluded to, and without including 300
of the Michigan militia on duty. About dark on Sun
day evening, the detachment sent to escort the provisions,
received orders from General Hull, to return with as
much expedition as possible. About 10 o'clock the next
day, they arrived in sight of Detroit. Had a firing been
heard, or any resistance visible, they would have imme
diately advanced and attacked the rear of the enemy.
The situation in which this detachment was placed,
although the result of accident, was the best for
annoj'ing the enemy and cutting off his retreat, that
could have been selected. With his raw troops enclosed
between two fires, and no hopes of succour, it is hazarding
little to say, that very few would have escaped.
I have been informed by Col. Findlay, who saw the
return of their Quarter-Master-General, the day after the
surrender, that their whole force of every description
white, red and black was 1,030. They had 29 platoons,
12 in a platoon, of men dressed in uniform. Many of
these were evidently Canadian Militia. The rest bf their
militia increased their white force to about 700 men.
The number of their Indians could not be ascertained
with any degree of precision ; not many were visible.
And in the event of an attack upon the town and fort, it
was a species of force which could have afforded no
material advantage to the enemy.
In endeavoring to appreciate the motives, and to inves
tigate the causes which led to an event so unexpected and
dishonorable, it is impossible to find any solution in the
relative strength of the contending parties, or in the
measures of resistance in our power. That we were far
superior to the enemy ; that upon any ordinary principles
of calculation, we could have defeated them, the wounded
and indignant feelings of every man there will testify.
A few days before the surrender, I was informed by
Gen. Hull, we had 400 rounds of 24 pound shot fixed and

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LEISTER OF COLONEL CASS 8 1
about 100,000 cartridges niade. We surrendered with
the fort, 40 barrels of powder and 2,500 stand of arms.
The state of our provisions has not been generally
understood. On the day of the surrender we had 15
days' provisions of every kind on hand. Of meat there
was plenty in the country, and arrangements had been
made for purchasing and grinding the flour. It was
calculated we could readily procure three month's pro-'.
visions, independent of 150 barrels of flour, 1,300 head of
cattle which had been forwarded from the State of Ohio,
and which remained at the river Raisin under Captain
Brush, within reach of the army.
But had we been totally destitute of provisions, our
duty and our interest undoubtedly was to fight. The
enemy invited us to meet him in the field.
By defeating him, the whole country would have been
open to us, and the object of our expedition gloriously
and successfully obtained. If we had been defeated we
had nothing to do butto retreat tothe fort, and make the
best defence which circumstances and our situation render
ed practicable. But basely to surrender without firing a
gun — tamely to submit without raising a bayonet — dis
gracefully to pass in review before an enemy as inferior in
the quality as in the number of his forces, were
circumstances, which excited feelings of indignation more
easily felt than described. To see the whole of our men
flushed with the hope of victory, eagerly awaiting the
approaching contest, to see them afterwards dispirited,
hopeless, and desponding, at least 500 shedding tears be
cause they were hot allowed to meet their country's foe
and to fight their country's battles, excited sensations-
which no American has ever before had cause to feel,
and which, I trust in God, will never again be felt while
one man remains to defend the standard of the union.
I am expressly authorized to state, that Col. M' Arthur,
Col. Finlay and Lieut.-Col. Miller, viewed this transac
tion in the light which I do. They know and feel, that
no circumstance in our situation — none in that of the
enemy, can excuse a Capitulation so dishonorable and
unjustifiable. This too is the universal sentiment among
the troops : and I shall be surprised to learn, that there
is one man, who thinks it was necessary to sheath his
sword, or lay down his musket.
I was informed by General Hull, the morning after the

82 brock's capture OF DETROIT
Capitulation, that the British forces consisted of i,8oo
regulars and that he surrendered to prevent the effusion
of human blood. That he magnified their regular force
nearly five-fold, there can be no doubt. Whether the
philanthropic reason assigned by him is a sufficient justi
fication for surrendering a fortified town, an army and a
territory, is for the government to determine.
Confident I am, that had the courage and conduct of
the General been equal to the spirit and zeal of the
troops, the event would have been as brilliant and success
ful, as it now is disastrous and dishonorable.
Very respectfully. Sir, I have the honor to be, your
most obedient Servant,
Lewis Cass, Col. 3rd Regt. Ohio volunteers.
The Hon. Wm. Eustis,
Secretary of War.
Although it does not come strictly within the object of
this narrative to comment upon the statements of the
enemy, it should not be concealed that the apprehension,
entertained by General Hull, of the increased danger to
his troops, and to the comparatively defenceless town, of
Detroit, arising from the expected arrival of reinforce
ments of Indians from the West, was in a great degree
well founded, and it was well known at the time, (al
though a sentiment of shame at the yielding up of a post
of such strength as Detroit, has since repudiated the
measure,) that this was a sentiment by no means confined
to General Hull. Mr. Robert Dickson, a gentleman to
whom long intercourse with the Indians had imparted a
knowledge of their character, and influence over their
minds, which proved highly beneficial to the British
cause, was then actively engaged in collecting some of
the most warlike tribes ; while the present Colonel Askin
of London, at that time in the Indian Department, was
already within a few days' journey of Detroit, with abody
of 270 Indian Warriors, under their Chief Big-gun. This
little detachment had set out expressly for the relief of
Amherstburg, and, on its passage down in birch canoes,
encountered much peril and difficulty, having had to

REVIEW OF hull's DESPATCH AND CASS' LETTER 83
cross Saginaw Bay, nearly fifty miles in extent, and for
many hours, in their frail barks, even out of sight of the
land. Such was the celerity of their movements, that
they reached Amherstburg in the remarkably short period
of six days from their departure from Michilimackinac,
and about the same lapse of time from the surrender of
Detroit. Thus it will appear, that General Hull was
only wrong in as far as related to the actual position of
the Indian reinforcements, on their way from the ' far
West. Whether, however, this was an excuse for the
abandonment of his strong post, without an effort in its
defence, is a point of discussion which this narrative does
not profess to entertain. Notwithstanding there are two
strong feattures of dissimilarity between the letters of
General Hull and Colonel Cass, to which it is impossible
not to refer — namely the eagerness of the one to diminish
his own force, and increase that of his adversary — and
the not less evident desire of the other to show that, not
only in the quantity, but the quality of his troops — in re
sources, and in means of .defence of all kinds, the Ameri
can General had decidedly the advantage. In truth,
without absolutely adopting the opinion of Col. Cass, as
expressed in regard to the inferiority of the British
troops engaged on this occasion, the question which sug
gests itself on reading General Hull's Official declaration,
that he had not more than 800 men on the day when
General Brock appeared before Detroit naturally is —
where were the 2,300 men who had been marched, little
more than a month - previously, through the State of
Michigan, and the sound of whose drums, heard from
Brownstown, as they passed through that village, was the ,
first intimation the little garrison of Amherstburg had
of the proximity of so formidable a force? True,
400 men had been detached under Colonel Cass, (those,
as it has been seen, were included in the capitulation)
but where were the remainder ? Not one hundred suf
fered at Maguaga. Certainly not fifty during the whole

84 brock's capture OF DETROIT
of the skirmishing at the Canard ; nor had the defeat of
Major Van Horne cost the Americans more than five and
twenty men — in all, at the very utmost, 200. Here then
was a decrease of 600 men, leaving under the immediate
orders of the American General, 1,700 men , exclusive of
the troops composing the garrison of Detroit' on his ar
rival, and the Michigan militia. General Hull alludes
to his crowded hospitals. Did these contain, or had he
on his sick list, 900 men ? Impossible. These strictures
are necessary, because the gallant 41st and the -equally
gallant and patriotic volunteers who followed General
Brock to the theatre of action, cannot submit to be de
prived of the glory which was theirs, under their dis-
iJn 1694 Antoine de la Motte Cadillac, an enthusiastic young
French oflSlcer, was rewarded by Frontenac, the Governor of New
France, for his services in Acadia by being appointed to the com
mand of Michilimackinac. He had passed through the Detroit
river, and his quick eye saw its advantages as a site for a new post
to command the trade of the west. When on a visit to France
after his flve years of command at Michilimackinac he represented
to Count Pontchartrain, the Colonial Minister, the importance of
building a new post on the Detroit. He was successful in his rep
resentations, and was given a grant of fifteen acres square of land
anywhere on the Detroit and the commission bf Commandant. In
1761 he built a stockade fort containing about three acres, with
log blockhouses at the corners, and named it Fort Pontchartrain
after his patron. Three years afterwards the Indians made an un
successful attempt to burn it. In Nov., 1760, Major Robert Rogers
received its surrender to Great Britain. Pontiac besieged it in
1763, and after nearly flfteen months of weary but stubborn resist
ance the British were relieved. The story of this siege is told in
the novel of "Wacousta" by Major Richardson. In the Fall of
1778 a new fort was laid out some distance farther from the river
than the old stockade fort by Captain Henrv Bird, and nained
Fort Lernoult after Major Lernonlt of the 8th"(King's) Regiment,
the officer in command there. It was evacuated by the British in
1796, and the guns and ^rrison transferred to Fort Amherstburg,
a new fort in the township ot Maiden on the Canadian side of the
river, eighteen miles farther south. From its evacuation in 1796,
until Procter's retreat in 1813, it appears to have been referred to
simply as Fort Detroit, a name by which it was known when cap
tured by Brock on August 16th, 1812. In the Canadian Archives
a plan of this Fort is given as repaired in 1812, and it is called
"Fort L'Arnaud," evidently an attempt to revive the original
name by someone who knew the sound but not the correct orthog
raphy of Fort Lernoult. W^hen taken possession of by Gen.
Harrison it was called Fort Shelby in honor of the governor of

how brock saved CANADA 85
tinguished leader, on the occasion of the capture of De
troit. They beUeved, and with every reason (for they
knew not of the departure of Col. Cass, for the River
Raisin) that they were marching to the conquest of a
post which was defended by at least two thousand men —
and they have an undeniable right to impugn a statement
which, incorrectly and for a sinister purpose, reduces that
force, on paper, by two-thirds of the amount. Honor to
whom honor is due.
In the capture of Detroit, General Brock has been termed
the saviour of Canada, and most deservedly so. Had
he not struck the blow he did, and at the time he did, at
the American power in the West, Upper Canada — nay
both the Canadas must have been yielded to the triumph
ant arms of the United States. At this period the whole
force of the Province consisted of four Regiments of the
Kentucky, who accompanied Harrison in his victorious campaign.
In 1826 it was given to the city of Detroit, and in the Spring ot
1827, the embankments were taken away, the ground levelled and
streets continued over its site.
Major James Dalliba, at the trial of Gen. Hull, gave the follow
ing description of the Fort at the time of its surrender in 1812.
"The fort lies on the highest ground in a circumference of
three miles, was a regular half bastion fort, composed of 4 curtains
and 4 half bastions, about 100 yards on each face, not including
the half bastions ; about 75 yards being the extreme length of the
curtain — ^that the fort was made partly of earth — the parapet
eleven feet in elevation — the thickness of the top of the parapet
about 12 feet, the banquet for Infantry six feet from the foun
dation or level of the fort, and five feet from the parapet — the
whole width of the rampart at its base 26 feet — at the bottom of the
exterior or slope of the parapet tbere was a horizontal space of
ground about 2 or 3 feet in width, extending around the whole cir
cumference of the work, the ditch upon an average was from five
to six feet deep, and at the bottom 12 feet wide, beyond the ex
terior or slope of the ditch anscope, or glacis or esplanade. There
was formerly a covert way, of which traces were remaining unhurt.
In the bottom of the ditch around the fort there was a row of
pickets of cedar, nearly new, (12) in. diameter and 11 or 12 feethigh;
these pickets were fastened together by a rib — The gate was
strongly made of plank with spikes ; over the gate was a look out
house, also strongly built in the fall of 1811 — cannon were
mounted in the embrazures, most of which were repaired and put
in good order in 1811, and the fort was, generally, in good order
and in good repair."

86 brock's capture of Detroit
line, namely, the Sth, 41st, 49th, and looth and, added to
these, the Canadian and Glengarry Fencibles, and a few
companies of Veterans, and of the Royal Newfoundland
Regiment. So insignificant a force could have availed
little against the hordes of American irregular troops
which would have been poured in from the west, along
the Delaware and Burlington routes, and which moving
in rear of the centre and left divisions, must necessarily
have cut off their communication with the interior of the
country, and so straitened their supplies as to have ren
dered them an eventual conquest. That General Hull
would have recovered from the temporary panic, which
seems to have induced his relinquishment of his position
at Sandwich there can be no nianner of doubt ; but even
if he had not done so, and reduced Amherstburg, which was
of vital importance to the American interests, there were
other leaders, and other armies, already on their way to
reinforce him, and the subjugation of the Western Dis
trict must, on their arrival, have been assured. What
then would have been the result ? Half of the Indians,
already bearing arms on our side, would either have seceded
from a cause which they conceived us too helpless to defend,
or have joined the American flag, while those who were
undecided which party to join, would have thrown their
influence and numbers into the opposite ranks. As Gen
eral Hull has truly enough stated in his official letter,
most of the Militia of the District — particularly the French
Canadian portion of the population, were daily thinning
our ranks, by returning to their homes, and it required
but some strong and effective demonstration, on the part
of the enemy, to have left the regular troops in the West
to their own unaided exertions. Fortunately it was fated
to be otherwise. General Brock, with that keenness of
perception, and promptitude of action, which was so emi
nently characteristic of his brief but glorious career, at
once saw the danger, and flew to meet and avert it. He

TRANSPORTATION OF PRISONERS 87
well knew that, on the destruction or discomfiture of the
North Western Army, depended the safety of the Prov
ince committed to his charge, and the enterprise, which
he himself has termed hazardous, was perilled only after
profound reflection and conviction. He justly enter
tained the belief that while, on the one hand, the slight
est delay and incertitude of action, would be fatal to the
interests of Great Britain inasmuch as it must have a
tendency to discourage, not only the inhabitants of the
Province, but our Indian allies, there was, on the other,
every probability that an immediate and vigorous attack,
upon an enemy, who had already lost so much time in
inactivity, and who had abandoned so many advantages,
would be crowned with success. It was a bold — an almost
dangerous measure ; but the danger of the country was
greater, and he resolved to try the issue. He succeeded;
from that hour Canada was saved.
Independently of ' ' 400 rounds of 24 pound shot, al
ready fixed : about 100,000 cartridges made up : 40 bar
rels of powder : and 2,500 stand of arms," which had
been admitted by General HuU, to Colonel Cass, to have
been in the fort on the day of the surrender, there was
also a quantity of camp equipage such as tents, waggons,
entrenching tools, etc. , and moreover in the harbour, a
very fine brig, the Adams, then unarmed, but hitherto
employed in the transport of stores for the use of the
garrison of Detroit. With this vessel a very gallant affair
was connected, only a few days after the capitulation.
Agreeable to the terms of this, the irregular forces of
General Hull were transported by water to Buffalo, there
to be disembarked preparatory to their return into their
native State, Ohio, while the regular troops, principally
the 4th U.S. Infantry, were landed at Fort Erie, with a
view of being marched on, as prisoners of war, to Lower
Canada. The armed vessels already named, as having covered

88 brock's capture of Detroit
our landing, on the i6th, were put in requisition for this
service, and to these w^re added the Adams (re-named
the Detroit) and the Caledonia, a fine merchant brig, the
property of Angus Macintosh, Esquire, of Moy, a few
miles above Windsor. I do not recollect who was ap
pointed to the command of the Detroit, ' but the Caledonia
had her own Captain — Mr. Irvine, a young Scotchman of
a peculiarly retiring and amiable disposition and gentle
manly manners, yet endowed with great- firmness and
resolution of character. These two vessels, having
reached their destination for landing the prisoners, were
then lying, wholly unprotected and unsuspicious of dan
ger, in theharbour of (Fort) Erie when, one dark night, they
found themselves assailed by two large boats, filled with
American sailors and troops which had dropped alongside
without being perceived, until it was too late for any
thing like effectual resistance. The Detroit was almost
immediately carried, but the young Captain of the Cale
donia, which lay a little below her, aroused from his bed
'The commander of the Detroit on this occasion was Lieutenant
Frederic Rolette, who was born in Quebec in 1783. At an early'
age he enlisted in the British navy, and soon had the honor of
taking part in the two greatest naval battles ever fought, and
under the most illustrious naval officer that ever lived. At the
Battle of the Nile he received five wounds, and was present at
Trafalgar, where the combined naval power of France and Spain
was annihilated by Nelson. Soon atter this he returned home,
and was appointed a second Lieutenant in the Provincial Marine
on Oct. 4th, 1807, and on April 25th, 1812, was promoted to a flrst
Lieutenantcy and given command ot the brig Hunter on Lake
Erie. On July 1st, 1812, Gen. Hull put his sick, the officers' bag
gage and some supplies on board of the Cayahoga or Cayuga
Packet at the rapids of the Miami to be taken" to Detroit, but on
passing up the Detroit river this vessel was captured by Lieut.
Rolette on the 3rd ot July. At the battle of the river Raisin,
when the marines acted with land forces, Lieut. Rolette was
wounded on the head. Robert Reynolds, of Amherstburg, who
was Deputy Assistant-Commissary General, says Rolette's lite was
saved by a thick handkerchief tied around his head for the head
ache. He was second officer of the Lady Prevost, one of the ves
sels of Captain Barclay's fleet that was defeated on Sept. 10th,
1813, by the fleet ot Captain Perry. Taken prisoner on this occa
sion, he remained in captivity till the fall ot 1814. At the close ot
the war he was presented with a sword by the people of his native
city. He died at Quebec on the 17th of March, 1831.

THE DETROIT AND CALEDONIA SURPRISED 89
Tjy the confusion on board his consort, prepared for a vig
orous, although almost entirely personal, resistance.
Hastily arming himself, and calling on his little and in
experienced crew (scarcely exceeding a dozen men) to do
the same, he threw himself in the gangway, and dis
charged a loaded blunderbuss into the first advancing
lioat, now dropping from the re-captured Detroit to board
the Caledonia. The enemy were staggered, but still they
pursued their object, and Mr. Irvine had barely time to
discharge a second blunderbuss into the same boat, when
be was felled to the deck by a cutlass-stroke from one of
the crew of the second party which had boarded him on
the opposite gangway. The Caledonia was then secured
by her captors, but the Detroit, having grounded, was de
stroyed. The intrepidity and self-devotion of Mr. Irvine, whose
single arm it appeared, had killed and wounded no less
than seven of his assailants, met with that, reward it so
richly merited. The he^ds of the Naval Department,
anxious to secure so gallant an Officer to the service,
tendered tp him on his exchange, which took place
shortly after, the commission of a Lieutenant in the Pro
vincial Navy, in which capacity he continued to serve
during the whole of the naval operations connected with
the Right Division. But I shall have occasion again to
refer to the gallant bearing of Mr. Irvine.
The surprise of the Detroit and Caledonia was consid
ered by the Americans, at that time, a very briUiant feat,
and contributed in some degree to dissipate the gloom
which the surrender of General HuU and his army had
occasioned. But without in the slightest way seeking to
impeach the American character for bravery, it is impos
sible to look on the exploit in the light in which they
would have it considered. Both vessels having been
simply employed in cartel service, were without other
than the commonest means of defence pecuUar to mfer-

90 brock's capture OF DETROIT
chantmen, while their crews were not only weak in num
ber, but composed of a class of men — French Canadian
sailors and voyageurs — who were ill-qualified to compete
with two full boat-loads of practised aind resolute
American sailors and soldiers. Moreover both vessels lay in
perfect security, and utter absence of preparation. They
did not conceive it necessary to be on the alert, because
they imagined that the present pacific character in which
they appeared, would have shielded them froih all hostile
attempt. At the moment of the surprise, both vessels
had on board the prisoners with whom they had left the
fort of Detroit for the purpose of being landed at Buffalo.
However inclined to aggression, the Americans were not
justified in violating the sanctity of the flag which, of
course, continued to float as long as there were American
prisoners on board, remaining to be landed. It is true, it
must be admitted that an unusual feeling of exasperation
had been induced by the surrender of General Hull and
his army, for when the 4th Regiment, with the other
broken corps of the American line, were marched from
Fort Erie, where they had been landed from the Queen
Charlotte, on their route for the Lower Province, and es
corted only by a portion of the detachment which had
joined us at Maguaga, they were fired upon by stragglers-
from the masses of men who were seen lining the opposite
banks of the Niagara river, remarking with evident dis
pleasure the march of the captured troops, and thus giv
ing vent to their indignation.
An accident, at one time promising results far more
serious than any which could spring from the capture of
the vessels just named, occurred about the same period.
General Brock, anxious to assume the offensive on the
Niagara frontier, lost not a moment in returning acrosS'
the lake, ordering down at the same time, not only the-
Toronto Militia, but those troops of the, 41st, who-
had preceded and accompanied him to Detroit. The-

NARROW ESCAPE OF BROCK 9 1
Queen Ch,arlotte, principally laden -with the regulars of
the captured army, had sailed on the very evening of the
surrender, and General Brock the next day embarked in
a very small trading schooner, onboard which were about
70 Ohio Riflemen, guarded by a small party of militia
rifles, which composed a portion of the volunteers from
Toronto. During the passage none of the guard were on
any account permitted to go below, either by day or by
night, and not more than half a dozen Americans were
allowed to be upon deck at the same time — the hatches
being secured above the remainder. It was a duty of
some fatigue, and requiring the exercise of the utmost
vigilance on the part of the little guard. One moming,
about day break, when by their reckoning they judged
they were close to the harbor of Fort Erie, they found
themselves suddenly becalmed, and in the midst of a fog
which had commenced during the night. As the sun
rose the fog began to disperse, but the calm prevailed,
and gradually, as the wreathing mists rolled upward, the
guard discovered, to their dismay, that they were close
upon the American shore near Buffalo. The danger was
imminent, for a number of persons were already as
sembled, e-vidently at a loss to discover to what flag the
vessel belonged, and wondering what had brought her
into a position entirely out of the usual course of naviga
tion. In this emergency, the officer commanding the
watch (Lieut. Jarvis, now Superintendent of Indian
affairs) hastened below to acquaint General Brock, who
was Ijdng pn his bed, with the danger which threatened
the vessel, which it was impossible, by reason of the
calm, to get farther from the shore. General Brock im
mediately sprang to his feet, and rushing upon deck, saw
the situation of the vessel was precisely what has been
described. He was extremely angry, and turning to the
master of the schooner, said, "You scoundrel, you have
betrayed me, let but one shot be fired from the shore
and (pointing to it) I will run you up on the instant to

92 brock's capture of DETROIT
that yard-arm." The master, though innocent of all de
sign, was greatly alarmed by the stem threat of the Gen
eral, and as the only possible means of extricating the
vessel from her perilous situation, ordered several of his
crew into a small punt, attached to her stern, the only
boat belonging to her. In this they attempted to tow her,
but made so little progress that one of the guard asked per
mission of the General to discharge his rifle, in order to
attract the attention of the Queen Charlotte, then lying
at anchor between point Abino and Fort Erie, to a signal
which had been previously hoisted. Apprehensive that the
shot might not be heard by their friends, while it might be
the means of informing the enemy of their true charac
ter. General Brock at first refused his sanction, but as the
man seemed confident that the report of his rifle would
reach the other shore, he finall3' assented, and the shot
was fired. Soon afterwards the answering signal was run
up to the masthead of the Queen Charlotte, and that ves
sel, seeing the doubtful situation of the schooner, on
board which however they were not aware the General
had embarked, immediately weighed her anchor, and
standing over to the American shore, under a slight
breeze which was then beginning to rise hastened to cover
the little bark -with her battery. Taking her in tow she
brought her safely into the harbour of (Fort) Erie, greatly to
the joy of those who, aware of the invaluable freight with
which the schooner was charged, had, on the weighing of
the Queen Charlotte's anchor, entertained the utmost ap
prehension for the safety of the becalmed vessel, and
watched with deep interest the vain attempts of her crew
to bring her off.

EXPEDITION TO FORT WAYNE
The fall of Detroit having secured the tranquillity of
Amherstburg and its contiguous districts, an expedition
was projected into the interior of the enemy' s country, the
object of which was the destruction of Fort Wayne, a
post distant several hundred miles, and serving as a depot
for stores, from which the various troops of the enemy,
pushed forward to the frontier, were supplied. The gar
rison, according to the intelligence received was closely
invested, by the Indians, and consisted merely of a few
hundred men, and a few pieces of cannon indifferently
mounted. Towards the close of September, a small de
tachment of troops, a ho-witzer, and two field pieces, un
der the command of Brevet Major Muir, were embarked
in boats, and proceeded across the lake to the Miami vil
lage, situated about fifteen miles beyond the entrance of
the river of the same name. Being there joined by the
body of Indians destined to form a part of the expedi
tion, the detachment continued its route by land, and
along a tract of country bearing no mark of civilization
whatever. Our only covering was the canopy of Heaven
or rather the arches formed by the intermingling boughs
of the forest through which we moved, and not even the
wigwam of the savage arose to diversify the monotony of
the scene. The difficulty of conveying the guns by land
caused their transportation to be a work of much time ;
and the river from the point where we had disembarked,
was so extremely low as to render the progress of the
boats, following the sinuosities of its course, tedious to
the last degree. Having at length, after much toil,
93

94 EXPEDITION TO FORT WAYNE
gained that part of the Miami, where it was intended to
disembark the stores, every obstacle appeared to be re
moved, and the capture of Fort Wayne, then at no great
distance, an event looked forward to with confidence.
Fate, however, had ordained otherwise. About nine
o'clock on the evening of our arrival, the shrill, cry of
our scouts was heard echoing throughout the forest, and
soon afterwards seven Indians issued from the wood on
the opposite shore, and, leaping through the river,
reached our encampment with the scalps of several
Americans. The account they gave of their adventure
was to the following effect. At a distance of a few
leagues, while advancing cautiously along the road', they
observed a party, five in number, in a glen, and seated
round a large fire, where they were busily occupied in
preparing their food. After a slight consultation they
proceeded towards the group, and had approached within
a few paces before they were perceived by the Ameri
cans, who instantly flew to their arms, and assumed a
posture of defence. The Indians, however, held out
their hands in token of amity, and were suffered to enter
the circle. Here, pretending to be in the American in
terest, and describing themselves as hunters on their way
to one of their villages, they succeeded in lulling the
suspicions of the officer, who, in return, communicated
to them that the party he commanded were scouts pre
ceding the advanced guard of an army of 2,500 men, then
on their march for the Miami village, and only distant a
few miles. This disclosure obtained, the Indians, satis
fied that they had no time to lose, and throwing off the
mask, desired them to deliver up their arms. The aston
ished party thus entrapped, and unwilling to risk a con
test with a superior force, consented to accompany them
as their prisoners, but positively refused to relinquish
their rifles. They all therefore proceeded in silence to
wards our encampment, three Indians on each flank of

AMERICAN SCOUTS KILLED BY INDIANS 95
their prisoners, and one in the rear. On the approach of
evening, the Americans were again desired to deliver up
their rifles, and on refusing to do so, at a signal given by
one of the Indians, the whole of his party dropped, one
by one, and apparently without premeditation, behind.
Each then selected his victim, and four of these unhappy
men fell to rise no more. The officer alone, slightly
wounded, made an ineffectual attempt to escape, but
closely pursued through the intricacies of the forest by
two of his foes, he was at length overtaken, and felled to
the earth by a blow from a tomahawk. This cruel scene
must have taken place at no great distance from our en
campment, the shots having been distinctly heard about
half an hour before the appearance of the Indians, who,
on being questioned, excused their conduct, under the
plea of the Americans being nearly equal in numbers to
themselves, and obstinately refusing to deliver up their
arms — circumstances which rendered their destruction, at
the approach of evening, a measure of self -security — es
pecially so, as having been sent in advance four or five
days before, they were not aware of our being encamped
at so short a distance.
In consequence of the foregoing intelligence, all idea of
continuing the expedition against Fort Wayne was aban
doned, and the boats were ordered the same evening to
descend the river. Major Muir ha-ving, however, resolved
to await the approach of the enemy, a position was taken
up early on the following morning on the heights over
looking the ford at which the Americans were expected
to cross. Ha-ving passed the whole of the day in the vain
expectation of his appearance, it was at length decided
on, that the enemy apprised of our vicinity by the view
of the bodies of their scouts slain the evening before, had
taken a different direction, and instead of traversing the
river at the usual ford, had forced their march by a less
frequented route on the opposite shore. Such a ma
noeuvre on the pai't of the American general would neces- .

96 EXPEDITION TO FORT WAYNE
sarily have cut off our retreat, and we must have com
bated an enemy infinitely superior in numbers, under
every disadvantage, in the heart of his own country and,.
in the event of our boats falling into his hands, destitute
of every resource. The detachment was consequently
ordered to retire on the old fort of Defiance, situated about
half way between the Miama village and the point from
whence we commenced our retreat, formerly garrisoned
by the British troops, dm-ing the celebrated Pontiac war,
so fatally waged against us by the confederated tribes of
Indians, but then in a state of utter ruin and dilapidation.
Having crossed the river at this place, a position was.
again taken up at a point beyond which the enemy could
not effect his passage unperceived. Here, however, we
did not long remain. Early on the morning after our
arrival, a party of Indians appeared along our line, con
ducting a prisoner they had found straying in the woods,
at a short distance from the enemy's camp. From his
account it appeared that the information given by the
American officer was perfectly correct. The force of the
enemy consisted of 2,500 men, under the command of Gen
eral Winchester ; and were destined for the Miami, where
it was intended to construct a fortification. On arriving
at the spot where their slaughtered scouts lay unburied
along the road, an alarm was spread throughout their
columns, and deeming a numerous enemy to be in their
front, it was thought prudent to entrench themselves
where they were. For this purpose trees were immedi
ately felled, and in the course of a few hours, with that
expedition for which the Western Americans, with whom'
the axe is almost as indispensable a weapon as the rifle,
are remarkable, an enclosure -with interstices for musquetry,
and sufficiently large to contain their whole force, to
gether -with their baggage and waggons, was completed.
It being evident from this intelUgence, that the object of
our enterprise was entirely frustrated, and that an attack

MAJOR muir's retreat 97
on the enemy's entrenchment with our feeble force, if
unsuccessful , must necessarily compromise the safety of our
own posts, Major Muir decided on returning to Amherst
burg, which fortress the detachment at length reached after
a fruitless absence of three weeks.
Although little or no mention has ever been made of our
retreat from Fort Wa5me, before so overwhelming a force
as that which we so unexpectedly encountered, and by
which we ought to have been annihilated, the utmost
praise is due to Major Muir for ha-ving accomplished it,
not only without the loss of a man of his detachment,
but even without the abandonment of any of his guns or
stores, which, as has already been stated, were being
transported with great toil and difficulty. Every thing
was brought off, and at no one moment was our march
precipitate. Indeed, of the bold front assumed by the
detachment, some idea may be formed from the following
brief accounts which appeared in the American papers,
even during the time we were retiring upon Amherst
burg. Chillicothe, Oct. 6th, 1812.
Col. James Dunlop, who returned last evening from
St. Mary's, reports that an express arrived from that
place to General Harrison from General Winchester,
urging him to repair immediately to Fort Defiance. That
Harrison marched with all expedition at the head of
2,500 or 3,000 mounted rifles. The express stated that
General Winchester was at or near Fort Defiance, -with
about 3,000 Ohio and Kentucky volunteers, and that a
body of Indians and British amounting to 2,000 or 3,000
-with six pieces of Artillery, lay encamped about three
miles from him. Winchester was hourly expecting an
attack. Chillicothe, October 7 th, 181 2.
The vanguard of the North Western army, under
General Winchester, arrived some days ago at Isidonia
from Fort Defiance. It was composed of Payne's Bri
gade of Kentucky Volunteers, Gerrard' s troop of Dra
goons, and about 400 of the 17th Regiment of regulars.

98 EXPEDITION TO FORT WAYNE
They advanced to within three miles of Fort Defiance
(on which we had retired) and there found 3,000 British
and Indians with six pieces of artillery who had fortified
themselves in the Fort. Winchester also fortified his
camp and waited for reinforcements.
Now as I was on this, as well as every other expedi
tion undertaken by the Right Division, during its mih
tary existence, I can, from my own personal knowledge,
aver that there were not more than 150 regular troops of
every description, (principally the 41st) and the same
number of militia, composing the detachment under
Major Muir, on this occasion. My impression — and it is a
very strong one — is that it did not exceed two-thirds of
that number, but as, unfortunately, all official papers
connected -with the Regiment were lost at the Moravian-
town, it has been utterly impossible to ascertain the cor
rect embarkation return of the troops employed on this,
as well as on various other similar occasions. If I admit
300 men, I do so, not from a belief that there was so
many, but from an apprehension of underrating our
actual strength. Our Indian force did not exceed 500
men, and our artillery, as has been stated, consisted of
one small howitzer — (the calibre I forget) — and two
three-pounders. We did not fortify ourselves in Fort
Defiance, but occupied it one day, during the greater part
of which we continued on the skirt of the surrounding
wood, provoking the enemy to attack us, by the occa
sional advance and retreat of the Indians. Three days,
at different periods, during the time it took us to retire,
covering our guns and stores, we halted and formed, in
order to give the enemy time to come up, and of the po
sition we had assumed on the very last day, after cross
ing the Miami at the ford near the Rapids, some idea
may be formed, from the following extracts from a re
port from General Tupper, who commanded the Ken
tucky riflemen of General Winchester's Division.

AMERICAN ACCOUNTS 99
General Tupper to General Harrison,
Urbana, Oct. 12th, 1812.
Sir, — On receiving your order of the 4th inst., to
proceed to the Rapids, with the whole force of mounted
men under my command, whose horses were in a con
dition to perform the service ; I caused an examination
to be immediately had, and found that there still remained
960 men, including officers, in a condition to march,
including also Captain Bacon's and one other company
which left us the morning following.
I ordered returns to be made so that each man shotfld
be furnished with 12 rounds ; this return amounted to
.4,500 cartridges for the musket men, exclusive of Major
Roper's battalion ; the ammunition of the riflemen having
received very little damage. Quarter-Master Bassay
called on the Quarter-Master in General Winchester's
camp, and returned without a supply. About one o'clock
this day, a man belonging to Captain Manary' s company
of Rangers, was killed and scalped across the Miami, within
two hundred yards of otir camp. I gave immediate orders
to arm, and in five minutes, to horse, but owing to our
being compelled to confine our horses during the night,
and graze them by day, for want of forage, the greater
part, at this moment, were under keepers, nearly one
mile from camp up the Auglaise. In the meantime I
permitted Major Brush to cross over with about 50 foot,
to examine the bank, and see in what direction the
Indians had retired, but before he reached the opposite
shore, every horseman vVhose horse was in camp, was
mounted to follow over. It was in vain that I made an
attempt to keep them back, till they were formed — they
broke off in numbers from 20 to 30, mostly without their
officers and crossed the woods in every direction ; a party
of 15 fell upon the trail of the Indians, and at 7 or 8 miles
distance, overtook them, but finding them halted and
formed, our men, without waiting for a discharge from
the enemy, returned to camp.
^If ^fc die ^}c ^fe ^z
When it was found that General Winchester had sus
pended me in the command, the whole force from Ohio
broke off, crossed the Auglaise, and refused to march as
directed by General Winchester.
With the then remaining force I proceeded to this

IOO EXPEDITION TO FORT WAYNE
place, where I directed Col. Findlay and Major Roper to
discharge such men as had continued to their duty.
Thus, Sir, has terminated an expedition, at one time
capable of tearing the British flag from the walls of
Detroit, wherein our troops might have returned, with
the pleasing reflection of having done their country an
essential service.
It is a duty. Sir, I owe to the officers of the Kentucky
force, to Colonel Findlay and the officers of the first
BattaUon, to say that they were zealous in pressing
forward the expedition ; while the officers of the second
Battalion, commanded by Major Taylor, with a few
exceptions, were shrinking from their duty, and shame
fully deserting the cause of their country. ,
The detachment of Colonel Simral's Regiment from
our force, stands prominent among the causes of our
failure ; already was there panic in some parts of our
camp ; the enemy that had retired at General Win
chester's approach, had been greatly magnified. The
day succeeding the alarm, he drew in one wing of his
lines, and strengthened his camp with a breastwork —
even this circumstance was noticed and urged as an
e-vidence that he apprehended a force superior to his o-wn.
Thus, when imaginary obstacles unite with those that
are real, to oppose the movements of a force so insubor
dinate, as that every man's -will is his law, little can be
expected by the officers, but a plentiful harvest of morti
fication and disgrace.
At the period of this expedition, to my young and un
practised military eye, the movements of our little force
had appeared scarcely worthy of remark, because we had
had no actual fighting, but, of later years, and particu
larly after having had access to the American accounts of
our retreat, my impression of its extreme miUtary tact
and judiciousness has been greatly increased. In truth
it is the only affair during the whole of the War of 1 812, in
which anything approaching to manoeuvre was displayed',
for the simple reason that no other "opportunity had ever
been afforded. Here however was a ten days' retreat, con
ducted by the leader of a handful of men, before a vastly
superior force of the enemy, to whom battle had been

INDIAN ADOPTION OF A PRISONER IOI
offered on three several occasions during that period, and
that in a manner to reflect a credit upon the gallant
Major Muir, which should not be lost sight of by the
future historian of this country.
James, in his History of the War, despatches the sub
ject of Fort Wayne in a very summary manner. He
states that it was contemplated to send an expedition
against it, but that the idea was abandoned in conse
quence of General Brock having communicated to Colo
nel Procter at Amherstburg, information of the armis
tice which had been concluded with General Dearborn,
by Sir George Prevost, expressing at the same time a de
sire, that although the armistice did not extend to Gen
eral Hull's recent command, the Indians should be re
strained as much as possible, from the commission of any
act of hostility. Now, not only, as it is seen, was the
idea not abandoned, but the expedition had penetrated a
greater distance (nearly two hundred miles) into the
enemy's country, and were longer absent from the gar
rison, than any other that subsequently left the harbor of
Amherstburg. A day or two before our return from this long and
tedious expedition, we saw the prisoner who had been
taken by the Indians, soon after we commenced our ret
rograde movement. He had been with the person al
luded to in General Tupper's report to General Harrison,
as having been killed and scalped within two hundred
yards of their encampment, and to avenge whose death
the Kentucky mounted riflemen had evinced so much
fruitless alacrity. The captive was already adopted in
that tribe of Indians, to which his captors belonged, and
was habited after their manner. His head was partly
shaved, and covered with a handkerchief, rolled in the
form of a turban. His face was painted several colors,
and so complete was the metamorphosis, that but for the
whiteness of sl^in visible through several parts of his
dress', it would have been difficult to distinguish him from

I02 EXPEDITION TO FORT WAYNE
those by whom he was surrounded. At the moment we
saw him, he was seated in a tent, sharing the evening
meal of his new countrymen, with much appetite and un
concern. He expressed himself as being quite reconciled
to his new condition, and spoke with warmth of the kind
treatment he had received ; nor did he seem to attach
much consequence to the assurance given him that every
exertion would be made on our return to obtain his lib
eration. We saw him some weeks later at Amherstburg;
and strange as it may appear, he assured us that he pre
ferred the idle life he had led among the Indians, to a re
petition of active service in the American army.
About this period Mr. Robert Dickson arrived at
Amherstburg with a number of canoes, filled with war
riors of the fiercest character and appearance. Among
the most remarkable of these tribes were the Sawkies, •- a
race of men, whose towering height, athletic forms, and
nobleness of feature, might recall the idea of the Romans
in the earlier stages of their barbarity ; and another tribe
whose Indian name I do not recollect, but who were kno-wn
among ourselves by their assumed appellation of devoted
men. The. costume of the latter was a dress of white
leather, extremely pliant, and curiously embroidered with
the stained quills of the porcupine, in the preparation of
which the natives evince much taste and ingenuity. They
were few in number, and, professing to hold death in
derision, were looked upon by the other warriors much in
the same light that we regard our forlorn hope, the post
of danger being reserved for them. One of their chiefs
having been invited to breakfast with several officers of
the garrison, was at much pains, in the course of the
meal, to impress upon the minds of his hosts the particu
lar virtues of his tribe; and in order to demonstrate more
fully the extent to which they carried their disregard of
pain or death, drew a sharp knife from its sheath,
I Sacs or Sauks from the vicinity ofthe Sac River, Missouri.

DIFFICULT DUTIES OF THE 4 1 ST REGIMENT I03
and, having cut a piece of flesh out of one of his thighs,
threw it contemptuously away, exclaiming that ' ' he gave
it to the dogs."
The arrival of this reinforcement increased our Indian
force to about three thousand warriors. The small de
tachment of the 41st Regiment not 300 strong, and a
company of the Newfoundland Fencibles, composed the
whole of our regular force. The latter were, however,
employed as Marines on board the different vessels of
war, so that the defence of the two fortresses of Detroit
and Amherstburg was entrusted to the 41st alone.
Major Muir's report of the Expedition to FortWayne is given in
the appendix.

VI
, BATTLE OF QUEENSTON HEIGHTS
The month of October was marked by an event of the
most melancholy and disastrous nature — the death of the
noble Brock, who fell a victim to the daring and intre
pidity of his character, and in the performance of a duty
which should have been executed by a captain of a com
pany. On his arrival at Fort George, which he reached in
eight days from the surrender of Detroit, the General
found, to his great dismay, that an armistice had been
entered into and concluded, during his absence, between
Sir George Prevost and General Dearborn, Commander-in-
Chief of the American Army, so that the whole of his
plans of operation were deranged, and instead of carrying
the American fort of Niagara by an instant coup de main
as he had proposed, and which was to have been a pre
liminary to more extended offensive demonstrations, he
found himself compelled to sit quietly down in presence
of his enemy, and watch, without being enabled to in
terrupt them, his unremitting preparations for defence.
From this state of supineness and mortification he was
only first actively aroused on the early morning of the
13 th of October by an alarm given by the sentinel sta
tioned at the point above Fort George, that he had seen
and heard firing in the direction of Queenstown. , In a
few minutes the General was on his horse, and, unat
tended even by an Aid-de-Camp, galloped onward to
, Queenstown to ascertain the cause of the alarm. On ar
riving about half-way to Brown's Point, he was met by
Lieut. Jarvis, of Captain Cameron's Flank Company of
York Militia, which, with Captain Heward's, was sta-
101

From a picture in possession of J. Ross Robertson, Toronto. QUEENSTON I 8 1 2 .

QUEENSTON ATTACKED BY AMERICANS I05
tioned there. This officer had been on guard at what
was called the half -tooon battery, about mid-way between
Queensto-wn and Niagara, and observing on the water,
opposite to the former place, numerous and rapid flashes
of fire-arms, had alarmed the officer commanding the de
tachment, who immediately ordered the two companies
under arms. An officer was at the same time despatched
to Queenstown, to obtain information. Scarcely had the
men been turned out, when an officer, who had passed their
own messenger on the road, arrived from Queenstown
with intelligence that the Americans were crossing in
force, and an order forthe detachment at Bro-wn's Point
to march up immediately, and assist in opposing their
landing. He was moreover directed to desire that the
officer commanding should instantly despatch a mes
senger to Fort George, to apprize General Brock of the
movement of the enemy. Lieut. Jarvis, who happened
to be the only person mounted, was ordered on this ser
vice, and he had galloped about half-way to Fort George,
when he met General Brock, wholly imat tended, cantering
his charger up the Queenstown road. As the daj' had
begun to da-wn, Lieut. Jarvis had no difficulty in recog
nizing the General, but such was the spirit of his horse
that he could not rein him in, but was borne past, shout
ing out to his Chief to stop, as he had most important
news to communicate. But the General was too im
patient to reach the scene of danger to delay a moment,
and beckoning the officer to follow him, he still con
tinued his course. After the lapse of a few minutes
Lieut. Jarvis succeeded in reining in, and wheeling his
restive horse, and soon gaining the General's side, com
municated his information. Without in the slightest de
gree abating his speed even for an instant, the General
listened, and then gave his orders. These were that
Lieutenant Jarvis should go with all speed to Fort George,
and order up General Sheaffe with the whole of the re
serve. He moreover particularly directed that the In-

I06 BATTLE OF QUEENSTON HEIGHTS
dians, a small party of whom were encamped near Fort
George, should be thrown out upon the right, to occupy
the woods, during the advance of the reserve to his sup
port. Scarcely had Lieut. Jarvis lost sight of the General, on
his way to execute the order he had received, when he
was met by Col. Macdonell, who was following after his
Chief, and who, in his hurry to overtake him, had left
Fort George without even recollecting that he was tmpro-
vided with his sword. Having satisfied himself that the
General was not far in advance, he begged Lieut. Jarvis
to supply the deficiency, stating at the same time where
he would find his own sabre, in his quarters at Fort
George, and desiring him to appropriate it to his. use for
the day. The young officer complied with his request,
and hurriedly parted with the gallant Colonel, as he had
with the General, for ever.
Having given these brief yet interesting particulars, in
regard to the two brave men whose ashes now repose
under the same monumental stone, on the heights near
which they fell, only a few hours later, it is time to pass
to the scene of action to which they were hastening.
The Americans, availing themselves of the armistice
entered into by Sir George Prevost, had contrived to push
forward a large force to their camp at Le-wiston, under
General Van Rensselaer, with the -view of an invasion of
Canada, similar to that of General Hull. Their force was
a powerful one, and their plan of operation highly judi
cious, but fortunately it failed, from want of unanimity
and ardor in the irregular portion of their troops. Gen
eral Van Rensselaer having concerted his mode of attack,
caused thirteen boats to be collected in the course of the
1 2th of October, for the purpose of crossing over his army
long before the dawn of the foUo-wing day. James, who
seems to be good authority in this matter, states —
"The embarkation was to have taken place as follows:
Col. Van Rensselaer, who commanded, with 300 militia

, BRITISH OPPOSITION 107
and Lieut.-Col. Chrystie with 300 regulars ; Lieut.-Col.
Fenwick and Major MuUany to follow with about 550
regular troops ; and some pieces of flying Artillery ; and
then the miUtia. It was intended that the embarkation
of the regulars and militia should be simultaneous, as far
as the boats would suffice to receive them ; but having to
descend the bank by a narrow path which had been cut
out of it, the regular troops got possession of the boats
to the exclusion of the militia ; and the latter were
ordered to follow in the return boats.
"The only British batteries, from which the troops
could be annoyed in the passage, were one, mounting an
18 pounder, upon Queenstown Heights (about half way
up), and another mounting a 24-pound carronade, situate
a little below the town. The river at Queenstown is
scarcely a quarter of a mile in width, and the part chosen
for crossing was not fully exposed to either of the British
batteries ; while the American batteries of two 18, and
two 6 pounders, and the two 6 pounder field pieces,
brought up by Lieutenant-Colonel Scott, completely
commanded every part of the opposite shore, from which
musketry could be effectual in opposing a landing. With
these important advantages the troops embarked ; but a
grape-shot striking the boat in which Lieutenant-Colonel
Chrystie was, and wounding him in the hand, the pilot
and the boatmen became so alarmed, that they suffered
the boat to fall below the point of landing, and were
obliged in consequence to put back. Two other boats
did the same. The remaining ten with the 225 regulars,
besides officers, including the commander of the detach
ment. Colonel Van Rensselaer, struck the shore ; and,
after disembarking the men, returned for more troops.
"The only force at Queenstown (at the landing of the
enemy) consisted of the two flank companies of the 49th
Regiment and a small detachment of militia ; amounting
in all to about 300 rank and file. Of these about 60,
taken from the 49th Grenadiers, and Captain Hatt's
company of militia, having in charge a 3 pounder,
advanced at four o'clock in the morning, with Captain
Dennis of the 49th at their head, towards the river, near
to which Colonel Van Rensselaer had formed his men, to
await the arrival of the next boats. A well-directed and
warmly-continued fire killed and wounded several Ameri
can officers and privates, including, among the wounded

I08 BATTLE OF QUEENSTON HEIGHTS
Colonel Van Rensselaer and three Captains, and drove
the Americans close to the water's edge. In the mean
time a fresh supply of troops had effected a landing ; and
remained with the others sheltered behind the bank ;
whence they returned the fire of the British, killing one
man, and wounding four. The remaining sub-divisions
of the 49th Grenadiers and of the militia company had
now joined Captain Dennis' ; and the 49th Light Infantry
under Captain WiUiains, with Captain Chisholm's com
pany of miUtia, stationed on the brow of the hill, were
firing down upon the invaders.
"Of five or six boats that attempted toland a body of
American regulars under Major MuUany, one was
destroyed by a shot from the hill-battery commanded by
Lieutenant Crowther of the 41st Regiment ; two others
were captured, and the remainder, foiled in their object,
returned to the American side. Daylight appeared, and
at the same instant General Brock arrived at the hill-
battery from Fort George. Observing the strong rein
forcements that were crossing over, the General instantly
ordered Captain Williams to descend the hill and support
Captain Dennis. No sooner were Captain Williams and
his men seen to depart, than the Americans formed the
resolution of gaining the heights. Accordingly 60 Ameri
can regulars, headed by Captain Wool, and accompanied
by Major Lush, a volunteer, also by a Captain, six
Lieutenants and an Ensign ofthe 13th Regiment, ascended
a fisherman's path up the rocks, which had been reported
to General Brock as impassable, and therefore was not
guarded. The Americans were thus enabled, unseen by
our troops, to arrive at a brow, about 30 yards in rear of
the hill-battery. Reinforcements kept rapidly arriving
by the concealed path ; . and the whole formed on the
brow, with their front towards the Village of Queens
town. iMajor-General Sir James Dennis, K.C.B., son of John Dennis, an
Attorney, was born 1778. He served in the navy as a midshipman,
but afterwards joined the 49th Regt. as an ensign, Sept. 2nd, 1796,
and rose by promotion through all the grades to a majority in the
same regiment on Dec. 1st, 1812. On June 4th, 18S3, he was
appointed Lieut.-Col. of the 3rd Regiment, and commanded a
division of Infantry at the battle of Maharajpore on Dec. 29th,
1843. For his gallantry on this occasion he was made a K.C.B. on
Oct. 30th, 1844 ; and was promoted to the rank of Major-General,
Nov. llth, 1851. His death took place at Pall Mall, London, on
Jan. 14th, 1855.

From a Silhouette in possession of John Alexander Macdonell, K.C., Alexandria.
IvlEUTENANT-COLONEL JOHN MACDONELL.
Provincial Aid-de-Camp to Major-General Sir Isaac Brock ; M.P. for Glengarry ;
Attorney-General of Upper Canada.

BROCK AND MACDONBH MORTALLY WOUNDED 109
"The moment General Brock discovered the unexpected
advance of the American troops, he, with the 12 men sta
tioned at the battery, retired ; and Captain Wool advan
cing from the rear with his more than tenfold force, took
possession of it. Captain Williams and his detachment
of regulars and militia were now recalled ; and General
Brock putting himself at the head of this force, amotmt-
ing in all to about 90 men, advanced to meet a detach
ment of 150 picked American regulars, which Captain
Wool had sent forward to attack him. While animating
his little band of regulars and militia to a charge up the
heights. General Brock received a mortal wound in the
breast, and immediately fell.
"At this moment the two flank companies of the York
militia, with Lieutenant-Colonel Macdonell, the General's
Provincial Aid-de-Camp at their head, arrived from
Brown's Point, three miles distant. By this time also
Captain Wool had sent additional reinforcements to
Captain Ogilvie ; making the latter's force '320 regulars,
supported by a few militia and volunteers,' or on the
whole, full 500 men. Colonel Macdonell and his 90 men
— more than two-thirds Canadian militia — rushed boldly
up the hill, in defiance of the continued stream of mus
ketry pouring down upon them ; compelled the Americans
to spike the 18 pounder; and would have again driven
them to the rocks, had not the Colonel and Captain Wil
liams been wounded almost at the same instant ; the
former mortally. The loss of their commanders created
confusion among the men, and they again retreated.
Hearing of the fall of General Brock, Captain Dennis pro
ceeded from the valley, towards the foot of the heights,
and mounting the General's horse, rode up, and tried to
rally the troops. He succeeded in forming a few ; but
the number was so inconsiderable that to persist in a con
test would have been madness. A retreat was accord
ingly ordered, by the ground in the rear of the town ;
andthe men of the 49th, accompanied by many of the
militia, formed in front of Vrooman' s battery, thereto
await the expected reinforcement from Fort George.
"While we had at this period not above 200 un wounded
men at Queenstown, the Americans, ' by their own ac
count, had upwards of 800 and General Van Rensselaer
tells us that ' a number of boats now crossed over, un-
annoyed except by one unsilenced gun,' or that at Vroo-

IIO BATTLE OF QUEENSTON HEIGHTS
man's battery ; consequently more troops were hourly
arriving. Brigadier-General Wadsworth was left as com
manding officer of the Americans on the Queenstown hill;
and General Van Rensselaer, considering the victory as
complete, had himself crossed over, in order to give direc
tions about fortifying the camp, which he intended to
occupy in the British territory."
Thus far, then is, lucidly and accurately enough, ex
plained the nature of the contest, and the relative posi
tions of the two forces, up to the moment of the arrival
of the reserve from Fort George. It may not, however,
be unimportant to add, that among the officers wounded
in the repulse, and of whom no mention is made by
James, were Captain Dennis of the 49th Grenadiers, and
the present Mr. Justice McLean' of Toronto, who was
then a brother subaltern with Mr. Jarvis, in Captain
Cameron's flank company of militia. The latter was
very severely wounded, yet brought off by the retreating
party. The former had received a ball in his thigh, yet
impatient of the delay of a regular treatment, he, with
characteristic sang froid, stopped the effusion of blood by
thrusting his finger into the wound, and in that manner
supported his share in the action to the last. The faU of
so many brave officers had naturally the effect of dispirit
ing the men, and the remains of the detachment continued
their retreat to Durham's farm, about two miles and a
half below Queenstown, where Colonel Macdonell' s al
most lifeless body was deposited, preparatory to its final
removal to the Government House at Fort George, in
iLieut. Archibald McLean, the second son of the Hon. Neil
McLean, was born at St. Andrew's, County of Stormont, in 1791.
He was present at Ogdensburg in 1813, and at the capture of York
carried to a place of safety the colors of the York Volunteers. At
the Battle of Lundy's Lane he was taken prisoner and detained
until the close of the war. After the war he continued his legal
studies, and in 1820 was elected a member of the Legislative
Assembly for Stormont, being re-elected on five other occasions,
once for the town of Cornwall. For two Parliaments, the eleventh
and thirteenth, he was honored by being elected Speaker. He
subsequently was appointed Chief Justice of Upper Canada, and
afterwards President of the Court of Error and Appeal, an office he
d at his death in 1865.

FLANK ATTACK OF GENERAL SHEAFFE 1 1 1
which the gallant officer breathed his last, soon after his
arrival. The body of the Hero of Canada had been left
behind, in one of the houses in Queenstown, hurriedly
covered with a pile of old blankets in order to prevent
any recognition by the enemy.
It was about 2 o'clock in the afternoon, when the
anxiously-expected reserve, under General Sheaffe, con
sisting principally of the 41st Regiment, made its ap
pearance at Durham's farm. The whole then moved
forward in a westerly direction towards the viUage of
St. David's, for the purpose of gaining the rear of the
mountain. Here, as might have been expected, the mili
tary tact and prevoy ance of the fallen leader, in urgently
desiring the advance of the Indians, to clear a passage for
the troops in their ascent of the heights, was made mani
fest. The column had been halted at the base of the
mountain far to the right of the Queenstown road, and
inclining towards that which traverses it from St. David's.
Profiting by the suggestion of his late superior, General
Sheaffe sent forward the Indians, who rapidly ascended
the heights, and so well and so gallantly occupied the
American pickets, which had been thrown out in that
direction, that the little army was enabled to gain the
summit of the mountain, by an oblique movement to the
right, almost without opposition, and wholly without
loss. And now had arrived the crisis which was to decide,
for a brief season at least, the destinies of Canada, and
the honor of the British arms.
The height gained on the flank of the enemy, who
were discovered drawn up in preparation for the attack,
the British line, not exceeding 800 men, was instantly
formed. On the extreme left, and resting on the^brow
of the hill, were the Indians, and next to these the com
panies of militia who had already borne so honorable a
share in the contest of the morning, and a few others just
arrived, with General Sheaffe, from Fort George. The

112 BATTLE OF QUEENSTON HEIGHTS
centre was composed of the remnant of the 49th flank
companies, and the right of the main body of the 41st
Regiment — about 350 bayonets — commanded by Captain
Derenzy. At this critical moment, and just as the
action was about to commence. Captain Bullock, with the
principal portion of the 41st Grenadiers, suddenly made
his appearance from Chippawa, followed by Lieut Bull
ock, of the same company, who hastened from his sta
tion opposite Navy Island, with the few men he had
under his command, partly grenadiers and partly bat
talion men. The opportune arrival of these little de
tachments (numbering together 100 bayonets) which
immediately took their proper stations in the line, the
extreme right of the grenadiers resting on the road lead
ing to the Falls, was hailed as an earnest of success by
the little band, who were animated by the most eager
desire to encounter the enemy, and avenge the fall of
their noble and lamented Chief. The moment of their
triumph at length arrived. Between the extreme flank
of the 41st, and the bold precipice of Queenstown
Heights, there was a space covered with small trees and
stunted pines. Under cover of these, the American left
attempted to turn the outer flank of the 41st, but were
met by such a warm and destructive fire that they were
checked and thrown into confusion. Almost simultane
ously with this movement of the enemy, commenced an
attack upon their centre, by the Ught company of the
41st under Lieut. Mclntyre, and on their extreme right
by the Indians, who were led into action by their Chief
Norton'— or Teyoninhokorawen — as he is named in the
British Army Lists even of the present day. Both these
'Captain John Norton, along with Captain John Brant, had com
mand of the Indians at Queenston Heights. He was a native of
Scotland, his Indian name meaning Pale-faced warrior, or Sad-
countenanced warrior. Some time after the war he quarrelled
with the Indians, went to the State of Georgia and thence to Mis
sissippi, and finally returned to Scotland with his Indian wife
Catharine, to whom he was married at Niagara on July 27th, 1813,
by Rev. Eobert Addison.

Monument to Bkock, Queenston Heights.

defeat AND SURRENDER OF THE AMERICAN ARMY 1 13
parties commenced the action with great spirit, driving
the Americans before them, and when it was perceived
that the attempt of the enemy to turn our right had so
signally failed, a tremendous shout arose from the Brit
ish troops, which, mingling with the war whoop of the
Indians, staggered the wavering assailants still more. At
that instant the advance was sounded, and the whole line
rushed eagerly forward upon the enemy, who made little
or no resistance, but broke and fled in the utmost con
sternation, closely foUowed by the immolating bayonet
and tomahawk. Many, in their panic, threw themselves.
over the precipice, and were of course dashed to pieces in.
their descent. But quarter having at length been de
manded by the American commander, thiswas given, and
900 prisoners, including one General and 72 inferior
officers, in some degree atoned for — it was impossible to
repay — the grievous loss the country had sustained in the
morning of that otherwise glorious day.
The British loss' at Queenstown was 1 1 killed and 60
iReturn ot killed, wounded and mis.sing of the army under the
command of Major-General Isaac Brock, in an action at Queens
town, Niagara,, on the 13th October, 1812 :
General staff — 2 killed.
Royal Artillery — 2 rank and file wounded.
Detachment 4ist Regiment — 1 sergeant, 1 rank and file killed ; 1
sergeant, 9 rank and file wounded.
Flank Companies, 49th Regiment— 8 rank and file killed ; 2 cap
tains, 3 sergeants, 27 rank and file, 1 volunteer wounded ; 5 rank
and file, 1 volunteer missing. - ,
Lincoln Artillery — 1 rank and- file wounded.
Lincoln Militia — 1 adjutant, 1 sergeant, 12 rank and file wounded;
10 rank and file missing.
York Militia — 2 rank and file killed ; 1 lieutenant, 1 sergeant, 15
rank and file wounded ; 5 rank and file missing.
Total Loss — 1 Major-General, 1 aid-de-camp, 1 sergeant, 9 rank
and file, line, 2 rank and file, militia, killed ; 2 captains, line ; 1
adjutant, 1 lieutenant, militia ; 4 sergeants, line ; 2 sergeants, mil
itia ; 2 rank and file, artillery ; 1 do., militia artillery ; 36 rank
and file, 1 volunteer, line ; 27 rank and file, militia, wounded ; 5
rank and file, 1 volunteer, line ; 15 rank and file, militia, missing.
General Total-2 general staff, 1 sergeant, 11 rank and file,
killed ; 2 captains, 1 lieutenant, 1 adjutant, 6 sergeants, 66 rank
and file, 1 volunteer, wounded ; 20 rank and file, 1 volunteer, miss
ing. Officers Killed — Major-General Isaac Brock, commanding ;

114 BATTLE OF QUEENSTON heights
wounded of the line and militia ; and 5 killed' and 9
wounded of the brave Indians. The number'^ of killed
and wounded of the Americans is not precisely known.
The former has however been admitted by themselves to
have been between 90 and 100. Independently of those
killed upon the field, and dashed over the precipice, a
great number perished in two or three boats sunk by the
fire from our batteries.
Again, on this occasion, was the present Chief Justice
conspicuous for his zeal and his gaUantry. In the absence
Lieut.-Colonel Macdonell, Provincial Aid-de-Camp.
Wounded— Captains Dennis and Williams, 49th Regiment, vol
unteer Shaw, do.; Lieut. McLean, York Light Infantry ; Adjutant
Mclntyre, Lincoln Militia.
Fort George, 15th October, 1812.
THOMAS EVANS, Major of Brigade.
(Canadian Archives.)
Return of killed, wounded and prisoners of war in the action at
Queenstown, Niagara, on the 13th October, 1812 :
Prisoners of War — 1 Brigadier-General, I major, aid-de-camp, 5
lieutenant-colonels, 3 majors, 19 captains, 32 lieutenants, 10
ensigns, 1 adjutant, 1 surgeon, 852 non-commissioned oflicers and
privates. Total, 925.
Regulars— Officers, 19 ; non-commissioned officers and privates,
417. _
Militia — Officers, 54 ; non-commissioned officers and privates,
435. Total, 925.
Estimated loss of the enemy in officers and men killed and
wounded, and in wounded sent over during the engagement, 500 ;
supposed total loss, 1,425 ; acknowledged force engaged, 1,600.
Total British force engaged— Regulars and militia, 800 ; Indians,
200—1,000. Fort George, 15th October, 1812.
THOMAS EVANS, Major of Brigade.
(Canadian Archives. )
iThe names ot the Indians killed at Queenston were —
Ayanete and Kayentatirhon, Cayuga Chiefs, Ta Kanentye, an
Onondaga Warrior, Kayarawagor and Sakangonguquate, Oneida
Warriors. From Documentary History of the Campaign by Lieut.-Col.
Cruikshank. ^The number of Americans killed and wounded in this battle
has never been very accurately ascertained. The most authentic
Anierican sources put the number of killed at 90, the wounded at
82, and 764 prisoners, composed of 386 regulars and 378 militia.

officers of the YORK MILITIA ENGAGED II5
of his Captain (Heward) who was upon leave, he com
manded the 2nd flank company during the whole of the
day. He consequently bore a prominent part in the en
gagement, from the moment when he arrived at early
dawn from Brown's Point where, ithas been seen, he was
stationed with No. i, or Captain Cameron's company, to
the late hour in the afternoon, when victory finaUy
perched on the British standard. The officers attached
to Lieut. Robinson, were Lieut. Stanton,' and Lieut.
Samuel P. Jarvis. The subalterns of Captain Cameron's
company were Lieut. Jarvie,' Lieut. Archibald McLean,
and Lieut. Geo. Ridout.3 Captain Hatt's, and Captain
'Lieutenant Robert Stanton was the son of a British Nayal ofiicer,
who saw a great deal of active service at the memorable defence of
Gibraltar by General Elliot, and with the fleet on the coast of
North America and in the West Indies. About the beginning of
the last century he came to York with his father, who held several
military and civil oflices. On the breaking out of the war he was
a Lieut, in Captain Stephen Heward's company of York militia,
and took part in the battle of Queenston Heights and in the
defence of York in 1813. At the latter engagement he was taken
prisoner, but released on parole.
In 1825 he became editor and publisher of the Gazette and
King's Printer, and in 1843 gave up the publishing business to
become Collector of Customs for the port of Toronto, an oflice he
resigned Nov. 10th, 1849. For a time he was manager of the
Western Insurance Company, and latterly Clerk of the Process at
Osgoode Hall. His death took place in 1866 at the age of 72.
^This is the spelling that is given in the original edition of
Richardson. It would be considered merely a typographical error
for Lieut. Jarvis but for the fact that in Vol. 1 of the report of the
Ontario Historical Society, the roll of Captain Cameron's company
of York Militia in 1812 is given ; and the name appears as it does
here, Lieut. Jarvie. I am inclined to think that the name should
be Jarvis, but which one I am not certain. It is neither Lieut. S. P.
Jarvis nor Volunteer G. S. Jarvis who were with other companies.
I have not been able to find the name " Jarvie" in any published
work on the early history of Toronto.
sLieut. George Ridout was the son of Thomas Ridout, sometime
Surveyor-General of Upper Canada. His brother John, who met
his death in a duel in 1817, was a midshipman on the Royal
George during the war. Another brother, Thomas G. Ridout,
was also a Lieutenant and afterwards Deputy Assistant Commissary-
General. The part taken during the war by this family is fully
set forth by Lady Edgar, a descendant, in "Ten Years of Upper
Canada in Peace and War."

Il6 BATTLE OF QUEENSTON HEIGHTS
Chisholm's companies were the first to oppose the landing
of the enemy.
The victory of Queenstown Heights, although fought
at a distance from the principal theatre of their service,
the Right Division distinctly claim as their own. The
main body of the 41st, who later composed that Division,
principally sustained the action, and among these were
the grenadiers who had already assisted at the capture of
Detroit. Moreover there were there the York volunteers
who also had participated in that memorable triumph.
True, the 49th flank companies, and especially their
leaders, had gallantly done their duty in the morning,
but nevertheless they were defeated, and driven back, and
the Queenstown Heights had been so completely gained
that no impediment was offered to the passage of the
American troops who, at the moment when the 41st,
under Captain Derenzy, and the detachments of the same
corps from Chippawa, made their appearance, numbered
not less than 1,400 men. Under these circumstances it
is that the Right Division claim, and justly, the laurels
won on this day.
As no portrait, public or private, of General Brock,
seems to have been preserved in the country, it may not
be unimportant here to give a slight written sketch of the
hero. In person he was tall, stout and incUning to cor
pulency : he was of fair and florid complexion, had a
large forehead, full face, but not prominent features,
rather small, greyish-blue eyes, with a very slight cast in
one of them — small mouth, with a pleasing smile, and
good teeth. In manner he was exceedingly affable and
gentlemanly, of a cheerful and social habit, partial to
dancing, and although never married, extremely devoted
to female society. Of the chivalry of his nature, and the
soundness of his judgment, evidence enough has been
given in the foregoing pages to render all comment
thereon a matter of supererogation.

SHEAFFE' S OFFICIAL ACCOUNT 1 1 7
The following is the Official account of the Action.
From Major General Sheaffe to Sir George Prevost.
Fort George, 13th October, 1812.
Sir, — Ihave the honor of informing Your Excellency,
that the enemy made an attack, with a considerable
force this morning, before day-light, on the position of
Queenstown. On receiving inteUigence of it, Major-
General Brock immediately proceeded to that post ; and
I am excessively grieved in having to add, that he fell
whilst gallantly cheering his troops to an exertion for
maintaining it. With him the position was lost : but the
enemy was not allowed to retain it long; reinforcements
having been sent up from this post, composed of regular
troops, militia, and Indians, a movement was made to turn
his left, while some artillery, under the able direction of
Captain Holcroft, supported by a body of infantry, en
gaged his attention in front. This operation was aided,
too, by the judicious position which Norton and the In
dians with him had taken on the woody brow of the
high ground above Queenstown. A communication
being thus opened with Chippawa, a junction was formed
with succours that had been ordered from that post. The
enemy was then attacked, and after a short but spirited
conflict, was completely defeated. I had the satisfaction
of receiving the sword of their commander Brigadier-
General Wadsworth, on the field of battle, and many
Officer^, with 900 men, were made prisoners, and more
may yet be expected. A stand of colors and one 6-
pounder, were also taken. The action did not terminate
till nearly three o'clock in the afternoon, and their loss, in
killed and wounded, must have been considerable. Ours,
I believe to have been comparatively small in numbers :
no officer was killed besides Major-General Brock, one of
the most gallant and zealous officers in His Majesty's
service whose loss cannot be too much deplored, and
Lieutenant-Colonel Macdonell, Provincial Aide-de-Camp,
whose gallantry and merit render him worthy of his
chief. Captains Dennis and Williams, commanding the flank
companies of the 49th Regiment, who were stationed at
Queenstown, were wounded, bravely contending at the
head of their men against superior numbers ; but I am
glad to have it in my power to add, that Captain Dennis

Il8 BATTLE OF QUEENSTON HEIGHTS
fortunately was able to keep the field, though it was with
pain and difficulty ; and Captain Williams's wound is not
likely long to deprive me bf his services.
I am particularly indebted to Captain Holcroft of the
Royal Artillery, for his judicious and skilful co-operation
with the guns and howitzers under his immediate super
intendence. Their weU-directed fire contributed materi
ally to the fortunate result of the day.
Captain Derenzy of the 41st Regiment, brought up the
reinforcement of that corps from Fort George, and
Captain Bullock led that of the same regiment from
Chippawa ; and under their commands those detachments
acquitted themselves in such a manner, as to sustain the
reputation which the 41st Regiment had already acquired
in the vicinity of Detroit.
Major-General Brock, soon after his arrival at Queens
town, had sent down orders for battering the American
Fort Niagara. Brigade-Major Evans, who was left in
charge of Fort George, directed the operatiohs against it
with so much effect, as to silence its fire, and to force the
troops to abandon it, and by his prudent precautions, he
prevented mischief of a most serious nature, which
otherwise might have been effected, the enemy having
used heated shot in firing at Fort George. In these ser
vices he was most effectually aided by Colonel Claus'
(who remained in the fort at my desire) and by Captain
Vigoreux, of the Royal Engineers. Brigade-Major
Evans also mentions the conduct of Captains Powell and
Cameron, of the Militia artillery, in terms of commenda
tion. Lieutenant Crowther, ofthe 41st Regiment, had charge
'Lieut.-Col. William Claus, ot the 1st Lincoln Militia, was the
son of Col. Daniel Claus, who married a daughter of Sir William
Johnson, Bart., and who served his country over thirty years in
the Military and Indian Departments. From his youth Lieut.-Col.
William Claus was an officer in the Indian Department, and at the
death of Col. Alexander McKee rose to be Deputy Superintendent-
General and Deputy Inspector-General of Indian Affairs. The
Indians had an aifection for him equal to that which they had for
his father and grandfather, and his thorough knowledge of their
language and customs made him a valuable public officer. He was
Lieut.-Col. of the 1st Lincoln Militia, and on the breaking out of
the war was in command of the militia from Niagara to Queenston.
His services to his country, particularly his management of the
Indians, were highly commended by every officer commanding in
Upper Canada. His descendants reside at Niagara.

SHEAFFE S OFFICIAL ACCOUNT II9
of two 3 -pounders that had accompanied the movement
of our little corps, and they were employed with good
effect. Captain Glegg, of the 49th Regiment, Aide-de-Camp to
our lamented friend and general, afforded me the most
essential assistance ; and I found the services of Lieuten
ant Fowler, of the 41st Regiment, Assistant-Deputy-
Quarter-Master-General, very useful. I derived much
aid, too, from the activity and intelligence of Lieutenant
Kerr, of the Glengarry Fencibles, whom I employed in
communicating with the Indians and other flanking
parties. lwas unfortunately deprived of the aid, experience,
and ability of Lieutenant-Colonel Myers, Deputy-Quart
er-Master-General, who had been sent up to Fort Erie a
few days before on duty, which detained him there.
Lieutenafit-Colonels Butler' and Clark^of the Militia; and
¦Lieut.-Col. Thomas Butler flrst saw active service as a
Lieutenant in the corps ot Rangers commanded by his father.
Colonel John Butler. His service in the war was cut short by his
death from disease in Dec, 1812.
=Lieut.-Col. Thomas Clark, of the 2nd Lincoln Militia, was
appointed at the beginning of the war to command the militia that
were guarding the border from Queenston to Fort Erie. He took
part in the battle of Queenston Heights, and was an active and
energetic officer. At the defence ot Fort Erie, Nov. 28th, 1812, he
had command of the right wing, and on the llth of July, 1813,
was second in command to Lieut.-Col. Bisshopp in the attack on
Black Rock, when the block houses, barracks and navy yard and
a schooner were burnt, and valuable stores and ordnance captured.
While conducting the retreat he was slightly wounded.
In the despatches describing the engagements in which he took
part he was highly commended for the able manner that he led
the troops under his command. He wa^a member of the Legisla
tive Council ot Upper Canada for many years.
Another officer of this name, that served throughout the war, was
Colonel John Clark, son of a soldier of the Sth (King's) Regt.
He was born at Kingston in 1783. His father came to Niagara,
and was appointed barrack-master and also Sheriff of Lincoln, an
office he held till 1803, when he was succeeded by Major Thomas
Merritt. When the war commenced the son was appointed Lieut.
and Adjutant ot the 1st and 4th Lincoln fiank companies. In
March, 1813, he was promoted to the rank ot Captain and Assist
ant Adjutant-General of Militia by Gen. Sheaffe, and retained in
that office till the end ot the war. He took part in several engage
ments, the principal one being Queenston Heights. He was for
many years Collector of Customs at Port Dalhousie, but resigned
some years before liis death, which took place in 1862. For two
terms he represented Lincoln in the Legislative Assembly of Upper
Canada, being elected in 1820 and again in 1825.

I20 BATTLE OF QUEENSTON HEIGHTS
Captains Hatt, Durand,' Rowe, "Applegarth, James Crooks, '
'Captain James Durand, who was in command of a flank com
pany of the 5th Lincoln Militia at Queenston Heights, was born in
Monmouthshire, Wales, in 1775, and in 1800 came to Upper
Canada. During the war he lived on a farm now the site of the
city ot Hamilton. In 1814 he was elected a member ot the Legis
lative Assembly of Upper Canada for Niagara, and in 1817 for
Wentworth. He died at Hamilton, March 22nd, 1833.
James Durand, who was elected for the County of Halton to the
Legislative Assembly in 1835, was Captain Durand's son. Another
son, Mr. Charles Durand, Barrister, is at present living in Toronto
at an advanced age, having been born on April 9th, 1811. Miss
Laura B. Durand, a well-known writer on the editorial staff of the
Toronto Globe, is a daughter of thelatter.
"Captain John Rowe was in command of a companj' of the 2nd
Lincoln. He was an officer in that famous corps, Butler's
Rangers, and had seen a great deal of active service in the Revo
lutionary War. He was killed at the head of his company while
gallantly contending against a more numerous force at the Battle
of Chippawa, July 5th, 1814.
sCaptain James Crooks, who conunanded a company of the 1st
Lincoln Militia at Queenston Heights, was born in Kilmarnock,
Scotland, in 1778, and immigrated to Canada in 1791. He engaged
in trade and farming, and, soon, by his energy and intelligence
combined with his excellence of character, became one ot the fore
most men of the community. After the war he removed to West
Flamboro, and there engaged in milling. Here he built and oper
ated the flrst paper mill in Upper Canada. In 1820 he was elected
to the Legislative Assembly, and afterwards was appointed to the
Legislative Council, an office he held till his death in 1860. He
married in 1808 Jane Cummings, daughter of Thomas Cummings,
a soldier in Butler's Rangers, and raised a large family. The
Hon. Adam Crooks, for several years a member of the Ontario
Cabinet, was his son. His eldest daughter became the wife of
A. N. Bethune, Bishop of Toronto. Two of his grandchildren.
Miss Jane Crooks, of the Education Department Library, and
Lieut. A. D. Crooks, Barrister, are residents of Toronto.
He wrote a " Reminiscence ot the Last War " that appeared in
the Niagara Reporter, and afterwards, about the flrst of the year
1841, in the British Colonist.
Captain William Crooks, although three years older than the
preceding, did not come to Upper Canada till a year after his
brother. He commanded a company ot the 4th Lincoln at Queens
ton Heights. In 1808 he married Mary Butler, daughter of Colonel
John Bntler, the celebrated commander of Butler's Rangers.
A younger sister of these two officers, Jean Crooks, was the wife
ot Lieut. William Procter ot the 41st Regt., brother of Gen. Henry
Procter ; and another sister, Jane, was the wife of Lieut.-Col.
AVilliam C. Short of the 41st Regt., who was killed at the assault on
Fort Stephenson.
It may be interesting to observe here that in the same year that

SHEAFFE' S OFFICIAL ACCOUNT 1 2 1
Cooper,' Robert Hamilton,'' McEwen,' Duncan Cameron;*
and Lieutenants Richardson and Thomas Butler, s com
manding flank companies of the Lincoln and York Militia,
led their men into action with great spirit. Major Merritt,*
these two brothers were defending their adopted country from in
vasion another brother, Ramsay Crooks, was making a difficult
and perilous journey, overland to Astoria at the mouth of the Col
umbia river, as a partner in the American Fur Company, of which
he became the head atter the withdrawal of John Jacob Astor.
Mr. Crooks wrote a journal of the trip, which appears in the
travels of John Bradbury, an English botanist who accompanied
the Crooks party to the" head waters of the Missouri. A graphic
description of the dangers and hardships encountered by these
adventurous traders may be found in Washington Irving's Astoria.
In 1814 when the Americans sent an expedition to retake Fort
Mackinac, Mr. Crooks accompanied the fleet to watch the interests
oi Mr. Astor. It is said that he concentrated, in his reminiscences,
the history of the fur trade in America for fortv vears. He died
in New York in 1859.
'Captain Cooper, who commanded a company at this battle, is
probably an ancestor of the Coopers now living along the river
road in "the township of Niagara.
"Captain Robert Hamilton was the son of Hon. Robert Hamilton,
of Queenston, and was born at Fort Niagara in 1787. He was in
command of a company of the 2nd Lincoln during the war, and
took part in several engagements, among them Queenston Heights
and the defence of Fort Erie, Nov. 28th, 1812. He was elected to
the Legislature of'Upper Canada by the County of Lincoln in 1820.
3Captain John McEwen commanded a flank company of the 1st
Lincoln Militia at Queenston Heights.
4Captain Duncan Cameron, who commanded a company of the
York Militia at Queenston Heights, was for many years aprominent
citizen of Toronto. He was appointed a member of the Legislative
Council, and for a time was Provincial Secretary of Upper Canada.
sLieut. Thomas Butler was the son ot Lieut.-Col. Thomas Butler.
^Major Thomas Merritt, who raised the Niagara Dragoons and
commanded them at the Battle of Queenston Heights, was born in
1759 in Westchester County, New York. He was educated at Harvard
College, and on the breaking out of the Revolution was appointed
Cornet in the Queen's Rangers, a corps raised by Major Robert
Rogers, and afterward commanded by Colonel John Graves Simcoe
— the first Lieut. -Governor of Upper Canada. At the peace he
went to New Brunswick, but returned to New York, and eventu
ally took up his residence in the Niagara Peninsula, where he died
on May 12th, 1842. His son, William Hamilton Merritt, who
served as a Captain in his father's corps, and who was taken pris
oner at Lundy's Lane, July 25th, 1814, was well known as a par
liamentarian and as the projector of the Welland Canal.
The present representative of the family is the grandson and
namesake of the latter. Major William Hamilton Merritt, who

122 BATTLE OF QUEENSTON HEIGHTS
commanding the Niagara Dragoons, accompanied me,
and gave much assistance with part of his corps. Captain
A. Hamilton, belonging to it, was disabled from rid
ing, and attached himself to the guns under Captain Hol
croft, who speaks highly of his activity and usefulness. I
beg leave to add that Volunteers Shaw,' Thompson, = and
Jarvis, 3 attached to the flank companies of the 49th
served in the Boer war as a Major in Brabant's Horse, and is now
second in command of the Second Canadian Mounted Rifles.
Four generations of this family have seen active service in
North America in a mounted corps : Thomas, in the command ot
the Niagara Dragoons in 1812 ; William Hamilton, a Captain in
the same corps ; Jedediah, with McGrath' s Lancers in 1837 ; and
William Hamilton with the Governor-General's Body Guard in
the North West Rebellion in 1885.
I Volunteer Richard Shaw was the son ot Major-General ..iEneas
Shaw, so well known in connection with the early history ot
Upper Canada. Major-General Shaw served as a Capiain in the
Queen's Rangers during the Revolutionary War. ' In the winter
of 1791-2 he performed the unparalleled feat of marching a
detachment of a new corps, also called the Queen's Rangers, from
New Brunswick to Montreal on snowshoes. At the beginning of
the War of 1812 he proffered his services to Major-General Brock
in any capacity that he might be found useful. He was conse
quently appointed to command the First Division of Militia, with
the rank of Colonel, and afterwards served as Adjutant-General
of Militia. The hard work and fatigue proved too much for the
General at his age, and caused his death in 1815.
All of his sons served in the army. The eldest, Alexander, was
a Captain in the 35th and 69th Regiments, and was present at
Alexandria, Maida, Calabria, Naples, Corunna, Walchern, Flushing
and Waterloo. Charles was a Lieutenant in the 52nd, John a
Captain in the 49th, and .(Eneas a Lieutenant . in the Glengarry
Fencibles. Richard and George were Captains in the Militia.
The grandson of Captain Alexander Shaw, Lieut.-Col. George
A. Shaw, who was in command of the 10th or Royal
Regiment, now Royal Grenadiers, is at present a resident of
Toronto. It may be of some interest to note in this connection that Miss
Sophia, daughter of Major-General Shaw, was the fiancee ot
Major-General Brock.
=1 have not been able to learn much regarding Volunteer
Augustus Thompson. He was well known to, and evidently was
a companion of. Volunteer George S. Jarvis, as they were together
in the daring aftairs with the enemy at Stoney Creek, at Black
Rock and at Beaver Dam.
3George S. .Tarvis was born in Fredericton, N.B., April 21st,
1797, and removed to York (Toronto) in 1808 with his father's
family. At Queenston Heights he was attached to the 49th Regt.,
and at the taking of York was attached to the 8th (King's) Regt.
He was present at the battles ol Stoney Creek, Beaver Dam and
Black Rock, and at the unsuccessful assault of Fort Erie. At

From an original photograph iu possession of Miss Ellen F. Sheaffe,
Lausanne, Switzerland, grandniece of Sir Roger.
Sir Roger Hale Sheaffe, Bart.

SHEAFFE' S OFFICIAL ACCOUNT 1 23
Regiment, conducted themselves with great spirit ; the
first having been wounded, and the last having been
taken prisoner. I beg leave to recommend these young
men to Your Excellency's notice. Norton is wounded,
but not badly ; he and the Indians particularly distin
guished themselves, and I have very great satisfaction in
assuring Your Excellency, that the spirit and good con
duct of His Majesty's troops, of the militia, and of the
other provincial corps, were eminently conspicuous on
this occasion.
I have not been able to ascertain yet the number of our
troops, or of those of the enemy engaged ; ours, I believe
did not exceed the number of the prisoners we have
taken : and their advance, which effected a landing,
probably amounted to 1,300 or 1,400 men.
I shall do myself the honor of transmitting to Your
Excellency further details,' when I shall have received
the several reports of the occurrences which did not pass
under my own observation, with the return of the casual
ties, and those of the killed and wounded, and of the ord
nance taken. I have the honor to be, &c.
(Signed) R. H. Sheaffe, Maj. -Gen.
To His Excellency Sir George Prevost, Bart., &c.
Lundy's Lane he was a Lieut, of the 8th, and went to England
with the second battalion of that regiment in 1815. After the
defeat of Napoleon at Waterloo several regiments were disbanded,
and among them the second battalion of the 8th. Lieut. Jarvis
was then after a short interval of five months appointed to the
104th Regiment. Shortly atter, he returned to Canada, took up the
study of law, and was sworn in as an Attorney in 1820, called to the
bar in 1823.- In 1820 he went to Cornwall to practice, and in 1842
was appointed County Judge, and in that year organized the
Division Courts ot the United Counties of Stormont, Dundas and
Glengarry. During the troubles of 1837 he raised and commanded
three troops of lancers. His death occurred in 1878. The Rev.
Arthur Jarvis, of Napanee, is his son.
'In this report Major-General Sheaffe mentions every officer in
command but two. In his letter to Sir George Prevost of Novem
ber 3rd, 1812, the following passage occurs :
I am much mortified to find that I omitted the names of Captain
Chisholm commanding a flank company of the York Militia,
and of Lieutenant Ball commanding the Militia Artillery attached
to the post of Queenstown ; Captain Dennis's report, since trans
mitted, has partly supplied that omission ; he commends highly
both those officers, and in justice to them I have issued an order
acknowledging my omission and their merit.

124 BATTLE OF QUEENSTON HEIGHTS
The American accounts of the action have been so
much altered from General Van Rensselaer's original
despatch, that it is difficult to know which is the correct
one. At this moment I have two before me, one by
Captain Fay, of the United States Artillery, the other by
James. There is evidently so much of the suppressio vert
if not of the as ser tio falsi, in the former, evidently to cloak
the national humiliation, that there can be no hesitation
in adopting that given by the latter,' who seems to have
been at some pains to obtain the correct despatch.
From General Van Rensselaer, to General Dearborn.
Head Quarters, Lewiston, Oct. 14th, 1812.
Sir, — As the movements of this Army under my com
mand, since I had last the honor to address you on the
Sth, have been of a very important character, producing
consequences serious to many individuals ; establishing
facts actually connected with the interest of the service
and the safety of the army ; and as I stand prominently
responsible for some of these consequences, I beg leave to
explain to you, sir, and through you to my country, the
situation and circumstances in which I have had to act,
and the reasons and motives which governed me, and if
the result is not all that might have been wished, it is
such that, when the whole ground shall be viewed, I
shall cheerfully submit myself to the judgment of my
country. In my letter of the Sth instant, I apprised you that the
crisis in this campaign was rapidly advancing ; and that
(to repeat the sarne words) "the blow must be soon
struck, or all the toil and expense of the campaign go for
nothing and worse than nothing, for the whole will be
tinged with dishonor."
'Richardson has unfortunately selected the most imperfect copy.
I do not know from what source James obtained his copy, but
whole paragraphs are missing, and names, as usual with him,
incorrectly spelled and otherwise disguised — as Fleming for Fen
wick and Christie for Chrystie. James makes the error ot saying
that Van Rensselaer addressed the letter to the American Secretary
ot War, when every authority within reach says it was addressed
to Gen. Dearborn and by him'transmitted to the Secretary ot War.
I have corrected the whole letter and added the omissions of James
without making any reference to them in foot notes.

VAN RENSSELAER'S OFFICIAL ACCOUNT 1 25
Under such impressions, I had, on the 5th instant,
written to Brig.-General Smyth, of the United States
forces, requesting an interview with him, Major-General
Hall, and the commandants of the United States regi
ments, for the purpose of conferring upon the subject of
future operations. I wrote Major-General Hall to the
same purport. On the nth I had received no answer
from General Smyth ; but in a note to me on the loth.
General Hall mentioned that General Smyth had not yet
then agreed upon any day for the consultation.
In the meantime, the partial success of Lieutenant
Elliott at Black Rock (of which however, I have received
no official information) began to excite a strong disposi
tion in the troops to act. This was expressed to me
through various channels, in the shape of an alternative;
that they must have orders to act, or at all hazards they
would go home. I forbear here commenting upon the
obvious consequences, to me personally, of longer with
holding my orders under such circumstances.
I had a conference with Lieutenant-Colonel  ,
as to the possibility of getting some person to pass over
to Canada, and obtain correct information. On the morn
ing of the 4th, he wrote to me that he had procured the
man, who bore his letter to go over. Instructions were
given him : he passed over, and obtained such informa
tion as warranted an immediate attack. This was con
fidentially communicated to several of my first officers,
and produced great zeal to act ; more especially as it
might have a controlling effect upon the movements at
Detroit, where it was supposed General Brock had gone
with all the force he dared spare from the Niagara fron
tier. The best preparations in my power were therefore
made to dislodge the enemy from the heights of Queens
town, and possess ourselves of the viUage ; where the
troops might be sheltered from the distressing inclemency
of the weather.
Lieutenant-Colonel Fenwick's flying artillery, and a
detachment of regular troops under his command, were
ordered to be up in season from Fort Niagara. Orders
were also sent General Smyth, to send down from Buffalo,
such detachments of his brigade as existing circumstances
in that vicinity might warrant. The attack was to have
been made at 4 o'clock on the morning of the nth, by

126 BATTLE OF QUEENSTON HEIGHTS
crossing over in boats at the old ferry opposite the heights.
To avoid any embarrassment in crossing the river, (which
is here a sheet of violent eddies, ) experienced boatmen
were procured to take the boats from the landing below
to the place of embarkation. Lieutenant Sim was con
sidered the man of greatest skill for this service ; he went
ahead, and, in the extreme darkness, passed the intended
place far up the river ; and there, in a most extraordinary
manner, fastened his boat to the shore, and abandoned
the detachment. In this front boat he had carried nearly
every oar, which was prepared for all the boats. In this
agonizing dilemma stood officers and men, whose ardor
had not been cooled by exposure through the night, to
one of the most tremendous north-east storms, which
continued unabated for 28 hours, and deluged the whole
camp. The approach of daylight extinguished every
prospect of success and the detachment returned to camp.
Colonel Van Rensselaer was to have commanded the de
tachment. After this result, I had hoped the patience of the troops
would have continued, until I could submit the plan sug
gested in my letter of the Sth, that I might act under, and
in conformity to, the opinion which might be then ex
pressed. But my hope was idle ; the previously excited
ardor seemed to have gained new heat from the late mis
carriage ; the brave were mortified to stop short of their
object, and the timid thought laurels half-won by an
attempt. On the morning of the 12th, such was the pressure upon
me from all quarters, that I became satisfied that my re
fusal to act might involve me in suspicion, and the ser
vice in disgrace.
Viewing affairs at Buffalo as yet unsettled, I had im
mediately countermanded the march of General Smyth's
brigade, upon the failure of the first expedition ; but hav
ing now determined to attack Queenstown,*! sent new
orders to General Smyth to march ; not with the view of
his aid in the attack, for I considered the force detached
sufficient, but to support the detachment should the con
flict be obstinate and long continued.
Lieutenant-Colonel C^hrystie, who had just arrived at
the Four Mile Creek, and had, late in the night of the first
contemplated attack, gallantly offered me his own and his
men's service : but he got my permission too late. He
now again came forward, had a conference with Colonel

VAN RENSSELAER'S OFFICIAL ACCOUNT 1 27
Van Rensselaer,' and begged that he might have the honor
of a command in the expedition. The arrangement was
made. Colonel Van Rensselaer was to command one col
umn of 300 militia ; and Lieutenant-Colonel Chrystie a
column of the same number of regular troops.
Every precaution was now adopted as to boats, and
the most confidential and experienced men to manage
them. At an early hour in the night, Lieutenant-Colonel
Chrystie marched his detachment by the rear road from
Niagara to camp. At 7 in the evening Lieutenant-Colo
nel Stranahan' s regiment moved from Niagara Falls ; at
8 o'clock Mead's, and at 9 o'clock Lieutenant-Colonel
Bloom's regiment marched from the same place. AUwere
in camp in good season. Agreeably to my orders issued
upon this occasion, the two columns were to pass over
together ; as soon as the heights should be carried Lieu
tenant-Colonel Fenwick's flying artillery was to pass over;
then Major MuUany' s detachment of regulars; and the
other troops to follow in order.
At dawn of day the boats were in readiness, and the
troops commenced embarking, under cover of a command
ing battery, mounting two eighteen-pounders and two
sixes. The movements were soon discovered, and a brisk
fire of musketry was poured from the whole line of the
Canadian shore. Our battery then opened to sweep the
shore ; but it was, for some minutes, too dark to direct
much fire with safety. A brisk cannonade was now
opened upon the boats from three different batteries.
Our battery returned the fire, and occasionally threw
grape upon the shore, and was itself served with shells
from a small mortar of the enemy's. Colonel Scott, of
the Artillery, by hastening his march from Niagara Falls
in the night arrived in season to return the enemy's fire
with two six-pounders.
The boats were somewhat embarrassed with the eddies,
as well as with a shower of shot ; but Colonel Van Rens
selaer, with about 100 men, soon effected his landing
'Colonel Solomon Van Rensselaer and Major-General Stephen
Van Rensselaer were cousins. The former wrote " A Narrative of
the Affair of Queenstown," in which he defends himself and the
General from the "strictures on that event in a book entitled
' Notices of the War of 1812,' " by General John Armstrong, who
was appointed Secretary of War in January, 1813, but resigned in
September, 1814, after the capture of Washington,

128 BATTLE OF QUEENSTON HEIGHTS
amidst a tremendous fire directed upon him from every
point ; but to the astonishment of all who witnessed the
scene, this van of the column advanced slowly against the
fire. It was a serious misfortune to the van, and indeed
to the whole expedition, that in a few iriinutes after land
ing Colonel Van Rensselaer received four wounds. A
ball passed through his right thigh, entering just below
the hip bone ; another shot passed tlirough the same thigh
a httle below ; the third through the calf of the leg ; and
a fourth contused his heel. This was quite a crisis in the
expedition. Under so severe a fire it was difficult to form
raw troops. By some mismanagement of the boatmen,
Lieutenant-Colonel Chrystie did not arrive until some
time after this, and was wounded in the hand in passing
the river. Colonel Van Rensselaer was still able to stand
and with great presence of mind ordei ed his officers to
proceed with rapidity and storm the fort. This service
was gallantly performed and the enemy driven down the
hill in every direction. Soon after this, both parties were
considerably reififorced, and the conflict was renewed in
various places. Many of the enemy took shelter behind
a stone guard -house, where a piece of ordnance was now
briskly served. I ordered the fire of our battery to be
directed upon the guard-house ; and it was so effectually
done, that with eight or ten shot the fire was silenced.
The enemy then retreated behind a large store-house ; but
in a short time the rout became general, and the enemy's
fire was silenced, except from a one-gun battery, so far
down the river as to be out of the reach of our heavy ord
nance ; and our light pieces could not silence it. A num
ber of boats now passed over unannoyed, except from
the one unsilenced gun. For some time after I had
passed over, the victory seemed complete ; but in the ex
pectation of further attacks, I was taking measures for
fortifying my camp immediately ; the direction of this
service I committed to Lieutenant Totten, of the Engi
neers. But very soon the enemy were reinforced, by a
detachment of several hundred Indians from Chippawa ;
they commenced a furious attack ; but were promptly met
and routed by the rifle and bayonet. By this time I per
ceived my troops were embarking very slowly. I passed
immediately over to accelerate their movements ; but, tO'
my utter astonishment, I found that at the very moment
when complete victory was in our hands, the ardor of the

Major-General Stephen Van Rensselaer.

VAN RENSSELAER'S OFFICIAL ACCOUNT 1 29
unengaged troops had entirely subsided. I rode in all
directions ; urged the men by every consideration to pass
over, but in vain. Lieut.-Col. Bloom, who had been
wounded in action, returned, mounted his horse and rode
through the camp ; as did also Judge Peck, who happened
to be here, exhorting the companies to proceed, but all in
vain. At this time a large reinforcement from Fort George
was discovered coming up the river. As the battery on
the hill was considered an important check against their
ascending the heights, measures were immediately taken
to send them a fresh supply of ammunition as I learnt
there were left only 20 shot for the i8-pounders. The re
inforcement, however, obliqued to the right from the
road, and formed a junction with the Indians in
the rear of the heights. Finding, to my infinite
mortification, that no reinforcement would pass over ;
seeing that another severe conflict must soon commence ;
and knowing that the brave men on the heights were
quite exhausted, and nearly out of ammunition ; all I
could do was to send them a fresh supply of cartridges.
At this critical moment I despatched a note to General
Wadsworth acquainting him with our situation ; leaving
the course to be pursued much to his own judgment ; with
assurance that if he thought best to retreat, I would
endeavor to send as many boats as I could command, and
cover his retreat by every fire I could safely make. But
the boats were dispersed ; many of the boatmen had fled
panic struck ; and but few got off. But my note could
but little more than have reached General Wadsworth
about 4 o'clock, when a most severe and obstinate conflict
commenced, and continued for about half an hour, with
a tremendous fire of cannon, flying artillery and musket
ry. The enemy succeeded in re-possessing their battery,
and gaining advantage on every side ; the brave inen who
had gained . the victory, exhausted of strength and am
munition, and grieved at the unpardonable neglect of their
fellow soldiers, gave up the conflict.
I can only add, that the victory was really won ; but
lost for the want of a small reinforcement ; one third part
of the idle men might have saved all.
I have been so pressed with the various duties of bury
ing the dead, providing for the wounded, collecting the
public property, negotiating an exchange of prisoners,

130 BATTLE OF QUEENSTON HEIGHTS
and all the concerns consequent of such a battle that I
have not been able to forward this despatch at as early an
hour as I could have wished. I shall soon forward you
another despatch in which I shall endeavor to point out
to you the conduct of some most gallant and deserving
officers. But I cannot in justice close this without im
pressing the very great obligation I am under to Briga
dier-General Wadsworth, Colonel Van Rensselaer, Colonel
Scott, Lieutenant-Colonels Chrystie and Fenwick and
Captain Gibson. Many others have also behaved most gal
lantly. As I have reason to believe that many of our
troops fled to the woods with the hope of crossing the
river, I have not been able to learn the probable number
of killed, wounded and prisoners. The slaughter of our
troops must have been very considerable and the enemy
have suffered severely.
General Brock is among their slain, and his Aid-de-
Camp mortally wounded.
I have the honor to be yours, &c., &c.,
Stephen Van Rensselaer,
Maj. -Gen. Dearborn. Maj. -Gen.
The following is the report of the Officer commanding
the detachment (the present Colonel Wool) which ob
tained possession of the battery, by ascending the con
cealed fisherman's path, in the early part of the day. '
From Captain Wool to Colonel Van Rensselaer.
Buffalo, Oct. 23, 1812.
Dear Sir,
I have the honor to communicate to you the circum
stances attending the storming of Queenstown battery on
the 13th inst.; with those which happened previously you
are already well acquainted.
In pursuance of your order, we proceeded round the
point and ascended the rocks, which brought us partly in
rear of the battery. We took it without much resistance.
I immediately formed the troops in rear of the -battery,
and fronting the village, when I observed General Brock
with his troops formed, consisting of four companies of
the 49th Regiment, and a few militia, marching for our
left flank. I immediately detached a party of 150 men,
to take possession of the heights above Queenstown bat-

CAPTAIN wool's report 131
tery and to hold General Brock in check ; but in conse
quence of his superior force they retreated. I sent a re
inforcement ; notwithstanding which the enemy drove us
to the edge ofthe bank, when with the greatest exertions
we brought the troops to a stand, and I ordered the
Officers to bring their men to a charge as soon as the am
munition was expended, which was executed with some
confusion, and in a few moments the enemy retreated.
We pursued them to the edge of the heights, when Col.
Macdonell had his horse shot from -under him, and was
himself mortally wounded. In the interim. General
Brock, in attempting to rally his forces, was killed, when
the enemy disposed in every direction. As soon as it
was practicable, I formed the troops in a line on the
heights fronting the village, and immediately detached
flanking parties, which consisted of Captain Machesney,
of the 6th Regiment, Lieutenant Smith, and Ensign
Grosvenor with a small detachment of riflemen, who had
that moment arrived ; at the same time, I ordered Lieu
tenant Gansevoort and Lieutenant Randolph, with a de-
, tachment of artillery, to drill out an 18 -pounder which
had been previously spiked, and if possible to bring it to
bear upon the viUage. The wounded and prisoners I
ordered to be collected, and sent to the guard-house.
About this time, which was about three or four o'clock
ih the afternoon. Lieutenant- Col. Chrystie arrived, and
took the command. He ordered me across the river to
get my wounds dressed. I remained a short time. Our
flanking parties had been driven in by the Indians but
General Wadsworth and other Officers arriving, we had a
short skirmish with them, and they retreated, and I
crossed the river.
The Officers engaged in storming the battery, were
Captains Wool and Ogilvie ; Lieutenants Kearney, Hugu-
nin, Carr, and Sammons, of the 43rd Regiment ; Lieuten
ant Gansevoort and Randolph of the Light ArtiUery, and
Major Lush of the Militia.
I recommend to your particular notice Lieuts. Ran
dolph, Carr, and Kearney, for their brave conduct ex
hibited during the whole of the action.
I have the honor to be.
Your most obedient humble Servant
John E. Wool, Capt. 13th Regt. Inft.
Colonel Van Rensselaer.

VII
THE BATTLE OF FRENCHTOWN
• Towards the close of the autumn. General Winchester,
having established himself at that point of the Miami,
whither General Tupper had, on the occasion of Major
Muir's retreat from Fort Wayne, been ordered' to dis
lodge us ; and thrown up on the right bank of the river a
strong fortification to which, in compliment to the Gov
ernor of the State of Ohio, the name of Fort Meigs had
been given, a detachment, consisting of about 50 men un
der the command of Major Reynolds of the Essex MiUtia,
with a three-pounder, and 200 Indians were sent to
Frenchtown' on the River Raisin, distant eighteen miles
frpm Amherstburg, to watch his movements. Here this
little party continued unmolested until the afternoon of
the I Sth of January, 1S13, when Colonel Lewis, who had
been detached from General Winchester's division, with
an advanced guard of nearly 800 men suddenly fell upon
them, and notwithstanding a very gallant resistance, in
the course of which, efficient service was rendered by the
three-pounder under Bombardier Kitson of the Royal
Artillery, aided simply by a few miUtia acting as gun
ners, compelled them to retire across some intermediate
open ground to a wood, distant nearly a mile from their
original position. Here the enemy were kept in check
not only by the fire from the three-pounder, but by a
'Frenchtown, now the city of Monroe, was so called because a
number of French families settled upon the banks of the river,
and built their houses near together, as was usual with this nation
ality. The stream was called Sturgeon river by the Indians,
because that fish was found there in large numbers, but Riviere
aux Raisins by the French, because, it is said, grapes grew in
abundance on its banks. l,'!2

MAJOR REYNOLDS REPULSED 1 33
running fusillade from the Militia, and Indians, chiefly of
the Pottawattomi tribe. After the conflict had con
tinued at this point upwards of half an hour. Major
Reynolds,' finding himself closely pressed by very superior
numbers, gave up the contest, the Americans suffering
him to effect his retreat without further interruption.
In this little affair the British loss was i Militia man and
3 Indians killed. That of the enemy was much more
severe, they themselves admitting 12 killed and 55
wounded. Colonel Lewis having established himself in
the position, sent immediate notice of his success to
General Winchester, who quitting Fort Meigs with the
main body of his army, pushed forward with all expe
dition, and effected a junction with Colonel Lewis on the
2 oth. The account of the repulse of Major Reynolds having
reached Amherstburg in the course of the night of the
I Sth, Colonel Procter, with a promptness and decision
which it is to be regretted had not marked his subse
quent operations, resolved on an instant advance upon
the captured position, before the enemy could have time
to fortify it. Accordingly the whole disposable force of
the garrison was ordered upon this service, and early on
the 19th, leaving a handful of men to occupy the fort,
he crossed the Detroit river opposite Amherstbiurg, with
'Major Ebenezer Reynolds, the commander of the Essex
Militia, was the son of a Commissary officer to the British troops
at Fort Detroit when it was a British possession. In the
autumn of 1812 he occupied Frenchtown with two companies of
militia, but on the advance ot Col. Lewis with a superior force was
obliged to retire. He took part in all the engagements of the
Right Division.
From Sept. 10th, 1833, tifl the 7th ot August, 1837, Major
Reynolds was Sheriff of the Western District.
His brother, Robert Reynolds, Deputy Assistant-Commis
sary-General, followed the fortunes of the army of the Right
• Division, and escaped when that army was defeated at Moravian-
town on Oct. 5th, 1813. He was born in Detroit in 1781, and
lived to an advanced age on his farm on the banks of the Detroit
near Amherstburg. His narrative of the events of the war is given
by Coffin in " 1812 ; The War and its Moral," p. 195.

134 THE BATTLE OF FRENCHTOWN
a body of 500 troops and militia, 800 Indians under the
Chief Roundhead, (Tecumseh being absent collecting re
inforcements) and 3 three-pounders. The different ves
sels being laid up for the season, parts of their crews
were ordered to serve with the artillery, and th^ two
companies of the Newfoundland Fencibles attached to
the brigade. No sight could be more beautiful than the
departure of this Uttle army from Amherstburg. It was
the depth of winter ; and the river at the point we crossed
being four miles in breadth, the deep rumbling noise of
the guns prolonging their reverberations like the roar of
distant thunder, as they moved along the ice, mingled
with the wild cries of the Indians, seemed to threaten
some convulsion of nature ; while the appearance of the
troops winding along the road, now lost behind some cliff
of rugged ice, now emerging into view, their polished
arms glittering in the sunbeams, gave an air of romantic
grandeur to the scene.
On the nigUt of the 21st, we halted and bivouacked in
the open air, about five miles from the enemy's position,
with no other protection from the cold than our great
coats, and the fires which were kindled at our feet. Two
hours before dawn, and we were again upon the advance
to the River Raisin, and on the 22nd, before daybreak,
came within sight of the enemy, occupying the position
lately held by Major Reynolds. Such was their security
and negligence that they had not thrown out a single
picket, and our line was actually half formed within
musket shot of their defences, before they were aware
even of our presence.
The conduct of Colonel Procter on this occasion has
ever been a matter of astonishment to me, and on no one
principle that I am aware of, can it be satisfactorily
accounted for. The Americans were lying in their beds ,
undressed and unarmed, and a prompt and forward
movement of the line, either would have enabled us to
have taken them with the bayonet at advantage, or to

GENERAL WINCHESTER TAKEN PRISONER 1 35
have seized the intermediate close fence, forming a para
pet from which they shortly afterwards so severely
annoyed us. Instead of this, he commenced firing his
three-pounders in answer to the alarm of the sentinels
who, at length perceiving us, had rapidly discharged
their muskets — thus affording them time and facility for
arming and occupying the only position from which they
could seriously check our advance. Resting their rifles
on the breastwork by which they were covered, the
Americans fought under every advantage, the dark line
of troops before them serving as a point of direction,
which could not fail to be perceived along the field of
snow by which they were surrotmded. Much execution
was done among the artillery and seamen. Placed in
front of the line, and singled out by their marksmen, the
officers and men of those departments were particularly
exposed, and many of the guns were abandoned from
want of hands to work them. The fire of the enemy was
not less galling to the troops, yet although faUing at
every step, they continued to advance with the utmost
resolution and gallantry. The action had continued
about an hour, when the American right, being entirely
broken by the Militia and Indians, a movement was made
to occupy the ground they had abandoned, and to take
them in flank. This manoeuvre succeeding, a corps of
Americans, to the number of four hundred, threw them
selves into the strong block-houses they had already con
structed since their arrival, where they continued to make
an obstinate defence. Meanwhile their right, and part
of the centre, closely foUowed across the ice by the
Indians, fell almost unresisting victims to the wrath of
their pursuers : and for nearly two miles along the road
by which they passed, the snow was covered with the
blood and bodies of the slain. Among the fugitives was
General Winchester himself, who, falling into the hands
of the Wyandot Chief Roundhead, was conducted, to
gether with his son — a handsome youth of sixteen — to
our rear.

136 THE BATTLE OF FRENCHTOWN
Here, being informed of the state of the action, he
immediately wrote an order in pencil to the officer com
manding the block-houses desiring him to surrender what
troops were under him as prisoners of war. This being
conveyed to Colonel Procter who was then in advance
with the left wing, which was fast establishing itself on
the flank of the enemy's position, the fire from oui: line
was discontinued, and an officer despatched with a flag
and the document in question. The result of this was
the surrender of a considerable body of men, who dread
ing to fall into the hands of the Indians had resolved to
sell their Uves at the dearest possible rate, and who could
not, without great difficulty, have been expeUed from
their formidable position. In this manner was the whole
of the American force annihilated — 150 men only of
those who had been routed early in the day, contriving
to effect their escape into Fort Meigs, the post so recently
established on the banks of the Miami. So complete was
the surprise of the enemy, that General Winchester,
when brought in, had no other covering than the dress
in which he slept.
In this affair which, if properly conducted, would have
been attended by little loss to the assailants, we had' 24
rank and file killed and 11 officers and 158 rank and file
wounded, exclusive of sergeants whose number is not
recorded. Colonel St. George, particularly distinguished
by his valor and exertions, received five wounds (the
despatch states four) several of them severe — and had a
horse shot under him. No officer was killed ; but among
the wounded were Ensign Kerr of the Royal Newfound
land Regiment, who was shot through the lungs, and
died a few days afterwards. Captain Tallon and Lieut.
Clemow of the 41st, Lieut. Troughton of the Artillery,
and Lieuts. Rolette and Irvine of the Navy. The con
duct of this latter officer, whose gallantry at the capture
of the Caledonia has already been described, was marked

General James Winchester.

LIEUT. IRVINE S DARING FEAT 1 37
on this occasion by the same coolness and resolution. In
a forward movement made upon the enemy in the heat of
the action, but in which we had been checked by the
desperate fire of their riflemen, one of the three-pounders
had been abandoned not twenty yards from the fence.
The Americans eagerly sought to obtain possession of
this, and leaped the breastwork for the purpose of drag
ging it immediately under cover of their own fire. Their
object, however, was seen and frustrated by the British
line, which had not retired many yards before it again
halted and renewed the contest, compelling the Ameri
cans to retire behind their breastwork. Lieutenant
Irvine saw the peril of the gun, and, under cover of a
heavy fire which was thrown into the enemy at that
moment, he advanced, seized the drag rope, and bore it
off. This daring feat, performed in presence of, and be
tween, the two armies, was not without its penalty. Mr.
Irvine received a wound immediately in the centre of his
heel, the ball entering and saturating his boot, which
was with some difficulty removed, with blood ; and from
the effect of this he suffered for some time. The ball
was never found.
Another individual who deserves honorable mention
here was a young midshipman, a brother' of the writer of
this narrative, and the son of a medical officer who had
long served in the country. This youth, then only
fourteen years of age, had ever been anxious to find him
self engaged in an affair with the enemy, but no oppor
tunity having presented itself on the lake, he had resolved
to seize the first favorable occasion on land. Disobeying
the positive order given him to remain behind,, he joined
the division during the bivouac of the night , preceding
'This was Robert Richardson, the next and favorite brother of
the author, born at Queenston, Sept. 10th, 1798, died June 7th,
1819. For a description of this battle see the letter of the author,
written to his uncle after the return of the army to Amherstburg.

138 THE BATTLE OF FRENCHTOWN
the action, and attaching himself to his department, was
among the number of those singled out by the enemy's
marksmen. While in the act of applying a match to one
of the guns, he was struck by a ball, which shattered his
right leg and felled him to the earth. Doctor Richardson
had been called on, in his medical capacity, to attend the
expedition, and was then with the staff in the rear. The
first care of this gallant and exceUent boy was to conceal
his wound from his father ; and he begged those who
bore him from the field to convey him to a position re
mote from that occupied by the staff, and to request the
surgeon of the 41st to attend him, which was accordingly
done. After having suffered intensely, but with manly
and enduring courage, for six months, he was at length
enabled to remove to Quebec, where, his conduct being
generaUy known, he was taken into favor by the Com
mander-in-Chief, who gave him the commission of a lieu
tenant in one of the provincial corps. Sir John Harvey
and Sir George Murray, then Colonels in theservice, and
fiUing the important offices of Adjutant- General and
Quarter-Master-General to the army in Canada, were
also forward in affording the most flattering testimony of
their esteem ; and this spirited youth had the cheering
consolation to know that, although afflicted with a wound
which eventually cost him his life, the noble ardor devel
oped at so early a stage of his existence was not without
its reward, in the approval of men whose high military
rank and character invested their individual regard with
a ten-fold value.
The following extract from a letter from the first-named
gallant Officer, dated November, 1839, contains so flatter
ing a reminiscence of the devoted boy that it would be
an injustice to his memory to withhold it. "I am
favored with your very interesting communication of the
22nd inst. by which I learn that you are the brother of
two youths, whose gallantry and merits — and with regard

INGRATITUDE OF A PRISONER 1 39
to one of -them, his sufferings — during the late war,
excited my warmest admiration and sympathies ; and
(continues Sir John, under an erroneous impression that
his young protege had been subsequently married) I will
add, that the desire I felt to serve the father will be found
to extend itself to the son, if your nephew should ever
find himself under circumstances to require from me any
service which it may be within my limited power to
render him."
In the same engagement Mr. William CaldweU' of
Amherstburg, who was attached to the Indians, had a
very narrow escape. Among the number of those of the
enemy who first broke and fled across the ice, was an
officer who, overtaken by an Indian, and in the act of
being tomahawked, was saved by the interposition of this
gentleman. As he was conducting him toward the
principal scene of action, the American officer drew his
knife, at a moment when Mr. Caldwell was off his guard,
and springing upon his deliverer, made an incision along
his throat, nearly from ear to ear. The wound fortunately
was not deep, and Mr. Caldwell, who was an extremely
powerful and active person, with great presence of mind^
'Col. William Caldwell, of Amherstburg, was a native ot Ireland,
and immigrated to the southern colonies of America before the
Revolutionary War. When the colonies rebelled he took the
Loyalist side, and was appointed an officer in one of the colonial
regiments, but was transferred to that celebrated corps, Butler's
Rangers, in which he held the rank of Captain. He took part in
all the battles, raids and forays of this corps, and after the war
settled in the township of Maiden. On the breaking out of the
War of 1812 he was appointed Quarter-Master-General of the
militia on the western frontier. His influence with the Wyandots
was such as to secure their aid for the British in the war. He and
bis four sons took part in all the engagements of the Right Division.
William, Jr., was a Captain in the 1st Essex Militia, and Thomas
and Francis, Lieutenants, in the same regiment. The latter was
wounded seven times during the war. Another son, James,
served through the war.
Francis Caldwell was elected a member of the Legislative
Assembly, for the County of Essex in 1835, and re-elected in 1840.
Edwin Caldwell was Collector of Customs at Amherstburg from
1831 till 1857.

140 THE BATTLE OF FRENCHTOWN
caught the arm which had attempted his destruction, and
drawing forth a dagger, with which he was provided,
thrust it repeatedly into the body of his assailant until
death had freed him from all further apprehension — Mr.
Caldwell's wound was soon healed.
The appearance of the American prisoners captured at
Frenchtown was miserable to the last degree. They had
the air of men to whom cleanliness was a virtue unknown,
and their squalid bodies were covered by habiliments that
had evidently undergone every change of season, and
were arrived at the last stage of repair. It has already
been remarked that it was the depth of winter ; but
scarcely an individual was in possession of a great coat or
cloak, and few of them wore garments of wool of any
description. They still retained their summer dress,
~ consisting of cotton stuff of various colors, shaped into
frocks, and descending to the knee : their trowsers were
of the same material. They were covered with slouched
hats, worn bare by constant usej beneath which their long
hair fell matted and uncombed over their cheeks ; and
these, together with the dirty blankets wrapped around
their loins to protect them against the inclemency of the
season, and fastened by broad leathern belts, into which
were thrust axes and knives of an enormous length, gave
them an air of wildness and savageness, which in Italy
would have caused them to pass for brigands of the
Apennines. The only distinction between the garb of
the officer and that of the soldier was, that the one, in
addition to his sword, carried a short rifle instead of a
long one, while a dagger, often curiously worked and of
some value, supplied the place of the knife. This descrip
tion may be considered as appUcable to the various
hordes of irregular troops sent forth throughout the war
from the States of Ohio and Kentucky. The equipment
was ever the same, and differing only inasmuch as their
opportunities of preserving or renewing it were more or
less frequent.

PROCTER'S OFFICIAL REPORT 141
During the short period the American prisoners
remained in Amherstburg, I had an opportunity of
rendering a slight service to General Winchester, for
which he appeared particularly grateful. This was
replied to, moreover, by a request that I would accept a
very handsomely-mounted pair of pistols which were
with his baggage. The Indians however had forestalled
me in the possession, and I believe the General never
recovered a single article even of wearing apparel.
The following is the British Official Report of the
battle of the River Raisin. Those of General Winchester
and of General Harrison will be found succeeding it.
From Colonel Procter to Major-General Sheaffe,
Sandwich, January 25, 1813.
My Dear General, — In my last despatch I acquainted
you, that the enemy was in the Michigan territory, march
ing upon Detroit. I therefore deemed it requisite that he
should be attacked without delay, and with all and every
description of force within my reach. Early in the morning,
on the 19th, I was informed of his being in possession of
Frenchtown, on the River Raisin, 26 miles from Detroit,
after experiencing every resistance that Major Reynolds,
of the Essex militia, had it in his power to make, with a
3 -pounder, well served and directed by bombardier Kitson
of the Royal Artillery, and the militiamen, whom he
had well trained to the use of it. The retreat of the gun
was covered by a brave band of ' Indians, who made the
enemy pay dearly for what he obtained. The Indians
fell back, i8 miles to Brown's Town, the settlement of the
brave Wyandots, where I directed my force to assemble.
On the 2 ist instant, I advanced 12 miles to Swan Creek,
whence we marched to the enemy, and attacked him at
break of day, on the 22nd instant, and after experiencing,
for our numbers, a considerable loss, about half of the
enemy's force, posted in houses and enclosures, and
which, in dread of falling into the hands of the Indians,
they most obstinately defended, at last surrendered at dis
cretion ; the other part of their force, in attempting to
retum whence they came, were, I beUeve, all, or perhaps
excepting a very few, killed by the Indians. Brigadier-
General Winchester was taken in the pursuit by the

142 THE BATTLE OF FRENCHTOWN
Wyandot Chief Roundhead. He was cut off from those
who were posted, and whom he afterwards surrende«Eed.
I had much difficulty in bringing the Indians to con
sent to the sparing of their lives.
You will perceive that I have lost no time ; indeed, there
was none to spare, as they would have been joined by
Mr. Harrison in a few days, and the people of Detroit had
already begun to show themselves. The troops, the
marine, and the miUtia displayed great bravery ; all
behaved well. Where so much zeal and spirit were dis
played by all it would be unjust to attempt to particularize:
I shall only venture to mention some of the wounded.
Lieut.-Col. St. George, who received four wounds in a
gallant attempt to occupy a building favorably situated
for the enemy's annoyance ; Ensign Kerr, of the Royal
Newfoundland Regiment, who, I fear, is very danger
ously wounded. The zeal and courage of the Indian
Department were never more conspicuous than on this
occasion. The Indian warriors displayed their usual
courage. I am much indebted to the different depart
ments, the troops having been well and timely supplied
with every requisite the district can afford.
We feel the insufficiency of surgical assistance. If the
Indians had not appeared quite so soon in the enemy's
rear, which deterred them from quitting their fastness,
scarcely a man could have escaped death. I send my
A.D.C, Lieutenant McLean,' with this despatch. He
will be able to answer any question respecting the affair
of Frenchtown that you may be desirous of asking, or
concerning our situation here generally. I have decided
to the best of my judgment respecting the prisoners,
which is to send them by the River Thames, to be passed
'Lieut. A. H. McLean, of the 41st Regiment, who was A.D.C. to
Colonel Procter, was the son of Donald McLean, Clerk ot the
Legislative Assembly, who was killed while bravely opposing the
landing of the Americans at York on April 27th, 1813. He was a
zealous and painstaking officer, and was in every engagement in
the west, and also the battle of Moraviantown. After the close of
the war he went to England with his regiment, and thence to
India, where he took part in the severe fighting of the first Burmese
war. When he retired from the army he came to Canada, and
lived on a farm in the township of Scarborough, a few miles east
of Toronto. Here he still kept a connection with military affairs,
and was appointed Colonel, and was in command during the
troubles ot 1837. His narrative of the battle of Moraviantown was
used by Coffin in that writer's description of the event.

PROCTER'S OFFICIAL REPORT 1 43
over on your frontier. The reasons for not sending them
back the route by which they came are so obvious that I
shall not, except required, obtrude them on you ; indeed,
I see no option or arrangement that could be made but
the one directed.
I, fortunately, have not been deprived of the services
of Lieutenant Troughton of the Royal Artillery, and
acting in the Quarter-Master-General's Department, al
though he was wounded. I am indebted much to his
zeal and unwearied exertions. I could wish his continu
ance in the Quarter-Master-General's Department. Were
it not unjust to particularize any corps, where all did
their utmost, I would mention the zeal and courage of
the Royal Artillery. Each officer is deserving of being
named, could I do it within the compass of a despatch.
I enclose a list of the killed and wounded. I lament
there having been so many of both ; but of the latter a large
proportion will return to duty, and most of them before
long. Before this reduction of my force, I had too few
for the defence cf this frontier. May I not hope that you
will send me a company of the 41st Regiment ? You are
aware of the insufficiency of my means. I also send a
return of the arms, ammunition, etc., taken on the 22nd
inst. , likewise of the prisoners, who you will perceive to
be equal to my utmost force, exclusive of the Indians,
who, though a powerful aid, are an uncertain one, being
dependent on success, and which would have strongly
appeared had I failed on the 22nd instant, nor could I
have been sure of the miUtia in the eveni; of any disaster.
I have not heard it officially, but I believe that a party of
the enemy, one hundred, bringing 500 hogs for General
Winchester's force, has been completely cut off. I shall
defer until the next opportunity, which shall be in a few
days, saying anything more, having already detained
Lieut. McLean too long, of whose courage and exertions
displayed on the 22nd inst. I would speak, did I think it
just to attempt particularizing anyone, especially when I
may be supposed partial.
I remain, my dear General, faithfuUy yours,
Henry Procter, Colonel Commanding.
Major-General Sheaffe,
Fort George.

144 THE BATTLE Olf FRENCHTOWN
To Major-General Sheaffe, &c. , &c. , &c.
Fort George.
Return of prisoners taken after the action at Riviere au
Raisin, on the 22nd dayof January, 1813.
I Brigadier-general ; i colonel ; i major ; 9 captains ;
6 lieutenants ; 10 ensigns ; i brigade-major ; i adju
tant ; . I quartermaster ; 2 surgeons ; 27 sergeants ; 435
rank and file. — total, 495.
N.B. — The Indians have brought in and delivered up
several prisoners since the above return was taken ; they
continue to do so this morning, so that this return is not
perfectly correct, nor can a correct one be procured until
they arrive at Sandwich.
FeUx Troughton, R.A.
Act. Dep. Assist. Quarter-Master-Gen.
Return of the killed and wounded in the action at
Riviere au Raisin, 22nd January, 1S13.
Royal Artillery ; — i sergeant, i gunner, killed ; i
lieutenant, i corporal, i bombardier, 5 gunners, wounded.
loth Royal Veteran Battalion ; — 2 privates wounded.
41st Foot ; — 15 privates, killed ; i captain, i lieuten- -
ant, 3 sergeants, i corporal, 91 privates, wounded.
Royal Newfoundland Regiment ; — i private killed ; i
ensign, i sergeant, 3 corporals, 13 privates, wounded.
Marine Department ; — i seaman, killed ; 2 lieutenants,
I midshipman, i gunner, 12 seamen wounded.
ist Essex MiUtia ; — 2 privates, killed ; i captain, 2
lieutenants, 2 sergeants, 7 privates, wounded.
2nd Essex Militia ; — 3 privates, killed ; i ensign, 3
privates, wounded.
Staff ;--i lieutenant-colonel, wounded.
Total; — I sergeant, i gunner, 21 privates, i seaman,
killed ; i lieutenant-colonel, 2 captains, 6 lieutenants, 2
ensigns, i midshipman, 6 sergeants, 5 corporals, i bom
bardier, 6 gunners, 116 privates, 12 seamen, wounded.
General total : — 24 killed ; 158 wounded.
Names of the Officers wounded.
Royal Artillery ; — Lieutenant Troughton.
41st foot ; — Captain Tallon and Lieutenant Clemow.
Royal Newfoundland Regiment ; — Ensign Kerr (since
dead). Marine Department ; — Lieutenants Rolette and Irvine,
and Midshipman Richardson.

GENERAL WINCHESTER'S OFFICIAL REPORT 1 45
ist Essex Militia ; — Captain MiUs, and Lieutenants
McCormick and Gordon.
2nd ditto ; — Ensign Claude Garvin.
Staff ';— Lieut.-Colonel Thomas B. St. George, I.F.O.
Militia. FeUx Troughton, Lt. R. A.
Act. Dep. Assist. Quarter-Master- Gen.

From Brigadier-General Winchester to the American
Secretary of War. Maiden, January 23rd, 1813.
Sir, — A detachment from the left wing of the North
western Army under my command at Frenchtown, on
the river Raisin, was attacked on the 22nd instant by a
force greatly superior in number, aided by several pieces
of artillery. The action commenced at the dawn of day ;
the picquet guards were driven in, and a heavy fire
opened on the whole line, by which a part thereof was
thrown into disorder ; and being ordered to retire a small
distance in order to form on more advantageous ground,
I found the enemy doubling our flank with force and
rapidity. A destructive fire was sustained for some time ; at
length borne down by numbers, the few of us that re
mained with the party that retired from the lines,
submitted. The remainder of our force, in number about
400, continued to defend themselves with great gallantry,
in an unequal contest against small arms and artillery,
until I was brought in as a prisoner to that part of the
field occupied by the enemy.
At this latter place, I understood that our troops were
defending themselves in a state of desperation ; and was
informed by the commanding officer of the enemy, that
he would afford them an opportunity of surrendering
themselves prisoners of war ; to which I acceded. I was
the more ready to make the surrender from being assured,
that unless done quickly, the buildings adjacent would
be immediately set on fire, and that no responsibility
would be taken for the conduct of the savages, who were
then assembled in great numbers.
In this critical situation, being desirous to preserve the
lives of a number of our brave fellows who still held out,
I sent a flag to them, and agreed with the commanding
officer of the enemy, that tl\ey should be surrendered

146 THE BATTLE OF FRENCHTOWN
prisoners of war, on condition of being protected from the
savages, allowed to retain their private property, and
having their side-arms returned to them. It is iippossible
for me to ascertain, with certainty, the loss we have sus
tained in this action, from the impracticability of know
ing the number who have made their escape.
Thirty-five officers, and about 487 non-commissioned
officers, and privates, are prisoners of war. A list of the
names of the officers is herewith enclosed to you. Our
loss in killed is considerable.
However unfortunate may seem the affair of yesterday,
I am flattered by a belief, that no material error is
chargeable upon myself, and that still less censure is
deserved by the troops I had the honor of commanding.
With the exception of that portion of our force which
was thrown into disorder, no troops have ever behaved
with more determined intrepidity.
I have the honor to be, with high respect
Your obedient Servant,
James Winchester,
Brig.-Gen. U.S. Army.
Hon. Secretary at War.
N.B. — The Indians have still a few prisoners in their
possession, which I have reason to hope will be given up
to Colonel Procter, at Sandwich. James Winchester, Brig.-Gen.

From Major-General Harrison, to Governor Shelby.
Camp on Carrying Rock, 15 miles from
the Rapids, January 24th, 18 13.
My dear Sir,
I send Colonel WeUs to you, to communicate the par
ticulars (as far as we are acquainted with them) of an
event that will overwhelm your mind with grief, and fill
your whole State with mourning.
The greater part of Colonel Wells's regiment. United
States Infantry, and the ist and 5th regiments Kentucky
Infantry, and Allen's rifle regiment, under the immediate
orders of General Winchester have been cut to pieces by
the enemy, or taken prisoners. Great as the calamity is,
I still hope that, as far as it relates to the objects of the
campaign, it is not irreparable. As soon as I was informed
of the attack upon General Winchester, about 12 o'clock
on the 22nd instant, I set out, to overtake the detachment

GENERAL HARRISON'S REPORT 1 47
of Kentucky troops, that I had sent that morning to
reinforce him, and I directed the only regiment that I had
with me to follow. I overtook Major Robb's detachment
at the distance of 6 miles ; but before the troops in the
rear could get up, certain information was received of
General Winchester's total defeat.
A council of war was called, and it was the unanimous
opinion of the Generals Payne and Perkins, and all the
field officers, that there was no motive that could author
ize an advance but that of attacking the enemy and that
success was not to be expected after a forced march of 40
miles against an enemy superior in number, and well
provided with artillery. Strong detachments of the most
. active men were, however, sent forward on all the roads, to
assist and bring in such of our men as had escaped. The
whole number that reached our camp does not exceed 30,
amongst whom were Major McClanehan and Captain
Claves. Having a large train of heavy artillery, and stores com
ing on this road from W. Sandusky under an escort of
four companies, it was thought advisable to fall back to
this place, for the purpose of securing .them. A part of
it arrived last evening, and the rest is within 30 miles.
As soon as it arrives, and a reinforcement of three regi
ments from the Virginia and Pennsylvania brigades, I
shall again advance, and give the enemy an opportunity
. of measuring their strength with us once more.
Colonel Wells will communicate some circumstances,
which, while they afflict and surprise, will convince you
that Kentucky has lost none of her reputation for valor,
for which she is famed. The detachment to the River
Raisin was made without my knowledge or consent, and
in direct opposition to my plans. Having been made, how
ever, I did everything in my power to reinforce them,
and a force exceeding by 300 men that which General
Winchester deemed necessary was on its way to join him,
and a fine battalion within 14 miles of its destination.
After the success of Colonel Lewis, I was in great
hopes that the post could be maintained. Colonel Wells
will communicate my future views to you, much better
than I can do in writing at this time.
I am, dear Sir, &c.,
W. H. Harrison.
His Excellency Governor Shelby.

VIII
THE BATTLE OF THE MIAMI
Far from being discouraged by the discomfiture of their
armies under Generals HuU and Winchester, the Ameri
cans despatched a third and more formidable, under one
of their most experienced commanders. General Harrison,
who reaching Fort Meigs shortly subsequent to the affair
at Frenchtown, directed his attention to the construction
of works which rendered his position in some measure
impregnable. Determined if possible to thwart the views of
the enemy, and give a finishing stroke to his movements
in that quarter. General Procter (lately promoted) ordered
an expedition to be in readiness to move for the Miami.
Accordingly, towards the close of April, a detachment of
the 41st, some militia, and 1,500 Indians, accompanied by
a train of battering artillery, and attended by two gun
boats, proceeded up that river, and established them
selves on the left bank, at the distance of a mile from the
site selected for our batteries. The season was unusually
wet, yet, in defiance of every obstacle, they were erected
the same night in front of the American fortress, and the
guns transported along a road in which the axle-trees of
the carriages were frequently buried in mud. Among
other battering pieces, were two 24-pounders — splendid
guns which we had captured at Detroit — in the transpor
tation of which 200 men with several oxen, were em
ployed from nine o'clock at night untU daybreak in the
morning. At length every preparation having been
made, a shot from one of the gun-boats was the signal for
their opening, and early on the morning of the ist of
May, a heavy fire was commenced, and continued for four
days without intermission, during: which period everyone
148

BRITISH BATTERIES CAPTURED 149
of the enemy's batteries, within our range, was silenced
and dismantled. The fire of the 24-pounder battery was
principally directed against the powder magazine, which
the besieged were busily occupied in covering and pro
tecting from our hot shot. It was impossible to have
artillery better served ; every ball that was fired sank into
the roof of the magazine, scattering the earth to a consid
erable distance, and burying many of the workmen in its
bed, from whence we could distinctly perceive the sur
vivors dragging forth the bodies of their .slaughtered
comrades. The officers, whom duty or curiosity drew to
the ground — often pointed the guns— a favor on the part
of the artillerymen, which was generally repaid by a glass
of rum or whiskey, both which liquors were extremely
scarce with us and were prized accordingly. Meanwhile
the flank companies of the 41st, with a few Indians, had
been detached to the opposite shore, within a few hun
dred yards of the enemy's works, and had constructed a
battery, from which a galling cross-fire was maintained.
Dismayed at the success of our operations, General Har
rison, already apprized before our arrival of the approach
of a reinforcement of 1,500 men, then descending the
Miami under General Clay, contrived to despatch a
courier on the evening of the 4th, with an order for that
officer to land immediately, and possess himself of our
batteries on the left bank, while he (General Harrison)
sallied forth to carry those on the right. Accordingly, at
eight o'clock on the morning of the 5th, General Clay
pushed forward the whole of his force, and meeting with
no opposition at the batteries, which were entirely un
supported, proceeded to spike the guns in conformity
with his instructions ; but elated with his success, and
disobeying the positive order of his chief, which was' to
retire the instant his object was effected, he continued to
occupy the position. In the meantime the flying artil
lerymen had given the alarm, and three companies of the

150 THE BATTLE OF THE MIAMI
41st, several of militia, and a body of Indians, the latter
under Tecumseh, were ordered to move on the instant,
and repossess themselves of the works. The rain, which
had commenced early in the morning, continued to fall
with violence, and the road, as has already been described,
was knee-deep with mud, yet the men advanced to the
assault with the utmost alacrity and determination. The
main bodyof our small detachment, under Major Muir, ad
vanced against the American left and centre which had de
ployed into the woods, while Major Chambers, an officer
whose gallantry in the field was ever remarkable, boldly
attacked their right then occupying the principal battery.
On approaching the position he threw away his sword,
and seizing the accoutrements and musket of a soldier of
his own company whp had been shot dead a moment be
fore, called out in a voice and manner which was charac
teristic of the man, and which rather denoted indignation
that the enemy should have had the presumption to carry
the position than anything else, ' ' Who' 11 follow me and
retake that battery?" I was immediately behind him at
the time, and as enthusiastically replied (excited no doubt
by the example before me) that I would. Lieutenant
Bullock, who had been wounded over the left eye
a day or two before, on the opposite side of the river,
yet who, when apprized of the capture of the batteries,
had left his tent for the purpose of aiding in their recov
ery, together with Lieutenant Clements (of the 41st also)
were a few paces in the rear, and these officers, followed
by not more than a dozen men who happened to be near at
the time, pressed eagerly forward in compliance with the
invitation of our dashing leader. It is a matter of perfect
surprise to me, even at this hour, that our Uttle force,
which I have rather overrated, had not been annihilated to
a man ; for the Americans were in strength, and of
course perfectly under shelter, and the easy conquest we
obtained (for they fled as we drew near to the battery)
can only be attributed to the fact that their centre and

clay's division defeated 151
left were being sorely pressed by the detachment under
Major Muir, and the Indians under Tecumseh. In an
account of this action, recently published by Captain Le
Breton, residing near By town,' and then a Lieut, in the
Newfoundland Regiment, that officer states himself to
have been one of those who entered the battery with
Major Chambers. Of course this is the fact, although
my recollection does not embrace any other officers than
those I have named, as being present on the occasion.
Driven from the batteries, the enemy in vain sought
for safety in the woods. The murderous fire of the
Indians, which had already dispersed their main body,
drove them back upon their pursuers, until in the end
there was no possibility of escape, and their army was
wholly destroyed. A vast number were killed, and inde
pendently of the prisoners taken by the Indians, 450,
with their second in command, fell into our hands. A
somewhat curious and characteristic anecdote may be
related of a soldier (an Irishman) of the 41st, who being
in a position in the woods, isolated from his own party,
contrived to disarm and make prisoners of three Ameri
cans who were opposed to him. On joining his company
towards the close of the affair, preceded by his prizes,
¦and sweating beneath the weight of arms, he declared
with great naivete and indifference that he had with great
difficulty surrounded, and made them his prisoners.
Of the wholeof the division under General Cla j', not more
than 150 men effected their escape, and among the fugi
tives was that officer himself. The sortie made, by order
of General Harrison, on the right bank of the river had
'Bytown was the name by which the present city of Ottawa was
known before it was selected as the permanent seat of the govern
ment of Canada. Bytown took its name from Lieut.-Col. By of
the Royal Engineers, who constructed the Rideau canal from the
present site ot the city of Ottawa to Kingston. This canal was
projected for the purpose of providing a safer route for the for
warding of troops and supplies to the Upper Lakes, than that
•offered by the St. Lawrence, in the event of another war with the
tlnited States.

152 THE BATTLE OF THE MIAMI
a different result. The detachment supporting the bat
tery already described were driven from their position
and two officers (Lieutenants Mclntyre and Hailes) , and
thirty men were made prisoners. Meanwhile, it having
been discovered that the guns on the left bank, owing to
some error on the part of the enemy, had been spiked
with the ramrods of their muskets, instead of the usual
instruments, they were speedily rendered serviceable, and
the fire from the batteries was renewed. At this moment
a white flag was observed waving on the ramparts of the
fort, and the courage and perseverance of the troops ap
peared at length as if about to be crowned by the surren
der of a fortress, the siege of which had cost them so much
trouble and privation. Such, however, was far from be
ing the intention of General Harrison. Availing him
self of the cessation of hostilities which necessarily en
sued, he caused the officers and men just captured to be
sent across the river for the purpose of being exchanged;'
but this was only a feint for the accomplishment of a
'An agreement for the exchange of prisoners, made between
Brig.-Genl. Procter, Commanding His Britannic Majesty's Forces
inthe Miamis, and Maj.-Genl. Harrison, Commanding the North
Western Army of the United States.
The prisoners of the Kentncky Militia, now in possession of
General Procter, to be sent to the River Huron, upon the condition
of not serving against Great Britain or her allies during the war
between that power and the United States. Captain Price, ot the
First Regiment, United States Light Artillery, and twenty regulars
of the United States Army, now in possession of General Procter,
will be considered as exchanged, and permitted to serve after the
termination of one month.
Lieuts. Mclntyre and Hailes, of the 41st Regiment, and thirty-
nine privates, are also to be exchanged, but are not to serve,
except in garrison duty, until the expiration of one month.
A return of prisoners, released on each side, to be furnished to
the respective commissaries of each nation, and the surplusage to
be accounted for in a future settlement of the account of prisoners,
agreeably to the tariff of exchange, heretofore established.
Headquarters Camp, Miamis, 9th May, 1813.
Hbney Pkoctee, Col., Commanding His Britannic
Majesty's Forces on the Miamis.
Wm. Hy. Harrison, Maj.-Genl., Commanding^
the North Western Army of the United States.

massacre OF PRISONERS 1 53
more important object. Drawing up his whole force,
both of cavalry and infantry, on the plain beneath the
fortress, he caused such of the boats of General Clay's
division as were laden with ammunition, of which the
garrison stood much in need, to be dropped under the
works, and the stores to be immediately disembarked.
All this took place during the period occupied in the ex
change of prisoners. The remaining boats, containing
the baggage and private stores of the division, fell into
the hands of the Indians, still engaged in the pursuit of
the fugitives, and the plunder they acquired was immense.
General Harrison having secured his stores, and received
the officers and men exchanged for his captives, with
drew into the garrison, and the bombardment was re-com
menced. The victory obtained at the Miami' was such as to re
flect credit on every branch of the service ; but the satis
faction arising from the conviction was deeply embittered
by an act of cruelty, which, as the writer of an impartial
memoir, it becomes my painful duty to record. In the
heat of the action a strong corps of the enemy, who had
thrown down their arms, and surrendered themselves
prisoners of war, were immediately despatched, under
an escort of fifty men, for the purpose of being embarked
in the gun-boats, where it was presumed they would be
safe from the attacks of the Indians. This measure,
however, although dictated by the purest humanity, and
apparently offering the most probable means of security,
proved one of fatal import to several of the prisoners.
On gaining our encampment, then entirely deserted by
the troops, they were assailed by a few cowardly and
treacherous Indians, who had borne no share in the action, ,
yet who now, guided by the savage instinct of their nature,
forced the British guard, and, selecting their victims,
commenced the work of blood. In vain did the harassed
'For this victory the 41st Regiment bears on its colors the word,
Miami.

154 THE BATTLE OP THE MIAMI
and indignant escort attempt to save them from the fury
of their destroyers ; the frenzy of these wretches knew
no bounds, and an old and excellent soldier of the name
of Russell, of the 41st, was shot through the heart while
endeavoring to wrest a victim from the grasp of his as
sailant. Forty of these unhappy men had already fallen
beneath the steel of the infuriated party, when Tecum
seh, apprized of what was doing, rode up at full speed,
and raising his tomahawk, threatened to destroy the first
man who resisted his injunction to desist. Even on those
lawless people, to whom the language of coercion had
hitherto been unknown, the threats and tone of the exas
perated chieftain produced an instantaneous effect, and
they retired at once humiliated and confounded. Never
did Tecumseh shine more truly himself than on this oc
casion ; and nought of the savage could be distinguished
save the color and the garb. Ever merciful and magnan
imous as he was ardent and courageous, the voice of the
supplicant seldom reached him in vain ; and although
war was his idol, the element in which he lived, his heart
was formed to glow with all the nobler and more gener
ous impulses of the warrior ; nor was his high character
less esteemed by ourselves than reverenced by the vari
ous tribes over which, in his quality of brother to the
Prophet, he invariably presided. In any other country,
and governing any other men, Tecumseh would have
been a hero ; at the head of this uncivilized and untract-
able people he was a savage ; but a savage such as civiliza
tion herself might not blush to acknowledge for her child.
Constantly opposed to the encroachments of the Americans
for a series of years previous to their rupture with Eng
land, he had combatted their armies on the banks of the
Wabash with success, and given their leaders proofs of
"a skill and judgment in defence of his native soil, which
would not have disgraced the earUer stages of military
science in Europe. General Harrison himself, a com
mander with whom he had often disputed the palm of

JAMES CORRECTED 1 55
victory, with the generous candor of the soldier, subse
quently ascribed to him virtues as a man, and abilities as
a warrior, commanding at once the attention and admira
tion of his enemies.
The survivors of this melancholy catastrophe were im
mediately conveyed on board the gun-boats moored in the
river ; and every precaution having been taken to prevent a
renewal of the scene, the escorting party proceeded to the
interment of the victims, to whom the rites of sepulture
were afforded even before those of our own men who had
fallen in the action. Colonel Dudley, second in command
of General Clay's division, was among the number of the
slain. In alluding to the painful occurrence above detailed
James states that ' ' Tecumseh buried his tomahawk in
the head of a Chippeway Chief whom he found actively
engaged in massacring some of Colonel Dudley's men."
He furthermore shows, that Colonel Dudley fell in an
ambuscade . prepared by a bodyof Indians, stationed in
the woods. Neither of these statements is correct —
Colonel Dudley was taken prisoner and subsequently
massacred in the manner just detailed, while Tecumseh
was spared the necessity of inflicting -the punishment at
tributed to him by an instant compliance with his will,
on the part of the insubordinate and guilty, but excited
Indians. In bright relief to this piece of treachery and atrocity
on the part of the Chippeways, (well known to be the
most .degenerate of the Indian race) let me hasten to
record the noble conduct of a warrior of a very different
tribe. Metoss, the head chief of the Sacs, was a tall, handsome
man about six feet in height, and with features (as is
peculiar indeed with the whole of this nation) essentially
classic and Roman. When dressed, or rather undressed
for battle, his body and limbs fantastically painted, and
his head ornamented with a handsome circlet of feathers.

156 THE BATTLE OF THE MIAMI
his tall and commanding figure presented the very beau
ideal of an Indian warrior. He was a resolute man, and
although by no means gifted with the eloquence or intell
ect of Tecumseh, was a sagacious and active leader — firm
in his attachment to British interests, and a most deter
mined foe of the Americans, for whom he had conceived
a hatred almost as powerful as that which actuated the
noble being who has just been named. The injuries in
flicted upon his red brethren rankled at his heart, and
appeared to be ever present to his recollection. Still he
could forgive an individual wrong, even when perpetrated
by those whom he had so much reason to abhor — in proof
of which, and to redeem the grossly maligned Indian
character, the following touching circumstances may be
related. During the early part of the siege, Metoss with his
warriors frequently passed over from the left to the right
bank of the river, (where the 41st flank companies were
Stationed, in support of the small battery which had been
constructed there) with a view of picking off such of the
enemy as showed themselves above or without the ram
parts of the fort. In these excursions the Sacs were
generally successful, and the enemy seldom went to the
river for water, for themselves or horses, without a shot
from a lurking Indian. Metoss himself killed several in
this way. One he contrived to make his prisoner, whom
he kept in his wigwam, well secured. On the day fol
lowing this capture, a favorite son of the chief — a fine lad
of about thirteen — insisted on accompanying his father
notwithstanding all entreaty to the contrary. By this
time the enemy had become so annoyed by the temerity
of the Indians who, under cover of the night, used to
creep close under the fort, that upon the appearance of
any of them on the skirt of the surrounding forest, a
shower of grape was instantly poured forth. Unhappily,
on this occasion, the American telescopes discovered Me
toss and his son in ambuscade, when a discharge of grape

NOBLE ACT OF METOSS 1 57
followed, and the poor boy was struck dead, dreadfully
mangled in his bowels. Almost frantic with grief, the
chief raised up the dead body, conveyed it to his canoe,
and recrossing the river, hastened to his wigwam, with
the stern determination of sacrificing his prisoner to the
manes of the deceased. Fortunately Mr. Robert Dickson,
who had brought the Sacs with him from the Mississippi,
and whose influence over the Indians has already been
shown to have been great, heard of the circumstance in
time to intercept Metoss on his way to his wigwam, and
to entreat that he would not destroy his prisoner, assuring
him, at the same time, that if he did so, instead of sur
rendering him to himself as he proposed he should. His
Great Father, the King, would hear of his refusal with
unfeigned sorrow. Metoss, who had torn off the gay
head-dress with which he ever went into battle, at length
yielded, and going to his wigwam, whither his son's body
had already been conveyed, he went up to the American,
E^nd severing with his knife the thongs by which he was
fastened, took him by the hand, and led him to Mr.
Dickson, saying in a mournful voice, " You tell me that
my Great Father wishes it — take him," and this noble-
hearted Indian, no longer able to suppress the feelings of
his bereaved heart, wept like a child. The gaudy colors
with which he was painted were soon replaced with black,
and many months passed away before he was again seen
to smile. The body of the young Indian was buried the next
day, and, out of respect to the father, with all military
honors. The funeral party, which was commanded by
Lieut. Bullock, proceeded to the wigwam of Metoss, where
the body of the young Chief was laid out— his little rifle,
with some powder and ball, and a supply of provisions,
according to Indian usage, being placed at his side.
About a dozen of the Sac tribe, all painted black, were
dancing what seemed to be a solemn war-dance around
the body, when suddenly Metoss rushed frantically into

I5S THE BATTLE OF THE MIAMI
the midst of the group, and exhibited every painful evi
dence of the most violent and ungovernable grief. With
difficulty he was removed from the body of his child,
when the corpse was taken up, and the party proceeded
towards the grave which had been dug in the midst of
our encampment, on the left bank of the Miami. The
black-painted Indians slowly followed, and after the
British party had fired the customary three rounds, they
discharged their rifles several times as fast as they could
load. The fierce wild air of the warriors, whose counte
nances evinced the strong desire they entertained of aven
ging the untimely death of the fallen youth, the origi
naUty of their costume, markedly contrasting as it did
with that of the officers and soldiers present at the cere
mony, andthe sombre silence which prevailed, heightened
in effect by the deep gloom of the forest in which they
were assembled, composed a wild and romantic picture,
in which melancholy grandeur shohe principaUy con
spicuous. When the expedition subsequently returned to Am
herstburg, Metoss, who had embarked in General Proc
ter's boat, was frequently observed to be in tears. He
later conceived a strong attachment for Lieut. BuUock,
principally by reason of that officer having commanded
the funeral party of his son. He made him a chief of his
tribe, and requested, as a great favor, that he would
assent to an exchange of names. This was of course
cheerfully complied with, for it was impossible not to
esteem and like the untutored warrior who had so nobly,
and in so affecting a manner, departed from the fierce
Indian law which, not only authorizes, but enjoins the
sacrifice of life for life.
On the evening of the second day after this event, I
accompanied Major Muir of the 41st, in a ramble
throughout the encampment of the Indians, distant a few
hundred yards from our own. The spectacle there offered
to our view was at once of the most ludicrous and re-

THE BOMBARDMENT INEFFECTUAL 1 59
vol ting nature. In various directions were lying the
trunks and boxes taken in the boats of Gen. Clay's di
vision, and the plunderers were busily occupied in dis-
pla5dng tJieir riches, carefully examining each article, and
attempting to divine its use. Several were decked out in
the uniforms of the officers ; and although embarrassed
to the last degree in their movements, and dragging with
difficulty the heavy military boots with which their legs
were for the first time covered, strutted forth much to the
admiration of their less fortunate comrades. Some were
habited in plain clothes ; others had their bodies clad in
clean white shirts, contrasting in no ordinary manner
with the swarthiness of their skins ; all wore some article
of decoration, and their tents were ornamented with sad
dles, bridles, rifles, daggers, swords, and pistols, many
of which were handsomely mounted and of curious work
manship. Such was the ridiculous part of the picture ;
but mingled with these, and in various directions, were
to be seen the scalps of the slain drying in the sun, stained
on the fleshy side with vermilion dyes, and dangling in the
air, as they hung suspended from the poles to which they
were attached ; together with hoops of various sizes, on
which were stretched portions of human skin taken from
various parts of the body, principally the hand and foot,
and yet covered with the nails of those parts ; while, scat
tered along the ground, were visible the members from
which they had been separated, and serving as nutriment
to the wolf-dogs by which the Indians were accompanied.
Since the action of the 5 th the enemy continued to keep
themselves shut up within their works, and the bombard
ment, although followed up with vigor, had effected no
practicable breach. From the report made by the officers
captured during the sortie from the fort, it appeared that,
with a toil and perseverance peculiar to themselves, the
Americans had constructed subterranean passages to pro
tect them from the annoyance of our shells, which sink
ing into beds of clay, softened by the incessant rains that

l6o THE BATTLE OF THE MIAMI
had fallen, instead of exploding, were immediately extin
guished. Impatient of longer privation, and anxious to
return to their families and occupations, the miUtia'
gradually withdrew themselves in small bodies, while the
Indians, enriched by plunder, and languishing under the
tediousness of a mode of warfare so different from their
own, with less ceremony and caution, left us to prosecute
the siege alone. Tecumseh at the head of his own tribe
(the Shawnees) and a few others, in all not exceeding four
hundred warriors, continued to remain. The troops also
were worn down by constant fatigue, for here, as in every
other expedition undertaken against the enemy, few even
¦of the officers had tents to shield them from the weather.
A few slips of bark torn from the surrounding trees, and
¦covering the skeleton of a hut, was their only habi
tation, and they were merely separated from the damp
-earth by a few .scattered leaves, over which was generally
'The following is the statement ot the Militia Captains to Lieut.-
¦Col. Warburton, Inspecting Field Officer of Militia : —
Camp Miamis, 6th May, 1813.
Sir,— We, the undersigned officers ot the first and second
Regiments of Essex and Kent Militia, beg leave to state to you, as
head ot the Militia, our opinion on the present circumstances ot
the Militia-men, and of the District in general.
From the situation of our district last fall but very short crops
•of grain were 'put in the ground, and these, small as they were,
will be rendered still less by the unfavorableness of last winter.
Under these unfavorable appearances the farmer had only the
resource left of putting in crops of spring wheat, and should they
be kept. here any longer, that of corn will also be out of thefr
power, and the consequence must be a famine next winter.
Indeed, the men are now detained with the greatest reluctance,
•some have already gone, and we are apprehensive that it will not
he in our power to detain them much longer.
We have the honor to be
Your obedient humble servants,
Wm. Shaw, Captain, Kent Militia.
Wm. Caldwell, Captain, 1st Regt., Essex.
Geo. Jacob, Captain, Kent Militia.
Wm. Buchanan, Captain, 1st Essex Militia.
John Dolson, Captain, Kent Riflemen.
Wm. Elliott, Captain, Essex Militia.
Wm. Sterling, Captain, Kent Mihtia.
Jas. Askin, Captain, 2nd Essex Militia.

THE SIEGE RAISED l6l
spread a great coat or blanket by the men, and a cloak by
the officers. Hence frequently arose dysentery, ague,
and the various other ills to which an army, encamped in
a wet and unhealthy position is invariably subject ; and
fortunate was he who possessed the ^skin of the bear or
the buffalo, whereon to repose his weary limbs, after
many consecutive hours of toil and privation which those
only, who have acquired practical experience in the wild
warfare peculiar to the country at that period, can fully
understand. Such was the position of the contending armies towards
the middle of May, when General Procter (very natur
ally) despairing to effect the reduction of Fort Meigs,
caused preparations to be made for raising the siege.
Accordingly the gun -boats ascended the river, and
anchored as near to the batteries as the lowness of the
water would permit. Here the battering ordnance was
embarked under a feeble fire from the enemy, and the
whole having been secured, the expedition returned to
Amherstburg, the Americans remaining tranquil spec
tators of our departure, nor offering further molestation.
It is a circumstance perhaps not unworthy of remark
here that in 1840, after a lapse of twenty-seven years
(during three and twenty of which I had been absent
from the country), I alone of the force engaged at the
siege of Fort Meigs, should have met with General
Harrison on the very spot which he so vigorously de
fended against us in 1813 ; and, yet more remarkable,
that the occasion of such meeting should have been the
commemoration of the events of that important period.
It was during the great delegation, or convention, which
preceded the gallant old General's elevation tothe Presi
dential chair, and when introduced to him by the Gov
ernor of Michigan, as one who had borne arms against
him during that siege, and had later become his prisoner,
I was received in that spirit of true and generous courtesy
which is ever characteristic of the soldier. It is but an

1 62 THE BATTLE OF THE MIAMI
act of justice to the memory of General- Harrison to
record here that, although the great object of the meet
ing — at which were present from fifty to sixty thousand
persons — deputed from almost every state in the Union
— was to honor him by celebrating his asserted triumph
over the British arms, there was, in his address to the
hushed multitude, when referring to his past services,
less of aUusion to those of the War of 1812, than to those
of the revolution.
The following is General Procter's official account of
the action. Upper Canada, Sandwich, May 14th, 1813.
Sir, — The usual communication being interrupted by
the capital of the Province being in the possession of the
enemy, I have judged it expedient to make a direct report
to your Excellency of our operations and present state in
this district.
In the expectation of being able to reach the enemy,
who had taken post near the foot of the Rapids of the
Miami, before the reinforcement and supplies could
arrive, for which only he waited to commence active
operations against us, I determined to attack him with
out delay, and with every means in my power ; but from
the necessary preparations and some untoward circum
stances, it was not in my power to reach him within three
weeks of the period I had proposed, and at which he
might have been captured or destroyed.
From the incessant and heavy rains we experienced,
and during which pur batteries were constructed, it was
not until the morning of the ist inst., the fifth day after
our arrival at the mouth of the river, twelve miles from
the enem}^ that our batteries c6uld be opened. Illness
from successive fatigue deprived me of the services early
of the only Artillery officer, on an occasion when three
would have found ample employment.
The enemy who occupied several acres of commanding
ground, strongly defended by block-houses, and batteries
well furnished with ordnance, had, during our approach,
so completely entrenched and covered himself, as to ren
der unavailing every effort of our artillery, though well
served, and in batteries most judiciously placed and con
structed under the able direction of Captain Dixon, of

GENERAL PROCTER'S OFFICIAL ACCOUNT 1 63
the Royal Engineers, of whose abiUty and unwearied
zeal, shown particularly on this occasion, 1 1 cannot speak
too highly.
Thougli our attack had not answered fully the purpose
intended, I have the satisfaction to inform your Excel
lency of the fortxmate result of an attack of the enemy,
aided by a sally of most of their garrison, made on the
morning of the 5th inst. , by a reinforcement which de
scended the river a considerable distance in a very short
time ; consisting of two corps of Kentucky Militia, Dud
ley's and Boswell's, amounting to 1,300 men, under the
command of Brigadier- General Green Clay. The attack
was very sudden, and on both sides of the river. The
enemy were for a few minutes in possession of our batter
ies, and took some prisoners. After a severe contest,
though not of long continuance, the enemy gave way, and
excepting the body of those who sallied from the fort,
must have been mostly killed or taken.
In this decisive affair, the officers and men of the 41st
Regt., who charged and routed the enemy near the bat
teries, well maintained the long-established reputation of
the corps. Where all deserve praise it is difficult to dis
tinguish. Captain Muir, an old officer, who has seen
much service, had the good fortune to be in the immedi
ate command of these branches. Besides my obligations
to Captain Chambers, for his unwearied exertions prepar
atory to, and on the expedition, as Deputy-Assistant-
Quarter-Master-General, I have to notice his gallant con
duct in the attack of the enemy near the batteries at
the point of the bayonet ; a service in which he was well
supported by Lieut. Bullock of the 41st Regt. and Lieut.
Le Breton of the Royal Newfoundland Regt. The courage
and activity displayed through the whole scene of action
by the Indian chiefs and warriors contributed largely to
our success. I have not been able to ascertain the
amount of the prisoners in possession of the Indians. I
have sent off agreeable to the agreement, near 500 prisoners
to the river Huron, near Sandusky.
I have proposed an exchange, which is referred to the
American Government.
I could not ascertain the amount of the enemy's loss
in killed, from the extent of the scene of action, and
mostly in the woods. I conceive his loss to have been
between 1,000 and 1,200 men in killed and prisoners.
These unfortunate people were not volunteers and com-

164 THE BATTLE OF THE MIAMI
plete Kentucky's quota. If the enemy had been permit
ted to receive his reinforcements and supplies undisturbed,
I should have had at this critical juncture to contend
with him for Detroit, or perhaps on this shore.
I had not the option of retaining my situation on the
Miami if it had appeared to me a judicious measure. The
mode in which the mihtia turned out raised hopes and
expectations that were very far from being realized in the
sequel. The day after the enclosed letter was received
half of the militia had left us and the remainder declared
their determination not to remain longer. I also received
a deputation from the Indian chiefs, counselling me to
return, as they could not prevent their people, as was
their custom after any battle of consequence, returning to
their viUages with their wounded, .their prisoners, and
plunder, of which they had taken a considerable quantity
in the boats of the enemy.
Before the ordnance could be withdrawn from the bat
teries, I was left with Tecumseh, and less than twenty
chiefs and warriors, (?) a circumstance which strongly
proves that, under present circumstances at least, our
Indian force is not a disposable one, or permanent, though
occasionaUy a most powerful aid. I have, however,
brought off all the ordnance ; and, indeed, have not left
anything behind ; part of the ordnance was embarked
under the fire of the enemy.
The service on which wehave been employed has been,
though short, a very severe one ; and too much praise
cannot be given to the officers and men, for the cheerful
ness with which, on every occasion, they met the service.
To Lieut.-Colonel Warburton I feel many obUgations for
the aid he zealously afforded me on every occasion. From
my Brigade-Major, Lieut. McLean, I received the same
zealous assistance as on former occasions. To Captain
Mockler, Royal Newfoundland Regt., who acted as my
Aide-de-Camp, I am much indebted for the assistance
afforded me.
Lieut. Le Breton, of the Royal Newfoundland Regt.,
assistant engineer, by his unwearied exertions, rendered
essential service, as did also Lieut. Gardiner, of the 41st
Regt., from his science in artillery. The Royal Artillery,
in the laborious duties they performed, displayed their
usual unwearied zeal, and were well assisted by the Royal
Newfoundland, (under Lieut. Garden) as additional gun-

GENERAL PROCTER'S OFFICIAL ACCOUNT 1 65
ners. The laborious duties which the marine, under the
command of Commodore Hall, have performed, have
been most cheerfully met, and the most essential service
rendered. I have the honor to send an embarkation return of the
force that served under my command at the Miami, ex
clusive of the Indians, who may be stated at 1,200.
I also enclose a return of our killed, wounded, and
prisoners, who have, however, been exchanged.
I had taken upon me to give the rank of major to the
six captains of the line, as militia were employed on the
same service with them ; some of them are old officers ;
all of them deserving ; any mark of your Excellency's
approbation of them would be extremely grateful to me.
I beg leave to mention the four volunteers of the 41st
Regt., Wilkinson, Richardson, Laing, and Procter, as de
serving of promotion.
Your Excellency will perceive that the reinforcement
you intended I should have long since received has not
been sent ; nor do I expect to receive any whilst any cir
cumstance may seem to justify their detention. I had
only half the 41st Regt. before the late action. Daily ex
perience more strongly proves that a regular force is abso
lutely requisite to ensure the safety of this district, and
which may be endangered by the detention of the in
tended reinforcement. My Brigade Major, Lieut. McLean,
who is the bearer of my reports, will be able to give your
Excellency any further information relative to this district
or our late movements that may be required. I hope by
sending him, and by the only service route at present,
will meet with your Excellency's approbation.
I have the honor to be, &c.,
(Signed) Henry Procter,
Brigadier-General, Comg.
I beg to acknowledge the indefatigable exertions of the
¦ Commissariat. (Signed) Henry Procter.
To His Excellency Lieut. -General \
Sir G. Prevost, Bart., &c. j
Embarkation return of the Western Army commanded
by Brigadier- General Procter, on an expedition to the
Miami. Amherstburg, April 23, 1813.
General Staff, — i general, i lieut. -colonel, i dep. asst-.
qr.-mr. -general, i brigade major, i staff adjutant.

1 66 THE BATTLE OF THE MIAMI
Royal Artillery, — i lieut., i Serjeant, i surgeon, i
drummer, 27 rank and file.
Royal Engineers, — i captain.
IOth Royal Veteran Battalion, — 5.
41st Regiment, — 3 captains, 7 lieutenants, i assistant
surgeon, 22 Serjeants, 6 drummers and buglers, 374 rank
and file.
Royal Newfoundland Regt. — i captain, 2 lieutenants,
3 Serjeants, 2 drummers, 55 rank and file.
Commissariat, — i dep. asst. -commissary-general, i as
sistant to do., I issuer.
Field Train, — i clerk of stores, i conductor.
Militia, — i major, 12 captains, 1 1 lieutenants, 8 ensigns,
I adjt., I quarter-master, 22 Serjeants, 406 rank and file.
(Signed) Peter L. Chambers, Major.
Capt. 41st Regt., Dep. Asst. -Qr. -Mr. -General.
Return of killed, wounded, missing and prisoners, of the
Army under the command of Brig.-Gen. Procter, at the
battle fought at the Miami, May 5th, 1813.
Royal Artillery, — i Serjeant, i rank and file wounded,
2 rank and file prisoners.
41st Regiment, — 1 1 rank and file killed, i lieutenant, 3
Serjeants, 35 rank and file wounded, 2 lieutenants, i Ser
jeant, I drummer, 33 rank and file prisoners.
Royal Newfoundland Regt. — i drummer, 2 rank and
file killed, i rank and file wounded, i rank and file
prisoner. MiUtia, — I captain, 4 rank and file wounded, i rank and
file prisoner.
Total, — I drummer, 13 rank and file killed, i capt., i
lieut., 4 Serjeants, 41 rank and file wounded, 2 lieuts., i
Serjeant, i drummer, 37 rank and file prisoners.
Names of officers wounded and prisoners.
41st Regiment. — Lieut. BuUock wounded on the 3rd
inst. Lieuts. Mclntyre and Hailes prisoners.
Militia,— -Captain Bondy, since dead.
(Signed) Peter L. Chambers,
&c, &c, &c.
Return of Officers, Non-Commissioned Officers and
privates taken prisoners from the enemy on the 5th May,
1 8 13, at the battle fought at the Miami.
United States Regulars, — i captain, 21 rank and file.
joth and 13th detachment Kentucky Militia, — 2 majors,

PROCTER'S ACCOUNT CRITICISED 167
I brigade inspector, 8 captains, 9 lieutenants, 6 ensigns,
I adjutant, i paymaster, i sirrgeon, i asst. surgeon, 26
Serjeants, 3 drummers, 373 rank and file.
Prisoners since deUvered up ) i ensign, i asst. surgeon,
by the Indians. j 12 rank and file.
Grand Total, 468.
N.B. There are' a number of prisoners not yet come
in, who are in the possession of the Indians, but they are
bringing them in daily.
(Signed) Peter L. Chambers, &c, &c, &c.
May 17th, — Since the above return, 28 prisoners have
been given up by the Indians.
(Signed) A. H. McLean, Brigade Major.
In reference to the closing paragraph' of the despatch,
in which, as it will be perceived, the Volunteers of the
41st are for the first, and only time named, I cannot
forbear a passing comment. I had the honor of being
particularly named, in Major Chambers' reporf" to Gen
eral Procter of the action of the 5th of May, as having
been the only one of the volunteers who chanced to have
been engaged in the storming of the batteries .\ Yet the
Official despatch includes the names of all, without any
regard to their particular service. Messrs. Lairig and
Wilkinson were on the right bank of the river with the
defeated party, who of course did their duty, but of
whom no particular mention is made, while the General's
son never once quitted the encampment during the day,
or was at any period, either then or heretofore, suffered
to be exposed to the enemy's fire. This remark would
not have been recorded but for the very glaring injustice
'Richardson evidently copied Procter's report as given by James,
who appears to have taken unwarranted liberties with the origi
nal. The closing paragraph of the report is omitted by James and
consequently does not appear in Richardson. The reference here
is to the next to the closing paragraph.
zMajor Chambers in a letter to Noah Freer, Military 'Secretary,
gives a concise account of the events of each day from April 24th
to the close of thq action on May 5th. No person is particularly
mentioned in his report of the ajetion of May 5th. I have not seen
Major Chambers' report to General Procter.

1 68 THE BATTLE QF THE MIAMI
which, in bestowing commendation in so general and un
distinguishable a manner, would aim at depriving a sol
dier of that distinct claim to approbation, admitted by
his immediate commanding officer to have been won from
him on the field. In the course of this narrative of mili
tary events, in which, it must be borne in mind by the
reader, I was a constant participator, I have endeavored,
as much as possible, to avoid any personal allusion to
myself ; but this is a case where the injustice is too
marked to be passed silently by. I had never seen Gen
eral Procter's despatch, until this narrative was com
menced, but had always understood it to have embraced
the particular report made by Major Chambers, which,
however, seems to have been suppressed.

Copy of a despatch from Gen. Harrison (No. i) to the
Secretary of War dated
Head-Quarters, Camp Meigs, 9th May, 1813.
Sir, — I have the honor to inform you, that the enemy,
having been several days making preparations for raising
the siege of this post, accomplished this day the removal
of their artillery, from the opposite bank, and about 12
o'clock left their encampment below, were soon em
barked, and out of sight. — I have the honor to enclose
you an agreement entered into between Gen. Procter and
myself, for the discharge of the prisoners of the Ken
tucky militia, in his possession, and for the exchange of
the Officers and men of the regular troops, which were
respectively possessed by us'. My anxiety to get the
Kentucky troops released as early as possible induced me
to agree to the dismission of all the prisoners I had,
although there was not as many of ours in Gen. Procter's
possession ; the surplusage is to be accounted for, and
an equal number of ours released from their parole,
whenever the government may think proper to direct it.
The two actions on this side of the river, on the 5th,
were infinitely more important and more honorable to our
arms, than I had at first conceived. In the sortie made
upon the left flank, Capt. Waring' s company of the 19th
regiment, a detachment of 12 months' volunteers, under
Major Alexander, and three companies of Kentucky

GENERAL HARRISON'S DESPATCH, NO. I 169
militia, under Colonel Boswell, defeated at least double
the number of Indians and British militia. The sortie
on the right was still more glorious. The British bat
teries, in that direction, were defended by the grenadier
and light infantry companies, of the 41st regiment,
amounting to 200 effectives, and two companies of militia,
flanked by a host of Indians. The detachment sent to
attack these, consisted of all the men off duty, belonging
to the companies of Croghan and Bradford, of the 17th
regiment, Langham's, Elliott's, (late Graham's,) and
Waring's, of the. 19th, about 80 of Major Alexander's
volunteers, and a single company of Kentucky militia,
under Captain Sebree, amounting, in the whole, to not
more than 340. Yet the event of the action was not a
moment doulatful ; and, had not the British troops been
covered in their retreat by their allies, the whole of them
would have been taken.
It is not possible for troops to behave better than ours
did, throughout ; all the officers exerted themselves to
execute my orders, and the enemy, who had a full view
of our operations, from the opposite shore, declared that
they had never seen so much work performed in so short
a time. To all the commandants of corps, I feel particular
obligations ; these were Col. Miller, of the 19th infantry.
Col. Mills, of the Ohio militia. Major Stoddart, of the
artillery, Major Ball, of the dragoons, and Major Johnson,
of the Kentucky militia.
Capta:in Gratiot, of the engineers, having been, for a
long time, much indisposed, the task of fortifying this
post devolved on Captain Wood ; it could not have been
placed in better hands. Permit me to recommend him to
the President, and to assure you that any mark of his
approbation, bestowed on Captain Wood, would be highly
gratifying to the whole of the troops, who witnessed his
arduous exertions.
From Major Hukill, Acting Inspector- General, my aid-
de-camp. Major Graham,' Lieutenant O'Fallon, who has
done the duty of Assistant Adjutant-General in the
absence of Major Adams, and my volunteer aid-de-camp,
John Johnson, Esq., I received the most useful assistance.
I have the honor to enclose you a list of the killed and
wounded, during the siege, and in the two sorties ; those
of the latter were much greater than I had at first
expected.

170 THE BATTLE OF THE MIAMI
Want of sleep, and exposure to the continued rains
which have fallen almost every day, for some time past,
render me incapable of mentioning many interesting par
ticulars ; amongst others, a most extraordinary proposi
tion of General Procter's, on the subject of the Indians,
within our boundary ; this shall form the subject of a
communication, to be made to-lnorrow or next day, and
for which I will provide a safer conveyance than that
which carries this.
All the prisoners and deserters agree in saying, that
the information given to Major Stoddart, by Ryland, of
the British having launched a sloop of war this spring, is
incorrect; and the most of them say, that the one which is
now building will not be launched for many weeks.
I am, &c.
W. H. Harrison.
Hon. J. Armstrong.
P.S. Captain Price, of the Regiment Light Artillery;.
and the 20 Regulars, prisoners with General Procter,
were taken on the northwestern side of the river, with
the Kentucky militia. We had no prisoners taken on
this side during the siege.
In the siege, and the several sorties of the 5th instant,
there was Si killed, and 189 wounded — total, killed and
wounded, 270.

Copy of a Despatch, from Maj. General WilUam H.
Harrison (No. 2) to the Secretary of War, dated
Headquarters, Lower Sandusky, May 13, 18 13.
Sir, — Having ascertained that the enemy (Indians as
well as British,) had entirely abandoned the neighbor
hood of the Rapids, I left the command of camp Meigs
with General Clay, and came here last night. It is with
the greatest satisfaction I inform you. Sir, that the loss
of the Kentucky troops, in killed, on the north side of
the river, does not exceed fifty. On the loth and nth
inst. I caused the ground, which was the scene of action,
and its environs, to be carefully examined ; and, after
the most diligent Search, 45 bodies only, of our men,
were discovered; amongst them was the leader of the
detachment. Col. Dudley. No other officer df note fell
in the action. I have strong reason to believe that a
considerable number of Kentuckians effected their retreat

GENERAL HARRISON'S DESPATCH, NO. 2 171
up the river, to Fort Winchester. General Procter did
not furmsh me with a return of the prisoners in his pos
session, although repeatedly promised.
His I'etreat was as precipitate as it could possibly be,
leaving a number of cannon balls, a new elegant sling
carriage for cannon, and other valuable articles. The
> night before his departure, two persons that were em
ployed in the British gun-boats (Americans by birth),
deserted to us — the information they gave me was very
interesting ; they say that the Indians, of which there
were from i,6oo to 2,000, left the British, the day before
their departure, in a high state of dissatisfaction, from
the great loss which they had sustained in the several
engagements of the 5th, and the failure of the British, in
accomplishing their promise, of taking the post at the
Rapids. From the account giyen by these men, my
opinion is confirmed of the great superiority of the
enemy, which were defeated by our troops in the two
saUies made on the 5th instant. That, led by Col. Miller,
did not exceed 350 men ; and it is very certain that they
defeated 200 British regulars, 150 militia men, and 400
or 500 Indians. That American regulars, (although they
were raw recruits) , and such men as compose the Pitts
burg, Penn., and Petersburg, Va., volunteers, should
behave well is not to be wondered at ; but, that a com
pany of militia should maintain its ground, against four
times its number, as did Captain Sebree' s, of the Ken
tucky, is truly astonishing. These brave feUows were at
length, however, entirely surrounded by Indians, and
would have been cut off, but for the gallantry of Lieut.
Gwynne, of the 19th regiment, who, with a part of Cap
tain Elliott's company, charged the enemy, and released
the Kentuckians. I enclose you a Ust of the killed and
wounded during the whole siege ; — it is considerably
larger than I supposed it would be, when I last wrote
you — ^but it is satisfactory to know that they did not
bleed uselessly, but in the course of successful exertions.
The return does not embrace those who fell on the
Northwestern side of the Miami. — You will also receive,
herewith, a monthly return of the troops, at camp Meigs,
for the last month ; the communication with the other
posts being cut off, the returns were not received. A
copy of Gen. Clay's report to me, of the manner of his

172 THE BATTLE OF THE MIAMI
executing my order, for the attack on the enemy's bat
teries, is likewise forwarded, by which it will be seen
that my intentions were perfectly understood ; and the
great facility with which they might have been executed
is apparent to every individual who witnessed the scene ;
indeed, the cannon might have been spiked and the car
riages cut to pieces, the magazine destroyed, and the
retreat effected to the boats, without the loss of a man,
as none were killed in taking the batteries — so complete
was the surprise.
An extensive open plain intervenes between the river
and the hill, upon which the batteries of the enemy were
placed ; this plain was raked by 4 of our i8 pounders, a
12, and a 6; the enemy, even before their guns were
spiked, could not have brought one to bear upon it. So
perfectly secured was their retreat, that the 150 men, who
came off, effected it without loss, and brought off some of
the wounded, one of them upon the back of his comrade.
The Indians followed them to the woods, but dared not
enter into the plain.
I am unable to -form a correct estimate of the enemy's
force. The prisoners varied much in their accounts ;
those who made them least, stated the regulars at 560,
and the militia at 800 ; but the number of Indians were
beyond comparison greater than have ever been brought
into the field before ; numbers arrived after the siege
commenced. I have caused their camps, on the S. E.
side of the river, 'to be particularly examined, and the
general opinion is, that there could not have been fewer
on that side than 1,000 or 1,200. They were, indeed,
the efficient force of the enemy.
I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your
favors of the 14th, iSth, and 28th ultimo, and 5th inst.
I am sorry to inform you, that Major Stoddard died
the night before I left the Rapids, of a lock-jaw, pro
duced by a slight wound from a fragment of a shell,
which struck him on the thigh ; several have died in this
way, from their great and unavoidable exposure to the
cold ; but, perhaps there were never so many instances of
desperate wounds likely to do well. The gallant Captain
Bradford will recover.
I shall go from here to Upper Sandusky, and shall take
my station at Delaware, or Franklinton, until the troops

GENERAL clay's REPORT 1 73
are assembled. Gen. Clay, who commands at the Rapids,
is a man of capacity, and entirely to be relied upon.
I have the honor, &c.
Wm. H. Harrison.
Hon. J. Armstrong, Sec. War.
Killed, 81 — wounded, 1S9, in the siege of Camp Meigs
and the several sorties of the 5th of May, 1S13.

Copy of a letter from Gen. Clay, to Gen. Harrison.
Camp at Fort Meigs, May 13th, 1S13.
Sir, — On the 5th instant, about S o'clock, A.M., de
scending the Miami of the lake, about midway of the
Rapids, with 1,200 of the Kentucky troops, inthe eighteen
flat-bottomed boats, I was met by Captain Hamilton and
a subaltern, who delivered me (as he said) the orders of
Maj or- Gen. Harrison to the following effect :
' ' You must detach about 800 men from your brigade,
who will land at a point I will .show, about one, or one
and a half miles above the fort, and I will conduct them
to the British batteries, on the left bank of the rivei- —
they must take possession of the enemy's cannon, spike
them, cut down the carriages, and return to their boats,"
observing that the British force at their large batteries
was inconsiderable ; but that their main force was at the
old garrison, about one and a half miles below, on the
same side of the river, that the Indian forces were
chiefly on the right bank of the river — ' ' the balance of
the men under your command must land on the right
bank, opposite to the first landing, and will fight their way
through the Indians to the fort," — observing that the
route thus to be taken, would be shown by a subaltern
officer there, in company with Captain Hamilton, who
would land the perogue at the point on the right bank, at
which the boats would land.
The order of descending the river in boats was the
same as the order of march, in line of battle, in soUd
column, each officer taking position according to his rank.
CoL Dudley, the eldest colonel, led the van, and in this
order the river had been descended. As soon as Captain
Hamilton had delivered these orders, bfeing in the thir
teenth boat from the front, I directed him to proceed im
mediately to Col. Dudley, and order him to take the men
in the 12 front boats, and execute Gen. Harrison's orders.

174 THE BATTLE OF THE MIAMI
on the left bank of the river; and to post his (Capt. Hamil
ton's) subaltern on the right bank, to conduct myself,
with the men in the six boats, to the fort. I ordered
the five boats in the rear to faU in a line, and follow me.
High winds, and the rapidity of the current, drove four
of the rear boats ashore, in the attempt to follow on ac
cording to order, where they remained a short time ; suffi
cient, however, to detain them one-half, or three-fourths
of a mile to the rear! — To land, according to order, I kept
close along the right bank, until opposite Col Dudley's
landing ; there I found no guide left to conduct me to the
fort, as Captain Hamilton promised. I then made an at
tempt to cross the river, and join Col. Dudley ; but, from
the rapid current on the falls, I was unable to land on
the point with him. Being nearly half way across the
river, and the waves running too high to risk the boats
then driving down the current sidewise, veered about
the boat, and rowed the best way we could, to save our
boat. My attempt to cross the river, to Col. Dudley,
occasioned all the boats, (I presume in the rear of me) ,
and which were then out of hailing distance, to cross
over, and land with Col. Dudley. Having been defeated
in landing on the left, we then endeavored to effect one
on the right, even without a guide ; but before a landing
could be effected, we receiveid a brisk fire from the enemy
on shore, which was returned, and kept up on both sides ;
and I was in this unavoidable situation, compelled to
make to Fort Meigs ,with no other force than about 50
men on board, (the other boats being still in the rear)
and to receive the enemy's fire, until we arrived under
the protection of the fort. Col. Boswell's command
(except the men in my boat,) having landed, to join Col.
Dudley, were, as I have been informed, ordered by Cap
tain Hamilton, immediately to embark, and land on the
right hand shore, about a mile above the fort, and prepare
to fight his way through to the garrison. The Colonel
embarked, landed, as he conceived, at the proper point,
pursuant to Captain Hamilton's order, and was forming
his men in order of battle, when he was met by Captain
Shaw, and ordered to march into the garrison, at open
order, the safest route.
When my own boat landed, we were met by two men,
who took charge of the boat, as we understood, to bring
her under the protection of the fort batteries ; believing

GENERAL CLAY'S ADDRESS TO HIS TROOPS 1 75
our baggage to be thus made safe, we forbid our servants
to carry any portion of it ; but loaded them vdth cannon
balls, which they bore to the fort. Our baggage was,
however, taken by the Indians, in a very short time after
we left the boat. Upon receiving the orders of Capt. Hamil
ton, I asked if he had brought spikes, to spike the enemy's
cannon ? to which he replied, that he had plenty. Capt.
Hamilton, on delivering the orders of General Harrison,
observed, that the object of landing, and marching a por
tion of the troops on the right bank, was to draw the at
tention of the Indians ; and, by thus engaging them,
afford an opportunity to the garrison to -make a sally ;
and, by a circuitous route, surprise and carry the bat
teries and cannon of the enemy, below the fort, on the
right bank. I am, respectfully, &c..
Green Clay, Brig.-Gen.
His Ex. Maj. -Gen. Harrison.
The following General Order, issued by Brigadier Green
Clay to his troops, preparatory to their departure for the
Miami, is so amusingly in contrast with the report made
by him of his defeat, that, although suppressed by the
American historians of the war, it would be an unpardon
able omission not to record it here. It will be remarked
that this corps met with precisely the same fate with their
butchered brethren of the River Raisin, they were hastening
to avenge. The words emphasized are such as they ap
pear in the original document. Cincinnati, April 7, 18 13.
General Orders.
SOLDIERS, You are now about to leave the shores of
Kentucky — Many of you can boast that she gave you
birth — She is indeed dear to us all.
KENTUCKIANS stand high in the estimation of our com-
¦mon cowntry. Our brothers in arms, who have gone before
us to the scene of action, have acquired a fame, which
should never be forgotten bj' you — a fame worthy your
emulation. I feel conscious you would rather see your country no
more, than return to it, under the impression, that by an
act of yours, the high character of Kentucky had fallen.

176 THE BATTLE OF THE MIAMI
To support this reputation, purchased by valor and by
blood, you must with fortitude meet the hardships, and
discharge the duties of soldiers. Discipline and subor
dination mark the real soldier — and are indeed the soul of
an army.
In every situation, therefore, the most perfect subor
dination — the most rigid discharge of duty, will be ex
pected from all. PartiaUty or injustice shall be shown to
none. I have the most perfect confidence in your attachment
and support through every difficulty we may encounter.
It is upon you — it is upon your subordination and dis
cipline I rely, for a successful issue of the present cam
paign. Without this confidence and support, we shall
achieve nothing honorable or useful.
The same destiny awaits us both. That which exalts
or sinks you in the estimation of your country, will pro
duce to me her approbation or condemnation.
Feeling this same common interest, the first wishes of
my heart are, that the present campaign should prove
honorable to all, and useful to the country.
Should we encounter the enemy — remember the
DREADFUL FATE OF OUR BUTCHERED BROTHERS
AT THE RIVER RAISIN — that British treachery produced their
slaughter. The justice of our cause — with the aid of an approving
Providence, will be sure guarantees to our success.
Green Clay,
Brigadier- General .

IX
THE ATTACK ON FORT STEPHENSON
The Right Division were not long suffered to remain inac
tive — Like Sir Thomas Picton's famous division in Spain,
they might, on a much more modest and limited scale, have
been termed the fighting division of Canada. No other
corps was so incessantly in the field — ^no other corps
achieved such important and beneficial results to the
country, and when it is considered that this force com
prised scarcely more than a single regiment of the line, the
repeated claims made upon its energies and exertions,
becomes even more remarkable. Late in July, at the
earnest instance of Tecumseh, who had formed a plan for
the reduction of Fort Meigs, which he conceived would
be crowned with the fullest success, a second expedition,
consisting of the main bodyof the 41st, (Captain Derenzy
having recently joined with those detachments of the
regiment which had borne so conspicuous a part in the
Battle of Queenston) a few militia, and nearly a thousand
Indians, accompanied by a few pieces of light artillery,
was undertaken against this fortress. On our arrival in
the Miami the whole of the regular force and guns were
disembarked on the right bank of the river, out of view
of the fort, yet not far from the point where our light bat
teries had been carried during the late siege.
Tecumseh's plan was as follows. Immediately in rear
of Fort Meigs, and at right angles with the river, ran the
road to Sandusky, (distant about thirty miles) upon, or
near, which the chief had been apprized by his scouts
that General Harrison, who with a large portion of his
force had left the fort soon after its relief from General
Procter's presence, was at that moment encamped. Having
177

17S THE ATTACK ON FORT STEPHENSON
landed some miles lower down the river, the whole of the
Indian force was to march through the woods, and gain,
unperceived by the troops in the fort, the Sandusky road
where a sham engagement was to take place, leading the
garrison to believe a corps hastening to their relief had
been encountered and attacked by the Indians, and in
ducing them to make a sortie for their rescue. The mo
ment they had crossed the open ground, intervening be
tween their position and the skirt of the wood, we were
to rise from our ambuscade, and take them in the rear,
making at the same time a rush for the fort, before the
enemy could have time effectually to close his gates.
All the preliminary features in this plan, (which
certainly was one that gave every fair promise of suc
cess) had been completed, and we were waiting with
some interest and impatience the result, when the heavy
firing of two distinct parties suddenly commenced on
the Sandusky road. We were all instantly, although
noiselessly, upon the alert, but in vain did we look
for any movement in the fort. Many of the gar
rison lined the ramparts in the rear, and seemed to look
out anxiously in the direction of the firing, but they gave
not the slightest indication of a design to leave the fort,
even when the musketry had become so animated and
heavy, that we were half in doubt ourselves whether
the battle was a sham one or a real. Either they had
obtained information of our presence, or they suspected
the nature and object of the ruse, and we had the morti
fication to find ourselves utterly foiled in the grand design
of the expedition. Annoyed at the faUure of his cher
ished scheme, Tecumseh urged upon General Procter, the
necessity of doing something before our return, and it
being found out of aU question to attempt the reduction
of Fort Meigs with the light guns (6-pounders) which ac
companied us, it was determined to change the theatre
of operation to Sandusky. Thither the main body of In
dians proceeded by land, while we re-embarked in our

THE ASSAULT REPULSED 1 79
boats, and descending again the Miami, gained Lake Erie,
and thence the Sandusky river, on which the fort of that
name' is built.
The expedition having reached the Sandusky river
early on the ist of August, a landing was effected on the
same day, and within range of the enemy's guns, several
ineffectual discharges from which passed over us, as we
traversed a plain several hundred yards in extent in order
to gain the wood, on the skirt of which it was intended
to plant the batteries. These being immediately erected,
at daybreak on the following morning our fire was
opened, and continued until three o'clock in the after
noon of the 2nd, when, it being evident that no breach
could be effected on the stockade work. General Procter
resolved to attempt it by assault. Accordingly at four
o'clock the troops divided into three columns of about
i2p men each, were put in motion, and advancing through
the plain, in double quick time, were suffered to approach
within fifty yards, before they were met by the destruc
tive fire of the enemy. The strong Une of picketing, con
stituting their defence, was surrounded by a ditch flanked
by batteries, and beyond the ditch was a deep ravine
covered with brushwood, and more or less approximate to
the place, according to its windings. Far from being
checked by the severe fire of the Americans, the divisions
redoubled their exertions, and vying with each other to
take the lead, dashed down the ravine, and clambering
up the opposite steep, were soon beneath the walls of the
fort. Not a fascine, however, had been provided ; and
although axes had been distributed among a body of
men selected for the purpose, they were so blunted by
constant use, that it would have been the work of hours
'The proper name ot this fort is Fort Stephenson, and was situ
ated in the centre of what is now the city of Fremont, _ called
Lower Sandusky previous to 1846. It is at the head of navigation
on the Sandusky river and about 20 miles from Sandusky bay.
The fort was a simple stockade, skirted by a ditch about 9 feet
wide and 6 feet deep. It was erected in the summer of 1812, and
strengthened bv blockhouses the following summer.

l8o THE ATTACK ON FORT STEPHENSON
to cut through the double Une of pickets, even if an
enemy had not been there to interrupt its progress. In
defiance of this difficulty, the axe-men leaped without
hesitation into the ditch, and attempted to acquit them
selves of their duty ; but they were speedily swept away
by the guns from the batteries, charged with musket
balls and slugs and directed with fatal precision. The
troops had established themselves on the edge of the
ditch, but it was impossible to scale without the aid of
ladders or fascines ; and within a few paces of the enemy
only, they saw their comrades fall on every hand with no
hope of avenging their deaths. The second division had
only two officers attached to it. Brevet Lieutenant-
Colonel Short,' of the 41st, was killed while descending
the ravine at the head of his column, when, the command
devolving on Lieutenant Gordon of the same regiment,
that officer encouraging his men, and calling on them to
follow his example, was one of the first in the ditch, and
was in the act of cutting the picketing with his sabre,
when a ball, fired from a wall-piece, struck him in the
breast. Although dangerously wounded, he refused to
abandon his post, and continued to animate his men by
his example, until a second ball, fired from the same
piece, and lodging in his brain, left the division without
an officer. The action had continued nearly two hours
¦without producing the slightest impression on the enemy,
when the bugles sounded the "cease-firing," and the
men were ordered to lie flat on the ground on the edge of
the ravine. The first division were so near the enemy,
that they could distinctly hear the various orders given
in the fort, and the faint voices of the wounded and dying
in the ditch, calling out for water, which the enemy had
the humanity to lower to them on the instant. After
'Lieut.-Col. William Charles Short, who was killed in this as
sault, came to Canada with the 41st Regiment. While stationed
at Fort George his first wife died and was buried on Aug. 15th,
1805. On July 30th, 1809, he married Jane Crooks, an elder sister
ot Hon. James Crooks. They had one son, James Symington
Short.

MAJOR CROGHAN'S GALLANT DEFENCE iSl
continuing in this position until nine o'clock, the columns
received an order to effect their retreat in silence, which
was done accordingly, the enemy merely firing a few vol
leys of musketry, producing however no material effect.
The troops having been re-embarked the same night, the
expedition descended the river, and returned to Amherst
burg. Our loss in this affair was severe — 3 officers, i
sergeant, 22 rank and file killed ; 3 officers, 2 sergeants,
36 rank and file wounded ; and i sergeant, 28 rank and
file missing. Of this number, the proportion of the ist
division alone, consisting principally of the light company
of the 41st, which had attacked the strongest point of
the position, was five and thirty men.
During the assault, no assistance whatever was afforded
by the Indians, who, unaccustomed to this mode of war
fare, contented themselves with remaining quiet specta
tors of the scene. The ' ' devoted men ' ' alone, to whom
I have before alluded, followed close in the rear of one of
the columns, but they had not long witnessed the effect of
the enemy's fire on the divisions, when they retreated to
the wood with a precipitation, that with any other people,
would be attributed to cowardice, but with the natives
it coidd only be considered as the effect of habit. They
expressed much astonishment at the coolness and intre
pidity with which the men supported the fire of the enemy,
without returning it until arrived at the edge of the ditch;
and concluded by saying that they had ever hitherto deem
ed themselves the bravest nation in the world, but were
now willing to concede that distinction to the warriors
of their Great Father.
The garrison of Sandusky when attacked, consisted of
a force inferior in number to that of the assailing columns,
and was commanded by Major Croghan of the line, a
promising officer, only nineteen' years of age. The gal-
'Major George Croghan (pronounced Crawn) was born at Locust-
Grove, Ohio, on Nov. 15th, 1791, and was consequently more than 21
years of age.

1 82 THE ATTACK ON FORT STEPHENSON
lant defence made by him on this occasion met with the
highest encomia from his countrymen, and he was im
mediately promoted to the rank of lieutenant-colonel ;
neither was, his conduct without its reward in the appro
bation of a sex, whose favor and encouragement seldom
fail to act as incentives to the acquisition of miUtary glory.
The ladies of Ohio (the State in which Colonel Croghan
was born) subscribed a considerable sum, with which a
handsome sword was purchased and presented by them
selves. It is but just to record an act of great courtesy
on the part of this gentleman. An officer having been
despatched to Sandusky with a flag, some days subse
quent to the assault, in order to obtain an exchange of
the prisoners, who were chiefly wounded, was received
with much politeness by the commandant, who at the
moment of departure drew from his secretary a pair of
¦pistols, which had been lost in the brushwood of the^
ravine during our retreat at night. Presuming from the
workmanship and style, that they might be, what in fact
they actually were, old family arms, and naturally imag
ining that their loss must be regretted by their possessor;,
he begged the officer in question to take charge of, and
present them to the individual to whom they belonged.
It is unnecessary to add that they were gratefully received.
They were my own, and had been lent to the gallant
Lieutenant Gordon.
It is somewhat singular that General Procter's report'
of the second expedition to the Miami is nowhere to be
found. It could not fail to prove a document of some in
terest to the public, desirous of knowing in what manner
he had accounted for his unpardonable neglect of all
necessary precaution, to ensure the successful issue of an
attack which ought, in no way, to have been rashly under
taken. The only British document, referring to the mat
ter at all, is the following brief notice by Sir George
'General Procter's report, as found in the Canadian Archives,
is given at the end of this chapter.

ADJUTANT-GENERAL BAyNES' REPORT 1 83
Prevost, on the subject ; evidently founded on a more de
tailed communication from General Procter, which it has
been expedient to suppress. General Order.
Head Quarters, Kingston,
Adjutant-General's Office, 3rd Sept., 1813.
His Excellency the commander of the Forces, has re
ceived a despatch from Major-General Procter reporting
the circumstances of an attack, made by a small portion
of regular troops, and a body of Indian Warriors, on the
2nd of August on the American Fort of Lower Sandusky,
which owing to the strength of the enemy's works, which
resisted the fire of the light field guns brought against it
— so that a practicable breach could not be effected — as
also from the want of sufficient co-operation on the part
of the Indian Warriors, unused to that mode of warfare,
the assault was not attended with that brilliant success
which has so uniformly signalized the gallant exertions
of the Right Division. The Major-General extols the
intrepid bravery displayed by the detachment under Bre
vet Lieutenant-Colonel Short, in endeavoring to force a
passage into the enemy's fort, and laments the loss of the
brave soldiers who have fallen in this gallant, although
unsuccessful assault. Return of killed and wounded.
I' brevet lieut. -col., 2 lieutenants, i sergeant, i drummer,
21 rank and file killed, i sergeant and 28 rank and file
missing. 2 captains, i lieutenant, 2 sergeants, i drummer,
35 rank and file wounded.
Killed, Brevet Lieut.-Col. Short, Lt. Gordon, 41st
Regt., Lt. Laussaussiege, Indian Department.
Wounded, Captain Dixon, Royal Engineers, Capt. Muir
and Lieut. Mclntyre, 41st Regt., all slightly.
By His Excellency's command,
Edward Baynes, Adjutant-General.

1 84 THE ATTACK ON FORT STEPHENSON
Copy of a letter from Major Croghan, to Gen. Harrison
dated Lower Sandusky, August 5, i'8i3.
Dear Sir — I have the honor to inform you, that the
combined force of the enemy, amounting to, at least 500
regulars, and 700 or 800 Indians, under the immediate com
mand of Gen. Procter, made its appearance before this
place, early on Sunday evening last ; and, so soon as the
General had made such disposition of his troops, as would
cut off my retreat, (should I be disposed to make one) ,
he sent Col. EUiott, accompanied by Major Chambers,
with a flag, to demand the surrender of the fort, ashe was
anxious to spare the effusion of blood ; which he should
probably not have in his power to do, should he be re
duced to the necessity of taking the place by storm. My
answer to the summons was, that I was determined to de
fend the place to the last extremity ; and that no force,
however large, should induce me to surrender it. So soon
as the flag had returned, a brisk fire was opened upon us,
from the gun-boats in the river, and from a five and a-
half inch howitzer, on shore, which was kept up with
little intermission throughout the night. At an early
hour, the next morning, three sixes, (which had been
placed, during the night, within 250 yards of the pickets) ,
began to play upon us — but with Uttle effect. About 4
o' clock, P.M., discovering that the fire, from allhis guns, was
concentrated against the north-western angle of the fort,
I became confident that his object was to make a breach,
and attempt to storm the works at that point : I, there
fore, ordered out as many men, as could be employed, for
the purpose of strengthening that front — which was So
effectually secured, by means of bags of flour, sand, &c.,
that the picketing suffered little or no injury. Notwith
standing which, the enemy, about 5 o'clock, having form
ed in close column, advanced to assail our works, at
the expected point ; at the same time making two feints
at the front of Captain Hunter's lines. The column,
which advanced against the North- Western angle , consisting
of about 350 men, was so completely enveloped in smoke,
as not to be discovered, until it had approached within 1 5 or
26 paces of the Unes; but, the men being all at their
posts, and ready to receive it, commenced so heavy and
galling a fire, as to throw the column a little into con-

GENERAL PROCTER'S REPORT 1 85
fusion. Being quickly rallied, it advanced to the outer
works, and began to leap into the ditch. Just at that
moment, a fire of grape was opened, from our 6-pounder
(which had been previously arranged, so as to rake in
that direction), which, together with the musketry, threw
them into such confusion, that they were compelled to
retire, precipitately, to the woods. During the assault,
which lasted about half an hour, an incessant fire was
kept up by the enemy's artillery, (which consisted of five
sixes, and a howitzer) , but without effect. My whole
loss, during the siege, was one killed, and seven wounded
slightly. The loss of the enemy in killed, wounded and
prisoners, must exceed 150. One Lieut.-Colonel, a Lieu
tenant, and 50 rank and file, were found in and about the
ditch ; those of the remainder, who were not able to es
cape, were taken off, during the night, by the Indians.
Seventy stand of arms, and several brace of pistols, have
been collected near the works. About 3, in the morning,
the enemy sailed down the river, leaving behind them a
boat, containing clothing, and considerable military stores.
Too much praise cannot be bestowed on the officers,
non-commissioned officers, and privates, under my com
mand, for their gallantry, and good conduct, during the
siege. Yours, with respect,
"~ G. CROGHAN, Maj. 17th U.S. Inf. comg.
MAJOR-GENERAL HARRISON,
Comg. N.W. Army.
The following is Procter's report referred to on page
182: Sandwich, Aug. gth, 1813.
Sir, — It being absolutely requisite, for several urgent
reasons, that my Indian force should not remain un
employed, and being well aware that it would not be
movable except accompanied by a regular force, I
resolved, notwithstanding the smallness of that force, to
move, and where we might be fed at the expense of the
enemy. I had, however, the mortification to find that
instead of the Indian force being a disposable one, or
under my direction, our movements should be subject to
the caprices and prejudices of the Indian body, to the

1 86 THE ATTACK ON FORT STEPHENSON
degree in which my regular force was disproportionate
to their numbers. For several days after the arrival of
Mr. R. Dickson his Indians were restrainable, and tract
able to a degree that I could not have conceived possible.
I am sorry to add that they have been contaminated by
the other Indians. I was, very contrary to my judg
ment, necessitated to go to the Miami, in the vicinity of
the enemy's fort, where I remained a few days, in the
hope that General Harrison might come to the relief of
the fort, which was invested, in the Indian mode, when
finding that the Indians were returning to Detroit and
Amherstburg I moved to Lower Sandusky, where, how
ever, we could not muster more hundreds of Indians,
than I might reasonably have expected thousands. The
neighborhood of the Sandusky, and the settlement on the
Huron River, eight miles below it, could have afforded
cattle sufficient to have fed my whole Indian force for
some time, had they been induced to accompany us.
Sandusky is nearly fifty miles by water from Lake Erie ;
and nearly forty from several points whence strong rein-,
forcement^ might be expected ; I could not therefore
with my very small force remain more than two days,
from the probability of being cut off, and of being
deserted by the few Indians who had not already done
so. The fort at Sandusky is composed of blockhouses
connected by picketing which they flank, and is calculated
for a garrison of five or six hundred men. On viewing
the fort I formed an opinion entirely different from any
person under my command. The general idea being
that the garrison did not exceed fifty men, and that the
fort could be easily carried by assault. On the morning
of the 2nd instant the gentlemen of the Indian depart
ment who have the direction of it, declared formally
their decided opinion that unless the fort was stormed we
should never be able to bring an Indian warrior into the
field with us, and that they proposed, and were ready to
storm one face of the fort,, if we attempt another. I
have also to observe, that in this instance, my judgment
had not that weight with the troops, I hope might rea
sonably have been expected. If I had withdrawn with
out having permitted the assault, as my judgment cer
tainly dictated, much dissatisfaction would have followed
me, and I could scarcely have continued to direct their
movements. I thus, with all the responsibility resting on

GENERAL PROCTER'S REPORT I 87
me, was obliged to yield to circumstances I could not
possibly have prevented. The troops, after the artillery
had been used for some hours, attacked two faces, and,
impossibilities being attempted, failed. The fort from
which the severest fire, I ever saw, was maintained during
the attack, was well defended. The troops displayed the
greatest bravery, the much greater part of whom reached
the fort and made every effort to enter ; but the Indians
who had proposed the assault, and had it not been
assented to, would have ever stigmatized the British
character, scarcely came into fire before they ran off out
of its reach. A more than adequate sacrifice having been
made to Indian opinion, I drew off the brave assailants
who had been carried away by a high sense of honor to
urge too strongly the attack. I enclose a disembarkation
retum which will show how small my disposable force
was. The enemy had a six pounder and a smaller one
in the fort. I also enclose a return of the killed, wounded,
and missing. Our loss, though severe, and much to be.
regretted, is less, everything considered, than could have
been expected. You will perceive that the Indian force is
seldom a disposable one, never to be relied on, in the
hour of need, and only to be found useful in proportion
as we are independent of it.
Ten Indians were surprised on a plain near Sandusky
and were cut to pieces. The Indians have always had a
dread of cavalry, of which the enemy have a considerable
number. A troop of the 19th would be of the greatest
service here, in the confidence they would give to our
mounted Indians. I have experienced much deficiency
in my artillery, another officer at least is absolutely
required, and one of science and experience. The
enemy's defences are composed of wood. If we knew
how to burn them, as they did ours at Fort George, Mr.
Harrison's army must have been destroyed long since.
The enemy's vessels are out of Presque Isle harbor, and
so decidedly stronger than ours, that Captain Barclay
has been necessitated to retum to Amherstburg, and with
all haste to get the new vessel ready for sea, which she
will be in eight or ten days at farthest, and then only
want hands. Whatever may happen to be regretted,
may be fairly attributed to the delays in sending here the
force Your Excellency directed should be sent. Had it
been sent at once, it could have been used to the greatest

1 88 THE ATTACK ON FORT STEPHENSON
advantage, but it arrived in such small portions, and
with such delays that the opportunities have been lost.
The enemy are in great numbers at Presque Isle, and
have been already reinforced at Fort Meigs. General
Harrison's headquarters are near Lower Sandusky,
where he arrived on the 3rd instant. I must now look
for the enemy from two quarters, and will have to meet
them with my small force divided, for the Indians will
make no stand without us. You will probably hear of
the enemy ' s landing shortly at Long Point , whence they may
gain the rear of the Centre Division, and also affect my
supplies. A hundred and fifty sailors would have effec
tually obviated this evil. I apprehend the enemy's rapid
advance to the River Raisin in force and establish himself
there, which he can do surprisingly soon. If I had the
means I would establish a post at that river, but not
having two or three hundred to send there it is not in my
power. I must entreat your ExceUency to send me more
troops, even the second battalion of the 41st Regt. , though
weak, would be extremely acceptable. If the enemy
should be able to establish themselves in the territory it
will operate strongly against us -with our Indian allies.
Your Excellency may rely on my best endeavors, but I
rely on the troops alone, and they are but few, and I am
necessitated to man the vessels with them. I have never
desponded, nor do I now, but I conceive it my duty to
state to Your Excellency the inadequateness of my force.
I have the honor to be, with much respect.
Your Excellency's obedient servant,
Henry Procter,
Br igr.- General, Comg.
His Excellency,
Lt.- General Sir George Prevost, Bt.

X
THE BATTLE OF LAKE ERIE
The period was now fast approaching when the fruits
of so much toil and privation were to be wrested from our
grasp, and the extensive line of territory, both original
and acquired, so gallantly defended by a single regiment
against the repeated invasions of the enemy during a
period of fifteen months, was to fall beneath the efforts of
numerical strength. Since the capture of Detroit, the
Americans had been indefatigable in their exertions to
establish a superiority of naval force, on which, they well
knew, depended the ultimate success of their arms. Buf
falo was the harbor selected' for the construction of their
flotilla, which, under the hands of numerous workmen,
soon presented a formidable appearance, and was deemed
more than sufficient to ensure their ascendancy on the
lake. Manned by experienced seamen taken from sev
eral frigates then blockaded in their sea-ports, and com
manded by able and intelligent officers, these vessels put
forth towards the close of August, and continued cruising
off the harbor of Amherstburg, in which our fleet lay,
awaiting the completion of the Detroit, a vessel of twenty
guns then on the stocks, and the arrival of seamen long
promised aud vainly expected from Lake Ontario. Cap
tain Barclay had arrived some time previous to take the
command, and with him several officers and forty men :
but notwithstanding every remonstrance on the subject
made by the commanding officer of the di-vision, no fur
ther assistance was afforded. The remaining part of the
crews were provincial sailors, willing and anxious, it
is true, to do their duty, but without that perfection and
experience in their profession, which are so indispensably
'Five vessels of Perry's fleet were built at Presque Isle (Erie)
harbor. 189

I90 THE BATTLE OF LAKE ERIE
necessary to the insurance of success in a combat at sea.
In defiance of this disadvantage, the enemy had no sooner
made his appearance, than the Detroit was launched in her
rough and unfinished state, and armed, in default of other
guns, with long battering pieces taken from the ram
parts. Every calibre was employed — sixes, nines, twelves,
eighteens and even the two twenty-four pounders which
had been so successfully used at the Miami. The early part
of September was employed in getting in her masts and
rigging, and in a few days the fleet was ready to sail.
Our position at this period had become exceedingly crit
ical. The want of provisions began to be seriously felt,
and the ultimate possession of the garrison depended
wholly on the result of the naval conflict, for which both
parties were preparing. In the event of the enemy being
successful, not only must we be open to the incursions of
the large forces, then coUected in several quarters, and
ready to overwhelm us at the moment that the command of
the lake would afford them facility of movement, but the
means of obtaining suppUes from Fort Erie must be en
tirely cut off. The quantity of provisions already con
sumed had been enormous ; for independently of the
wanton destruction of cattle by the Indians, who
often shot or stabbed them merely to possess themselves
of the horns, in which they secured their powder, leaving
the carcasses to putrify in the sun, ten thousand rations
were daily issued to the warriors and their families : the
latter apparently increasing in numbers, as our means of
supplying them became more contracted.
Such was the situation of the garrison, reduced in its
regular force to a handful of men, by the losses sustained
in the various engagements hei-ein detailed, when Captain
Barclay, who had hoisted his flag on board the Detroit,
made the signal, early in the morning of the 9th, to
weigh anchor and bear across the lake. The little fleet,
consisting of six sail, were, at dayUght on the loth, per
ceived by the enemy, then lying among a cluster of

THE BRITISH FLEET DESTROYED 191
islands at some leagues distance, who immediately bore
up under a light side-wind, favorable at that moment to
the approach of the two squadrons. At one o'clock' the
engagement commenced. The Detroit leading into
action, was opposed to the LawTence; mounting eigh
teen thirty-two pounders, and commanded by the Ameri
can Commodore ; and such was the effect of the long
guns, that the latter vessel was soon compelled to strike
her flag, having only twenty serviceable men left. The
Detroit and Queen Charlotte had, however, suffered
severely in their sails and rigging from the fire of the
enemy's gun-boats; and not only every one of their
boats had been so severely wounded as to render it impos
sible to take possession of the prize ; but the united and
unceasing exertions of their crews could not prevent
them from running foul of each other. Availing himself
of this unfortunate accident. Commodore Perry, who had
shifted his flag to the Niagara, a vessel of equal force
¦with the Lawrence, bore up and discharged his broad
side with murderous effect. Waring immediately, a
second and equally destructive followed, and in this
manner was the action continued, rendering resistance
almost hopeless. The other smaUer vessels, already
warmly engaged, could afford no aid, and the guns of the
unfortunate wrecks were at length nearly all unservice
able, — those, at least, of the only batteries which could
be brought to bear upon the enemy. Almost every
officer had been compelled to leave the deck, and the
helplessness of the crews could only be exceeded by their
despair, when after two hours and a half of incessant
cannonading, the British flag was replaced by the Eagle
of America.
The anxiety with which the issue of the combat was
awaited at Amherstburg, where the firing was distinctly
heard, may easily be conceived. From the heights over
hanging the lake, and nearly opposite to the islands, the
'Barclay says, a quarter to twelve.

192 THE BATTLE OF LAKE ERIE
first encounter of the fleets was clearly observed, but the ,
thick columns of smoke in which they were speedily
enveloped, precluded all possibility of following the prog
ress of the contest ; nor was it until the thunder pf the
artillery had been some time discontinued, that the clouds
of vapour gradually dispelling, presented the melancholy
picture of our vessels, several of them crippled and dis
masted, foUowing in the track of the American fleet, then
directing its course towards the bay of Sandusky.
In this affair, so unfavorable in its result to our already
precarious cause, the enemy had the most decided advan
tage, not only in respect to superiority of seamen, but in
number of ships, and in weight of metal." Their fleet
consisted of nine sail, of which the two principal, the
Lawrence and Niagara, mounted eighteen thirty-two
pounders. Four others were armed with a long gun of
the same calibre, and keeping aloof during the action,
were enabled by the calm state of the lake to do much
execution among our principal vessels, which were com-
'The most carefully-prepared and the fairest account of this action
is given by Theodore Roosevelt in "The Naval War ot 1812."
Anyone who would desire to get an honest summing up of all the
evidence bearing on the contest should read the narration given
in this work. Both commanders and their crews were equally
brave and about equally skilful; Perry's line, however, was not so
well formed as Barclay's, the Niagara not coming to close action
until Perry took command. There conld be, no other ending to
the battle. Victory must rest with the stronger force, everything
else being practically equal. Perry's fame should rest chiefly upon
the indomitable energy and ability he displayed in preparing for
the contest, with the inadequate means at his command. In this
respect, he far surpassed both Barclay and Procter. Although the
British ' officers were wretchedly provided with everything for
building and equipping vessels, yet they might have done more
with the material they had. Had Barclay shown the same vigi
lance subsequently to the 2nd of Augustas he had before that date.
Perry could not have got his largest and most formidable vessels
over the bar at the entrance to Presque Isle (Erie) harbor without
considerable trouble, and here his superior force would have been
at a great disadvantage.
The following is a table describing the two squadrons on the
day ot the battle. The number of the guns is taken from Bar
clay's letter to Prevost and the tonnage and crews from Roosevelt's
estimate. I take Barclay's account of the guns because he gives
his squadron a slightly greater long-gun armament than Roose
velt, and the two accounts of Perry's armament about coincide.

From the painting in lhe state House, Columbus, Ohio. PERRY LEAVING THE LAWRENCE.

COMPARISON OF THE SQUADRONS

193

pletely raked by their destructive fire. The vessels
composing Captain Barclay's force were — the Detroit,
twenty guns ; Queen Charlotte, twenty guns ; Lady
Prevost, twelve guns ; General Hunter, six guns ; and
Barclay's squadron.

Vessel. .

Tons.

Crew.

Broadside in
lbs.

Long
guns.

Cal ibre

4^ .
QD tuo

Cal ibre

Detroit 

490400 230 8090 70

150 126 86
45 1815

138
192 78
2821 9

2 1
' 68
33
{1il 1

24 18
12 9
12 9642969

11
1410 2

24 18

Queen Charlotte . . .
Lady Prevost 
Hunter 

24 1212

Little Belt 

Chippeway 

1360

440

466

35

28
perry's squadron.
Vessel.
Tons.
Crew.
Broadside in
lbs.
Long
guns.
Cal
ibre
2 «
Cal
ibre
LawrenceNiagara . .
CaledoniaAriel . . . .
Somers . .
Scorpion. .
Porcupine
Tigress . .
Trippe . . .
480
480 180112 94 868396 60
136 155 53363035 25
27 35
300300 80
48 5656
32 32 24
32323232
1671
532
928
16
38
In the table Perry's crew is given as 532, but sickness reduced
his eHectives to 416. Barclay probably had more than 440 men,
but as some were unfit for duty, his effectives were about the same
or probably a few less than Perry's. During the action the Law
rence and Niagara each fought a long 12 instead of one of the car-
ronades on the engaged side, making a broadside of 888 lbs., 312
lbs. being from long guns. Barclay's vessels threw a broadside of
at least 466 lbs., 202 lbs. of which was from long guns, but, as will
be observed, from guns of' small calibre.
194 '^'^^ BATTLE OF LAKE ERIE
two small craft, one of which mounted a mortar, the
other a long eighteen-pounder ; and the whole weight of
metal did not amount to i,ioo pounds : while that of the
enemy, exclusive of the three remaining vessels of their
flotilla each mounting several gtms, was 1,280 : and when
it is taken into consideration that the accident which
occurred early in the engagement to the two principal
ships, prevented all possibility of bringing a second
broadside to bear, while the enemy, on the contrary,
were enabled to avail themselves of their whole metal,
the disproportion will appear even more enormous. Not
withstanding the disparity of force, however, a different
result might have been expected, had the unceasing
applications made for sailors been attended to by the
naval commander on Lake Ontario, to whose unwilling
ness to part with men, who might very well have been
spared for the occasion, must be attributed the sacrifice
of the gallant Barclay and his fleet, and eventually that
of the Right Division. The necessity of having regular
and experienced seamen was never more cruelly exem
plified than on the present occasion ; since, in all prob
ability, had they been present, the accident which left
the Detroit and Queen Charlotte entirely at the mercy of
the enemy, would either have been prevented, or reme
died in time. AU that courage and perseverance could
effect was done : but against the decree of Providence
who may successfully oppose himself ? Captain Barclay,
who had already lost one limb while fighting the battles
of his country, was so severely wounded in his only
remaining arm as to be compelled to leave the deck early
in the action. Captain Finnis, commanding the Queen
Charlotte, was killed by a round shot soon afterwards,
and the same ball carried off Lieutenant Garden, a prom
ising yotmg officer of the Newfoundland Regiment, min
gling the blood of the one and the brains of the other, on
the bulwark, in one melancholy and undistinguishable
mass. I had subsequently an opportunity of witnessing

BARCLAY'S OFFICIAL ACCOUNT 1 95
the devastation of this sanguinary day. The decks were
literally filled with the wounded ; and such was the crip
pled state of the Detroit, that not a mast was left stand
ing : almost all the gtms were dismounted, and it was
impossible to place a hand on that side which had been
exposed to the enemy's fire, without covering part
of a wound, either from grape, canister, or round shot.
Subjoined is Captain Barclay's account of the action.
Head Quarters, Montreal, Nov. 25th, 18 13.
My Lord, I h^ve the honor to transmit to Your Lordship copy
of a letter from Commodore Sir James Yeo, together
with Captain Barclay's official account of the action on
Lake Erie, referred to in my despatches to your Lordship,
No. 90 of the date of the 22nd September, and No. 91 of
Sth October last.
The loss sustained on that occasion Your Lordship
will find subjoined to the general order also herewith
transmitted, which I have felt it my duty to issue in con
sequence of the recent events in this command.
I am happy to be able to add, that Captain Barclay is
recovering of his wounds, and that there is a prospect of
his valuable life and services being preserved for the
benefit of his country. I have the honor to be, &c.,
George Prevost.
The Right Hon. Earl Bathurst, His Majesty's Ship Wolfe,
at Kingston, Nov. 15th, 1813.
Sir, — I yesterday received Captain Barclay's official
statement of the ill-fated action on Lake Erie, and as
Your ExceUency must wish to be informed of every par
ticular, I have the honor to enclose the same.
It appears to me that though His Majesty's Squadron
were very deficient in seamen, weight of metal, and par
ticularly long guns, yet the greatest misfortune was the
loss of every officer, particularly Captain Finnis, whose
life, had it been spared, would, in my opinion, have
saved the squadron. I have honor to be, &c. ,
' James Lucas Yeo, Commodore.
His Excellency Sir George Prevost, Bart.
Governor and General in Chief.

196 THE BATTLE OF LAKE ERIE
His Majesty's late Ship Detroit,
Put-in Bay, Lake Erie, Sept. 12th, 1813.
Sir, — The last letter I had the honor of writing to you,
dated the 6th instant, I informed you, that unless certain
intimation was received of more seamen being on their
way to Amherstburg, I should be obliged to sail with the
squadron deplorably manned as it was. to fight the
enemy (who blockaded the port), to enable us to get
supplies of provisions and stores, of every description ; so
perfectly destitute of provisions was the port, that there
was not a day's flour in store, and the crews of the
squadron under my command were on half allowance of
many things, and when that was done there was no
more. Such were the motives which induced Major-
General Procter (whom by your instructions I was
directed to consult, and whose wishes I was enjoined to
execute, as far as relates to the good of the country), to
concur in the necessity of a battle being risked under the
many disadvantages which I labored, and it now remains
for me, the most melancholy task to relate to you the
unfortunate issue of the battle, as well as the many
untoward circumstances that led to that event.
No intelUgence of seamen having arrived, I sailed on
the 9th inst. fully expecting to meet the enemy next
morning, as they had been seen among the islands ; nor
was I mistaken ; soon after daylight they were seen in
¦motion in Put-in Bay, the wind then at south-west and
light, giving us the weather-gage. I bore up for them,
in hopes of bringing them to action among the islands,
but that intention was soon frustrated, by the wind sud
denly shifting to the south-east, which brought the
enemy directly to windward. The line was formed
according to a given plan, so that each ship might be
supported against the superior force of the two brigs
opposed to them. About ten the enemy had cleared the
islands, and immediately bore up, under easy sail, in a
line abreast, each brig being also supported by the small
vessels. At a quarter before twelve I commenced the
action, by firing a few long guns ; about a quarter past,
the American Commodore, also supported by two
schooners, one carrying four long twelve-pounders, the
other a long 32 and 24-pounder, came to close action with
the Detroit ; the other brig of the enemy, apparently des
tined to engage the Queen Charlotte, supported in like

BARCLAY'S OFFICIAL ACCOUNT 1 97
manner by two schooners, kept so far to windward as to
render the Queen Charlotte's 24-pounder carronades use
less, while she was, with the Lady Prevost, exposed to
the heavy and destructive fire of the Caledonia, and four
other schooners, armed with long and heavy guns, like
those I have already described.
Too soon, alas ! was I deprived of the services of the
noble and intrepid Captain Finnis, who soon after the
commencement of the action fell, and with him fell my
greatest support; soon after. Lieutenant Stokoe, of the
Queen Charlotte, was struck senseless by a splinter,
which deprived the country of his services at this very
critical period. As I perceived, the Detroit had enough
to contend with, without the prospect of a fresh brig.
Provincial Lieutenant Irvine, who then had charge of
the Queen Charlotte, behaved with great courage, but
his experience was much too limited to supply the place
of such an officer as Captain Finnis, hence she proved of
far less assistance than I expected.
The action continued with great fury until half past two,
when I perceived my opponent drop astern, and a boat
passing from him to the Niagara (which vessel was at
this time perfectly fresh) ; the American Commodore see
ing, that as yet the day was against him (his vessel hav
ing struck soon after he left her) , and also the very de
fenceless state of the Detroit, which ship was now a per
fect wreck,, principally from the faking fire of the gun
boats, and also that the Queen Charlotte was in such a
situation, that I could receive verj^ little assistance from
her, and the Lady Prevost being at this time too far to
leeward, from her rudder being injured, made a noble,
and alas ! too successful an effort to regain it, for he bore
up, and supported by his small vessels, passed within pis
tol shot, and took a raking position on our bow, nor could
I prevent it, as the unfortunate situation of the Queen
Charlotte prevented us from wearing ; in attempting it
we fell on board her ; my gallant first Lieutenant Gar
land was now mortally wounded, and myself so severely,
that I was obliged to quit the deck.
Manned as the squadron was, with not more than fifty
British seamen, the rest a mixed crew of Canadians and
soldiers, and who were totally unacquainted with such
service, rendered the loss of officers more sensibly felt,
and never in any action was the loss more severe ; every

198 THE BATTLE OF LAKE ERIE
officer commanding vessels, and their seconds, were either
killed or wounded so severely, as to be unable to keep the
deck. Lieut. Buchan, in the Lady Prevost, behaved most
nobly, and did everything that a brave and experienced
officer could do in a vessel armed with 12-pounder carron
ades, against vessels carrying long guns. I regret to state
that he was very severely wounded. Lieut. Bignall of the
Dover, commanding the Hunter, displayed the greatest
intrepidity ; but his guns being small, (two, four and six
pounders) he could be of much less service than he
wished. Every officer in the Detroit behaved in the most exem
plary manner. Lieut. Inglis showed such calm intrepid
ity, that I was fully convinced that, on leaving the deck,
I left the ship in excellent hands ; and for an account of
the battle, after that, I refer you to his letter which he
wrote me, for your information. Mr. Hoffmeister,purser
of the Detroit, nobly volunteered tis services on deck,
and behaved in a manner that reflects' the highest honor
on him. I regret to add that he is very severely wound
ed in the knee. Provincial Lieut. Purvis, and the mili
tary officers, Lieuts. Garden, of the Royal Newfoundland
Regt., and O' Keefe, of the 41st Regt., behaved in a man
ner which excited my warmest admiration ; the few Brit
ish seamen I had behaved with their usual intrepidity,
and as long as I was on deck, the troops behaved with a
calmness and courage, worthy of a more fortunate issue
to their exertions.
The weather-gage gave the enemy a prodigious ad
vantage, as it enabled them not only to choose their posi
tion, but their distance also, which they did in such a
manner as to prevent the carronades of the Queen Char
lotte and Lady Prevost from having much effect ; while
their long guns did great execution, particularly against
the Queen Charlotte.
Capt. Perry has behaved in a most humane and atten
tive manner, not only to myself and officers, but to all
the wounded, I trust that although unsuccessful, you
will approve of the motives that induced me to sail under
so many disadvantages, and that it may be hereafter
proved that, under such circumstances, the honor of His

REPORT OF LIEUT. INGLIS 1 99
Majesty's flag has not been tarnished. I enclose the list
of killed and Wounded. I have the honor to be, &c.,
(Signed) R. H. Barclay, Commander,
and late Senior Officer.
To Commodore Sir James L- Yeo, Bt., &c.
His Majesty's late ship Detroit,
Sept. loth, 1813.
Sir, — I have the honor to transmit to you an account
of the termination of the late unfortunate action with the
enemy's squadron.
On coming on the quarter-deck after your being wound
ed, the enemy's second brig, at that time on our weather-
beam, shortly afterwards took a position on our weather-
bow to rake us ; to prevent which, in attempting to wear,
to get our starboard broadside to bear upon her, a num
ber of the guns of the larboard broadside being at this
time disabled, fell on board the Queen Charlotte, at this
time running up to leeward of us. In this situation the
two ships remained for some time. As soon as we got
clear . of her, I ordered the Queen Charlotte to shoot
ahead of us if possible ; and attempted to back our fore-
topsail to get astern, but the ship laying completely un
manageable, every brace cut away, fhe mizzen top-mast
and gaff down, all the other masts badly wounded, not a
stay left forward, hull shattered very much, a number of
the guns disabled, and the enemy's squadron raking both
ships ahead and astern, none of our own in a situation to
support us, I was under the painful necessity of answer
ing the enemy, to say we had struck, the Queen Char
lotte having previously done so.
I have the honor to be, &c. ,
(Signed) George Inglis.
To Capt. Barclay,
&c., &c., &c.
A list of killed and wounded in His Majesty's ships and
vessels in an action with the American squadron on Lake
Erie, the loth September, 1813.
3 officers and 38 men, killed ; 9 officers, 85 men,
wounded. Total — 41 killed ; 94 wounded.

200 THE BATTLE OF LAKE ERIE
Names of officers killed and wounded — Lieut. James
Garden, Royal Newfoundland Regiment, killed ; Detroit,
killed : First Lieut. John Garland ; wounded : Captain
R. H. Barclay, dangerously ; J. R. Hoffmeister, purser,
dangerously ; Queen Charlotte, killed : Captain Robert
Finnis ; wounded : First Lieut. James Stokoe, severely ;
James Foster, midshipman, sUghtly ; Lady Prevost,
wounded : Lieut. Edward Buchan, commanding, danger
ously ; First Lieut. F. Rolette, severely ; Hunter,
wounded : Lieut. George Bignall, commanding, severely;
Henry GateshiU, master's mate, slightly ; Chippeway,
wounded : master's mate, J. Campbell, commanding,
subtly. (Signed) R. H. Barclay, Commander,
and late Senior Officer.
The annexed is Commander Perry's Official account of
the action. U.S. Schr. Ariel, Put-in Bay, i3thSept., 1813.
Sir, — In my last, I informed you that we had captured
the enemy's fleet on^this lake. I have now the honor to
give you the most important particulars of the action : — On
the morning of the loth instant, at sun-rise, they were
discovered from Put-in Bay, when I lay at anchor, with
the squadron under my command. We got under weigh,
the wind light' at south-west, and stood for them. At
10 a.m. the wind hauled to south-east, and brought us to
windward ; formed the line, and bore Up. At 15 min
utes before 12, the enemy commenced firing ; at 5 min
utes before 12, the action commenced on our part. Find
ing their fire very destructive, owing to their long guns,
and it being^^^^y directed at the Lawrence, I made
sail, and directed the other vessels to follow, for the pur
pose of closing with the enemy — every brace and bow
line being soon shot away, she became unmanageable, not
withstanding the great exertions of the sailing master.
In this situation, she sustained the action upwards oftwo
hours, within canister distance, until every gun was ren
dered useless, and the greater part of her crew either
killed or wounded. Finding she could no longer annoy
the enemy, I left her in charge of Lieut. Yarnall, who, I
was convinced, from the bravery already displayed by
him, would do what would comport with the honor of

Oliver Hazard Perry.

perry's OFFICIAL ACCOUNT 20I
the flag. At half past two, the wind springing up. Cap
tain Elliott was enabled to bring his vessel, the Niagara,
gallantly into close action ; I immediately went on board
of her, when he anticipated my wish, by volunteering to
bring the schooner, which had been kept astern by the
lightness of the wind, into close action.
It was with unspeakable pain that I saw, soon after I
got on board the Niagara, the flag of the Lawrence come
down; although I was perfectly sensible that she had
been defended to the last, and that to have continued to
make a show of resistance, would have been a wanton
sacrifice of the remains of her brave crew. But the enemy
was not able to take possession of her, and circumstances
soon permitted her flag again to be hoisted. At 45
minutes past two, the signal was made for ' 'close action' ' ;
the Niagara being very little injured, I determined to
pass through the enemy's line — bore up and passed ahead
of their two ships, and a brig, giving a raking fire to them,
from the starboard guns and to a large schooner and
sloop from the larboard side, at half pistol-shot distance.
The smaller vessels, at this time, having got within grape
and canister distance, under the direction of Capt. EUiott,
and keeping up a well-directed fire, the two ships, a brig,
and a schooner surrendered, a schooner and sloop making
a vain attempt to escape.
Those officers and men, who were immediately under
my observation, evinced the greatest gallantry ; and, I
have no doubt that all others conducted themselves as
became American officers and seamen. Lieut. Yarnall,
ist of the Lawrence, although several times wounded,
refused to quit the deck. Midshipman Forrest, (doing
duty as Lieutenant) , and sailing master Taylor, were of
great assistance to me. I have great pain, in stating to
you the death of Lieut. Brooks, of the marines, and Mid
shipman Laub, both of the Lawrence, and Midshipman
John Clark, of the Scorpion ; they were valuable and
promising officers. Mr. Hambleton, purser, who volun
teered his services on deck, was severely woimded, late
in the action. Midshipmen Claxton and Swartwout, of
the Lawrence, were severely wounded. On board the
Niagara, Lieutenants Smith and Edwards, and Midship
man Webster, (doing duty as sailing master) , behaved in
a very handsome manner. Captain Brevoort, of the army,
who acted as a volunteer, in the capacity of a marine

202 THE BATTLE OF LAKE ERIE
officer, on board that vessel, is an excellent and brave
officer; and, with his musketry, did great execution.
Lieut. Turner, commanding the Caledonia, brought that
vessel into action in the most able manner, and is an
officer, in all situations, that may be relied on.
The Ariel,Lieut. Packett, and Scorpion, saihng master
Champlin, were enabled to get early into action, and were
of great service. Captain Elliott speaks in the highest
terms of Mr. Magrath, purser, who had been dispatched
in a boat, on service, previous to my getting on board
the Niagara ; and, being a seaman, since the action has
rendered essential service in taking charge of one of the
prizes. Of Captain EUiott, already so well known to the gov
ernment, it would be almost superfluous to speak : — in
this action, he evinced his characteristic bravery and
judgment ; and, since the close of the action, has given
me the most able.and essential assistance.
I have the honor to enclose you a return of the killed
and wounded, together with a statement of the relative
force of the squadrons. The Captain and ist Lieutenant
of the Queen Charlotte, and ist Lieut, of the Detroit,
were killed. Captain Barclay, senior officer, and the
commander of the Lady Prevost, severely wounded. The
commandersof the Hunter and Chippeway, slightly wound
ed. Their loss, in killed and wounded, I have not been
able to ascertain ; it must, however, have been very
great. I have caused the prisoners, taken on the loth inst.,
to be landed at Sandusky ; and have requested Gen. Har
rison to have them marched to Chillicothe, and there
wait, until your pleasure shall be known respecting them.
The Lawrence has been so entirely cutup,it is absolutely
necessary she should go into a safe harbor ; I have, there
fore, directed Lieut. Yarnall to proceed to Erie, in her,
with the wounded of the fleet ; and dismantle, and get
her over the bar, as soon as possible.
The two ships, in a heavy sea, this day at anchor,, lost
their masts, being much injured in the action. I shall
haul them into the inner bay, at this place, and moor
them for the present. The Detroit is a remarkably fine
ship ; sails well and is very strongly built ; — the Queen
Charlotte is a much superior vessel to what has been
represented ; — the Lady Prevost is a large, fine schooner.

Perry's Statue, Cleveland, Ohio.

perry's OFFICIAL ACCOUNT 203
I also beg your instructions, respecting the wounded ;
I am satisfied, sir, that whatever steps I might take; gov
erned by humanity, would meet your approbation ; —
imder this impression, I have taken upon myself to
promise Capt. Barclay, who is very dangerously wound
ed, that he shall be landed as near Lake Ontario as pos
sible ; and, I had no doubt, you would allow me to
parole him ; he is under the impression, that nothing but
leaving this part of the country will save his life. There
is also a number of Canadians among the prisoners — many
who have families. I have the honor, &c.,
O. H. Perry.
Hon. W. Jones, Sec. Navy.
The Return above alluded to by Commodore Perry,'
admits the American loss to have been 27 killed, and
96 wounded — total 123.=
'Perry was not a Commodore, neither was Barclay. The Com
modore of the Americans was Isaac Chauncey, and of the British
Sir James Lucas Yeo. James Fenimore Cooper says : " Perry
was not made a Captain until after the Battle of Lake Erie, his
commission being dated Sept. 10th, 1813, the day of his victory."
=These casualties were distributed in the following manner, —
VESSEL. KILLED. WOUNDED. TOTAL.
Lawrence  22 61 83
Niagara  2 25 27
Caledonia  0 3 3
Somers  0 2 2
Ariel  1 3 4
Trippe  ,. 0 2 2
Scorpion  2 0 2
Total  27 96 123

XI
THE BATTLE OF MORAVIANTOWN
With the loss of our fleet vanished every hope of main
taining our positions against the enemy, who, already
assembled in the neighborhood of Forts Sandusky and
Meigs, to the number of ten thousand men, only awaited
the result of the action to decide on their future move
ments. A vast number of boats had been collected for
the purpose of transporting them across the lake, under
cover of their squadron, whose recent success leaving
them undisputed masters of that element, necessarily
precluded all probability of effectual opposition. A coun
cil was accordingly assembled, and the various chieftains
summoned to attend. After a brief exposition of the
defenceless state of the garrison, the almost utter impos
sibility of preventing the landing of the enemy, and the
alarming destitution into which the magazines of pro
vision had fallen. General Procter proposed that the
forts of Detroit and Amherstburg, together with the va
rious public buildings, should be destroyed, and that the
troops and Indians should retire on the Centre Division at
Niagara. This proposal was met by the chieftains with
divided sentiments ; but Tecumseh, whose gallant and
impetuous spirit could ill brook the idea of retiring be
fore his enemies, had no sooner heard the conclusion,
than he arose, and, in a speech of much length, and ac
companied by powerful energy and gesticulation, pro
tested against the infamy of abandoning the position
without first using every exertion for its defence. He'ad-
dressed the commanding officer in the severest terms ;
accused him of cowardice ; and after having compared
his conduct with that of Captain Barclay, whose noble
defence had inspired him with an enthusiasm surpassed
204

tecumseh's speech 205
only by the regret he entertained at his failure, conclud
ed by declaring it to be his fixed determination to remain
with his warriors and defend the place himself.
"Father, — (he thundered) , Listen to your children!
You see them now all before you. The war before this,
our British father gave the hatchet to his red children
when our old chiefs were alive. They are now all dead.
In that war, our father was thrown on his back by the
Americans, and our father took them by the hand with
out our knowledge, and we are afraid our father will do
so again at this time.
Summer before last, when I came forward with my red
brethren, and was ready to take up the hatchet in favor
of our British father, we were told not to be in a hurry —
that he had not yet determined to fight the Americans.
Listen ! When war was declared, our father stood up
and gave us the tomahawk, and told us that he was now
ready to strike the Americans — that he wanted our assist
ance ; and that he would certainly get us our lands back,
which the Americans had taken from us.
Listen ! You told us at that time to bring forward
our families to this place — we did so, and you promised
to take care of them, and that they should want for
nothing, while the men would go and fight the enemy —
that we were not to trouble ourselves with the enemy's
garrisons — that we knew nothing about them, and that
our father would attend to that part of the business. You
also told your red children that you would take good care
of their garrison here, which made our hearts glad.
Listen ! When we last went to the Rapids, it is true
we gave you little assistance. It is hard to fight people
who live like ground-hogs.
Father — Listen ! Our fleet has gone out ; we know
they have fought ; we have heard the great guns ; but
know nothing of what has happened to our father with
one arm.^ Our ships have gone one way, and we are
iThe allusion here is to Captain Robert Herriott Barclay, R.N.,
who arrived from England in May, 1813, and atter some service on
Lake Ontario was assigned the command on Lake Erie about the
flrst of July. He served with Nelson at Trafalgar, where he lost
an arm. A court-martial was held upon him for the loss of the fleet
on Lake Erie, which decided that he was " fuliy and honorably
acquitted." After returning to Great Britain he lived in Edin
burgh. The inscription on his tombstone, in Greyfriar's church-
vard, states that he died on the 8th ot May, 1837, aged 52 years.

206 THE BATTLE OF MORAVIANTOWN
much astonished to see our father tying up everything
and preparing to run away the other, without letting his
red children know what his intentions are. You always
told us to remain here and take care of our lands ; it
made our hearts glad to hear that was your wish. Our
great father, the king, is the head, and you represent
him. You always told us you would never draw your
foot off British ground ; but now, father, we see you are
drawing back, and we are sorry to see our father doing
so without seeing the enemy. We must compare our
father's conduct to a fat animal, that carries its tail upon
its back, but when affrighted, it drops it between its legs
and runs off.
Listen, father ! The Americans have not yet defeated
us by land ; neither are we sure that they have done so by
water ; we therefore vyish to remain here, and fight our
enemy, should they make their appearance. If they
defeat us, we will then retreat with our father.
At the battle of the Rapids, last war, the Americans
certainly defeated us ; and when we retreated to our
father' s fort at that place, the gates were shut against us.
We were afraid that it would now be the case ; but
instead of that we now see our British father preparing
to march out of his garrison.
Father ! You have got the arms and ammunition
which our great father sent for his red children. If you
have any idea of going away, give them to us, and you
may go in welcome, for us. Our lives are in the hands
of the Great Spirit. We are determined to. defend our
lands, and if it is his will, we wish to leave our bones
upon them."
No sooner had the last words of this startling speech'
died away upon his lips, than the various chieftains
started up to a man, and brandishing their tomahawks in
the most menacing manner, vociferated their approbation
of his sentiments. The scene altogether was of the most
imposing character. The council room was a large, lofty
building, the vaulted roof of which echoed back the wild
yell of the Indians ; while the threatening attitude and
¦This speech was delivered on September 18th, 1813.
In the yard of Mr. Simon Eraser, ex-mayor of Amherstburg, is
preserved a large boulder upon which Tecumseh used to stand
when addressing his braves.

From a special plioto.

The North West Bastion of Fort Amherstburg.

preparations for retreat 207
diversified costume of these latter formed a striking con
trast with the calm demeanor and military garb of the
officers grouped around the walls. The most prominent
feature in the picture, however, was Tecumseh. Habited
in a close leather dress, his athletic proportions were ad
mirably delineated, while a large plume of white ostrich
feathers, by which he was generally distinguished, over
shadowing his brow, and contrasting with the darkness of
his complexion and the brilliancy of his black and piercing
eye, gave a singularly wild and terrific expression to his
features. It was evident that he could be terrible.
Tranquillity being at length restored. General Procter,
through the medium of his interpreters, entered into a
more detailed account of the motives by which he was in
fluenced, and finaUy succeeded in prevailing on the war
rior to assent to a second proposal, which, was to retire
on the Moravian village, distant nearly halfway between
Amherstburg and the outposts of the Centre Division, and
there await the approach of the enemy.
It having been resolved to move without loss of time,
the troops were immediately employed in razing the for
tifications, and committing such stores as it was found
impossible to remove to the flames, kindled in the various
public buildings ; and the ports of Detroit and Amherst
burg for some days previous to our departure presented a
scene of cruel desolation. At length, the baggage wag
gons and boats having been sent in advance, the troops of
the latter garrison commenced their match early in the
last week of September, and being joined by those of
Detroit, proceeded up the mouth of the Thames, a river
navigable for small craft, and separated from that of De
troit by the Lake St. Clair, into which it empties itself.
Our movements were extremely dilatory ; and although
the bridge near Amherstburg, already described in the
early part of this narrative, had been destroyed by our
rear-guard, it was speedily repaired by the American

208 THE BATTLE OF MORAVIANTOWN
general who, on the third day after our departure from
Amherstburg, crossed the lake in boats ; and hastening
to overtake us with a corps of five thousand men, was
within a few leagues at the moment we approached the
position where it was originally intended the little army
should entrench itself.
The Moravian viUage, situated in a small plain, offered
every facility of defence, being bounded on one flank by
a thick wood, highly favorable 'to the operations of the
Indians, and on the other, by the river Thames, while
immediately in front, a deep ravfne, covered with brush
wood, and commanded by our guns, presented an
obstacle peculiarly unfavorable to the passage of cavalry,
of which, we were sufficiently informed^ a large portion
of the advancing columns consisted. Yet, notwithstand
ing the excellence of the position, from some singularly
selfish motive, the project was entirely abandoned. On
the evening of the 4th, the enemy had captured our
boats and, with them, the guard by which they were ac
companied. Lieut. Holmes, of the Provincial Dragoons,
an active and enterprising officer, who, with a small de
tachment of men, was of great service to the army during
its retreat, also fell into the hands of the enemy on this
day, having been taken while in the act of swimming his
horse across the Chatham river,' on his return from de
stroying some bridges. On the 5th, at one o'clock in the
afternoon, we were within two miles of the Moravian vil
lage, but in defiance of that repeated experience which
should have taught us the hopelessness of combating a
concealed enemy, the troops were ordered to defile into
the heart of a wood, not very close it is true, yet through
the interstices of which it was imppssible for the view to
extend itself beyond a distance of twenty paces, much
less to discover objects bearing so close a resemblance to,
the bark, and foliage of the trees and bushes as the cos-
iMcGregor's Creek, which debouches into the Thames about
the centre ot the present city of Chatham.

DEFEAT OF THE BRITISH 209
tume of the Americans; whereas, on the contrary, the
glaring red of the troops formed a point of relief on which
the eye could not fail to dwell. In this position we con
tinued to remain during two hours, our left wing ex
tending to the road, in which a solitary six pounder was
posted, and the right flanked by the Indians to the num
ber of 1,000 under Tecumseh; when the bugles of the
enemy sounding at length to the attack, the engagement
commenced. The result of an affair, against a body of
such numerical superiority, and under such circumstances,
may easily be anticipated. Closely pressed on every
hand, and principally by a strong corps of mounted
riflemen, the troops were finally compelled to give way,
and completely hemmed in by their assailants, had no
other alternative than to lay down their arms — about
fifty men only, with a single officer of the regiment,,
(Lieut. Bullock) , contriving, when all was lost, to effect
their escape through the wood. General Procter,
mounted on an excellent charger, and accompanied byhis
personal staff, sought safety in flight at the very com
mencement of the action, and being pursued for some
hours by a detachment of mounted Kentucky riflemeUj
was in imminent danger of falling into their hands.
In this affair, I had an opportunity of witnessing the
cruel dexterity and despatch with which the Indians use
the tomahawk and scalping knife. A Kentucky rifleman,
who had been dismounted within a few yards of the spot
where I stood, — and the light company, to which I was at
tached, touched the left flank of the Indians — was fired at
by three warriors of the Delaware tribe. The unfortunate
man received their several balls in his body, yet,
although faint from loss of blood, he made every exer
tion to save himself. Never was fear so strongly depicted
on the human countenance, and the man's hair (for he
was uncovered) absolutely seemed to me to stand on end,
as he attempted to double a large fallen tree, in order to
elude the weapons of his enemies. The foremost of his

210 THE BATTLE OF MORAVIANTOWN
pursuers was a tall powerful man — a chief whom I well
knew, having, only a few days before we commenced our
retreat, obtained from him a saddle in exchange for a
regimental coat, purchased at the sale of the effects of
Lieut. Sutherland, wounded at Maguaga. When within
twelve or fifteen paces of the rifleman, he raised and
threw his tomahawk, and with such precision and force,
that it immediately opened the skull, and extended him
motionless on the earth. Laying down his rifle, he drew
forth his knife, and after having removed the hatchet
from the brain, proceeded to make a circular incision
throughout the scalp. This done, he grasped the bloody
instrument between his teeth, and placing his knees on
the back of his victim, while at the same time he fastened
his fingers in the hair, the scalp was torn off without
much apparent difficulty and thrust, still bleeding, into
his bosom. The warrior then arose, and after having
wiped his knife on the clothes of the unhappy man, re
turned it to its sheath, grasping at the same time the
arms he had abandoned, and hastening to rejoin his
comrades. All this was the work of a few minutes.
While this brief scene was enacting, the main body of
the eneniy, who had by this time succeeded in breaking
through our centre, and had wheeled up, in order to take
the Indians in flank, moved rapidly upon us in every di
rection ; so that the resistance the light company had
hitherto opposed, was now utterly hopeless of any suc
cessful result. Persuaded moreover, from the sudden
cessation of the firing in that direction, that our centre
and left (for the wood intercepted them from our view) ,
had been overcome, we, at the suggestion and command
of Lieutenant Hailes, the only officer with us, prepared
to make good our retreat, but, instead of going deeper
into the wood as we purposed, we mistook our way, and
found ourselves unexpectedly in the road ; when, on
glancing to the right, we beheld, at a distance of about
five hundred yards, the main body of our men disarmed

BRITISH RETREAT CUT OFF 211
— grouped together, and surrounded by American troops.
On turning to the left, as we instinctively did, we saw a
strong body of cavalry coming toward us, evidently re
turning from some short pursuit, and slowly walking
their horses. At the head of these, and dressed like his
men, in Kentucky hunting frocks, was a stout elderly
officer whom we subsequently knew to be Governor
Shelby, and who the moment he beheld us emerging from
the wood, galloped forward and brandishing his sword
over his head, cried out with stentorian lungs ' ' Surrender
surrender, it's no use resisting, all your people are
taken, and you had better surrender." There was no
alternative. The channel to escape had been closed by
the horsemen in the wood, as well as those in the road,
and a surrender was unavoidable. We accordingly
moved down to join our captured comrades, as directed
by Governor Shelby, yet I well recollect burying my
musket in the mud, which was very deep, in order to
avoid giving it up to the enemy. Perfectly also do I
recollect the remark made by a tall Kentuckian as I
passed by him to the group — " Well I guess now, you
tarnation little Britisher, who'd calculate to see such a
bit of a chap as you here ?' ' But I heeded not the sneer '
of the Kentuckian. My eye had fallen and rested upon
a body of American Indians, about fifty in number, from
some one of whose tomahawks, I apprehended the death
blow — I had seen their weapons too often exercised (and
indeed, as has been seen, only a few minutes before) to
feel anything like security. But my fear was without
foundation. As I watched them more narrowly, I found
that their countenances wore an expression of concern,
and that, so far from seeking to injure us, they seemed
rather to regret our fate. Nor is this at all unlikely, as
it was well known that the greater portion of the warriors
who had taken up the hatchet in favor of the United
States, had been induced to do so from compulsion
alone. This Uttle anecdote, otherwise too personal per-

212 THE BATTLE OF MORAVIANTOWN
haps, affords another in support of the many striking
evidences of the strong attachment of the Indians for the
British. The most serious loss we sustained on this occasion
was that of the noble and unfortunate Tecumseh. Only
a few minutes before the clang of the American bugles
was heard ringing through the forest, and inspiriting to
action, the haughty Chieftain had passed along our line,
pleased with the manner in which his left was supported,
and seemingly sanguine of success. He was dressed in
his usual deer skin dress, which admirably displayed his
light yet sinewy figure, and in his handkerchief, rolled
as a turban over his brow, was placed a handsome white
ostrich feather, which had been given to him by a near
relation of the writer of this narrative, and on which he
was ever fond of decorating himself, either for the Hall of
Council or the battle field. He pressed the hand of each
officer as he passed, made some remark in Shawnee, ap
propriate to the occasion, which was sufficiently under
stood by the expressive signs accompanying them, and
then passed away forever from our view. Towards the
close of the engagement, he had been personally opposed
to Colonel Johnson, commanding the American mounted
riflemen, and having severely wounded that officer with a
ball from his rifle, was in the act of springing upon him
with his tomahawk, when his adversary drew a pistol
from his belt, and shot him dead on the spot. It has
since been denied by the Americans that the hero met his
death from the hand of Colonel Johnson. Such was the
statement on the day of the action, nor was it ever con
tradicted at that period. There is every reason to infer
then that the merit (if any merit could attach to the de
struction of all that was noble and generous in savage
life) , of having kiUed Tecumseh, rests with Colonel John
son. The merit of having flayed the body of the fallen
brave, and made razor strops of his skin, rests with his
immediate followers. This too has been denied, but

Drawn by F. Brigden.

Tecumseh.

death of tecumseh 2:3
denial is vain. On the night of the engagement, when
seated around a fire kindled in the forest, partaking, on
the very battle ground, of the meat which Gen. Harri
son's aids-de-camp were considerately and hospitably
toasting for us on long pointed sticks, or skewers, and
which, half-famished as we were, we greedily ate with
out the accompaniment of either salt or bread, the pain
ful subject was discussed, and it is not less an eulogy to
the memory of the high-minded Tecumseh, than a justice
to that of General Harrison to add, that that officer was
the first to deplore his death ; while the sentiments he
expressed, when the circumstance and manner of his fall
were made known, were such as to reflect credit on him
self, both as a man, a Christian, and a soldier.
Doubts as to the fact of Tecumseh having fallen at all
at the Moraviantown, have, in the same spirit of party
which has denied to Colonel Johnson the act of having
shot him, been entertained ; and it has even been asserted
that the mutilated remains which were supposed to have
been his, were in reality those of another Chief. Would
for the honor of humanity it had been so : but this is in
correct. Several of the officers of the 41st, on being ap
prized of his fall, went, accompanied by some of General
Harrison's Staff, to visit the spot where Tecumseh lay,
and there they identified (for they knew well) in the
mangled corpse before them, all that remained of the
late powerful and intelligent chieftain. Ofthe pain with
which the sight was viewed, and the deep regret with
which his death was regarded, no stronger evidence can
be given than in the fact that there was scarcely an offi
cer of the captured Division who, as he reposed his head
upon the rude log, affording him the only pillow that
night, did not wholly lose sight of his own unfortunate
position in the more Uvely emotion produced by the un
timely fate of the lamented and noble Indian. It has
ever been a source of profound regret to me that I was
not present at this inspection, for although the sight of

214 THE BATTLE OF MORAVIANTOWN
the mutilated hero could not have failed to inflict upon
niy heart pain of the most poignant kind, it would have
been at least a consolation to have seen the last of his re
mains on earth : and this not more from the reverence
and honor in which I had, and have, ever held the War
rior, than from the opportunity I should now pos
sess of bearing attestation to the fact and manner of his
fall, from my own positive and personal observation. I
was not, however, aware of the purposed visit until the
party had returned, and made it the subject of conversa
tion, in presence of General Harrison, as already stated.
Nor was there time afforded for remedying the uninten
tional omission.
But the battle of the Moraviantown (if indeed battle
it can be called) embracing as it does an important por
tion of Canadian History, and involving the honor of the
British arms, is not thus briefly to be dismissed. The
Right Division has been grossly vilified for its conduct on
the occasion, and that vilification stands on public
record. The proud — the honorable — the gratifying task
of refuting the unmerited aspersion has devolved on the
young, and humble, and comparatively unnoticed volun
teer, who had the advantage of tracking it throughout
its whole course of unceasing service, and whose lot it
seems to be to have been nursed in the regiment, chiefly
to become, at this distant day, the impartial chronicler of
its deeds, and the vindicator of its unjustly sullied name.
First on the list of calumny stands the general order
issued by Sir George Prevost — a commander whose
marked imbecility and want of resolution, on more than
one occasion, (reflecting the deepest disgrace on the
British arms) , had doubtless been ordained as a fitting
punishment for his arrogant censure of the conduct of a
corps, whose general excellence he was incompetent to
appreciate, and whose only positive crime was that of its
weakness, its physical disorganization, and its utter
destitution. Here is the insulting and most uncalled for

PREVOST'S GENERAL ORDER 215
document, and who, on perusing it, after having traced
the regiment through its previous course of glory will
fail to entertain a sentiment of deep indignation at its in
justice? General Order,
Head Quarters, Montreal, Nov. 24th, 1813.
His Excellency the Commander of the Forces has re
ceived an Official report from Major-General Procter of
the affair which took place on the 5th October, near the
Moravian village, and he has in vain sought in it, for
grounds to palliate the report made to His ExceUency by
Staff Adjutant Reiffenstein, upon which the General
Order of the iSth October was founded— on the contrary
that statement remains confirmed in all the principal
events which marked that disgraceful day ; the precipi
tancy with which the Staff Adjutant retreated from the
field of action, prevented his ascertaining the loss sus
tained by the division on that occasion ; it also led him
most grossly to exaggerate the enemy's force, and to
misrepresent the conduct of the Indian Warriors who in
stead of retreating towards Machedash, as he had stated,
gallantly maintained the conflict, under their brave
Chief Tecumseh, and in their turn harassed the
American Army on its retreat to Detroit.
The subjoined return states the loss the Right Division
has sustained in the action of the fleet on Lake Erie on
the loth Sept., and in the affair of the 5th October near
the Moravian village. In the latter but very few appear to
have been rescued by an honorable death, from the ig
nominy of passing under the American yoke, nor are
there many whose wounds plead in mitigation of this re
proach. The Right Division appears to have been en
cumbered with an unmanageable load of unnecessary, and
forbidden private baggage — while the requisite arrange
ments for the expeditious, and certain conveyance of the
ammunition, and provisions, the sole objects worthy of
consideration, appear to have been totally neglected, as
well as all those ordinary measures resorted to by officers
of intelligence, to retard and impede the advance of a
pursuing enemy. The result affords but too fatal a proof
of this unjustifiable neglect. The Right Division had
quitted Sandwich in its retreat on the 26th September,
having had ample time, for every previous arrangement.

2l6 THE BATTLE OF MORAVIANTOWN
to facilitate and secure that movement ; on the 2nd Octo
ber following, the enemy pursued by the same route, and
on the 4th succeeded in capturing all the stores of the
division, and on the following day attacked and defeated
it almost without a struggle.
With heart-felt pride and satisfaction the Commander
of the Forces had lavished on the Right Division of this
army, that tribute of praise which was so justly due to its
former gallantry and steady discipline. It is with poign
ant grief and mortification that he now beholds its well-
earned laurels tarnished, and its conduct calls loudly for
reproach and censure.
The Commander of the Forces appeals to the genuine
feelings of the British soldier from whom he neither con
ceals the extent of the loss the army has suffered, northe
far more to be lamented injury it has sustained in its
wounded honor, confident that but one sentiment will
animate every breast, and that zealous to wash out the
stain, which by a most extiraordinary and unaccountable
infatuation, has fallen on a formerly deserving portion of
the army, all will vie to emulate the glorious achieve
ments recently performed, by a small but highly spirited
ahd well-disciplined division, led by officers possessed of
enterprise, intelligence, and gallantry, nobly evincing
what British soldiers can perform, when susceptible of
no fear, but that of failing in the discharge of their duty.
His Excellency considers it an act of justice, to exon
erate most honorably from this censure the brave soldiers
who were serving as marines on board the squadron on
Lake Erie, the Commander of the Forces having re
ceived the, official report of Capt. Barclay of the action
which took place on Lake Erie on the loth September
when that gallant officer, from circumstances of imperious
necessity was compelled to seek the superior force of the
enemy, and to maintain an arduous and long-contested
action under circumstances of accumulating ill fortune. ,
Captain Barclay represents, that the wind, which was
favorable early in the day, suddenly changed, giving the
enemy the weather-gage, and that this important advan
tage was, shortly after the commencement of the engage
ment, heightened by the faU of Captain Finnis, the com
mander of the Queen Charlotte. In the death of that in
trepid and intelligent officer, Capt. Barclay laments the
loss of his main support. The fall of Capt. Finnis was

prevost's general order 217
soon followed by that of I^ieut. Stokoe, whose country
was deprived of his services at this very critical period
leaving the command of the Queen Charlotte to Provin
cial Lieutenant Irvine, who conducted himself with great
courage, but was too limited in experience to supply the
place of such an officer as Capt. Finnis, and in conse
quence this vessel proved of far less assistance than might
be expected.
The action commenced at about a quarter before 12
o'clock, and continued with great fury until half-past 2,
when the American Commodore quitted his ship, which
struck shortly after, to that commanded by Capt. Bar
clay (the Detroit.) Hitherto the determined valor dis
played by the British squadron, had surmounted every dis
advantage, and the day was in our favor ; but the contest
had arrived at that period when valor alone was unavailing
— the Detroit and Queen Charlotte were perfect wrecks,
and required the utmost skill of seamanship, while the
commanders and second officers, of every vessel, were
either killed or wounded : not more than fifty British
seamen were dispersed in the crews of the squadron, and
of these a great proportion had fallen in the conflict.
The American Commodore made a gallant, and but too
successful an effort to regain the day. His second larg
est vessel, the Niagara, had suffered Uttle, and his numer
ous gun-boats which had proved the greatest source of
annoyance during the action, were all uninjured.
Lieutenant Garland, First Lieutenant of the Detroit,
being mortally wounded, previous to the wounds of Cap
tain Barclay obliging him to quit the deck, it fell to the
lot of Lieutenant Inglis, to whose intrepidity and conduct
the highest praise is given, to surrender His Majesty's
Ship, when all further resistance had become unavailing.
The enemy, by having the weather-gage, were enabled
to choose their distance and thereby avail themselves of
the great advantage they derived in a superiority of
heavy long guns, but Captain Barclay attributes the re
sult of the day, to the unprecedented fall of every Com
mander,, and second in command, and the very small
number of able seamen left in the squadron, at a moment
when the judgment of the officer, and skilful exertions of
the sailor were most immediately called for.
To the British seamen. Captain Barclay bestows the
highest praise — that they behaved like British seamen. From

2l8 THE BATTLE OF MORAVIANTOWN
the officers and soldiers of the regular force serving as
marines. Captain Barclay experienced every support
within their power, and states that their conduct has ex
cited his warmest thanks and admiration.
Deprived of the palm of victory, when almost within
his grasp, by an overwhelming force which the enemy
possessed in reserve, aided by an accumulation of unfor
tunate circumstances. Captain Barclay and his brave
crew have, by their gallant daring, and self-devotion to
their country's cause, rescued its honor and their own,
even in defeat. Edward baynes.
Ad j ut ant- General .
Return of the Right Division of the Army of Upper
Canada :
Detachment serving as marines on board the squadron
in action on loth September, 1813.
Killed — I lieutenant, i sergeant, 21 rank and file.
Wounded — 3 sergeants, 46 rank and file.
Prisoners — 2 lieutenants, i asst. surgeon, 4 sergeants,
4 drummers, 167 rank and file.
Killed, wounded, and missing in the retreat and in the
action of the 5th October, 1813 :
I inspecting field officer, i dep. asst. qr. -master-general,
I fort adjutant, i hospital mate, i lieutenant-col., 6 cap
tains, 12 lieutenants, 3 ensigns, i paymaster, i asst. sur
geon, 34 sergeants, 13 drummers, 559 rank and file, 46
horses. Assembled at Ancaster on the 17th October, 1813 :
I major-general, i major of brigade, i aid-de-camp, i
staff adjutant, 3 captains, 5 lieutenants, 2 ensigns, i ad
jutant, I quarter-master, 2 asst. surgeons, 15 sergeants,
9 drummers, 204 rank and file, 53 horses.
Total strength of the Right Division on the loth Sep
tember, 1813 :
I major-general, i inspecting field officer, i major of
brigade, i dep. asst. q.m. gen., i aid-de-camp, i staff ad
jutant, I fort adjutant, i hospital mate, i lieutenant-
colonel, 9 captains, 20 lieutenants, 5 ensigns, i pay
master, I adjutant, i quarter-master, 4 assistant sur
geons, 57 sergeants, 26 drummers, 997 rank and file, 99
horses, s
Killed — Lieut. Garden, Royal Newfoundland Regt.
Edward Baynes,
Adjutant-General.

prevost CHARACTERIZED 2 19
Well timed indeed, and with a befitting grace does the
insulting censure, contained in the opening of the above
or.der,. emanate from the man who had previously made a
descent upon Sackett's Harbor, with a view of -destroying
the enemy's naval and military works, and who at the
very moment of accompUshment of the object of the ex
pedition, and when the Ainericans were retreating, turned
and fled with precipitation to his boats, presenting to the
troops, who were unwilhng sharers in his disgrace, the
monstrous yet ludicrous anomaly of two hostile armies
fleeing from each other at the same time. Well does it
become the leader who, at Plattsburg, covered the British
, army with shame, and himself with enduring infamy, by
retiring at the head of 15,000 men — chiefly the flower of
the Dukeof WelUngton' s army — before a force of Ameri
cans not exceeding as many hundreds ; and this even at
the moment when the commander of these latter was pre
paring to surrender his trust without a struggle. Well
does it proceed from him, who through timidity and
vacillation alone, at an earlier period of the war, entered
into a disgraceful armistice with the enemy at the very mo
ment when General Brock was preparing to follow up his
successes on the western frontier, by sweeping the whole
southern border of the St. Lawrence. Happily was it de
vised by the authority to whose culpable inattention and
neglect alone was owing the loss of the gallant Bar
clay's fleet, and the consequent helplessness of that very
Right Division he has hesitated not to condemn for a
disaster attributable to himself alone. Nay, well and
most consistently does the sting issue from the Coof
mander of the Forces, who, on the occasion of the cap
ture of Detroit, and the victory obtained at the River
Raisin, ordered royal salutes to be fired in honor of con
quests which had been achieved principally by the 41st
Regiment, and whose remarks, even on the occasion of
their unavoidable repulse at Sandusky, convey rather a
compliment than dispraise.

220 THE BATTLE OF MORAVIANTOWN
That Sir George Prevost had been induced to issue this
order, on the gross misrepresentation of General Procter,
who, in order to shield himself from the consequences »of
his incapacity, scrupled not to sacrifice the reputation of
the regiment, which had so often repaired, by their valor,
what his marked inefficiency had endangered, there can
be no question. It is only necessary to refer to an earlier
memorandum on the subject to be fully satisfied of the
fact. But this does not the more exonerate Sir George,
whose duty it was, before publishing a document, the
tendency of which was to cast odium on a corps which
he himself admits to have previously won his warmest
admiration, to possess himself of the true facts of the
action ; nor, by any exercise of undue severity, to have
provoked commentaries on his own conduct of a far more
humiliating character. But posterity will judge of the
Right Division, not by the sweeping and unfounded de
nunciations of an angry and misjudging Governor, but
by its universally admitted gallantry on all former occa
sions. Who on looking over the state of the 41st Regiment,
which ostentatiously appears at the close of the General
Order, would not infer that, in the action of the Mora
viantown, they mustered atleast 1,000 men, including
non-commissioned officers ? Even General Harrison, in
his most voluminous despatch, enumerates the prisoners
taken by him in such a way as to create the impression
that his (admitted) force of 3,000 had been opposed by
600 British regulars, present in action. Thisis not worthy
of General Harrison, who must have known that our
actual force in the field was, according to the state of the
adjutant of the regiment — the original of which is before
me at this moment — i lieut. -colonel, 6 captains, 9 Ueuts.,
3 ensigns, 3 staff, 26 sergeants, 18 corporals, 4 drummers,
and 297 rank and file — and these divided into two open,
and irregular lines. The remainder of the 600, captured
by General Harrison, many of them sick and wounded

HARRISON'S REPORT CRITICIZED 221
men, had been taken, without a possibility of opposition,
in the boats conveying stores, during the early morning
of the action, and on the preceding day. Yet the Ameri
can general seriously claims the palm of ' ' superior bra
very " for his force of 3,000 men, opposed in their native
woods (wherein he himself admits in his despatch they
' ' can ride better than any other people " ) to not as many
hundreds, and these almost wholly unaccustomed to
them. It is impossible to entertain a feeling of disrespect
for General Harrison, but there is something so absurd in
this remark, that the reader cannot forbear a smile. Nor
can it be pretended that the Indians are to be considered
as having formed any portion of our force during the first
advance of the enemy, for General Harrison has distinctly
stated that he formed his assailing columns in such man
ner as to direct them wholly upon the 41st, leaving the
Indians unmolested, until he should be enabled to break
through our feeble and extended line, and then turn their
position. This plan was acted upon. What then was
there in this defeat to justify Sir George Prevost, in the
sweeping and splenetic denunciation cast upon a corps
who had done so much for the country, and had only now
been overcome through the incompetency of their chief ?
But let us turn to General Procter.
That officer has stated in his specious defence before
the court-martial which tried him for general misconduct
in the retreat, that he had drawn up his men in a posi
tion the most favorable for a successful stand against the
enemy's cavalry, and that he had expected a result which
the want of firmness manifested by the regiment alone
had denied to him. Who will second General Procter in
this view of the subject? Who, with him, will aver that
the proper place for British troops to engage an enemy is
the woods, and that he was justified in the selection,
when, not two miles in his rear, w;ere numerous houses in
which to throw his men, a wood on his right flank, and
the river on his left, while immediately in front ran a

222 THE BATTLE OF MORAVIANTOWN
ravine difficult of access by cavalry, and capable of being
swept by his gtms, which, singularly enough, had already
been stationed there without the slightest use or service
in the battle planned by him to be waged. On what does
General Procter ground his claim to be considered as com
petent to decide upon the success which ought to attend
his military movements ? Is it on his dispositions at the
River Raisin, where, instead of attacking an unprepared
enemy sword in hand, he absurdly and unaccountably
apprized them of their danger, giving them ample oppor
tunity to arm and cripple his own force, in such a manner
as to render victory for a period doubtful ? Is it on his
arrangements at the Miami, where he suffered an impor
tant Une of batteries to be left without the support of
even a single company? Is it on his attack upon San
dusky, where he ordered his men to storm before any
breach had been effected, without a fascine or scaling lad
der, and with axes so blunt that he might have been sus
pected of treason in suffering them to be placed in the
hands of the unfortunate men who perished while fruit
lessly wielding them? Yet this man, whose brows, the
41st Regiment covered in these several instances with
glory, when they rather should have been bowed to the
earth in shame, turns upon his gallant supporters in the
moment of their misfortune, and, in his base attempt to
redeem his own blighted military reputation, scruples not
to charge them with misconduct in the field. Where was,
this misconduct ? In what did it consist ? It has been
seen that 3,000 men, 1,500 of whom were mounted rifle
men, dashed through the front line, composed of some
thing less than 200 men, receiving the only two volleys
there was time to pour in before they had completely sur
rounded them. Was it possible to make a more length
ened defence against an enemy who thus overwhelmed
them en masse 1 The true matter for surprise is, not that
the force yielded so soon, but that it had ever made a
stand at all ; for the strong conviction on the mind of

REBUTTAL OF PROCTER'S DEFENSE 223
every officer and man present, was that General Procter
was making a wanton sacrifice of their Uves, for the sole
purpose of covering the departure of his family and per
sonal effects from the Moraviantown ; and that it was for
this reason also that he had drawn them up in the heart
of a wood, in preference to occupying a position which
all had been previously informed was susceptible of the
best defence against the expected cavalry.
I haye said that only two volleys were fired by the men
before they were overwhelmed by the American force.
This was I believe the case on the centre and left, upon
which the main attack of the enemy was directed. On
the right, and near Tecumseh's flank, where the horse
men opposed to us were less numerous, the action was of
at least twenty minutes' duration, and in this time much
desultory firing tookplace. The instance I have already
given of the shooting, tomahawking, and scalping of an
American rifleman, who had beeh dismounted in the
action, is an evidence that the engagement was not so
speedily brought to a close as General Procter sought to
make it appear. But I will relate another fact in cor
roboration. Only a few minutes before this scene was '
enacted before our eyes, a mounted rifleman was in the
act of taking "aim at one of the light company, who was
moving quickly at the time, and whom therefore he could
not conveniently cover. My attention was called to this
man by Lieut. Hailes (since commanding the 28th Regi
ment), who was near me at the time, and who suggested
that I should fire at him. I raised my musket, support
ing it against a tree, and before the American, who was
still following his object with his eye and weapon, could
find what he deemed a favorable moment for discharging
it, I fired, when his rifle tumbled from his shoulder to
the ground, and he sank over his horse's side.
Now if, as General Procter states, the line " had dis
charged their pieces without orders, had given way, and
had dispersed in a manner to preclude all hope of their

224 ^^HE BATTLE OF MORAVIANTOWN
being again formed," there could have been no time for
these two deliberate actions. When a few minutes after
wards, we, from a consciousness of having been cut off
from our main body, attempted a retreat, we were not so
sorely pressed as to have failed in our object, had we
taken the proper direction. We had continued firing to
the close, and it was only on emerging from the wood into
the road, and beholding our captured comrades, that we
found resistance to be hopeless. Including Lieut. Hailes
we were then about twenty in number.
I have already stated that General Procter was without
the confidence of his army. This is strictly correct. So
far from their having the slightest knowledge of the
object of his movernents, or of his intentions, not even
his second in command was consulted on any one occa
sion during the retreat. As for the expression of sur
prise, contained in the defence, that Dover had not been
fortified it is perfectly ridiculous. Independently of its
peculiar unfitness for that purpose, no such instructions
had ever been left with Colonel Warburton, who, when
repeatedly asked by the officers of the Division what was
purposed to be done, or to what tended General Procter's
unaccountable conduct, could only shrug his shoulders,
and in a manner indicative of mingled mortification and
contempt, reply that they knew as much of the matter as
he did. How, indeed, and under what direction was
Dover to be fortified, when, as General Procter himself
admits, he had taken with him to the Moraviantown the
only officer of Engineers (Captain Dixon) who was at
tached to the Division ?
Such was the general feeling of distrust, produced by
General Procter's continued absenqe from, and in advance
of the army, at a moment when the enemy were known
to be near us, and when the second in command was left
wholly in the dark, as to the course it was expected of
him to pursue, that serious intentions were formed of
depriving that officer of his authority, and investing

S SHELBY

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HARRISONS INVASION
OF
UPPER CANADA

AN OFFICER S DIARY 225
Colonel Warburton with it. This indeed was only not
done, because it was assumed that any disaster which
might, in consequence of the extraordinary delay and
want of military capacity hitherto manifested in its con
duct, occur to the Division, would be gladly seized hold
of by the General, with a view to exonerate himself from
the heavy responsibility he was already so fearfully incur
ring. Of the sentiments entertained by all, a tolerably
correct estimate may be formed from the following mem
oranda at the time by an officer of the regiment.
' ' 3rd Oct. , Dolsen' s. A report of the Americans being
within two or three miles of us. Our dragoons fell in
with their advanced guard. The General at Moravian-
town, 26 miles from Dolsen' s or Dover. Marched from
this place 2 J^ miles ; halted and formed on the bank of
the river in expectation of the enemy every instant.
Marched a few miles further and halted for the night.
Col. Warburton did not appear to know how to act, the
General not having left any directions, but he decided on
falling in with the wishes of the Indians.
4th Oct. This morning the Indians thought it advis
able to proceed at once to Moraviantown. We accord
ingly marched : at dusk the rear guard halted at Richard
son's; the remainder proceeded about a mile farther,
within five miles of Moraviantown.
5th Oct. This day we proceeded towards Moravian-
town, and when within a mile and a half of it, were halted
and marched back a few paces, when we halted a second
time : no person appeared to have any idea of what was
going to be done. A report came in of the Americans
being within a very short distance of us, and that they
had taken all our boats, in which was most of our bag
gage and the whole of the ammunition, except what the
men had in their pouches. After having halted for
nearly an hour, we were suddenly ordered to form in
the midst of a very thick wood apparently without any
previous arrangement and in such a manner that the
Grenadiers were nearly in the centre of the Une, and the
light company towards the right — a second order came
for the Grenadiers and No. i company to march to the
rear as a reserve, which was done. The men were
formed at extended order, and the enemy, it was said,

2 26 THE BATTLE OF MORAVIANTOWN
were strong in cavalry and mounted riflemen. N.B. No
brushwood to prevent the cavalry acting. About four
o'clock the enemy attacked us, and succeeded in driving
us from our ground. The company I commanded had
not received their provisions for the two last days, until
the very moment before we received the order to march :
the consequence was that those men who had time to do
so, cut off a slice of the raw beef and ate it uncooked.
The rest had none at all.
Mem. — While at Dolsen' s was told by G  e that a
council of war was going to assemble immediately, in
order to decide whether or not the command should be
taken from the G. The day before the action Captain
Muir remarked to me that the G. ought to be hanged' for
being away, and that Col. W. ought to be hanged for not
assuming the command. A few moments "before the
action Captain D. said it was downright murder if we at
tempted to make a stand where we were — Colonel EUiott
told me that the day the G. went to the Moraviantown,
the Prophet (Tecumseh's brother) asked him. Col. EUiott,
where the G. was going, and on being informed remarked
that he had a great mind to take the epaulettes off his
shoulders, for he was not worthy to wear them."
General Procter furthermore asserts in his defence, that
his original intention was to fortify a position on the
Thames, for the two-fold purpose of protecting the Centre
Division, and conciliating the Indians. I am not pre
pared, at this distant day, to state with exactness what
was the original proposal made to the Indians in the cel
ebrated council, but my strong impression has ever been
(and I was present during the whole of the debate) that
it was only in consequence of the deep and unconcealed
indignation, manifested by Tecumseh and many of the
inferior Chiefs, on his intimating the necessity which
existed for a retreat upon the Centre Division, that he was
compelled to yield to the will of the Indians, and to name
the Moraviantown as the understood termination of his
proposed march. Even this proposal was received by
Tecumseh with mingled regret and disdain, for he was
desirous of meeting the Americans at the moment of their

PROCTER'S DEFENCE REVIEWED 227
landing, and trying the chances of battle before incur
ring the odium of a retreat ; but on the inexpediency of
defending a fortress which had been wholly deprived of
its heavy guns for the purpose of arming the fleet, being
further discussed and pointed out to him, he finally
assented, and in a second short speech, which does not
appear to have been placed on record, consented to retire
as far as the Moraviantown, declaring however, at the
same time, that at that place he was fully determined to
conquer or lay down his life. Had the retreat been com
menced from that moment, and the Moraviantown forti
fied, as it ought to have been, no matter how imperfectly,
none of the subsequent disasters would have occurred.
It is insincere in General Procter to state that his march
was delayed in order to afford the Indians time to remove
their effects, and cross the Detroit river. Those who
understand the manners and active habits of the red-men
of the forest must be aware that twenty-four hours were
quite sufficient with them for any purpose of the sort ;
neither is there less absurdity in the assertion that it was
necessary to linger on the road, in order to enable them
to overtake us. The Indians could march, in a single
day, more than we did in five, ahd even if they had not
overtaken us, it was our object to bein position to cover
them, if pursued by the enemy, and to be enabled to
oppose to these latter something like a respectable attitude
of defence. All this might, and should, have been done,
and on whom can the onus of neglect fall, if not on Gen
eral Procter ?
There are yet two points in the defence to which it is
essential to advert. General Procter very gravely com
plains that the gun placed in the road on the left of the
line, in the affair of the Mora vian to vyn, and on which he
so much depended, had been deserted "without an effort."
What will be thought of the general conduct of the
retreat, when it is known that there was not a single
round of ammunition for the gun, it having by some un-

228 THE BATTLE OF MORAVIANTOWN
fortunate accident been left behind, on resuming our
march in the morning ! It is true General Procter can
not be held individually responsible for this omission, but
had the only officer of artillery, attached tothe Division,
been where he ought to have been — in the action — instead
of posting himself, by the direction of his Chief, with
the reserve guns at the Moraviantown, his sagacity and
forethought would have prevented this difficulty. That
there was fault with those who had immediate charge of
the field-piece there can be no question, but it is unjust to
the last degree that such fault should be visited by a gen
eral condemnation of the conduct of the troops engaged.
Yet even had the gun been supplied with ammunition the
result must have been nearly the same. One discharge
might have temporarily checked the advance of the
enemy upon the road, but as this was open only a few
hundred yards in front, the range commanded was neces
sarily so limited, that the American cavalry might have
dashed in upon it, before the Artillery men could have
time to load and fire again ; moreover there was the cer
tainty of its being turned through the wood. General
Procter alludes to twenty Provincial Dragoons of Lieut.
Holmes' command (that officer then, it has been seen, a
prisoner with the enemy) , as having been posted by him
in support of the gun, and confesses disappointment that
they had not maintained their trust. What could be
expected from so mere a handful of men against the masses
that were opposed to. them? And how absurd to suppose
that they could have offered the slightest resistance.
Again, General Procter adverts to an attempt made by
him to rally the broken line, and in a manner to show
that his prosecutors had admitted such attempt, although
they denied "its efficacy. How this admission (if made)
was wrung from them, it is difficult to understand, unless
that it had been made inadvertently. General Procter
had stationed himself in rear of the second line, and he
made no attempt, at any one period of the brief action,

MAJOR friend's LETTER 229
to pass it. When the first line retreated upon the sec
ond, and the latter opened its fire upon the advancing
cavalry, he fled precipitately, accompanied by the whole
of his personal staff, leaving the Division to maintain the
unequal conflict in the best manner they could. This has
been asserted by an officer who was near him during the
whole of the affair.
Of the impression created by the cruel and ungenerous
order, issued by Sir George Prevost on this occasion, a
tolerable estimate may be formed from the following
communication, addressed to Lieut. Bullock by Major
Friend, then in command of the 2nd Battalion of the
regiment. In t'he reply will be found so full an explana
tion that beyond it, it will not be necessary to pursue the
subject. Barton Heights, 30th Nov., 18 13.
Sir, — I request you will, with as Uttle delay as the
nature of the report will admit, furnish me with every
circumstance within your knowledge, and that you may
have heard from undoubted authority, relative to the late
unfortunate affair that took place between General Har
rison's army and the ist BattaUon 41st Regiment at
Moraviantown on the 5th October last, for the purpose
of transmitting it to Lieut. -Gen. Champagne. As you
are the senior and only officer of the regiment who has
escaped from the field, that was in the ranks, it is highly
incumbent on you to state most minutely the nature of
the ground . on which the regiment were formed for
action, the manner in which it was formed, the number
then of the regiment actuaUy in the field, the number of
the enemy opposed to you, and of what they consisted,
and what resistance was made by the regiment previous
to its defeat — if it had received provisions regularly, was
complete in ammunition, and could have got supplies
when required, and in short every circumstance that
happened from the commencement of the retreat from
Amherstburg relative to the regiment. You cannot be
too particular in your statement, as I am sorry to say
there are reports afloat disgraceful in the extreme to the
regiment, and every individual with it that day. I think
it but proper to inform you that I saw Major-General

230 THE BATTLE OF MORAVIANTOWN
Procter's official report which highly censures the con
duct of the regiment, and in which he says, that he
never went into action more confident of success.
I have the honor to be, &c.
Your very obed't. humble serv't.
Richard Friend,
Major Commg. 41st Regt.
Lieut. BuUock,
41st Regiment. Cross Roads, Barton Heights,
6th Dec, 1813.
Sir, — The following report is made, in compUance with
your orders to me in a letter dated 30th Nov. last, in
which you request I would furnish you with every cir
cumstance within my knowledge, and what I may have
heard from undoubted authority, relative to the late un
fortunate affair which took place between the American
army under Gen. Harrison, and the ist Bat. 41st Regt.
near Moraviantown, on the 5th October last, the nature
of the ground on which it was formed, the numberof
men oi the Regt. actually in the field, the number of the
enemy in the field opposed to it, of what they consisted,
and what resistance was made by the Regiment previous
to its defeat ; if it had received provisions regularly, was
complete in ammunition, and could have got supplies
when required, and in short every circumstance that
happened from the commencement of the retreat from
Amherstburg relative to the Regiment. As a platoon
officer I cannot positively say whether the whole regi
ment was complete with ammunition or not, but this I
can say, that a number of the men who escaped from the
enemy that day, were not complete before the action
commenced ; and this I am incUned to believe- was the
case with many of those killed or taken, and in the
event of expending the ammunition in their pouches
they could not have received a fresh supply, the wholeof
the spare ammunition being taken by the enemy some
hours before the action, which circumstance was known
to many of the regiment. I now proceed to give every
other information required in your letter, as correctly as
my rank, and situation on various occasions, enabled me
to observe.
The force under Major Gen. Procter consisting of the
ist Bat. 41st Regiment, a few of the loth Veterans,

LIEUT, bullock's reply- 23 1
(about 18 or 20) some Artillery, and a body of Indians
retreated from Amherstburg on — Sept. last to Sandwich,
from whence we retired on the 27th of the same month
to the River Thames, the banks of which, at a place
called Chatham (54 miles from Sandwich, and 70 from
Amherstburg) Gen. Procter had promised the Indians to
fortify, with a view to await the enemy. , On this retreat
I commanded the grenadier company. We arrived
within three miles of Chatham, at a place called Dolsen' s
on the ist Oct. On the 3rd Gen. Procter was at Mora
viantown, 26 miles from us, on the road leading to the
head of Lake Ontario; when information was received
that the enemy was within 4 or 5 miles of us, and we re
tired 1% a mile by order of Lieut.-Col. Warburton,
second in command, and formed on the bank of the river
in expectation of an attack. At the expiration of half an
hour we retired to Chatham. The Indians were en
camped on the opposite bank of the river, and on our
arrival, sent to say to me, that we should not proceed
beyond the ground we then occupied— that Gen. Procter
had promised them to await the enemy on that ground
and fight them ; and had also promised to erect fortifica
tions there. After endeavoring to reason with them,
Lieut.-Col. Warburton was compelled to remain there for
the night, and informed the Indians, through Col. EUiott
of the Indian Department, that whatever had been prom
ised by Gen. Procter should be fulfilled, as far as he
(Lieut.-Col. Warburton) had it in his power. I was then
ordered on picquet with the Grenadier company, and at
the same time received such particular instructions from
Lieut. -Cols. Warburton and Evans, that I have no doubt
they expected the enemy that night. Capt. Chambers of
theQr. -Mr. -Gen. Department, accompanied me and pointed
out the ground my picquet was to occupj', which was one
mile and a half in advance, towards the enemy. Early
next morning the picquet was called in. On arriving at
Chatham, where the rest of the regiment had passed the
night, provisions were issued ; the meat was raw, and be
fore it could be divided, we were ordered to march, in
consequence of the approach of the enemy. We retired
about 6 miles when we were joined by Gen. Procter, on
his return from Moraviantown. We marched all
day, the roads were excessively bad; about eight o'clock
in the evening Capt. Muir's Company was halted at

232 THE BATTLE OF MORAVIANTOWN
Richardson's, six miles from Moraviantown, and the
Grenadier company was left with it, to support in the
event of an attack ; the remainder proceeded on, the ad
vance being at a house called Shearman's, one mile from
where the rear guard had halted. At daybreak next
morning (the 5th) the rear guard and Grenadier company
moved to Shearman's, where the whole regiment collected.
At this place, after having halted some time, a few head
of cattle were shot, but before the meat could be divided,
the enemy were reported to be close at hand, and we were
ordered to march. We proceeded to Moraviantown, and
when within i J^ miles of it, were ordered to halt. After
halting about 5 minutes, we were ordered to face to the
right about, and advanced towards the enemy in files, at
which the men were in great spirits. Having advanced
about 50 or 60 paces we were halted a second time, at
which the men appeared dissatisfied, and overhearing
some of those nearest to me express themselves to the fol
lowing effect, " that they were ready and willing to fight
for their knapsacks : wished to meet the enemy, but did
not like to be knocked about in that manner, doing neither
one thing nor the other," I immediately checked them,
and they were silent. About this time several of the Reg
iment came up without arms or accoutrements, who had
escaped from boats cut off by the enemy's cavalry. From
these men we learnt that the enemy was within a mile of
us, and had a large force of cavalry. We had halted
about half an hour, when the Indian alarm was given
that the enemy was advancing : most of our men were
sitting on the logs and fallen trees by the side of the
road. On the alarm being given we were suddenly
ordered to form across the road. From the suddenness
of the order, apparently without any previous arrange
ment, the manner in which we were situated when it was
given, the way in which it was given, which was " form
up across the road," and from the nature of the ground,
the formation was made in the greatest confusion ; so
much so, that the Grenadier company was nearly in the
centre of the line and the Light company on the right.
A second order, as sudden as the first, was given for the
Grenadiers and No. i to march to the rear and form a
reserve. The Grenadiers and part of Capt. Muir's com
pany accordingly formed a second Une, about 200 yards
in rear of the first, under command of Lieut.-Col. War-

LIEUT. BULLOCK S REPLY 233
burton ; the left of it about 8 or 10 yards to the left of
the road, and extending to the right into the woods,
formed at extended order, the men placing themselves
behind trees, and consequently much separated. The
1st line I could not distinguish, but from what I have
been informed by Lt. Gardiner, 41st Regt., commanding
a six-pounder, it was formed in the following manner —
a six-pounder was placed in the road, having a range of
50 yards, the 41st Regt. drawn up on its right, extending
in the wood ; on each side of the limber of the 6-pounder
were some of the Canadian Light Dragoons. From the
men of the Regiment, who escaped from that line, I
understand they were not formed at regular extended
order, but in clusters and in confusion. To the left of
the road in which the 6-pounder was placed, and parallel
to it, ran the River Thames. To the right and left of the
road was a remarkably thick forest, and on the right,
where we were formed, free from brushwood for several
hundred yards, and where cavalry could act to advantage.
My position at this time, (being on the right of the 2nd
line) and the thickness of the forest precluded me from
noticing the manner in which the enemy attacked the ist
line. The attack commenced about two hours after the
order was given to form up across the road. I heard a
heavy firing of musketry, and shortly after saw our
dragoons retreating together with the limber of the 6-
pounder — placed on the left of the ist line. About a
minute afterwards I observed that line retreating in con
fusion, followed closely by the enemy's cavalry, who were
galloping down the road. That portion of the ist line
which had escaped the enemy's cavalry, retreated behind
the 2nd line, which stood fast, and fired an irregular vol
ley obliquing to the right and left, which appeared to
check the enemy. The line having commenced firing, my
attention was directed to that part of the enemy moving
down directly in my front. Hearing the fire slacken, I
turned towards the line and foutid myself remaining with
3 non-commissioned officers of the Grenadier company.
The enemy's cavalry had advanced so close, before the
reserve could commence firing, from the number of trees,
that before a third round could be fired they broke through
the left, and the rest not being formed in a manner to repel
cavalry, were compeUed to retreat. The number of the
Regiment actuaUy in the field were one Lieut.-Col., 6

234 THE BATTLE OF MORAVIANTOWN
captains, 9 lieutenants, 3 ensigns, 3 staff, 26 sergeants,
18 corporals, 4 drummers, 297 rank and file. In what
manner the rest of the Regiment was distributed you will
be made acquainted with by the enclosed state signed by
the Adjutant of the Regiment. The number of Indians
we had in the field was 800. The number of the enemy
I cannot positively affirm, but from the information ob
tained from individuals of the regiment taken prisoners
on that day, and who afterwards escaped, the number
could not have been less than 6,000; of which 1,200 or
1,500 were cavalry and mounted riflemen. The number
oif our dragoons did not exceed 20. Our loss on this
occasion was 3 sergeants, and 9 rank and file killed, and
36 wounded, that of the enemy 15 killed, and froni 40 to
50 wounded. Having been thus far particular in stating
everything, to which I was an eye witness, and which
has come to my knowledge, I beg leave to remark that,
from the well-known character of the Regiment, any obser
vations emanating from those whose interest it is to cast
a direct or indirect reflection upon its conduct, cannot be
received with too much distrust.
I have the honor to be, sir.
Major Friend, Your very obed't humble serv't, &c.
Comm'g 2nd Batt. Richard BuUock,
41st Regiment. Lieut. 41st Grenadiers.
The foUowing is the American General's very prolix
account of the affair of the Moraviantown.
Copy of a letter from Maj. -General Harrison, to the
Secretary of War, dated
Head-Quarters, Detroit, Oct. 9th, 1813.
SiR,-^In my last letter from Sandwich, of the 30th
ult. , I did myself the honor to inform you, that I was
preparing to pursue the enemy the following day. From
various causes, however, I was unable to put the troops
in motion until the morning of the 2nd instant; and then
to take with me only about 140 of the regular troops,
Johnson's mounted regiment, and such of Gov. Shelby's
volunteers as were fit for a rapid march ; the whole
amounting to about 3,500 men. To Gen. McArthur,
(with about 700 effectives), the protection of this place,
and the sick was committed. Gen. Cass's brigade, and
the corps of Lieut.-Col. Ball, were left at Sandwich, with

Major-General William Henry Harrison.

' GENERAL HARRISON'S REPORT 235
orders to follow me as soon as the men received their
knapsacks and blankets, which had been left on an
Island, in Lake Erie.
The unavoidable delay at Sandwich was attended with
no disadvantage to us ; General Procter had posted him
self at Dolsen' s, on the right bank of the River Thames,
(or Trench) 56 miles from this place, where, I was inform
ed, he intended to fortify, and to receive me. He must
have believed, however, that I had no disposition to fol
low him, or that he had secured my continuance here by
the reports that were circulated, that the Indians would
attack and destroy this place, upon the advance of the
army — as he neglected the breaking up of the bridges,
until the night of the 2nd instant. On that night, our
army reached the river, which is 25 miles from Sandwich,
and is one of four streams, crossing our route, over all
of which are bridges ; and, being deep and muddy, are
unfordable for a considerable distance into the country :
the bridge, here, was found entire ; and, in the morning,
I proceeded with Johnson' s regiment, to save, if possible,
the others. At the second bridge, over a branch of the
River Thami^s, we were fortunate enough to capture a
Lieutenant of Dragoons and 1 1 privates, who had been
sent by General Procter to destroy them. From the pris
oners, I learned that the third bridge was broken up, and
that the enemy had no certain information of our advance;
— the bridge, having been imperfectly destroyed, was soon
repaired, and the army encamped at Drake's farm, 4
miles below Dolsen' s. The River Thames, along the
bank of which our route lay, is a fine deep stream, nav
igable for vessels of considerable burthen ; after the pas
sage of .the bar, at its mouth, over which there is six and
a-half feet of water.
The baggage of the army was brought from Detroit in
boats, protected by three gun-boats which Commodore
Perry had furnished for the purpose, as well as to cover
the passage of the army over the Thames itself, or the
mouths of its tributary streams ; the banks being low,
and the country generally open, (prairies), as high as
Dolsen 's, these vessels were well calculatedfor thepurpose.
Above Dolsen' s, however, the character of the river and
adjacent country is considerably changed ; the former,
though StiU deep, is very. narrow, and its banks high and
woody.

236 THE BATTLE OF MORAVIANTOWN
The Commodore and myself, therefore, agreed upon the
propriety of leaving the boats under a guard of 150 infan
try ; and I determined to trust to fortune, and the bravery
of my troops, to effect the passage of the river. Below a
place called Chatham, and 4 miles above Dolsen' s is the
third unfordable branch of the Thames ; the bridge over
its mouth had been taken up by the Indians, as well as
that at McGregor's mills, one mile above. Several hun
dred of the Indians remained to dispute our passage, and
upon the arrival of the advanced guard, commenced a
heavy fire from the opposite bank of the creek, as well as
that of the river. Believing that the whole force of the
enemy was there, I halted the army, formed in order of
battle ; and brought up our two 6-pounders, to cover the
party that were ordered to repair the bridge ; a few shot,
from those pieces, soon drove off the Indians, and en
abled us, in 2 hours, to repair the bridge, and cross the
troops. Col. Johnson's mounted regiment, being upon
the right of the army, had seized the remains of the bridge
at the mills, under a heavy fire from the Indians. Our
loss upon this occasion was 2 killed, and 3 or 4 wounded
— that of the enemy was ascertained to be considerably
greater. A house, near the bridge, containing a very
considerable number of muskets, had been set on fire ;
but it was extinguished by our troops, and the arms
saved. At the first farm, above the bridge we found one
of the enemy's vessels' on fire, loaded with arms and
ordnance stores ; and learned that they were a few miles
ahead of us, still on the right bank of the river, with a
great body of the Indians. At Bowles' farm, 4 miles
from the bridge, we halted for the night ; found two
other vessels, and a large distillery, filled with ordnance
and other valuable stores, to an immense amount, in
flames ; it was impossible to put out the fire — two 24-
pounders, with their carriages, were taken, and a large
quantity of ball and shell of various sizes. 
'This vessel sank at the place it was burnt, in about 12 feet of
water, and its presence was forgotten. In the summer of 1900 two
fishers for sunken timber accidentally found it, and the presence
of cannon balls determined the nature of the timbers. In the early
spring ot 1901 the sunken hull was raised, taken down the river to
Tecumseh Park in the city of Chatham and placed high and dry on
a fitting foundation. The gunboat is supposed to be the General
Myers that was used at the siege of Fort Meigs. About two tons
of cannon balls of various sizes, several bayonets and muskets of
American manufacture, and an Indian rifle were found in it. The
position of the two other boats that were burnt have also been
located.

GENERAL HARRISON'S REPORT 237
The army was put in motion early on the morning of
the 5th. I pushed on, in advance, with the mounted reg
iment, and requested Gov. Shelby to follow, as expedi
tiously as possible, with the infantry ; the Governor's
zeal, and that of his men, enabled them to keep up with
the cavalry ; and, by nine o'clock we were at Arnold's
inills, having taken, in the course of the morning, two
gun boats, and several batteaux, loaded with provisions
and ammunition. A rapid, at the river at Arnold's miUs,
affords the only fording tobe met with for a very consider
able distance ; but, upon examination, itwas found too deep
for the infantry. Having, however, fortunately, taken
two or three boats, and some Indian canoes, on the spot,
and obliging the horsemen to take a footman behind each,
the whole were safely crossed by 12 o'clock. Eight miles
from the crossing, we passed a farm where a part of the
British troops had encamped the night before, under the
command of Col. Warburton ; the detachment ,with Gen
eral Procter, had arrived the day before, at the Moravian-
town, four miles higher up. Being now certainly near
the enemy, I directed the advance of Johnson's regiment
to accelerate their march, for the purpose of procuring
intelligence ; the officer commanding it, in a short time,
sent to inform me that his progress was stopped by the
enemy, who were formed across our line of march : one
of the enemy's waggoners being also taken prisoner, from
the information received from him, and my own obser
vation, assisted by some of my officers, I soon ascertained
enough of their position, and order of battle, to deter
mine that, which it was proper for me to adopt.
I have the honor, herewith, to enclose you my general
order, of the 27th ult., prescribing the order of march,
and of battle, when the whole army should act together ;
but, as the number and" description of the troops had been
essentially changed, since the issuing of the order, it be
came necessary to make a corresponding alteration in
their disposition.
From the place where our army was last halted, to the
Moraviantown, a •distance of about three and a-half miles,
the road passes through a beech forest, without any
clearing ; and, for the first two miles, near to the bank
of the river ; at from 200 to 300 yards from the river, a
swamp extends parallel to it, throughout the whole
distance ; the intermediate ground is dry, and, although

238, THE BATTLE OF MORAVIANTOWN
the trees are tolerably thick, it is -in many places clear of
underbrush ; across this strip of land, its left appuyed
upon the river, supported by artillery, placed in the
wood ; their right in the swamp, covered by the whole
of their Indian force — the British troops were drawn up.
The troops at my disposal consisted of about 120 regu
lars of the 27th regiment, five brigades of Kentucky vol
unteer militia infantry, under. His Excellency Governor
Shelby, averaging less than 500 men ; and Col. Johnson's
regiment of mounted infantry, making, in the whole, an
aggregate of something above 3,000. No disposition of
an army opposed to an Indian force, can be safe, unless it
is secured on the flanks, and in the rear ; I had, therefore,
no difficulty in arranging the infantry, conformably to
my general order of battle. Gen. Trotter's brigade, of
500 men, formed the front line ; his right upon the road
— his left upon the swamp; Gen. King's brigade as a
second line, 150 yards in the rear of Trotter's; and
Chiles' brigade, as a corps of reserve, in the rear of it —
these three brigades formed the command of Major-
General Henry ; the whole of Gen. Desha's division, con
sisting of two brigades, were formed, en potence, upon the
left of Trotter.
Whilst I was engaged in forming the infantry, I had
directed Col. Johnson's regiment, which was still in front,
to be formed in two lines opposite to the enemy ; and up
on the advance of the infantry, to take the ground to the
left ; and, forming upon the flank, to endeavor to turn
the right of the Indians.
A moment's reflection, however, convinced me, that
from the thickness of the woods, and swampiness of the
ground, they would be unable to do anything on horse
back — and there was no time to dismount them, and
place" their horses in security ; I, therefore, determined
to refuse my left to the Indians, and to break the British
lines, at once, by a charge of the mounted infantry. The
measure was not sanctioned by anything that I had seen or
heard of, but I was fully convinced that it would succeed.
The American backwoodsmen ride better in the woods
than any other people ; a musket or rifle is no impediment
to them, being accustomed to carry them, on horseback,
from their earliest youth. I , was persuaded, too, that
the enemy would be quite unprepared for the shock, and
that they could not resist it. Conformably to this idea.

GENERAL HARRISON'S REPORT 239
I directed the regiment to be drawn up in close column
with its right at the distance of 50 yards upon the road,
(that it might be, in some measure, protected by the
trees, from the artillery), its left upon the swamp, and to
charge at full speed, as soon as the enemy delivered their
flre. The few regular troops of the 27th Regiment, under
the command of their Colonel (Paul) , occupied, in col
umns of sections of four, the small space between the
road and the river, for the purpose of seizing the enemy' s
artillery; and some 10 or 12 friendly Indians were di
rected tO' move under the bank. The crotchet formed by
the front line, and General Desha's division, was an im
portant point ; at that place the venerable Governor of
Kentucky was posted, who at the age of 66, preserves all
the vigor of youth — the ardent zeal, which distinguished
him in the revolutionary war — and the undaunted bravery
which he manifested at King's Mountain. With my
aids-de-camp, the acting assistant Adjutant-General
Capt. Buttler; my gallant, friend. Com. Perry, who did me
the honor to serve as my volunteer aid-de-camp, and
Brig.-Gen. Cass, who, having no command, tendered me
his assistance — I placed myself at the head of the front
line of infantry, to direct the movements of the cavalry,
and give them the necessary support. The army had
moved on, in this order, but a short distance, when the
mounted men received the fire of the British line, and
were ordered to charge : the horses ih the front of the
column, recoiled from the fire ; another was given by the
enemy, and our column, at length getting in motion,
broke through the enemy with irresistible force. In one
minute the contest, in front, was' over. The British
officers, seeing no hopes of reducing their disordered
ranks to order, and our mounted men wheeling upon
them, and pouring in a destructive fire, immediately sur
rendered. It is certain that three only, of our troops,
were wounded in this charge. Upon the left, however,
the contest was more severe with the Indians : Col.
Johnson, who commanded on that flank of his regiment,
received a most galling fire from them, which was re
turned with great effect. The Indians, still further to
the right, advanced, and fell in with our front line of In
fantry, near its junction with Desha's division, and, for
a moment, made an impression upon it. His Excellency,
Gov. Shelby, however, brought up a regiment to its sup-

240 THE BATTLE OF MORAVIANTOWN
port ; and the enemy, receiving a severe fire in front, and
a part of Johnson's regiment having gained their rear,
retreated with precipitation. Their loss was very consid
erable in the action, and many were killed in their re
treat. I can give no satisfactory information of the number of
Indians that were in the action ; but they must have been
considerably upwards of one thousand. From the docu
ments in my possession (Gen. Procter's official letters,
all of which were taken) , and from the information of re
spectable inhabitants of this territory, the Indians, kept
in pay by the British, were much more numerous than
has been generaUy supposed. In a letter to Gen. De
Rottenburg, of the 27th ulto. Gen. Procter speaks of
having prevailed upon most of the Indians to accompany
him ; of these, it is certain that 50 or 60 Wyandot warriors
abandoned him.
The number of our troops was certainly greater than
that of the enemy ; but when it is recollected that they
had chosen a position, that effectually secured their
flank, which it was impossible for us to turn ; and that
we could not present to them a line more extended than
their own, it will not be considered arrogant to claim, for
my troops, the palm of superior bravery.
In communicating to the President, through you, sir,
my opinion of the conduct of the officers, who served
undeir my command, I am at a loss how to mention that
of Gov. Shelby, being convinced that no eulogium of
mine can reach his merits ; the Governor of an independ
ent state — greatly my superior in years, in experience,
and in military character — he placed himself under my
command ; and was not more remarkable for his z6al and
activity, than for the promptitude and cheerfulness with
which he obeyed my orders.
The Major-Generals, Henry and Desha, and the Briga
diers, Allen, Caldwell, King, Chiles, and Trotter, all of
the Kentucky volunteers, manifested great zeal and ac
tivity. Of Governor Shelby's staff, his Adjutant-General,
Colonel Walker, rendered great service, as did his aids-
de-camp. Gen. Adair, and Majors Barry and Crittenden.
The miUtary skill of the former was of great service to us,
and the activity of the two latter gentlemen could not be
surpassed. Illness deprived me of the talents of my

i*'

1)1 I' I

'^

Isaac Shelby.
First Governor of Kentucky.

GENERAL HARRISON'S REPORT 24 1
Adjutant- General Colonel Gaines, who was left at Sand
wich. His duties were, however, ably performed by the
acting assistant Adjutant-General, Captain Buttler. My
aids-de-camp. Lieutenant O'Fallon and Captain Todd, of
the line and my volunteer aids John Speed Smith and
John Chambers, Esquires, have rendered me the most im
portant services from the opening of the campaign. I
have already stated that General Cass and Commodore
Perry assisted me in forming the troops for the action.
The former is an officer of the highest merit, and the
appearance of the brave Commodore cheered and animated
every breast.
It would be useless, sir, after stating the circumstances
of the action, to pass encomiums upon Col. Johnson and
his regiment. Veterans could not have manifested more
firmness. The Colonel's numerous wounds prove that he
was in the post of danger. Lieut.-Col. James Johnson,
and the Majors Payne and Thompson, -were equally ac
tive, though more fortunate. Maj. Wood, of the
engineers, already distinguished, by his conduct at
Fort Meigs, attended the army with two 6-pounders ;
having no use for them in the action, he joined in
the pursuit of the enemy ; and, with Major Payne of the
mounted regiment, two of my aids-de-camp, Todd and
Chambers, and three privates, continued it for several
miles after the rest of the troops had halted, and made
many prisoners.
I left the army before an official return of the prisoners,
or that of the killed and wounded, was made out ; it was,
however, ascertained that the former amounted to 60 1
regulars, including 25 officers. Our loss is seven killed
and 22 wounded, five of which have since died. Of the
British troops, 12 killed and 22 wounded ; the Indians
suffered most — 33 of them having been found upon the
ground, besides those killed on the retreat.
On the day of the action, six pieces of brass artillery
were taken, and 2 iron 24 pounders the day before ; —
several others were discovered in the river, and can be
easily procured. Of the brass pieces, 3 are the trophies
of our revolutionary war, that were taken at Saratoga
and York, and surrendered by Gen. Hull. The number
of small arms, taken by us, and destroyed by the enemy,
must amount to upwards of 5,000; most of them had
been ours, and taken by the enemy at the surrender of

242 BATTLE OF MORAVIANTOWN
Detroit, at the River Raisin, and at Col. Dudley's defeat.
I believe that the enemy retain no other military trophy
of their victories, than the standard of the 4th regiment ;
they were not magnanimous enough to bring that of the
41st regiment into the field, or it would have been taken.
You have been informed, sir, of the conduct of the troops
under my command in action ; it gives me great pleasure
to inform you that they merit, also, the approbation of
their country, for their conduct in submitting to the
greatest privations with the utmost cheerfulness.
The infantry were entirely without tents; and, for
several days, the whole army subsisted upon fresh beef,
without bread or salt.
I have the honor, &c.,
William H. Harrison.
Hon. J. Armstrong, Sec. War.
P.S. — Gen. Procter escaped by the fleetness of his
horse, escorted by 40 dragoons, and a number of mounted
Indians. 
On the 22nd September, Harrison's army rendezvoused at
Put-in Bay Island, and on the evening of the 25th took up a po,si-
tion on the Middle Sister Island, about twenty miles from
Amherstburg. A storm delayed them here till the 27th, when
they again embarked and landed near Bar Point, about three
miles from the Fort at Amherstburg. Harrison, it is said, made
an attempt to land in Colchester township, but was prevented from
doing so by John Naudee, the Chippeway chief and his Indians.
On the 27th, Amherstburg was in their possession, but the army
encamped that night on the farm now owned by Edward Honor,
where their temporary earthwork fortifications may still be seen.
There is a tradition that some horses ot the American officers were
stampeded and captured by the Canadians and Indians. Among
them was a fine Arab stallion, that was hidden by one Drouillard
until the war was over. Many of the horses in the vicinitv show
the Arab strain, and tradition points to this horse as the'ir pro
genitor. If the above has any fact as a basis, the horses must
have been captured about the 1st October near Sandwich, as
Harrison had no horses until Col. Johnson's mounted corps crossed
the Detroit at that town. On the 28th, the invading army passed
the Canard and encamped two miles beyond it, and at 2 o'clock
the next day entered Sandwich. On the 2nd October every
thing was ready for the pursuit, which was continued as outlined
in the despatches given.
Harrison had as one of his guides Matthew Dolsen, who,, with a
¦wife and flve children, lived near Chatham in 1812. At the
beginning of the war he was drafted into the militia, but deserted
to Hull, and after the capture of Detroit escaped and joined
Harrison's army. Meanwhile his wife and family enjoyed the
protection of the Canadian Government until after Procter's defeat,
¦when they moved to Detroit.

From the original daj^uerrdotype in possession of G. Mills McClurg-, Toronto.
John Naudek.
(Oshawahnah)
Second in command of the Indians at the Battle of Moraviantown.

XII
PRISONERS OF WAR
Although, with the capture of the Right Division,
ceases all military operations of any consequence in the
West, as its imprisonment and detention as hostages form
no inconsiderable feature in the historical occurrences of
that period, I have, under the impression that the nar
rative would be imperfect without it, decided on detailing
the several vicissitudes to which, principally in their
character of hostages, the captured troops were subjected.
From this it will be seen, that the feeling of dislike and
jealousy entertained by the Americans for everything
English, was precisely in 1812 what it is at the present
day. (1842).,
On reaching Detroit, after having traversed for the
last time, as prisoners, that soil which, almost unaided, a
single Regiment had for fifteen months defended against
the efforts of successive powerful armies sent to wrest it
from their grasp, we found that Fort Meigs was the
route through which the Division was to be marched
into the State of Ohio. The majority of the officers,
having pledged their parole to General Harrison, were
suffered to take the advance, mounted on pack horses
provided by the American Government. A few only,
desirous of taking the Sandusky route across the lake,
were embarked in the Ariel gun-boat, and conveyed to
Put-in-Bay island, where the shattered fleets were then
lying. Here indeed was to be seen evidence of a most
sanguinary conflict, especially in Captain Barclay's ship.
Every mast of this latter had been carried away — more
than half her long guns had been dismounted — and the
bulwarks were in fragments, while it was impossible to
place a hand upon that broadside which had been exposed
243

244 PRISONERS OF WAR
to the enemy's fire, without covering some portion of a
wound, either from grape, round, canister, or chain-shot.
The decks of all were moreover filled with wounded, and,
on being introduced into Captain Barclay's cabin, we
found that gaUant officer in bed, presenting a most help-.
less picture of mutilation. Pain and disappointment were
upon his brow, and the ruddy hue of health, for which
he had ever been remarkable, had deserted him. In short,
of his former self there then seemed to be Uttle left
besides his untainted honor. The scene altogether was
one of a most melancholy and impressive character.
On the second morning of our arrival at this island,
after having taken on board such of the naval officers as
were not prevented by the severity of their wounds from
performing the journey, we continued our course for
Sandusky Bay. We had nearly made the spot intended
for our disembarkation, when one of those dangerous and
sudden hurricanes, peculiar to the lakes of Canada dur
ing the autumnal months, drove us back under bare
poles, and along the sheet of foam with which the broad
expanse of water was literally covered, to the port we
had just quitted. At length we finally separated from
our companions in misfortune, and after a few hours'
sail were enabled to cast anchor in the bay, where, being
immediately landed, we were conducted to the fort of
¦Sandusky. During our stay at this place we had full leisure for
examining not only the defences of the fortress, but the
various positions occupied by our troops during the
assault ; and the result of our observation was, that an
attack on a stockade work of this description, without
the aid of ladders must inevitably entail discomfiture.
The nature of the fortification, and the manner in which
the enemy were protected from our fire, may be judged
of from the fact of their having had only one man killed
in the affair.
That which most excited my own immediate attention

AT FORT STEPHENSON 245
was the ground occupied by the left column of attack,
consisting chiefly of the light company of the 41st, to
which I was then attached, and which having forced
their way to the very batteries of the fort had conse
quently sustained the greatest loss. My escape from the
ravine, where we had continued so many hours, was truly
providential. When the order for retiring was, in order
to deceive the enemy, given in the Indian language, it
was immediately explained by one or two interpreters
present with the grenadier column on the right, and
conveyed by them in a low voice to the remaining divi
sions. Covered by the brow of the opposite eminence,
they followed the course of the ravine in safety, until
they emerged from the defile, at a distance sufficient to
admit of their forming unperceived by the enemy. Near
ly all the men of the light column, having received the
order, had retired with the main body ; but those on the
extreme left, having been separated from the Une by the
brushwood and other obstacles they had encountered in
the ascent, remained in utter ignorance of what was pass
ing on the right ; and such was the caution observed in
retiring, that neither the enemy in the fort nor ourselves
could distinguish the sUghtest sound to justify the sup
position. It was now half- past nine o'clock. We had
continued since half -past five lying extended on the wet
ground, where the mud was ankle-deep, and most of the
men were chilled with cold. At this moment we heard,
though indistinctly, various orders given in the direction
of our encampment, and then only did we surmise the
fact of the troops having been withdrawn. In this belief
we were speedily confirmed, by hearing a command issued
in a suppressed tone of voice in the fort, to open the
sallyports. Perceiving that no time was to be lost, I
proposed in a whisper, which the rising ground prevented
being overheard by the eneniy, that we should brave
every risk, and attempt our immediate retreat. The men,
however, refused to move, until the moon, which was

246 PRISONERS OF WAR
then in the first quarter, and reflecting its beams every
where but in the bed of the ravine, was set, or should be
obscured by some passing cloud. I^eaving them to theif
fate, I therefore prepared to effect my escape alone, and
immediately in front of the fortress ; but notwithstand
ing all my caution, I had not advanced many paces, when
I stumbled over the dead body of a soldier, who, after
having received a mortal wound, had evidently crawled
on his hands and knees to rest his bleeding form against
a clump of bushes, and had died in that singular posi
tion. The noise occasioned by my fall put the enemy
once more on the alert ; and as the moonbeams reflected
on my arms and regimentals, I had no sooner ascended
the opposite side of the ravine, than the whole front of
the fort was lighted up with their fire. Not an individual,
save myself, was exposed to their aim, and the distance
did not exceed fifty paces; yet, although the balls
whistled round my ears in every direction, and hissed
through the long grass with which the plain was covered,
I did not sustain the slightest injury, even though a
second volley was fired after the interval of half a min
ute. On reaching the spot where the columns had been
originally formed for the assault, I found that my retreat
had been well-timed", for the troops were already in
motion towards the boats, the guns having been previous
ly embarked. In that which contained my provision-
basket, I discovered a few bottles of port wine, which
had arrived that very morning from Amherstburg. This
was indeed a luxury that I would not at the moment
have exchanged for a throne ; and so thoroughly ex
hausted was I with hunger, thirst and fatigue, that plac
ing a bottle to my parched Ups, I did not abandon it until
the whole of its contents had been emptied at a draught.
The effect was instantaneous, and I lay in the bottom of
the boat aU night enjoying the most delicious momentsof
repose I recollect ever having experienced. When I awoke

MARCH TO CHII<LICOTHE 247
at a late hour on the following morning, a mild Septem
ber' sun was glancing its golden rays along the tranquil
bosom of I,ake Erie, in the centre of which our boats
were all assembled, and gUding along its surface with a
speed proportioned to the vigorous efforts of the rowers—
the men alternately singing and indulging in rude jests,
reckless of the comrades whose dying groans had assailed
their ears a few hours before, and evidently without care
or thought for the future. Every individual of those who
had refused to accompany me on that occasion was taken
prisoner by the American party despatched through the
sallyport. Some difficulty was experienced at Sandusky in pro
curing the means of conveyance ; at length, however, on
the morning of the third day, mounted on miserable pack
horses, scarcely able to sustain their own weight, and tot
tering at every step beneath their additional burden, we
commenced our route for ChilUcothe, the place selected
for our detention. A single officer of infantry composed
our escort, and he had been appointed to the service
chiefly with a view to protect us from insult, and to pro
cure lodgings and other accommodations on the road. To
describe the fatigue and privation which we endured
during this tedious journey would require more time and
space than it can be necessary to bestow upon this part
of the narrative. The rainy season had already set in,
and scarcely a single day .passed by without our beipg
literally wet to the skin. Our route lay through an in
hospitable tract of couutry, consisting alternately of
gloomy forest and extensive savannah, the latter often
intersected by streams fed from the distant mountains,
and swollen by the unceasing rains. Sometimes a soli
tary hut, vying in filthiness with the beings by whom it
was tenanted, afforded us shelter for the night, but more
frequently we found that repose which absolute fatigue
'This happened on the 3rd of August.

248 PRISONERS OF WAR
and exhaustion ensure to the traveller, near the fires we
were compelled to kindle in the forest. At length our
jaded animals, slipping at every step, and threatening to
sink beneath their efforts, brought us to Fort Wayneu
Here we were provided with other horses, but of the
same miserable description : their backs cruelly galled by
the ill-stuffed saddles, and their ribs almost protruding
from beneath their hair-divested hides. The appearance of
these unfortunate animals was pitiable in the extreme ;
and few of us, on leaving Fort Wayne, entertained the
slightest doubt of their sinking successively beneath us,
before our destination could be gained. The rain still
continued to fall, and during the latter part of October
and the commencement of November we never once beheld
the sun. Many of the officers were without great-coats,
having been plundered of everything, as well by the fol
lowers of the division as by the enemy themselves ; and,
although we each possessed a change of linen, during
the whole journey we had no opportunity of having any
thing washed, so that in a short time we were infested by
vermin, which gave the finishing stroke to our calamities.
Still we proceeded on our journey, and through a country
of the same character with that we had previously tra
versed. On one occasion we found ourselves stopped by
a stream of considerable depth, the bridge over which had
been broken down by the torrent. No other alternative
remained than to swim our horses across, or run the risk
of their breaking their legs in the interstices of the bridge,
which had partly sunk beneath the surface of the water.
The former course was, after due deliberation, adopted ;
and lots having been drawn, the first attempt devolved
on lyieutenant Stokoe of the Royal Navy. Spurring his
horse into the current, this officer with much difficulty
reached the opposite bank ; but, unable to effect a landing,
was thrown from his seat in consequence of the violent
struggles made by the animal, and, with one foot fas
tened in the stirrup, lay for some moments in imminent

ARRIVAL AT CHILLICOTHE 249
danger of perishing. At length, after much exertion, he
succeeded in disengaging himself, when clambering up
the steep, he soon drew his horse after him. This ex
periment being considered Uoo dangerous for ''repetition,
we decided on effecting our passage across the bridge ;
and owing to the caution we observed, no accident oc
curred to the horses — a circumstance peculiarly fortunate,
since we could have found no means of supplsdng our
loss. After several weeks of tedious travelling through
this dreary region some few traces of civilization and cul
tivation were perceptible, and we finally beheld the banks
of the Scioto. On the opposite shore of this small river
stands the town of ChUlicothe; and after having for the
last time committed our steeds and persons to the water,
in default of a bridge, we found ourselves at the termina
tion of our journey, overcome with lassitude, and in a
state which might have caused us to pass for anything
rather than British officers. The party which had taken
the route of Fort Meigs was already arrived, and with it
the troops of the division.
At ChilUcothe I was singularly fortunate in meeting
with a gentleman who exercised the rites of hospitality
in my favor to the fullest extent. An apartment in his
house was appropriated to my service, a cover daily laid
at his table, and his horses declared at my command. In
short, no individual in the character of a prisoner of war
had ever less reason to inveigh against hiS destiny. This
ray of sunshine was, however, of short duration. Soon
after the arrival of the Sandusky party at ChilUcothe, the
officers captured at the Moravian village were, in conse
quence of an order from the American government, des
patched to Frankfort, the capital of Kentucky — those of
the naval service alone being suffered to remain, and,
through the influence used by my kind host, my name
was included in the list of the latter. At the moment
when we b^gan to reconcile ¦ ourselves to our situation,
and to appreciate the attention paid us by the more re-

250 PRISONERS OF WAR
spectable inhabitants, an order suddenly arrived for our
close imprisonment. This unexpected measure owed its
origin to the following circumstance. Among the pris
oners taken at the affair in which the lamented General
Brock lost his life, twenty-three men,, recognized as de
serters from the various regiments in Canada, had been
sent to England, and subsequently tried and convicted.
The execution of the sentence, had, however, been de
ferred. The American government was no sooner ap
prized of their impending fate, than, acting on that sys
tem of naturaUzation which, in defiance of every principle
of equity, would preclude the hitherto undisputed right
of nations to punish their criminal subjects, they caused
an equal number of British soldiers to be kept closely con
fined, to answer as hostages for the safety of the con
victed deserters. This unjustifiable proceeding was fol
lowed by the seclusion of twenty-three commissioned,
and an equal number of non-commissioned American offi
cers, and retaliated by them in a similar manner ; so that
finally nearly all the officers of both parties were deprived
of their liberty, and liable at any moment to answer with
their lives for the apostasy of three and twenty indi
viduals America should have blushed to claim as subjects
of her republic.
With a view to the thorough comprehension of the
subject by the reader, and to exhibit in its true light the
extraordinary course pursued by the United States, it
will be important here to annex, not only the remon
strance of the British Government, as conveyed through
two distinct general orders issued by Sir George Prevost,
under the direction of His Royal Highness the Prince
Regent, but the particular instructions, for the close con
finement of the officers of the Right Division in the Peni
tentiary of Frankfort, transmitted by the American Sec
retary of State to the Governor of Kentucky.

prevost's general order 251
Headquarters, Montreal, Oct 27, 1813.
His Excellency the Governor-General and Commander
of the Forces, having transmitted to His Majesty's Gov
emment a letter from Major-Gen. Dearborn, stating that
the American Commissary of Prisoners in I^ondon had
made it known to his Government, that twenty-three
soldiers of the ist, 6th and 13th Regiments of United
States Infantry, made prisoners, had been sent to Eng
land and held in close confinement as British subjects,
and that Maj or- Gen. Dearborn had received instructions
from his Government, to put into close confinement
twenty-three British soldiers, to be kept as hostages for
the safe keeping and restoration in exchange of the sol
diers of the United States, who had been sent as above
stated to England ; — in obedience to which instructions,
he had put twenty-three British soldiers into close con
finement to be kept as hostages ; and the persons referred
to in Major-Gen. Dearborn's letter being soldiers serving
in the American army, taken prisoners at Queenstown,
who had declared themselves to be British-bom subjects,
and were held in custody in England there to undergo a
legal trial.
His Excellency, the Commander of the Forces, has re
ceived the commands of His Royal Highness the Prince
Regent, through the Right Honorable the Earl Bathurst,
Secretary of State, to lose no time in communicating to
Major-Gen. Dearborn, that he has transmitted a copy of
his letter, and thathe is in consequence instructed, dis
tinctly to state to Major-Gen. Dearborn, that His Excel
lency has received the commands of His Royal Highness
the Prince Regent, forthwith to put in close confinement,
forty-six American officers and non-commissioned officers,
to be held as hostages for the safe keeping of the twenty-
three British soldiers stated to have been put in close
confinement by order of the American Government.
And he is at the same time to apprise him that if any
of the said British soldiers shall suffer death, by reason
that the soldiers now under confinement in England have
been found guilty, and that the known law, not only of
Great Britain, but of every independent state under sim
ilar circumstances, has been in consequence executed, he
has been instructed to select out of the American officers
and non-commissioned officers put into confinement as
many as may double the number of British soldiers who

252 PRISONERS OF WAR
shall have been so unwarrantably put to death, and cause
such officers and non-commissioned officers to suffer death
immediately. And His Excellency is further instructed to notify to
Major-Gen. Dearborn that the commandei;s of His Maj
esty's armies and fleets on the coast of America have re
ceived instructions to prosecute the war with unmitigated
severity against all Cities, Towns and Villages belonging
to the United States, and against the inhabitants thereof,
if after this communication shall have been duly made to
Major-Gen. Dearborn, and a .reasonable time given for its
being transmitted to the American Government, that Gov
ernment shall unhappily not be deterred from putting to
death any of the soldiers who now are, or who may here
after be, kept as hostages for the purposes stated in the
letter from Maj or- Gen. Dearborn.
His Excellency the Commander of the Forces, in an
nouncing to the Troops the commands of His Royal High
ness the Prince Regent, is confident that they will feel
sensible, of the paternal solicitude which his Royal High
ness has evinced for the protection of the person and
honor of the British soldier thus grossly outraged in con
tempt of justice, humanity, and the I,aw of Nations, in
the persons of twenty-three soldiers placed in close con
finement, as hostages for an equal number of traitors who
had been guilty of the base and unnatural crime of raising
their parricidal arms against that country which gave them
birth, and who have been delivered over for legal trial to
the just laws of their offended country.
The British soldier will feel this unprincipled outrage,
added to the galling insults and cruel barbarities that are
daily wantonly inflicted on many of his unfortunate com
rades, who have fallen into the enemy's hands, as addi
tional motives to excite his determined resolution never to
resign his Uberty but with his Ufe, to a foe so regardless
of all sense of honor, justice and the rights of war.
(Signed) Edward Baynes, Adj't-Gen.
Extract from a letter from the Secretary of State to the
Governor of Kentucky. Nov. 27, 1813.
' Sir, — The British Government seems to have given to
this war every degree of savage barbarity and cruelty
which it may be able to inflict. In the close of the late

PRESIDENT MADISON S ORDER 253
1
campaign, the British commanders at Quebec seized and
sent to England, twenty- three of our soldiers who had
been prisoners, to be tried for treason, on the pretence
that they were British subjects. For so unjust and out
rageous an act, the President was bound to confine a like
number of British prisoners in the United States, which
he did in the expectation that the British Government,
seeing the inevitable consequence of the first measure,
would relax from it, or at least leave the affair in the state
in which it had thus been placed for accommodation by
treaty. More recently, however, a measure of still greater
injustice has been adopted. The Prince Regent has
ordered into close confinement forty-six officers of the
United States upon the principle, as he says, of retalia
tion, expecting, by the violence of the proceeding, to in
timidate this government into a submission to the extrav
agant and unfounded claims of the British Government.
The President has met this measure with equal decision,
by ordering into like confinement forty-six British officers,
as a pledge for the safetj'^ of those on whom the British
Government seems disposed to wreak its vengeance.
These officers are orderedto be conveyed to Frankfort,
in Kentucky, to be confinea ihere in the penitentiary of
that State, which is represented to be a building affording
the two-fold advantage of good and safe accommodations.
This step is taken in the full confidence that every
facility will be afforded to its complete execution, by
Your Excellency, that may be expected from a character
so strongly attached to the union, and decided in the sup
port of all the necessary measures to secure success to the
just war in which we are engaged.

General Order, Adjutant General's Office,
Headquarters, Montreal, 12th December, 1813.
His Excellency the Governor-in- Chief and Commander
of the Forces has to announce to the troops under his
command, that he has received a communication from
Major-General Wilkinson, commanding a division of the
army of the United States of America, by order of his
government, of which the following is an extract :
' ' The Government of the United States adhering un
alterably to the principle and purpose declared in the
communication of Gen. Dearborn to you, onthe subject of
the twenty-three American soldiers, prisoners of war, sent
to England to be tried as criminals ; and the confinement

254

PRISONERS OF WAR

of a like number of British soldiers, prisoners of war,
selected to abide the fate of the former ; has in conse
quence of the step taken by the British Government, as
now communicated, ordered forty-six British officers into
close confinement, and that they will not be discharged
from their confinement until it shall be known that the
forty -six American officers and non-commissioned officers
in question are no longer confined."
It would be superfluous to use any argument to refute
an assumption so extravagant, unjust, and unprecedented
as to deny the right of a free nation to bring to legal
trial, in a due course of law, her own natural-born sub
jects taken in the actual commission of the most heinous
offence that man can commit against his king, his coun
try, and his God; that of raising his parricidal arm
against his allegiance to his countrymen, by leaguing
with their enemies ; a crime held in such abhorrence by
every civilized nation in Europe, that summary death by
the law martial is its avowed reward, and is inflicted with
unrelenting severity by France, the ally of the United
States. This pretention must appear to every unpreju
diced and upright mind as iniquitous and unjust, as is
the retaliation which the Government of the United States
has adopted, by placing in close confinement three and
twenty British soldiers, as hostages for an equal number
of infamous wretches, the unworthy offspring of Great
Britain, who, when drawn from the ranks of the enemy,
solicited to be suffered to expiate their treason by turning
their arms against their employers. These Rebels have
(with the contempt they merit) been consigned to the
infamy and punishment that await them from the just
laws of their offended country, while the Government of
the United States does not blush to claim these outcast
traitors as their own, and outrage the custom of civilized
war, in the persons of honorable men, by placing them on
a par with Rebels and Deserters.
No alternative remains to the Commander of the Forces,
in the discharge of his duty to his king, his country, and
his fellow-soldiers, but to order all the American officers,
prisoners of war, without exception of rank, to be immedi
ately placed in close confinement as hostages for the forty-
six British officers so confined, by the express command
of the supreme authority in that country, until the num
ber of forty-six be completed, over and above those now
in confinement.

TREATMENT OF THE BRITISH PRISONERS 255
His Excellency directs that this General Order together
with that issued on the 27th of October,, be read to the
troops, that the British soldier may be sensible of the
terms on which America has determined to wage this
war ; confident that he will meet them with proper spirit
and indignation ; for should he become the prisoner of a
foe so regardless of those laws, which for ages have gov
erned civiUzed nations in war, he would be doomed to a
rigorous confinement, and that only preparatory to a more
savage scene. (Signed) Edward Baynes, Adj. -Gen.
North America.
But more than either of the foregoing documents, does
the foUowing statement, copied from the Salem Gazette,
prove the nature and consequences of this cruel system
of retaliation, as carried on between the two countries.
' ' Treatment of British Prisoners op War in
THE United States. — It is time that the public should
be correctly informed on the subject of the unforttmate
prisoners at Ipswich. Seventeen of our fellow-beings
have been immured in dungeons in our own neighbor
hood, three months, and the public attention has not
been called to their sufferings. The following we believe
to be a correct statement of this affair.
" On the seventh day of October, 1813, James Prince,
Esq., Marshal of this District, issued his mandate
directed. ' ' ' To the keeper of the gaol of the United States at
Ipswich, within the District aforesaid — Greeting' — re
quiring him ' to receive into his custody, and safely keep
in dungeons in the gaol aforesaid, the bodies of Thomas
Cooper, John Clark, Adam Kirby, Samuel Thorp, Thomas
Hewes, John Bendow, James Onion, Richard How,
Daniel Dowland, and James Humphries, ' in retaliation for
cruelties ' said to be ' ' exercised ' on certain persons
at Halifax, ' and also as hostages to respond for any acts
of violence which may be inflicted on them.'
"By similar orders dated Oct. nth, 12th, 13th, and
Nov. 2nd, he also directs the under keeper to confine in
dungeons the bodies of Wm. Nickerson, Elkanah Clem
ents, R. Kirkland Black, Wm. Owen, Benj. Johnson, and
James Ross in retaliation for ' cruelties ' said to be com
mitted on other American prisoners of war in Halifax.

256 prisoners of war
"By another order dated Oct. 12th, the Marshal directs
the gaoler to receive and detain in his custody the body
of Peter H. Diedale, a maritime prisoner of war, without
alleging any other cause, and he has been confined in a
dungeon with the rest.
' ' These men have ever since been kept in dungeons as
dreary as, Mr. Madison could desire. The gaol is a
gloomy stone building. The dungeons are seven feet by
ten on the ground floor, of rough stone at top, bottom,
and on all sides. There are loop holes or narrow open
ings of two or three inches wide through the upper part
of the stone walls, to admit the little light and air which
these unfortunate victims are allowed to enjoy. In damp
weather, the water runs down the walls and drops from
the stone ceiling over the floors. These dungeons were
never intended for any other purpose, than to punish the
worst of convicts by a few days' solitary imprisoninent,
and it is believed have never beeh used even for that pur
pose. Yet in these places have innocent men been lan
guishing for three months, sixteen of them, four in a
dungeon, and the other (Captain Ross) in a dungeon by
himself. A few days since ten of them were removed to
the cells in the second story, appropriated to criminals.
These cells are larger than the dungeons, but extremely
cold and uncomfortable. So far have these unfortunate
prisoners been ' released ' (as had been asserted in
another American paper), and no farther. Seven, viz.
Capt. Clements, Lieuts. Owen, Black, and Nickerson,
and two seamen, it is understood, are still confined in
two dungeons, and on some of the late cold nights several
were past recovery, notwithstanding they had received a
supply of warm clothing from some charitable individuals;
and medical aid was necessarily called in to restore the
perishing ; and it is only by this charitable reUef and the
attention of the gaoler's family, unwarranted by the
orders of Government, that these poor prisoners are not
dead ! They must have perished, if left to the care of
Government ! Such is the situation of these prisoners,
and this is the ' retaUation ' that is called ' Christian ' ! "
That the threat of retaliation would have been carried
into effect by the American government, it is scarcely'
possible to believe, since, exclusively of the blot such a
proceeding must have imprinted on their character, the

misery of the prisoners 257
disproportion of prisoners was greatly in our favor, as
well in regard to rank as numbers ; but we had too much
reason to apprehend, from the unqualified' hatred mani
fested towards us by the populace in the States of Ohio
and Kentucky, that the will of their rulers would have
had little effect in restraining the ebullition of their rage,
had the original sentence been carried into execution.
Let it not be imagined that this idea arose simply from
surmise, or had its being in the vague apprehension of
men who, more immediately interested in the result,
might be deemed ready to admit the agency of fancy in
their impressions of impending evil. Several gentlemen,
estimable for their rank and character in these States,
warned us during their occasional visits of the fact, and
with every opportunity of ascertaining the public feeling,
communicated circumstances which left us no reason to
infer that their fears for the result should be' disregarded.
Our sensations in consequence were not, it will be
imagined; of the most pleasing or enviable description.
The common gaol of the town had been fixed on for our
abode, and we were distributed into two small rooms in
an upper story, communicating with each other, and con
taining each ten persons. During the day they were left
open, but carefully locked and bolted at night, and sen
tinels were posted in the corridor into which they opened.
The height was upwards of sixty feet from the ground ;
and through the strong bars with which the windows
were furnished, we beheld others pacing to and fro, and
exercising their vigilance so far as to direct their atten
tion repeatedly to our rooms. Thus guarded, and unpro
vided with instruments of any description whatever, we
had no hope of effecting an escape ; while, to crown our
misery, fortune had thrown us into the hands of a gaoler
of the most ruffianlike character. On one occasion, in
consequence of some trifling misunderstanding with an
interpreter who had been confined in the adjoining room
— a man remarkable for the mildness and forbearance of
his nature, — the wretch inflicted so severe a wound on

258 PRISONERS OF WAR
his head with a ponderous key, as to cause the blood to
gush forth with extreme violence. When visited by the
officer of the guard, a complaint was preferred by the in
jured man ; but the liberal republican, with true patri
otic feeling, justified the act of his countryman, and con
cluded by threatening a repetition of the punishment.
We had now been some time in this disagreeable situa
tion, when a project was formed which promise.d to throw
a more favorable coloring over our destiny. The whole
of the captive division, including the seamen, were con
fined in a fortified camp, erected for the purpose on the
skirt of a wood adjoining one of the suburbs of the town,
and were guarded by a considerable detachment of regu
lar infantry. These noble fellows were no sooner apprized
of the ignominious fate with which their officers were
threatened, than with the generous devotedness charac
teristic of their respective professions, they deputed two
sergeants who had been suffered to communicate with us
on subjects relative to the clothing of the men, to express
their determination to effect our liberation, or perish in
the attempt. Accordingly, the following plan was
adopted, and fixed on for execution at a certain day. At
midnight, the men were to rise and overpower the guard,
and having secured them, and possessed themselves of
their arms, to separate into three distinct parties. The
first of these, headed by one of the deputies, were to
advance on the prison, and having effected our liberation,
to hasten to the boats on the river, which the second
division was to have secured ; while the third, patrolling
the streets in silence, were to prevent the inhabitants
from assembling and impeding the operations of the first.
The plan, hastily adopted, from the circumstances in
which we found ourselves placed, was at best a wild one,
since, had it succeeded in all its primary stages, we must
have been eventually destroyed in descending the narrow
river of the Scioto, by the fire from the numerous rifle
men the enemy would have collected, on the first intima-

PLAN FOR ESCAPE FORMED 259
tion of our departure. We were then, however, sanguine
of success, and none paused to consider the difficulties
that awaited us after our Uberation, in the heart of an
enemy' s country, where ammunition and provisions were
alike beyond our reach. We spoke of our descent of the
Mississippi from the Scioto, and the Ohio, and our final
reception on board the English fleet we knew to be cruis
ing off New Orleans, as a matter of course, and discussed
our meditated movements with all the confidence of the
soldier, but certainly with little of the prudence or fore
sight of the general. Such was the plan decided on for
our escape ; but, while awaiting the completion of the
necessary preparations, a circumstance, ludicrous in itself,
yet alarming in our actual position, threatened to blight
every hope by which we had lately been sustained. One
morning about daybreak, the ^pise of workmen was dis
tinctly heard beneath the windows of the room in which,
covered with a solitary blanket, and huddled together
without order or ceremony, we contrived to enjoy a few
momentsof repose. One of the party immediately jumped
up, and running to the window,beheld a number of men en
gaged in the erection of a scaffold. The exclamation wrung
from him by the sight,. drew us all to the spot, and then,
indeed, we might be said to have experienced the sensa
tions of men who behold for the first time, and- without a
hope of reprieve, the gloomy preparations for an igno
minious end. The predominent sentiment with us was,
however, less regret for the existence we considered our
selves about to forfeit, than rage at the idea of having
surrendered ourselves prisoners of war to an enemy ca
pable of violating every principle of justice, for the sake
of shielding a few perjured and despicable criminals from
the laws of their offended country. In this state of cruel
suspense, we continued until nine o'clock, the hour at
which the bolts of our prison were withdrawn for the day,
when the explanation given by the gaoler dissipated our
alarm. The scaffolding was being erected for the purpose of

26o PRISONERS OF WAR
sinking a pump for the use of the prison ; and the indis
tinct view we had obtained of the construction through
our bars had given rise to the error.
At length the much-wished-for day fixed on for the
execution of our enterprise arrived, and we arose, as we
fully hoped, from our couch of misery, for the last time.
To persons in our situation, it may easily be imagined,
the hours appeared to move om leaden wings, yet we
doubted not an instant of a favorable result. Fate had,
however, ordained otherwise. At four in the afternoon,
while yet partaking of our wretched meal, the trampling
of horses' feet, and a confused sound of drums and voices,
drew us suddenly to the window, and in a few minutes
we beheld Governor Shelby literally armed to the teeth,
a rifle on his shoulder, and accompanied by a numerous
staff, riding up at full speed. We were for some time lost
in astonishment and unable to account for this singular
appearance ; but a clue to the mystery was soon afforded
by the entrance of an American officer, who, leaving his
guard in the corridor, advanced into the outer room, ac
companied by a formidable cyclop, bearing certain in
signia of his trade, with which we could very willingly
have dispensed.
For the better insurance of success in our enterprise, it
had been found necessary to admit two individuals in the
town into our confidence — certain essential and prelim
inary arrangements remaining to be effected. These gen
tlemen were of the federal party, and entered into our
views with a willingness which gave very fair promise of
a favorable issue. We had been rather intimately known
to them prior to our confinement, and with their senti
ments, both poUtical and private, we were well acquainted.
The measures necessary to forward our undertaking
were faithfully executed by them, and on the morning of
the night which was to give us to liberty, as we fondly
imagined, nothing of a preparatory nature remained to
be done. Seized, however, by a sudden panic, and anti-

PLOT REVEALED : IN FETTERS 26 1
cipating the consequences of a discovery of co-operation
with the enemies of their country, they resolved to elude
the danger they feared, by a voluntary and unreserved
disclosure of our intentions to the Governor of the State,
who resided in Chillicothe. This was accordingly done,
and the active and precautionary measures consequent on
this alarming intelUgence, had given rise to the bustle
and tumult which assailed our ears from without, and
carried disappointment and despair to our hearts.
This latter information was conveyed to us by our new
visitor. Lieutenant Harrison, of the 19th Infantry (a
gentleman whose name I feel peculiar pleasure in record
ing) , who now proceeded to communicate the disagree
able duty with which he was charged, and which the
equipment of his forbidding attendant, armed with a
hammer, anvil, and about twenty pairs of hand-cuffs,
sufficiently explained. With a tearful eye and in a falter
ing tone, did this gentleman entreat us to lose sight of
the man in the subordinate, and to believe how much it
pained him to be the instrument selected for the purpose.
Such an indignity, he said, he deplored being compelled
to offer to British officers ; but he trusted that with men
to whom the rigor of military duty was familiar, the pub
lic act would be forgotten in the expression of private
feeling. The delicacy of such conduct was felt by all,
and we hastened to assure him of our grateful sentiments
in return. He then desired the man to proceed to the
execution of his office ; and in less than an hour the
hands of the whole party, myself alone excepted, were
fettered with irons, which the rough and malignant-look
ing son of Vulcan seemed to feel no little satisfaction in
applying. On inquiry, I learned that I had been excepted
at the express desire of Colonel Campbell, commanding
the troops at Chillicothe, from whom the order had eman
ated. For this favor I felt that I was indebted to my
kind friend Mr. Brush, but as I had little inclination to
be exempted from a participation in the fate of my com-

262 PRISONERS OF WAR
panions, I expressed myself to that effect to Lieutenant
Harrison, requesting at the same time that he would
impart to the Commandant, who was the colonel of
his own regiment, the utter disinclination I entertained
to owe him any thing in the shape of obligation, while
my brother officers were manacled as felons.
On the departure of the officers we had full leisure to
reflect on the hopelessness of our situation, and we in
veighed not a little against the defection of our American
friends, though, in fact, our own folly alone was to be
taxed in having made the subjects of a country so inter
ested in our detention accessory to the design. These
reflections, however, finally yielded to a feeling of mirth
excited by the ludicrous appearance we exhibited, stalk
ing about the room like spectres, and deprived of the
usage of our arms ; and we began to enjoy the panic
partly visible to our eyes, and principally ascertained
from our gaoler, from whose account it appeared large
bodies of the inhabitants were already assembling to the
sounds ofthe alarm drums and bugles. The guards and
sentinels of our prison had been doubled at the first
rumor, and the nulitia of the adjacent country were
flocking in to strengthen the troops intrusted with the
security of the men. It was not until a late hour in the
night, that these warlike preparations appeared to be
completed, the rolling of the drums frequently breaking
on our ears, as we lay extended on our blankets, to
which, after a close examination of our apartments by
the gaoler, followed by an unusually careful application
of bolts and keys, we had long since consigned our
aching limbs.
In the state of utter helplessness to which my compan
ions were reduced, we found the advantage of the excep
tion made in my favor, since I was thus enabled to per
form many little offices which the brutality and remiss
ness of the gaoler left us no hope would be attended to
by him. Three days had now elapsed since the visit of

SUFFERINGS WHILE IN IRONS 263
Lieutenant Harrison, when the situation of the sufferers
had become irksome to a degree. Not once, during that
period, had they been permitted to throw off their clothes,
or perform their customary ablutions ; and when they de
scended to the court, which was rarely and but for a few
minutes, a sentinel followed with his bayonet extended,
and within a foot of the prisoner. Their hands and
wrists had also become extremely swollen by the com-
presssion of the irons, and the extremities of the fingers
of several were discolored with the quantity of blood pro
pelled to those parts. Under these circumstances I wrote
a polite note to Colonel CampbeU, detailing the several
inconveniences sustained by my brother officers, and re
questing that he would cause the fetters to be removed
under the inspection of an officer, and merely for the time
requisite to clean their persons and change their linen.
To this communication I received a negative reply,
couched in the most positive and unfeeling terms. I im
mediately wrote a second, expressive of our united sen
timents in respect to his conduct, which I had no doubt
would have brought down the wrath of the generous
commandant on my head ; but no notice whatever was
taken of the letter. Finding it vain to expect any relief
from this quarter, we adopted an expedient which
answered all the intention proposed. With the aid of an
old knife, we contrived to divide the nails by which the
irons were riveted around the wrists, and substitute
others of lead, a small quantity of which article one of
the midshipmen happened to have in his haversack. The
relief afforded by the removal of the fetters, which was
only effected by stealth, and at those moments when we
considered ourselves free from interruption, was grateful
to all, although the fingers were so cramped by the ex
tended position in which they had been kept, as to ren
der it difficult and painful to move them. The leaden
pins had been blackened to imitate iron, and as the
sleeves were carefully drawn over, the deception could

264 PRISONERS OF WAR
only be discovered on a minute examination. Thus
were the officers enabled not only to enjoy some little
cessation from suffering, but to attend to the comfort and
cleanliness of their persons, an advantage for which they
certainly were not much indebted to the humanity of the
public authorities of Chillicothe.
Nearly ten days had succeeded to the detection of
our plan of escape, when, one evening at a late hour, we
received intimation to prepare for our removal to the
penitentiary of Frankfort in Kentucky, and accordingly
the next day, about two o'clock in the afternoon, we
were conducted to the front of the prison, where a
detachment of regular infantry was drawn up with
their ranks facing inwards, and at extended order. Be
tween these ranks we were placed two abreast, and the
detachment being ordered to face to the right and left,
we moved on, thus escorted or rather enfiladed, from the
gloomy walls of our prison. As if to humiliate us to the
last degree, and add insult to misfortune, we were paraded
through the principal streets of the town, though such a
route was at once circuitous and unnecessary. The
taunts and hisses of the populace who had assembled at
an early hour to witness our departure, and were now
with difficulty kept back by the guard, followed us
throughout ; but the clamorous ebullition of their hate
gave us far less concern than the sombre countenances
of the more respectable inhabitants, coUected to view the
passing scene. Those with whom we had lately associ
ated, and who had exercised the courtesies of hospitality
in ouf favor, now gazed upon us with various expression
— some in a triumphant disdain originating in a false
rumor, which had been industriously circulated of a de
sign to fire the town — others with evident interest and
concern, arising from a conviction of the injustice of such
a charge. Friends and foes were, however, alike to us
at that moment, and the proud indifference of our looks
rested on all with the same cold expression ; for we felt

REMOVAL TO FRANKFORT 265
that the ignominious treatment to which we were then
being subjected, reflected, not, on us, who had attempted
the fulfilment of a duty we owed both to our country and
to ourselves, but on those who thus abused their power
over us as defenceless captives. At length when it was
presumed that the good inhabitants of ChiUicothe had
sated themselves with a view of the ' ' incendiary Eng
lish ' ' we were conducted to a large boat on the river, al
ready manned with soldiers, and awaiting our arrival.
It was with a feeling of real pleasure that we found
Lieutenant Harrison to be the officer in command of the
detachment to whose charge we were here given over ;
and as we took our places, the boat was pushed off from
the shore, and quickly glided down the Scioto, amid the
continued hootings of the rabble, coUected at the point of
embarkation on its banks. Impressed with various re
flections arising from the preceding scene, few of the
party were disposed for conversation, and an almost unin
terrupted silence had prevailed some hours, when, towards
the close of the day, the boat struck against a " sawyer,"
or trunk of a tree carried off from the land during the
floods, and frequently stationary in the beds of rivers,
from whence, when acted on by the tide and current, it
rises suddenly to the surface in a perpendicular direction,
preserving a state of reaction, and threatening destruc
tion even to the largest boats used in the navigation of
the Ohio and Mississippi. The concussion we experienced
gave rise to serious apprehensions for our safety ; and in
an instant the leaden pins of the handcuffs were removed,
but yet with sufficient precaution to escape the attention
of the guard. Lieutenant Harrison, however, caused the
boat to be directed towards the shore, and having ex
pressed his intention to pass the night in an old deserted
building, which stood at the distance of some few hun
dred paces, we were accordingly disembarked. When ar
rived at the spot indicated for our temporary sojourn, the
American officer, evidently impressed with a full sense of

266 PRISONERS OF WAR
our recent danger, declared it to be his determination to
remove the fetters from our hands, provided we would
pledge our words to him, as British officers, that no at
tempt at escape should be made. This step, he observed,
had not in any way the sanction of his superiors, but he
was wilUng to take the responsibility upon himself, satis
fied that our parole once engaged, no ultimate risk could
be incurred. This circumstance, however grateful in
fact, placed the manacled officers in a rather awkward
dilemma, since it was evident that in removing the irons,
which had been replaced the instant the danger was
passed, the deception must be discovered. We had, how
ever, formed too just an estimate of the character of
Lieutenant Harrison to hesitate long in the avowal of a
subterfuge to which we had been driven by suffering and
necessity. Our promise was then given, and the whole
party once more enjoyed the unrestrained use of their
hmbs. At an early hour on the following morning we
again embarked, and a few hours brought us to the point
of confluence with the majestic waters of the Ohio. The
strong current of this expansive river carried us rapidly
forward, and we soon found ourselves at Cincinnati, the
capital of the State.
After leaving Cincinnati, and passing the boundary
line which separates the States of Ohio and Kentucky,
the direction of our course was changed, and we
ascended a small river intersecting the latter state
and leading in the line of the capital. Our pro
gress here was slow and difficult. A thick and appar
ently impervious wood skirted its banks, and occa
sionally interweaving its protruding tops, threw a chilling
gloom over the scene, while the close underwood, reach
ing to the very margin of the waters, seemed to preclude
all possibility of a landing. At length a more open space
was perceptible, and at this point our journey by water,
owing to the increasing difficulty of movement, was dis
continued. Horses were procured in the adjacent country ;

LIEUTENANT HARRISON'S KINDNESS 267
and, escorted by. Lieutenant Harrison, who left his de
tachment in the boat, we continued our route towards
Frankfort, then at no great distance. After travelling
through a wild and thinly-inhabited country, and along
paths which no other than American horses could have
trod with safety, a range of lofty and gloomy hills, by
which that capital is nearly surrounded, announced the
proximity of what we were to consider as our future
home. The morning was cold and rainy, and as we
wound round the base of a hill which intercepted our
view, the towering walls of the penitentiary, situated in
that extremity of the town by which we approached, fell
suddenly on our gaze. A few minutes brought us in a
line with its principal entrance ; and as we glanced up
wards at the low and narrow windows we beheld our
companions thrusting their handkerchiefs through the
bars, and saluting us as they could. They were the party
that had preceded us from Chillicothe, and consisted
chiefly of the officers taken at the Moraviantown. It
was a melancholy moment for recognition, and our feel
ings had imbibed much of the sombre character of the
season, as we moved on to the spot appointed for our
delivery into the hands of the Marshal of Kentucky.
This duty performed. Lieutenant Harrison bade us adieu,
with a friendly warmth which every individual in our
party fully appreciated and returned. He was in truth
a noble fellow.
On entering the prison of the penitentiary, we found
our friends distributed into two small rooms little larger
than common cells, and crowded together in a distressing
manner ; but many had reconciled themselves to their
situations, and enjoyed a temporary distraction in study
ing the trades carried on by the convicts in the court,
who cheerfully initiated them into the rudiments of their
respective arts. The following is a correct list, taken
from an American paper, of the names and rank of the
several officers assembled within its walls.

268 PRISONERS OF WAR
Lieut.-Col. Warburton— Major Chambers, D.A.Q.M.
G. — Major Muir, 41st — Captain Derenzy, do — Capt.
McCoy, do— Capt. HiU, do— Capt. Tallon, do— Capt.
Dixon, Royal Engineers — Lieut. Hailes, 41st — Lieut.
Watson, do — Lieut. Linn, do — Lieut. Jeboult, do — Lieut.
O' Keefe, do — Lieut. Gale, do — Lieut. Purvis, Royal
Navy — Lieut. Stokoe, do — Lieut. Bremner, Provincial
do — Lieut. Rolette, do. do — Lieut. Irvine, do. do — Lieut.
Holmes, Light Dragoons — Ensign Mompesson, 41st —
Ensign Cochran, do — Ensign Jones, do — A. B. Garden,
Gent. Volunteer, Royal Newfoundland Regt.— J. Rich
ardson, do. 41st — James Laing, do — ^J. Campbell, Master's
Mate, R.P.N.— G. ColUns, do— J. Fortier, do— R. Nelson,
Midshipman. The whole number of prisoners were about 900, includ
ing those taken on the lake.
Our residence in the penitentiary was, however, too
limited to admit of perfection in our new occupations.
At this period a strong sensation was produced in
America by the intelligence of Napoleon's unexpected
reverses in Russia. A termination of the war between
Great Britain and France might now be anticipated as an
event of no very remote occurrence, and the ability thus
afforded to the former power of sending a more formidable
army to oppose that of the United States would place the
struggle between the two countries on a very different
footing. Under this view of the case, and as one of the
measures consequent on the altered aspect of the war,
the affair of the hostages was gradually suffered to die
away. The first step, however, was only an amelioration
of our condition, which was effected by our removal from
the penitentiary to the town. The principal hotel in
Frankfort, to which was attached an extensive garden,
surrounded by a low wall, was the place selected for our
residence, with the express prohibition, however, of out
stepping its limits. Here on the score of personal com
fort we had no reason to complain. Three shiUings a

AGAIN ON PAROLE 269
day was the allowance granted by the American govern
ment to each officer, and the sick were entitled to twice
that amount. One room was occupied by two prisoners,
and our table was abundantly supplied with excellent
food. Tea, coffee, eggs, cold meat, and the various
' ' sweet sauces ' ' to which the Americans are so partial,
composed our breakfast ; while at dinner we generally
found ourselves seated before meats of every description,
and succeeded by a plentiful dessert. Tea, coffee and
hot cakes composed our evening repast. A number of
black slaves were also at our orders, and the preparation
of our linen was included in the moderate charge. Such
was the revolution effected in our position, and but for the
restraint imposed on our liberty, our chains would have
been light.
At length, in consequence of an order from the seat of
Government, we were once more placed on parole, and
permission was accorded to such of the prisoners as chose
to pay their own expenses, and provide their own horses,
to repair to the Canadian frontier. This offer was eagerly
embraced by the field officers and such others as the state
of their finances would permit. The remainder were
compelled to await the issue of the arrangements then in
agitation for an exchange of prisoners, hoping that the
shackles of captivity, which had at the outset promised
to be of long continuance, would speedily be removed ;
and we availed ourselves of the Uberty once more
accorded. Several gentlemen of the highest respectability
in the place were forward in offering attention ; and
among the first of these was Major Madison. This officer
had been himself a prisoner in Lower Canada, from
whence he was only recently returned, and, impressed
with a grateful sense of the treatment he had received,
hastened to evince it by various acts of hospitality and
courtesy towards ourselves. We became welcome visitors
in his family, and frequently accompanied him in excur
sions to several delightful country seats at some distance

270 PRISONERS OF WAR
from the town. Permission was frequently obtained for
us to visit places at the distance of twenty miles without
any escort whatever ; and as oUr purses had been replen
ished by the kindness of Mr. Sproule, a Frankfort
banker, without any other guarantee for future payment
than our simple bills, these excursions were not few. A
good understanding was, however, only maintained with
a very small portion of the inhabitants. By the rest we
were regarded with an eye of jealousy and detestation,
and whenever opportunities did present themselves, these
feelings were undisguisedly manifested. One instance
must suffice.
As a slight return for the attentions of Major Madison,
Lieutenant Irvine of the Navy, the person so honorably
alluded to in the first part of this narrative, had, with an
ingenuity for which he was remarkable, constructed a
vessel in miniature for the daughter of that gentleman.
To many of the inhabitants of Kentucky the model even
of a frigate complete in all her parts was a novel sight,
and the present was thankfully received. Anxious to
tender a similar offering, though in a different quarter, a
young midshipman named Campbell, occupying one of
the upper rooms, had undertaken a similar task, and
devoting himself with all the anxiety and ardor of his
years to the completion of his vessel, soon had the satis
faction of seeing it in a state of great forwardness. Most
unfortunately for him, however, he had forgotten that an
EngUsh flag, even on a bark of those Lilliputian dimen
sions, is ever an offensive image to an American eye ; and
decked in this fatal ornament, it now lay exposed in one
of the windows of his apartment, and was distinctly
visible from the street. On the morning of its exhibition,
a crowd of persons, delighted at having what they con
ceived a pretext for insult, rushed in a body up the stairs,
uttering imprecations and threats. Having reached the
spot where the object of their fury was lying, they seized

HOPES OF RELEASE CRUSHED 271
the luckless ship, and dashed it on the pavement of the
street, where it was shattered in a thousand fragments,
the leader of the party exclaiming, " You British rascals,
if you show your tarnation colors here again, we'll throw
you after them." This noble feat being accomplished,
they retireid, swearing at us all in true Kentucky style,
and leaving poor Campbell to brood at leisure over his
misfortune. Shortly after this event, arrived the agreeable intelli
gence that the whole of the prisoners were to be marched
to the frontier for the purpose of an immediate exchange.
Those alone who have experienced the miseries and re
straints attendant on a state of captivity, especially
under such circumstances as those by which that of the
officers of the Right Division was marked, can enter into
the feelings by which we were all more or less actuated.
By many the news, although long expected, of our
exchange being actually effected, had been received as a
pleasing dream or illusion, from which the mind dreaded
to be awakened ; and until the moment of actual depart
ure, that restlessness of impatience which is the offspring
of uncertainty seemed to predominate in every breast. A
thousand things unlikely to occur, but still within the
pale of possibility, presented themselves to imaginations
more disposed to the expectation of gloomy than of agree
able events . The order for our departure might be repealed
— the negotiation for the exchange broken off altogether
—and to crown all, the cruel subject of the hostages
renewed. Pleasurable anticipations belong only to those
who have basked in the unbroken sunshine of Fortune —
those who have been tutored in the school of Adversity
are less sanguine in their hopes, and temper the glow of
generous confidence with the steady calm of warning
experience. That we were not wrong, indeed, in apprehending in
terruption to the negotiations, then pending between the
two Governments, will be seen from the following

272 PRISONERS OF WAR
important General Orders issued by Sir George Prevost,
embracing the correspondence between Adjt. -General
Baynes, and General Winder, to whom had been confided
the delicate task of entering on the subject of the
exchange of hostages. General Order, Headquarters, Montreal,
i6th April, 1814.
His ExceUency the Governor in Chief, and Command
er of the Forces, announces to the troops under his com
mand, that he was pleased to sanction and confirm, on
the 15th inst.. Articles of a Convention entered into by.
Colonel Baynes, Adjutant-General of the Forces, and
Brigadier-General Winder of the army of the United
States of America, for the mutual release of all prisoners
of war. Hostages or others, with the exception of the
forty-six American officers and non-commissioned officers
placed in close confineinent as Hostages, in conformity to
the General Order of the 27th of October last, in re
taliation for twenty- three British Soldiers, confined by
the Government of the United States as hostages for
twenty-three British-born subjects, taken from the ranks
of the enemy, and sent to England for legal trial.
By this agreement it is stipulated that all prisoners of
war \the above mentioned alone excepted) shall be mu
tually exchanged, and delivered at such places as shall be
agreed, on, with all convenient expedition, £ind shall be
declared, respectively and severally, to be released, and
free to carry arms and serve on the 15 th dayof May next,
the same as if they had never been prisoners of war : and
it has been further provided, that whatever balance shaU
appear on the returns of prisoners of war, respectively''
exchanged or given up on parole, by either party since
the commencement of Hostilities, the number of Prison
ers for which an equivalent has not been returned, shall
be withheld from all military service, until exchanged.
It is with proud satisfaction that the Commander of
the Forces feels confident, that this provisional clause can
never apply to the Army in Canada, from the immense dis
parity in the number and rank of the prisoners it has re
stored to the enemy.
All officers, non-commissioned officers and soldiers,
being prisoners of war, who are not prevented in conse-

From a painting in possession of Mr. O'Hara Baynes, Montreal.
Adjutant- G:e;nkral Edward Baynes.

PREVOST'S GENERAL ORDER 273
quence of their wotmds, are commanded to join their re
spective corps and stations on the 15th day of May next,
and to resume their military duties.
(Signed) Edward Baynes, Adjt.-Gen.
General Order,
Headquarters, Camp at Chambly,
July 2nd, 1814.
Several officers of this army having returned from the
United States, where they had been held in close confine
ment as hostages, and having on their release signed a
conditional parole containing a pledge on their part, to
return to their captivity at the expiration of a limited
period, unless previously exchanged : His Excellency the
Governor in Chief, and Commander of the Forces, con
sidering such parole to be inconsistent with the provisions
of a convention for the exchange of prisoners which was
entered into by persons duly empowered for that purpose
by the Government of the United States, and His Ex
cellency respectively, and has already been carried into
complete execution on his part, and has also been in part
executed by the Arherican Government, — is pleased to
declare that all those officers, whether of the Line or
Militia are absolved from their parole, under and by vir
tue of the before-mentioned convention : — that they are
released and free to serve as if they had never been Pris
oners of War and are all and severally included in the
General Order of the i6th of April, directing all Prisoners
of War after the 15th of May to repair to their re
spective corps and stations, and to resume their miUtary
duties. To destroy any doubts which may by possibility be en
tertained with regard to the complete execution of the
Convention above mentioned ; to satisfy the nice and
scrupulous sensibility with which a British soldier must
ever view and examine an act, professing to release him
from an obligation in which his honor is implicated, and
to remove every apprehension from the minds of those
who may come within the scope of the present General
Order, His Excellency is pleased to authorize the com
munication to the army under his command, of the prin
cipal circumstances attending the commencement, pro
gress, and final conclusion of the Convention to which
allusion has above been made.

274 PRISONERS OF WAR
At the solicitation of the Government of the United
States, conveyed in a letter from their Secretary of State
of the 19th of March, and not less induced by his anxious
desire to alleviate the unnecessary severity which the sys
tem of retaliation had introduced into the conduct of this
war, the Commander of the Forces did not hesitate in
acceding to a proposal which seemed to promise the at
tainment of an object so desirable. In that spirit, and
with that view. His Excellency consented to the exchange
of Brigadier- General Winder, (a Hostage) in consequence
of that officer having been selected by the President of
the United States, as an agent, vested with full,
powers to negotiate for an exchange of prisoners of war,
as well Hostages as others. His ExceUency was also
pleased to nominate Colonel Baynes as an Agent vested
with similar powers. On the part of the British army.
The negotiation commenced under the most favorable
auspices. The basis and conditions of the convention
being left to the discretion of the two officers above men
tioned, it was agreed that all prisoners of war. Hostages
or others (with the sole exception of the British subjects
taken from the ranks of the enemy and sent to England
for legal trial) should be released in conformity to the
regulations of the cartel. General Winder pledging him
self that his Government entertained the most liberal
sentiments, and that the great disparity of prisoners, both
with respect to rank and numbers, which the United
States would receive, and for which they had no equiva
lent to return, should be withheld from service on parole,
until duly exchanged.
This agreement was on the point of being ratified,
when a despatch from the American Secretary of State,
dated Washington, the 22nd March, was received by
Brigadier- General Winder, and was verbally represented
by him to convey a positive prohibition to his consenting
to the release of the twenty-three British soldiers held in
confinement as Hostages for the British subjects sent to
England for trial, unless it was stipulated that they also
should be released, and sent to the United States.
This proposition was instantly answered by a note in
forming Brigadier-General Winder, that as a new basis
had been substituted by the Secretary of State, inadmis
sible in principle, the negotiation was in consequence at
an end, and that his partial exchange as a preliminary
measure was also void, and of no effect as emanating

i-REVOST'S GENERAL ORDER 275
from an act which had from the conduct of the proposing
party become a nulUty.
The introduction of this new pretension on the part of
the Government of the United States had arrested the
progress of the negotiation, when a note from Brigadier-
General Winder came (No. 3) which was acceded to by
Colonel Baynes as the basis of a convention (No. 4) .
To ascertain the existence of the power of final ratifi
cation on the part of Brigadier- General Winder, the Com
mander of the Forces was pleased to direct Colonel Baynes
to address to that officer the note (No. 5) and although
the answer of Brigadier-General Winder, as contained in
note (No. 6) did not completely accord with the spirit of
candor professed by him, and manifested by His Excel
lency, nevertheless the fair construction of it was such
as to carry to his mind the conviction which it must im
press on every honorable man who peruses it, that Briga
dier-General Winder possessed the power of finally ratify
ing any new agreement for the exchange of prisoners
into which he might think proper to enter.
Under this impression the. Commander of the Forces
was pleased to declare his assent to the immediate release
and exchange of Brigadier-General Winder ; the nego
tiation for the exchange of prisoners, on the contracted
basis imposed by Brigadier- General Winder, was re-com
menced, and the conditions being arranged, a convention
was concluded on the 15th April last, and ratified by the
contracting parties.
It is under this convention, so begun and ratified, and
carried into effect according to the tenor of it, with
promptitude and good faith on the part of the Commander
of the Forces, and to which no objection has been spec
ified by the American Government, in any of their com
munications to His Excellency,. since the conclusion of
it, but which, on the contrary, must have been accepted,
since it has been in part executed by that Government,
that His Excellency, the Commander of the Forces', has
been pleased thus publicly to absolve all the officers and
others who have recently returned from the United States
from a parole which His Excellency conceives to be in
consistent with the terms of that convention, and which
he considers to have been enacted by persons ignorant of
its existence, or misconceiving its conditions.
By His Excellency's Command,
Edward Baynes, Adj. -General,
British North America.

276 PRISONERS OF WAR
No. I.
Montreal, loth April, 18 14.
Colonel Baynes has communicated to His Excellency
the Commander of the Forces the purport and extent of
the alterations explained by Brigadier- General Winder
to exist, between the instructions of the 19th March, ad
dressed to him by the Secretary of State, and those of the
22nd, of the same date received yesterday, and that the
omission of the same in the first copy was owing to an
error in transcribing it.
His Excellency, however, on reference to the letter of
the Secretary of State of the 19th March, addressed to
him, as it is stated, "with the view, and in the sincere
desire to restore to the mildest pra;ctice of civilized nations
the treatment of prisoners on both sides," and author
izing Brigadier- General Winder, on the part of the United
States Government, to conclude an arrangement which
may embrace the exchange, as well as those held as hos
tages, as of other prisoners ; and His ExceUency learning
from that officer that his instructions fully comported
with the unqualified tenor of the proposal made in the
Secretary of State's letter to him, did not hesitate a mo
ment in acceding to the other arrangements therein sug
gested, and was prepared to waive just grounds which he
conceived he had of complaint against the Government of
the United States, on the subject of the exchange of pris
oners of war, in the hopes of promoting an arrangement
so desirable for the cause of humanity and the honor of
both nations ; and he is much disappointed to find his
hopes frustrated by the introduction, at this period of the
negotiation, of a claim so totaUy inadmissible, that had
the Secretary of State's letter borne the most distant al
lusion to it. His ExceUency would have felt himself, as
he now does, prohibited from proceeding any further on
the subject.
The British view the confinement of twenty-three sol
diers as the first act of aggression : for the undoubted
right which every free nation possesses of investigating
and punishing the crimes committed by her own natural-
born subjects, in a due course of law, is too self-evident
to require a comment, nor can it, by any distortion of
sense or justice, be construed into a just ground for an
act of fair retaliation exercised on twenty-three British
soldiers : the latter are characterized by their patriotism

FIRM STAND OF PREVOST 277
and loyalty, the former stigmatized for their treason and
rebellion. It would be wasting time to enter into any further dis
cussion on this subject. Great Britain has successfully
maintained her national rights unsullied for twenty years
against the wholfe world combined : it is not to be sup
posed that it is reserved for the United States to stop the
course of justice, and to dictate to England what proce
dure she shall observe towards her own natural-born sub
jects, in her own courts of civil judicature, arrested in
her own territories, in the commission of acts of treason
and rebellion.
It is to be remarked, that as the exchange of prisoners
of war now proposed by the United States no longer has
the general character that was at first proposed, but is
specifically to restore quota for quota, it becomes on this
ground, incumbent on the part of the British Government,
to demand, as a preliminary step, a detailed statement of
about three thousand prisoners of war, of which the third
were of the United States' regular service, captured in
Canada during the first campaign, and given up in good
faith to the United States, who at that period had no
British prisoners, — and as all subsequent exchanges on
the part of the United States, have been acquitted by an
equivalent number of prisoners simultaneously exchanged,
it is insisted that the American Government is bound by
honor and good faith to make full and complete satisfac
tion for the above debt, in conformity to the 14th article
of the cartel, before she can in justice retain, or ask an
equivalent for a single British prisoner now in her pos
session ; and for this purpose returns will be prepared,
not only of the number of prisoners remaining unex
changed in the possession of either power, but of those
given up in good faith by the British Government to the
United States, and for which no return has yet been
made, or satisfaction offered ; and as it appears from the
documents now transmitted, that the United States are
adding to the number of prisoners placed in restraint as
Hostages, His Excellency is left no alternative, and is
under the imperious necessity of ordering into close con
finement, all the American officers remaining in his pos
session, not heretofore considered as Hostages.
If the instructions of the Secretary of State leave to
the discretion of Brigadier- General Winder no latitude

278 PRISONERS OF WAR
on the subject of the twenty- three- British soldiers con
sidered by Great Britain as the sole just origin of the
system of retaliation, the further prosecution of this nego
tiation, for an exchange of prisoners, must be unavailing,
as His Excellency, although prepared to waive all minor
considerations, to meet the American Government on a
fair and liberal basis, is at the same time unalterably firm
in his determination not to compromise in the slightest de
gree, that principle of justice and equity upon which the
measures of his Government have been framed.
On a former occasion. Colonel Baynes communicated
to Major Melville that if the prisoners of war in Canada
were not exchanged previous to the arrival of the transports
expected early in the Spring, it would become a necessary
measure to relieve the Canadas of that charge, and that
they would be sent to England ; and on the opening of
the river navigation, the prisoners now at Montreal will
be sent to Quebec for that purpose.
(Signed) Edward Baynes,
Colonel, and Adjt. -General.
No. 2.
Brigadier- General Winder has received Colonel Baynes'
note of this morning, and has read it with close and pro
found attention, not without considerable surprise and
the deepest regret — surprise because it seems to have been
expected that the discussions depending between Colonel
Baynes and himself were in fact to have settled and ad
justed a principal question which will no doubt occupy
the Congress at Gottenburg — regret because he fears that
the beneficial consequences which would result from
making exchanges, as far as was practicable under the
powers held by General Winder, must be defeated by
persisting in the views held out by the note of Colonel
Baynes — exchanges which would restore to liberty so
many brave and honorable tnen of both nations, who may
otherwise Unger out a tedious protracted confinement,
finally to be terminated by an inglorious death, and which
beside, would have left untouched in the fullest extent,
the pretentions of Great Britain, on the question from
whence the system of retaUation has arisen.
It appears to Brigadier- General Winder, from the note
of Colonel Baynes, that he considered an exchange made
under the restriction in Brigadier-GeneralWinder's power.

genf;ral winder's reply 279
as an abandonment or compromising the principle in
question by the British Government. Surely, if this were
the case, as according to Brigadier-General Winder's
conception if certainly is not, it would have been an
abandonment of it on the part of the American Govern
ment, if this restriction had not existed in the power, and
would have been an extent of power which, it is confi
dently believed, His Excellency did not expect would be
conferred on the occasion — nor indeed could it be sup
posed that a power to treat relative to the adjustment of
this principle would have been conferred upon a person
in the situation, ahd under the circumstances which Brig
adier-General Winder was when he received the power.
Brigadier-General Winder further supposes that His
Excellency had and can have, in the ordinary course of
things, no power to settle and adjust this question unless
by special delegation, and this, if known to the Govern
ment of the United States, would have drawn from them
a correspondent delegation of power with a view to its
adjustment. But the Government of the United States were aware
that His Excellency possessed as incidental to his mili
tary command, the power of making exchanges relative
to the prisoners made from and by his command, which
did not compromit the principle of the British Govern
ment on this point, and therefore had in view to delegate
a corresponding power to Brigadier- General Winder, asit
is considered they have entirely done.
The Government of the United States conceived that a
relinquishment of the twenty-three original Hostages
taken by them would be compromitting the principle on
their part, and declined to give a power to this extent —
they, on the contrary, do not ask a release of the
twenty-three men sent to England, because that would
be relinquishing it on the part of the British Government.
The power to negotiate upon this question,it is presumed,
has been delegated to the commissioners about to assemble
at Gottenburg.
But General W. is at a loss to perceive, that because
¦he does not' possess this power a negotiation is to stop,
which could originally only have contemplated, and been
expected to contemplate, the exchange, as far as could be
dohe without broaching that question. And the letter
of the Secretary of State to His Excellency, of the 19th

28o PRISONERS OF WAR
March, and his contemporaneous instructions to Briga
dier-General Winder, while they look to the largest pos
sible exchange, yet reserve, and express to do so whole
and entire, the right on this system of retaliation, and
he most sincerely believes his propositions of yesterday's
date entirely attain this object to both parties.
Brigadier- General Winder, conscious it would be use
less to submit any observation on the other parts of.
Colonel Baynes' note, as he believes them completely
embraced in one of the propositions of his note of yester
day, entirely conformable to Colonel Baynes' wishes ;
and because, possessing no other powers or instructions
than those already communicated, he supposes it more
important, at the present moment, to obviate the objec
tions to proceed in the negotiation, whichhe flatters him
self the foregoing remarks will have a tendency to effect,
and which unless he can effect, would be time uselessly
spent, as no result could flow from it.
Brigadier- General Winder submits these remarks in a
spirit of unreserved candor and cordiality, and without
the loss of a moment ; — and flatters himself, that, viewed
by Colonel Baynes with the same spirit, they will be
found entitled to strong and conclusive weight.
(Signed) Wm. Winder,
Brig.-Gen. U. S. Army.
No. 3.
Montreal, April nth, 1814.
Brigadier-General Winder has received Col. Baynes'
note of this morning and has read it with all the atten
tion which the subject of it was calculated to awaken,
and however much he regrets that he is not able to ac
complish all that he hoped and wished, yet he is gratified
in believing, that much may be accomplished in strict
conformity with the principles upon which His Excel
lency feels himself bound to act as detailed in Col. Baynes'
note of to-day, and also entirely within the powers and
instructions which Brigadier- General Winder has re
ceived and submitted from his Government. Colonel
Baynes' note states, "that the confinement of the
twenty- three American officers, and an equal number
of non-commissioned officers, is considered as the first
stage of retaliation, on the part of the British Govern
ment, and will be persevered in so long as the twenty-
three soldiers, for which they are held as Hostages are

NEGOTIATIONS CONTINUED 281
kept in confinement, and cannot be effected by any ex
change that does not emancipate the twenty-three
British soldiers."
What Brigadier- General Winder proposes, therefore in
entire conformity to this principle is, that the British
officers put into confinement in retaUation for the confine
ment of the above forty-six American officers and non
commissioned officers shall be released and exchanged to
such an extent as an equivalent value of American officers
confined in retaliation for them, or who may be prisoners
of war, other than the above forty-six, shall be released
and exchanged.
Brigadier-General Winder, in his note of the 9th made
his proposition as extensive as he was allowed, but con
sidered at the same time, that if, in its whole extent, it
was not acceptable to His Excellency he would hold him
self ready to embrace any modification of them, which
might be more acceptable, and within Brigadier-General
Winder's power.
This proposition appearing to Brigadier-General Win
der to be so entirely within the principles contained in
Colonel Baynes' note he feels the most sanguine assur
ance of its acceptance, and, without incumbering it with
anything else, he hastens to submit it without delay.
(Signed) Wm. Winder,
Brig-Gen. U.S. Army.
No. 4.
Headquarters, Montreal,
Adjutant-General's Office,
April i2th, 1814.
Colonel Baynes has to acknowledge Brigadier-General
Winder's note of the nth inst.t and is commanded to ac
quaint him, that the Commander of the Forces consents
to an exchange of Hostages, and all others, prisoners of
war, in conformity to the scale of the cartel, under the
previous stipulated conditions recited in his note, viz. —
That tlie twenty-three British soldiers first confined as
hostages, and the forty-six American officers and non
commissioned officers confined as Hostages, in retaliation
for the same, remain untouched and be not included in
the present proposed exchange.
It appearing that the American Government assert to

282 PRISONERS OF WAR
have placed seventy-seven British officers in confinement
as Hostages, and the right to retaliate in an equal number
being assumed by the Commander of the Forces, it would
be necessary to place thirty-one American officers in simi
lar restraint, in order to hold seventy-seven to restore in
exchange, but to avoid the performance of so unpleasant
a task, it is proposed that it be taken for granted that
this further act of retaliation has been carried into effect,
and that the number of Hostages on both sides, being
equal in number, amounting to seventy-seven are declared
released as Hostages, and placed on the footing of ordinr
ary prisoners of war, to be exchanged as such, in con
formity to the cartel.
That this measure take place immediately in Quebec,
and with the least possible delay in the United States and
Halifax. The exchange contemplated is to include every in
dividual held as a prisoner of war connected with the
Army of British North America, commencing from the
first act of hostilities on either side, excepting only
twenty-three British soldiers, and the forty-six Ameri
can officers and non-commissioned officers to be reserved
as Hostages, it being further stipulated that the last men
tioned forty-six will be placed on the footing of ordinary
prisoners of war, and exchanged as such whenever the
twenty-three British soldiers are so released or delivered
over for exchange.
The details contained in Brigadier-General Winder's
note of the 9th inst. are accepted of, as forming the out
line for mutual arrangement for carrying this exchange
into effect. (Signed) Edward Bajmes,
Adjutant- General, N.A.
No. 5.
Headquarters, Montreal,
Adjutant-General's Office,
April 12th, 1814.
Colonel Baynes has to acknowledge Brigadier- General
Winder's note of this day, and is commanded to acquaint
him that the Commander of the Forces has no objection
to the principle upon, which his exchange is proposed by
the Secretary of State as a preliminary measure to his
entering upon the proposed negotiation, provided that

NEGOTIATIONS CONTINUED 283
the basis upon which that negotiation is to be conducted
is in its principle admissible, and holds out a fair and a
reasonable prospect of producing the desired end.
His Excellency considered the proposal as stated in the
Secretary of State's letter of 19th March as coming under
that description, and the accompanying letter of instruc
tions of the same date, comporting with the same, he did
not hesitate to grant his consent to the proposed exchange
of Brigadier-General Winder, as a proper preliminary
measure — but a subsequent communication from the Sec
retary of the United States being received by Brigadier-
General Winder, and represented by him to have been
introduced into the first instructions, alterations in them
selves inadmissible in principle, and that the same had
been omitted by error in transcribing the first copy, and
were therefore to be considered as forming the text and
spirit of the proposition. The Commander of the Forces
considered himself absolved from his assent to a docu
ment, which had, from the act of the proposing party,
become a nullity ; and thereby cancelling whatever
might have emanated from it, and that he was at liberty
to revert to the alternative suggested in the Secretary of
State's first letter, and reject the proposal in toto.
Colonel Baynes is directed to inform Brigadier-General
Winder that it is not His Excellency's intention to sanc
tion any partial exchange, except for the express purpose
stated in the Secretary of State's letter, with which he
thinks it highly expedient and proper to comply, but he
must require from that officer a most direct and unequiv
ocal assurance that he is authorized io treat and ratify,
without further reservation on the part of his Government, a
negotiation on the principles stated in Colonel Baynes'
note of the nth and I2th|" and in General Winder's note
of the I Ith instant — in which case his exchange will be
declared full and complete.
Brigadier- General Winder will excuse this demand,
which has become necessary from the doubts which he
has himself created, as to the nature and extent of the
restriction recently placed upon him by his Government.
(Signed) Edward Baynes,
Adjutant-General N.A.

284 PRISONERS OF WAR
No. 6.
Montreal, April 13th, 1814.
Brigadier- General Winder very much regrets that he
should have failed in communicating to Colonel Baynes
in the last interview the extent of the powers communi
cated to him with requisite precision.
It was the intention of Brigadier-General Winder to
have stated that his powers extended without restriction,
to propose and agree to an exchange of all British pris
oners of war taken from the command of Sir George Prev
ost, except the twenty-three men put into confinement
in retalia;tion for the twenty-three men sent to England,
to which extent he now assures Colonel Baynes his powers
extend, embracing all the subjects contained in Colonel
Baynes' notes of the nth and 12th, and Brigadier- General ¦
Winder's of the nth.
As it was not the intention of Brigadier-General Win
der that His Excellency should have the least question
as to the extent of his powers, he cannot but feel morti
fied, that an idea should have been entertained for a mo
ment that he intended to render them in the least degree
doubtful, and he trusts this avowal will remove all such
impressions, and enable Colonel Baynes and himself, upon
the adjustment of Brigadier- General Winder's exchange,
to proceed without delay to the arrangement.
(Signed) Wm. Winder,
Brigadier-General, U.S. Army.
General Order.
Adjutant-General's Office,
Headquarters, Montreal,
July i8th, 1814.
His Excellency the Commander of the Forces announces
to the troops under his command, that having at the
invitation of the American Government, deputed Colonel
Baynes, Adjutant-General, and Lieutenant-Colonel Bren
ton, Provincial Aide-de-Camp, to meet on Thursday last
at Champlain, Colonel Lear, late Consul General of the
United States at Algiers — for the purpose of reconsider
ing the convention for the exchange of prisoners which
had been entered into on the 15th of April last, between
Colonel Baynes and Brigadier-General Winder ; and of
removing whatever objections might be made to the due

DEPARTURE FROM FRANKFORT 285
execution of it : — and the said meeting having taken
place accordingly, all objections to the said convention
were then and there completely removed ; and the same
was, on the i6th instant, fully and definitely ratified by
Colonel Lear, on the part of the United States ; (he hav
ing full power for that purpose) with a supplementary
clause, by which the twenty-three British soldiers, and
the forty-six American officers, the Hostages mentioned
in the first article of the said convention, are declared to
be included in that convention, and are to be released
and exchanged, in the same manner as other prisoners of
war, rhentioned in the same articles, notwithstanding the
exception to them therein contained ; — and His Excel
lency is pleased hereby to direct that this General Order
be considered in explanation and confirmation of the said
General Orders issued on the i6th and 2nd July, 18 14.
Edward Baynes, Adjt. Gen. N.A.
The morning of our actual departure from Frankfort
was, as will be believed, one of joy and exultation to us
all ; and at an early hour most of the officers were
already up, and with light hearts and cheerful counte
nances preparing for their journey.
Our horses were at length brought to the entrance of
the hotel, before which nearly half the town of Frank
fort had collected to witness our departure. Habited in
our light and neatly-fringed Kentucky frocks, fastened
by silver buckles attached to broad red morocco belts, we
soon vaulted into the saddle ; and escorted by Lieutenant
Mitchell of the rifle service, and Colonel Crocket, the
Marshal of the state, a consequential gentleman, who had
often vainly sought to subdue our refractory spirits into
something like submission to his authority, we com
menced our journey. The hand of kindness and the
voice of gentlemanly consideration were extended to us
by a few, among whom stood principally conspicuous
Major Madison and the banker Mr. Sproule ; but on the
countenances of the many might be traced very different
feelings. Even while detesting our presence, they seemed
to regret the approaching removal of their victims, and

286 PRISONERS OF WAR
the insolence of their looks and observations bore suf
ficient testimony of their hostility.
Pursuing a route different from that by which we had
reached Frankfort, we soon arrived at Newport,' a small
town situated at the confluence of the Kanaway and Ohio
rivers, and immediately opposite to Cincinnati, in the
neighborhood of which latter place the prisoners from
Chillicothe were awaiting the arrival of their officers.
Large boats were procured for the passage of our horses,
and having crossed the river the same evening, we were
conducted to our old quarters, the principal hotel in
Cincinnati. On joining the men, we found, that independently of
those whom the Americans had successfully employed
every art to seduce from our service, two individuals
were missing, in whose fate we had become previously
interested. At the moment of departure from the har
bour of Amherstburg, Captain Barclay had received two
young Indian warriors, anxious to witness a naval combat,
on board of the Detroit ; and on engaging the American
fleet, they were stationed in the tops with their rifles.
This position, however, they found less secure than the
trees of their native forests, and were soon assailed by
showers of grape and canister which filled them with dis
may. They instantly relinquished their rifles, and ha
stened to decamp. Too much frightened to adopt the
safer and more usual mode of descent by the ladder of the
rigging, they each grasped a loose rope pending from the
yards, and in this manner glided with fearful rapidity to
the deck, lacerating their hands in a cruel manner, and
no doubt secretly regretting their spirit of adventure.
Nor did they stop until they reached the bottom of the
hold, where they were subsequently found by the Ameri
cans, lying within a large coil of rope, and' in company
with a pet bear, belonging to one of the crew, who had ¦
'Newport is at the confluence of the Licking river and the Ohio.
There is a Kanawha river, another branch ol the Ohio, farther east.
See map.

ESCAPE OF INDIAN PRISONERS 287
conveyed him there, as a place of perfect security from
the enemy's shot. In our occasional visits to the en
campment at Chillicothe, we always saw and conversed
with them., and at the last which preceded our close impris
onment, we found them busily engaged in making bows
and arrows — a work in which they were not interrupted
by their guard, who probably saw nothing more in the ,
occupation than amusement, or an agreeable employment
of their time, but they told us in their own tongue, a
Uttle of which was understood by one or two of the party,
that they were meditating their escape, and that the
bows and arrows were to provide them with food in the
woods. The intelligence now received was, that they had
succeeded in effecting their design shortly after our de
parture, having managed to scale the picketing on a dark
night, which they had selected for the purpose. What
the final result of their enterprise was, we had no future
opportunity of ascertaining ;' but with the knowledge we
possessed of the extreme facility with which the Indians
find their way through the deepest and most extensive
forests, we did not entertain a doubt of their having
rejoined their tribe in safety.
The morning of our departure from Cincinnati was the
last of Colonel Crocket's " guardianship " ; for we were
handed over to an old friend, Mr. Steele, the Marshal of
Ohio, a man as gentle, considerate, and unassuming, as
the other was harsh, exacting, and overbearing. From
this gentleman we received an account of the death of our
old persecutor. Colonel Campbell.' This officer had been
iLieut.-Col. John B. Campbell was in command of the llth U.S.
Infantry at the battle of Chippawa, July Sth, 1814, where he was
severely wounded in the knee, from the effects of which he died.
On May 14th, 1814, with a force of about 800 men, he landed at
Long Point, Upper Canada, without opposition, burnt the village
of Dover, ilyerson's Mills, Finch's Mills, killed the cattle and hogs
of the settlers and burnt their dwellings. For this act he was
brought before a Court of Inquiry at Buffalo composed of Brigadier-
General Scott, Major Jessup and Major Wood. The verdict of the
Court was, that Lieut.-Col. Campbell was justifled in burning the
flour mills and distilleries by the usage of war, but that he erred

288 PRISONERS OF WAR
desperately wounded on the Niagara frontier, whither he
had been ordered- with his regiment, soon after our de
parture from Chillicothe. The cap of his knee had been
carried away by a cannon shot, and he died in extreme
agony. If we had humanity enough not to rejoice at this
intelligence, we certainly did not indulge in any very
immoderate grief ; for the unfeeling condiict of that indi
vidual was still fresh in the recollection of many, and,
above all, the insult of exposing us to public curiosity in
the principal streets of a town in which he held the first
military command — an insult we had every reason to
believe originated with himself.
Our route from Cincinnati lay through the same dull
region we had traversed the preceding autumn ; but with
feelings far different from those we then experienced, did
we now measure back our steps. The season too was
changed, and instead of chill damps and penetrating rains,.
over the face of nature was spread the genial warmth of
summer. It was the middle of July ; and though the
ardent rays of a burning sun threw their oppressive lustre
on our heads, while traversing the more open parts of the
country, we much more frequently found shelter in thick
and extensive woods where a solitary, winding and imper
fect wagon-road alone marked the progress of civilization.
Each moment of our journey brought us nearer to the
more fortunate companions of our toils, 'and the final ter
mination of our anxieties ; and with this heart-cheering
perspective we reconciled ourselves to the privations
incident to our more immediate position.
in burning the private dwellings, and that the active opposition ot
the inhabitants to the American interests was no justification.
Eichardson is not the only writer who condemns the inhumanity
of this officer. Alexander McMullen, a private in Col. Fenton's
Regiment of Pennsylvania Volunteers, censures him for his acts
on his descent on Dover.
For documents connected with the acts of this officer in Upper
Canada, see " The Documentary History of the Campaign on the
Niagara Frontier in 1814," by Lieut.-Col. E. Cruikshank.

IN A PITIABLE PLIGHT 289
Towards the close of August we again arrived at San-
duskj^ ahd during nearly the whole of the succeeding
month, were compelled to remain encamped on the small
marshy plain extending from the base of the hill on which
that fort is situated, to the edge of the river from which
it derives its name. Owing to the unjustifiable neglect
,of those to whom that office was entrusted,not aboat was
in readiness for our transportation across the lake, and
we beheld this new and unlooked-for evil with dismay.
The finishing stroke was put to our calamities by the
introduction of intermittent fever into the camp, a malady
which necessarily arose from constant exposure to heavy
fogs and noxious exhalations from the stagnant waters
around us. Few of the officers escaped this cruel and
distressing scourge, and nearly one-half of the men were
attacked by it. With the view of having the former
more immediately at hand, the medical officers in the fort
caused them to be conducted to a small building contigu
ous to one of the gates, which had been previously used
as a stable, and admitted the air and rain on every side.
A handful of hay, covered with a blanket, composed our
couch ; and here, in a state of inexpressible misery, did
we languish beneath the effects of accumulating privation
and disease. Nourishing or refreshing aliment we were
utterly unable to obtain, and the absence of necessary
medicaments was severely felt. Either from ignorance
or indolence, — but we were given to presume the former, —
the medical officers, while they prescribed bleeding, would
not perform that office themselves, but entrusted it to a
drummer of the garrison, who certainly, to his credit be
it said, opened our veins with admirable dexterity. This
operation being performed on the arm of each patient,
half a pint of raw whisky was given us to drink. If this
potation was administered with an idea of burning the
disease out, the effect did not answer the intention, for
our stomachs were long inflamed in consequence of this
draught, and the fever raged with tmceasing violence.

290 PRISONERS OF WAR
Heartily sick of our present abode, we begged to be
removed to the tents we had lately occupied. This request
was accorded ; but here we were visited by another severe
inconvenience. The neighbourhood of Sandusky abounded
in wolves, and our ears were nightly assailed with their
dismal bowlings. The noise generally commenced from
one pack at no great distance from the fort, and was?
repeated by several others in succession, and from oppo
site directions, until the whole extent of surrounding
woods appeared to be alive with them. There was some
thing fearfully gloomy in this association of wild sounds,
particularly when the night was far advanced, and the
encampment hushed into silence and repose, yet, but for
the danger actuaUy apprehended, we should have been
disposed to find amusement in their discordant yellings ;
for these bold animals came frequently down from the
adjacent hills, and by the pale light of the dying embers,
we could distinctly see and hear them craunching the
bones and fragments remaining from our meals. At our
repeated solicitation? however, fire-arms were accorded
us ; and though we made no actual use of them, they
inspired us with a feeling of greater confidence and secur
ity. Yet were we not even then entirely free from alarm,
especially as our tents were detached at some distance
from each other ; and more than one sleepless night did
we pass with our fingers on the triggers of our muskets,
and momentarily expecting to be attacked by these rav
enous prowlers, against whose fury we invariably took
the precaution to secure the entrance to our tents in every
possible manner.
Our situation was now become truly pitiable, and some
of the officers were compelled to part with their scanty
wardrobe, in order to procure the common necessaries of
life, from the few miserable settlers who had taken up
their abode in the neighborhood of the fort, which
they partially supplied with milk and vegetables. The
former article was that most in requisition with the

EMBARK FOR CLEVELAND 29 1
invaUds, and, in addition to the wild fruits which we
ate with avidity, contributed not a little to the increase
of our malady. At length when nearly worn down by
vain expectation and undermining fever, a solitary boat
was seen slowly emerging from one of the angles formed
by the windings of the narrow and unhealthy river, and
in this we were embarked for Cleveland, a small harbour
on the American shore, opposite to Long Point, in Can
ada, where we were to be finally delivered up. During
this coasting voyage we were assailed by a tempest which
upset our boat ; but as we had fortunately kept close to
the land, the accident occurred in water not beyond our
depth, and we easily succeeded in righting and dragging
the vessel to the shore. Every article of clothing was,
however, completely wet through, and no habitation
being near, we were compelled to throw ourselves for the
night on the damp beach, covered with blankets still drip
ping with recent wet, and suffering the extremes of cold
and heat, as the various stages of our disease were devel
oped. It required more than ordinary constitutions
to resist these attacks, and one officer (Lieutenant
Jones, of the 41st) subsequently perished. Our pro
visions had been utterly destroyed by the water, and our
only dependence was on the scanty pittance obtained
from the impoverished inhabitants along the coast. A few
potatoes and a small quantity of rancid butter were all
that could be procured by the American officer escorting
us, and these we devoured with all the keenness and ra
pacity of famished wolves ; yet was our hunger never
wholly appeased. At length the heights of Cleveland,
where were at that time two solitary and miserable houses,
appeared in sight, and we were now landed on the beach,
where several of the officers imprudently ate large quan
tities of peaches which grew uninclosed and in abund
ance around. The accession of fever produced in conse
quence was great, and the night was passed in the rav-

292 PRISONERS OF WAR
ings of a delirium little short of madness. On the fol
lowing morning we were re-embarked in a small vessel
lying in the harbour ; and leaving an officer behind to
await the arrival, and superintend the transportation of
the men who were advancing by land, we again set sail.
Long Point, the place of our destination, was soon gaiur
ed ; but with what altered feelings did we now behold
that soil which, one short month before, would have been
hailed with rapturous exultation ! Disease had worn
away our persons, and our minds were deeply tinged with
that morbid melancholy which is a characteristic feature
in the complaint. Existence itself had nearly lost its
value with its charms, and, in our then tone of feeUng,
liberty or captivity were situations of indifference. It
had rained without intermission during the passage, and
on the vessel being brought to anchor, we were summoned
from the small filthy cabin, into which we had been
thrown, to the boats waiting for our reception. In a
few minutes we were landed, exhibiting to those by whom
we were received on the beach the most distressing images
of poverty, disease, exhaustion, and discontent. We
arrived in Canada on the 4th of October, 1814, making
just one year from the date of our captivity.
On my arrival in Canada I lost no time, dispirited and
emaciated as I was from the effects of an ague which
continued upon me for five consecutive months, without
a single day of intermission, in parting from those with
whom I had shared so many toils and vicissitudes, and
hastening to join the King's Regiment (then stationed
at Montreal and Laprairie), to which I had been gazetted
some months previous to my capture at the Moravian-
town. Nor is it uninteresting to add that my passage
from Toronto to Kingston, was made in the St.Lawrence,
Sir James Yeo's flag-ship, during the very last trip per
formed by that magnificent vessel, the vast dimensions
of which wUl be understood, when it is known that she

JOINS THE 8th regiment 293
mounted not less than 112 guns, of various heavy calibre,
and was manned by a crew, including aU branches of the
service, of one thousand souls. There were, also, if I do
not greatly err, a seventy-four and two fifty gun ships,
with numerous smaller craft, following in the wake of
this Leviathan ; but war had now been so long carried
on in the coimtry as a 'matter of course, and on so exten
sive a scale of preparation, that these latter were scarcely
regarded as anything extraordinary, even on the smaU
and inland fresh water sea of Lake Ontario.
At length spring with her cheerful and invigorating
attributes once more appeared, bringing with it a cessa
tion of hostiUties between Great Britain and the United
States ; and intelligence having soon afterwards reached
, this country of Bonaparte's escape from Elba, and the
consequent renewal of the war in Europe, we were hur
riedly ordered for embarkation, to join the British Army
in Flanders. The Headquarters of my regiment left
Montreal for Quebec in the first steamer' (the John Mol-
son), that ever navigated these waters, and we were
speedily embarked in a transport waiting to receive us,
and forming one of sixty sail, under the convoy of Sir
George Collier in the Newcastle. Our route was to Ostend,
but we were too late — as the battle of Waterloo, to have
participated in which was worth the sacrifice of all our
previous service, was foughtbefore we were half way across
the Atlantic.
Since that period, I had never revisited Canada, until
the astounding and unexpected events of 1837 and 1838
again brought me to my native land, to aid if necessary
in vindication of her wounded honor.
iThe first Steamer on the St. Lawrence was called the Accom
modation, n«t the John Molson. The name of the owner however,
was Honorable John Molson.

THE END.

ADVERTISEMENT.
(To first edition)
Notwithstanding all the care we have personally be
stowed upon the correction of the press, so many glaring
typographical errors have crept into the present edition
of this narrative that, were it not for the time necessary
to prepare a second, we should unhesitatingly commit the
impression to the flames rather than suffer it to go forth
to the public.
This difficulty will be obviated should the work be
stereotyped, in which case all to whom the publication is
now gratuitously sent shall be furnished with new
copies.

APPENDIX I
Major Muir's Official Report of the Expedition to Fort
Wayne. II
Letter from Colonel John Askin, Strabane, to Captain
Charles Askin, of the MiUtia, stationed at Chippawa.
Ill
Letter from John Richardson, to his uncle Captain
Charles Askin at Queenston. IV
Letter from'! Colonel Elijah Brush, Detroit, to Colonel
John Askin, Strabane. V
Notes on Illustrations.

Expedition to Fort Wayne.
Major Muir to Col. Procter.
Miami River, 2 miles above Fort Miami,
Sept. 30th, 1812.
Sir, — I beg leave to acquaint you that on the morning
of the 27th instant, as I mentioned to you in my former
letter of the 27th, it was intended to have attacked the
enemy on his march, and everything was ready for that
purpose; however in th^ morning it was thought neces
sary to send out a reconnoitring party to see if he was
likely to move, and Captain Caldwell and Lieut. Askin,
of the Militia, and a party of sixty Indians were sent out
for that purpose. In the course of an hour, some shots
were fired and our parties returned, leaving one Indian,
whom they reported to be killed, and said that the enemy
was on his march towards us. Still no further steps were
taken by the Indians to prevent his progress. Soon
after another Indian came in and reported that the enemy
was within less than two miles of us, and that
another Indian had been killed by them. I then
requested Colonel EUiott to inform me what the
Indians intended to do ; he went to Round Head (the
principal chief) and returned immediately saying, " I
might choose any place in the plain which I thought best
adapted to the use of the guns, and that Indians would
flank them." I told him I should occupy the road skirt
ing the wood ; where they would be ready to act in any
situation as soon as this arrangement took place, andthe
troops were at their stations as a guard to the guns.
Colonel Elliott rode up to me and said the Indians would
not come that way, and requested I would retire through
the woods and stop at the first place where I could take
up a good positiori, and that they would flank us as they
said before. We then commenced our retreat and at the
distance of about four miles in our rear there was a small
opening in the woods where they supposed the guns
might be disposed of to advantage, but I soon convinced
them to the contrary by showing them that the guns
could not possibly throw a shot more than one hundred

MAJOR muir's OFFICIAL REPORT 297
yards in any direction, and I told them the guns were
brought for the purpose of battering Fort Wayne, but
would not answer to fight in the woods, and that as soon
as we arrived at Fort Defiance I would endeavor to send
them off, and should then be at Uberty to act according
to circumstances. I then made every arrangement and
had the artillery and stores embarked in boats under the
direction of Lieut. Troughton, with orders to proceed to
Amherstburg Avith as much expedition as possible. This
service being arranged and sent off, I went to the Indian
Camp where the Indians were at Council, and was soon
^iven to understand that they were determined to meet
the enemy at an advantageous spot in the morning. The
next morning (the 28th) about an hour before dayUght
I received a message from Colonel EUiott saying that the
Indians had been conjuring aU night, and that the Mack
inac and the Sagina Indians were going to leave the
•camp. This being the case, I made no doubt, but a
retreat had been agreed upon, and intended by the whole,
and gave directions for the cattle and baggage to pro
ceed. In less than half an hour afterwards I received
another message from Colonel Elliott saying that Indians
were determined to fight and requested I would move on
the troops. I immediately ordered them to march, and
was at their camp in a few minutes. Colonel Elliott then
¦came up to me and begged that I would hold the men for
a few minutes as the Indians were not yet ready. I then
' observed them moving off, bag and baggage, in bands of
six and seven at a time, in every direction. I mentioned
what I had seen to Colonel EUiott, who told me they
were going to hide their things and would return imme
diately. The chief of the Mackinac Indians then came up
and took his leave, saying that the Indians were divided
amongst themselves, and that he would take home his
young men, adding that those who had horses might
remain, as they could easily run away in case of defeat.
He then marched off with the principal part of his band,
which consisted of two hundred young men. I then
observed to three or four of the interpreters that were
standing by me, ' ' I thought the camp began to be very
thin." At that instant a young Huron said that by
the time we got to the fighting ground we should not
have half the number that were then present. This
^ave me a pretty clear idea of what I might expect. I

298 EXPEDITION TO FORT WAYNE
was, however, determined to see, and we all marched
off for the ground that it was intended we should fight
on, which was the east bank of the north, or little Miami
River, branching off from the other about three miles
above Fort Defiance. Soon after our arrival at the place
Colonel Elliott and I went to , look at the ground, and
on our return a prisoner was brought in by one of the
Indians, who said that he had strayed from the army
about four days before, and that he had not eaten any
thing, during that time. We then examined him re
specting the army, and he informed us that it was com
manded by General Harrison as far as Fort Wayne,
when he was obliged to return to the Wabash in conse
quence of some of their towns having been burnt by the
Indians, and that as soon as he had quieted them he was
to return to the command of the army, and bring with
him the force he took to the Wabash. That during his
absence the army was commanded by General Winches
ter ; he further said that the army was three thousand
strong, consisting of the following regiments, viz. i
Wells' Regulars, Lewis', Allen's and Scott's Volunteers
from Kentucky, Simmerole's cavalry, 250 strong, and
150 mounted riflemen, with one six-po^nder and 70
waggons. That they were short of provisions, but that
they expected another army of the same strength to
meet them at Fort Defiance which was to bring provisions
for both armies, and four pieces of cannon, and that both
armies were to have met at Fort Defiance on the 26th
inst : and that it was generally thought it was intended
on their meeting they should proceed to Detroit. Dur
ing this conversation I recollected what I had been told
respecting the number of Indians I should have, and as
nearly as I could judge there were not more than from
320 to 330 present. I mentioned this to Colonel EUiott,
and told him I considered it would be madness with such
a handful of men to think of opposing an army of such a
force ; besides, it was running the risk of being com
pletely locked in, without the smallest chance of success,
or even escaping. He then told me that two of the In
dian conjurers had dreamt that they should be successful
that day, and that they were determined to fight. I then
told him to acquaint the Indians, that I could not see
the smaUest prospect of success, but on the contrary,
shouldleiigage,thewholeof the troops undermy command^

MAJOR muir's OFFICIAL REPORT 299
must inevitably fall. I was determined not to throw
away the lives of so many men, and for no purpose. He
then went to Round Head and informed him of my de
termination. Round Head then came to me with an in
terpreter and urged the necessity of trying their success
in compliance with the dream of the conjurers, and that
at all events we might drive back their advance guard.
I agreed that that might be done, but what would be the
advantage, when while we were engaged with these few
men we run the risk of being cut off from our baggage
and provisions, and at the same time allowed the enemy
to get so near that to retreat with my troops would have
been morally impossible. He repeated that as to being
surrounded and cut off we could easily prevent that
by retreating through the woods. I told him that might
answer for his people very well, but would not for mine^
and that if he would collect the warriors and young men
of his nation I would wait for them at the camp we left
in the morning, and we might then retreat in a body.
To this he agreed, and we commenced our retreat accord
ingly. Lieutenant Troughton, who will deliver this let
ter, will give you every information respecting our re
treat to this place, as we overtook him the first day, and
he has been with us ever since. He will also account to
you for some stores he was obliged to destroy in order to.
get doAvn our guns. Some Indians who had been sent
up the Glaize river on the 27th to examine into the truth
of the report the prisoner we took made, respecting an
army being on its way down by that river, returned with
out ha\ang seen anything of the army, but they discov
ered fresh footsteps and heard bugles sounding very dis
tinctly, and from that they imagined the. enemy were
encamped not more than two miles from the Fort. Pre
vious to this they had heard two cannon shots in the
same direction but at some distance further off. Colonel
EUiott this day assured me that he would send out par-
. ties with white men to reconnoitre and watch the move
ments of the army, from whom we should receive infor
mation according as anything material should occur.
Before I conclude, permit me to assure you that every
praise is due to the officers of my Uttle army for their
exertions in endeavoring to forward the expedition and
for their zeal and cheerful compUance with aU orders on
every occasion. The men also behaved remarkably weU,

300 COL. JOHN askin' S LETTER
and I have no doubt that could they have been brought
into action with any hopes of success, their conduct
would have been equally good.
(Signed) A. C. Muir, Major,
and Captain 41st Regt.
Commanding.
Colonel Procter,
Commanding, Detroit. II
Letter from Col. John Askin, Strabane, to Capt.
'Charles Askin of the militia stationed at Chippawa :
Strabane, /Dec. 28, 1812.
My dear Charles,
Last night I heard that Capt. Hall said he was going
to Queenston and that he would call for my letters. I
«xpect him every moment, therefore will have what I
•can ready and write you the rest by the very next oppor
tunity. Your long and very welcome letters of the nth
and 14th of last month reached me on the 24th inst.
Prior to their arrival we had not a word of what had
taken place in your quarter, nor has anyone written the
intelligence but yourself, therefore not only us but all
the gentlemen here are obliged to you for the circum
stantial account you have given, and I am surprised
(the duty being so hard) how you got time to write so
much. I cannot anywise account why battles fought
near Queenston the latter end of last month are not
¦officially made known to Col. Procter here, but such is
really the case, for he wrote me a line begging to know
the part of your letters which related to pubUc news.
Indeed, the battle of Queenston was not fully known
liere for near' a month afterwards. News in this quarter,
we have none at present. The American force at the
Glaize, if there is any there still, do not make their
•appearance. The militia for the present are let return
home, Capt. Elliott's and Maisonville's companies ex
cepted, who are stationed at the River aux Raisin. We
are happy to learn that we have so fine a fellow for your
inspector as Lt.-Col. Bisshopp. The cowardice of the
Americans is really surprising ; it would seem as if the

JOHN RICHARDSON'S LETTER 30I
Hand of the Almighty interfered in our behalf. How
ever we might wish for peace, if it should be on the
conditions of giving back the posts we took, a war would
be much preferable, for should it take place we will lose
the Indians and the trade and in a very few years
Canada with it ; but that a peace can be made without
the concurrence of the Indians I can't tJiink possible.
Surely England will not abandon a people to whom we
are not only indebted for the preservation of our Posts
but also for the taking of those we got. I beg you will
try and send me the public papers and as many of them
as you can, for they will be all new to us who have not
got any, and you must cover them so as it cannot be
known that they are newspapers, otherwise I will not get
even one of them, and we are very anxious to hear what
is going on at sea. Capt. Hall will give you any Uttle
news of this place, and I must defer writing on your
private matters until another opportunity, except to say
that Brush being disappointed in not being able to get
the oxen over has returned them, which is a matter of
no consequence, for so many cattle have been been
bought by the Government this fall that there will be a
scarcity of oxen in the spring, and 40s. per 100 I thought
too low to sell them to Government at. We are all here
in good health, and pray for your happiness here and
hereafter. Adieu, my dear Charles,
Your tender father, John Askin.
Ill
Letter from John Richardson to his Uncle, Captain
Charles Askin.
Amherstburg, 4th February, 1813.
My Dear Uncle, —
You have doubtless heard ere this of the engagement
at the River Raisin on Friday, the 22nd inst. (ult.);
however, you may probably not have heard the particu
lars of the business, which are simply these : On Mon
day, the 1 8th, we received information that the Ameri
cans, under the command of General Winchester, after

302 JOHN RICHARDSON'S LETTER
an obstinate resistance, had driven from the River Raisin
a detachment of MiUtia under Major Reynolds (also a
party of Indians) which had been stationed there some
time. That they had sustained great loss from the fire
of our Indians, and from a 3 -pounder, which was most
ably served by Bombardier ' Kitson (since dead), of the
R.A. On Tuesday part of our men moved over the river to
Brownstown, consisting of a Detachment of R. Artillery,
with 3 3-pounders and 3 small howitzers, Capt. Tallon's
Company (41st Regt.), a few Militia, and the sailors
attached to the Guns. An alarm was given that the
enemy were at hand. The Guns were unlimbered and
everything prepared for action, when the alarm was found
to be false.
On Wednesday, the remainder of the army joined us
at Brownstown, where (including Regulars, Militia,
Artillery, Sailfirs and Indians) we mustered near 1,000
men. We lay, this night, at Brownstown. Next day
the army commenced its march towards the River Raisin
and encamped, this night, at Rocky River, which (you
know) is about 12 miles beyond Brownstown and 6 on
this side the River Raisin. About two hours before day
we resumed our march. On Friday at daybreak we per
ceived the enemy's fires very distinctly — all silent in
their camp. The army drew up and formed the line pf
battle in 2 adjoining fields, and moved down towards the
enemy, the Guns advanced 20 or 30 paces in front and
the Indians on our flanks. "\ye had got tolerably near
their Camp when we heard their Reveille drum beat (so
completely lulled into security were they that they had
not the most distant idea of an enemy being near) , and
soon after we heard a shot or two from the Centinels,
who had by this time discovered us. Their Camp was
immediately in motion. The Guns began to play away
upon them at a fine rate, keeping up a constant fire.
The Americans drew up and formed behind a thick
picketing, from whence they kept up a most galling fire
upon our men, who, from the darkness of the morning,
supposed the pickets to be the Americans ; however, as
it grew lighter, they discovered their mistake, and ad
vanced within 70 or 80 paces of the pickets, but finding
that scarce one of their shots took effect, as they almost
all lodged in the fence. Being thus protected from the

JOHN RICHARDSON'S LETTER 303
fire of our men they took a cool and deliberate aim at
our Troops, who fell very fast, and the most of the men
at the Guns being either killed or wounded, it was
thought expedient to retire towards the enemy's left
under cover of some houses. I was a witness of a most
barbarous act of inhumanity on the part of the Ameri
cans, who fired upon our poor wounded, helpless
soldiers, who were endeavouring to crawl away on their
hands and feet from the scene of action, and were thus
tumbled over like so many hogs. However, the deaths
of those brave men were avenged by the slaughter of 300
of the flower of Winchester's army, which had been
ordered to turn our flanks, but who, having divided into
two parties, were met, driven back, pursued, tomakawked
and scalped by our Indians, (very few escaping) to carry
the news of their defeat. The General himself was taken
prisoner by the Indians, with his son, aide, and several
other officers. He immediately dispatched a messenger
to Colonel Procter, desiring him to acquaint him with the
circumstance of his being a prisoner, and to intimate that
if the Colonel would send an officer to his Camp to sum
mons the remainder of his army to surrender, he would
send an order by him to his officer then commanding to
surrender the Troops. Colonel Procter objected to send
ing one of his own officers, but permitted the General to
send his aide (with a flag) . The firing instantly ceased
on both sides, and about 2 hours afterwards the enemy
(460 in number) laid down their arms and surrendered
themselves ' prisoners of war. A good many of our offi
cers were wounded in the engagement, but none of them
killed. The following is a Ust of them: R.A., Lt.
Troughton (sUghtly); Seamen attached to the Guns,
Capt. Rolette, Lt. Irvine, Midshipman Richardson
(severely); 41st Regt., Capt. Tallon, Lieut. Clemow
(severely); Militia, Inspecting F. Officer Lt.-Col. St
George, Capt. MiUs, Lt. McCormick, Paymaster Gordon
(severely). Ensign Gouin (slightly), R. N. F. Regt,
Ensign Kerr (dangerously); Indian Depart., Capt.
Caldwell, Mr. Wilson (severely). This is as accurate an
account as I can give you of the Engagement. I wiU
now give you an account of my feelings on the occasion.
When we first drew up in the field I was ready to fall
down with fatigue from marching and carrying a heavy
musquet. Even when the balls were flying about my

304 JOHN RICHARDSON'S LETTER
ears as thick as hail I felt quite drowsy and sleepy, and,
indeed, I was altogether in a very disagreeable dilemma.
The night before at Rocky River, some one or other of
the men took my firelock and left his own in the place.
It being quite dark when we set out from that place, I
could not distinguish one from another. Enquiry was
vain, so I was obliged to take the other (without think
ing that anything was the matter with it) . When we
came to the firing part of the business I could not get
my gun off. It flashed in the pan, ahd I procured a wire
and worked away at it with that. I tried it again, and
again it flashed. I never was so vexed — to think that I
was exposed to the torrent of fire from the enemy with
out having the power to return a single shot quite dis
concerted the economy of my pericranium ; though if I
had fired fifty rounds not one of them would have had
any effect, except upon the pickets, which I was not at
all ambitious of assailing like another Don Quixote.
Our men had fired 4 or 5 rounds when I was called to
assist my brother Robert, who was wounded, and who fell
iminediately, and which led me to suppose that he was
mortally wounded. However, when he was carried to
the doctors I found the poor fellow had escaped' with a
broken leg, which torments him very much, and it will
be some time before he gets over it. I think it is highly
probable we shall have a brush with the valiant Harrison,
who is said to be at the Rapids of the Miami River, or
near them. If so, I think we shall have tight work, as
we have lost in killed and wounded in the action of the
22nd 180 men (exclusive of Indians).
Pray remernber me to my cousins, and,
BeUeve me.
My Dear Uncle,
Yours affectionately,
John Richardson.
Mr. Chas. Askin, |
Queenston. j

, ..,:,..

tM«!«.!-=!Kl.

'¦-^—'-'-^^

:^.-:^.-- ,-.... ..-^^ _

cSHaHB^BUS

CTfflriTi""iiiiiii iiii'mi

Medals granted in 1.S18 for Fort
Detroit, Chateauguay and
Chry.stler'.s Farm.
The Fort Detroit -B'as atvarded
to "Chief John Naudee, War
rior, Guide and Scout"; the
Chateauguay to "Joseph Beau-
CAiRE Royal Artillery" ; the
Chrystler's Farm to "Private
Peter Brouse Canada Mili
tia"; the ttvo bars to "Chief
Jacob Pheasant, Warrior,
Guide;" the 3 bars to "Pte.
Jean Bte I.eclaire Canad.4
:\IlLITIA."

From niedalj, in possessioii of G. Mills McClurg, Toronto.

ei<ijah brush's letter 305
IV
Ivetter from Col. Elijah Brush, Detroit, to Col. John
Askin, Strabane. Detroit, 2otli October, 18 13.
Dear Sir, — I recvd. your note last evening relative to
the application of Mrs. Richardson. It is not in my
power to go to Sandwich as you wish. In the first place
I have no horse, and I am unable to walk that distance
and return ; besides I am every moment engaged in my
domestic concerns which are all out of sorts, and likewise
I am preparing for fishing. It would be of no use even
if I were to go, for as to Doct. Richardson, I settled it
with Commodore Perry before he left here that the
Doctor should return home the moment that Commodore
Barclay could be left with safety — I will write Mrs. Rich
ardson on the subject. As my salt has not yet arrived
and I am about to commence fishing, I beg you will not
dispose of the barrel at your house ; I may want it, and
think probably I shall before mine gets up. You can
examine the enclosed letter I propose sending to Mr.
Pattinson, and if you approve of it please return it by
Edmund. If there are any additions or subtractions you
wish to have made please signify them.
Yours truly, E. Brush.

3o6 notes on illustrations V
Notes on Illustrations.
I . John Richardson  Facing title page.
2. Amherstburg, 1800. This view of Amherstburg is
from Elliott's Point, looking up the river Detroit. To
the left is Bois Blanc Island, and across from the head of
it are the buildings of Fort Amherstburg. The shipyard
with a vessel on the stocks may be seen about the middle
of the main shore-line, and the houses of the town to the
right. The water seen is the steamboat channel . p. xvii.
3. Facsimile I/ETTER  pp. Ux. to Ixiii.
4. Map of Operations of the Right Division of
THE Canadian Army and the I/EFT Division op
THE American Army  p. Ixiv.
5. Map of the Operations on the Detroit
River  p. Ixv.
6. Plan of Detroit ...  p. Ixvi.
7. View of Detroit, 1811  p. Ixvii.
8. William Hull  p. 16
9. Lieut. Col. John B. Glegg lived in retirement
after the War of 1812 at Thursteston HaU, Chester,
England. The inscription on his tombstone in Thurs
teston Churchyard is ' ' Sacred to the memory of John
Bachevoyle Glegg of the 43rd Regt. in which he served
his country for 39 years. He died at Thursteston IIjU,
AprU28th,A.D.,i86i, intheSSthyearofhisage." . p. 48
10. Gold Medal for Detroit. This is the obverse
and reverse, full size views of the Gold Medal for Detroit
awarded to Lieut. -Colonel John Macdonell and for
warded, accompanied by an appropriate letter, to his
brother, Lieut.-Colonel Duncan Macdonell- in 1820, by
Frederick, Duke of York, Commander-in-Chief of the
Forces. The value of this mark of distinction will be
understood when it is known that only 10 others were
granted  P- 56
1 1 . Major-General Sir Isaac Brock, the eighth son
of John Brock, was born in the island of Guernsey on
Oct. 6th, 1769. In his fifteenth year, March 2nd, 1785, he
purchased an ensigncy in the Sth (King's) Regiment,
in 1790 was promoted to a Lieutenancy, and at the
close of the year was Captain. Soon after he exchanged
into the 49th, then at Barbadoes, where he remained till
1793, when he returned to England on sick leave. He

notes on illustrations 307
purchased his Majority on June 26th, 1793, and on Oct.
27th, 1797, purchased the Lieutenant-Colonelcy. He
served in Holland in 1799, and in the Baltic in 1801, and
came to Canada in 1802. He was made Colonel in 1805,
and, after a visit to England, succeeded to the command
of the troops in Canada in September, 1806. On June
4th, 181 1, he was appointed a Major-General on the staff
in North America, and on Sept. 30th was appointed
President and Administrator of the Government of Upper
Canada, an office he held at the time of his melancholy
death  p. 64
12. General Lewis Cass  p. 80
13. Queenston, 1 81 2. This view is from the Canadian
side of the river near Vrooman's Point, looking up the
river. The village of Queenston is plainly seen, also the
road winding up the heights to the Falls  p. 104
14. Lieutenant-Colonel John Macdonell was born
at Glengarry, Scotland, on the 19th of April, 1785, and
came to Canada with his family in 1 792 . He was educated
at Cornwall under Bishop Strachan, admitted a student
at law on 6th April, 1803, and called to the Bar of Upper
Canada in Easter term 1808. He was appointed Attorn
ey-General of Upper Canada on the 28th of November,
181 1, and in the spring of the next year was elected by
the county of Glengarry a member of the Legislative
Assembly of Upper Canada. When war was declared,
he was selected as Provincial Aid-de-Camp by Major-
General Brock, and accompanied that officer to Detroit,
where he drew up the articles of capitulation, by which
Hull's army, the town and fortress of Detroit, and the
State of Michigan passed under control of the British
and Canadian arms. He was mortally wounded on the
morning of the 13th of October, 181 2, while gallantly
leading the regulars and militia up the Heights to avenge
the death of his chief, and died the next day at the
early age of 27. His remains repose beside that of
Brock under the monument on Queenston Heights.
They fought side by side in defence of Canada and in
death they are not separated. Canada had no more noble
or illustrious defender than Lieutenant-Colonel John
Macdonell. There is a brass tablet erected to his memory in Os
goode Hall, Toronto.

308 NOTES ON illustrations
For the silhouette of Lieutenant-Colonel Macdonell,
and the picture of the Gold Medal for Detroit, I am
indebted to Mr. John Alexander Macdonell, K.C., of
Alexandria, author of that valuable history, "Sketches
of Glengarry in Canada," whose grandfather. Colonel
Duncan Macdonell, was a brother of the Lieutenant-
Colonel  p. io8
15. Monument to Brock. On the 14th of March,
1 8 1 5 , the Legislature granted by Act £ 1 , 000 ' ' for the con
structing of a monument to the memory of Major-General
Sir Isaac Brock," and on Jan. 30th, 1826, a further sum
of ;^6oo was granted to complete it.
On the 13th of Oct., 1824, the remains of Major-
General Brock and his gallant Aid-de-camp, Colonel John
Macdonell, were taken from a bastion of Fort George,
where they were first interred, and placed in a vault
beneath the monument.
On Good Friday, April 17th, 1840, this monument was
irreparably wrecked by a rebel of 1837, named Lett, who
had managed to explode within it a quahtity of gun
powder. A monster meeting was caUed for the
next 30th of July at Queenston Heights, for the purpose
of adopting measures for the erection of another monu
ment. The meeting was a great success ; a building
committee was formed, and arrangements were made for
SoUciting subscriptions from the people of Canada. In
1853 the new monument, the one shown in this volume,
was begun. The corner-stone was laid on Oct. 13th,
1853, by Lieut.-Colonel Donald Macdonell, Deputy
Adjutant- General of MiUtia, and brother of the gallant
ofi&cer who had shared in the glory and met the fate of
Major-General Brock, 41 years before. On this day the
remains of the two brave men were deposited in two
massive stone sarcophagi in the vault prepared fof them
in the new structure  p. 112
16. Sir Roger Hale Sheaffe was born in Boston on
July 15th, 1763. His father died when he was young,
and Earl Percy, afterwards Duke of Northumberland,
took an interest in him, gave him a military education
and purchased for him an ensigncy in the 5 th Fusileers.
On March 22nd, 1798, he reached the rank of Lieut.-Col.
of the 49th Regt. On June 4th, 181 1, was promoted to
the rank of Major-General. He won the battle of Queen
ston Heights by a flank attack, thus placing his men on

notes on illustrations 309
equal terms with the invaders. For this he was created
a Baronet by patent dated Jan. i6th, 18 13. He was
Administrator of the Government of Upper Canada from
Oct. 2oth, 1812, to June i8th, 1813. After the close
of the war he returned to Edinburgh, where he died on
July 17th, 1 85 1.
He left a manuscript description of the Battle of Queen
ston Heights that is similar to all well known accounts,
in which he gives praise to the militia and the Indians,
who really won the battle  p. 122
p. 128
p. 136
p. 148
p. 177
p. 192
p. 200
p. 202

17. Maj. -Gen. Stephen Van Rensselaer
18. General James Winchester ....
19. Plan of Operations on the Miami .
20. Plan of Operations on the Sandusky
21. Perry leaving the Lawrence . . .
22. Oliver Hazard Perry 
23. Perry's Statue, Cleveland, Ohio .
24. The Fort at Amherstburg, 1901. This* is the
view of the ruins of the north embankment of the Fort and
the ditch, looking westward. The remains of the north
west bastion may be plainly seen. The river and Bois
Blanc Island ai'e in the distance. The dark place at the
end of the ditch is the ruins of a covered way or tunnel
that led from the ditch to the water's edge. The ruined
sally-port may be noticed as a slight depression in the
embankment. To guard t-he covered way leading from
the river, a battery was placed in the foreground of the
picture. A short history of Fort Amherstburg, written by Mr.
C. C. James, M.A., Deputy Minister of Agriculture for
Ontario, has been published in pamphlet form by John
Auld, M.L. A., of the Amherstburg " Echo." . . p. 206
25. Tecumseh  p. 212
26. Map of Harrison's Invasion of Upper
Canada  p. 224
27. General William Henry Harrison . .p. 234
28. Isaac Shelby  p. 240
29. John Naudee (Oshawahnah) . ... p. 242
30. Adjutant-General Edward Baynes, entered
the army in 1783, and served at Gibraltar, in the West
Indies, Cape of Good Hope and the East Indies.
In 181 1 he was Colonel of the Glengarry Fencibles, and
served during the War of 1812 as Adjutant-General of
the Forces in North America. He died at Sidmouth,

3IO NOTES ON ILLUSTRATIONS
England, in March, 1829  p. 272
31. Medals Granted for War of 1812 . .p. 304

Major-General Henry Procter entered the army,
as an ensign in 43rd Regt., April 5th, 1781, at the age
of 16 ; Lieut, in Dec. following ; Captain 1793 ; Major
ity 1795 ; Lieut.-Col. of 41st Regt. Oct. gth, 1800 ; Col.
July 25th, 1810; Major-General June 4th, 1813. For
his reverse at Moraviantown he was suspended from
rank and pay for 6 months. In opposition to the general
verdict of most historians of this war, I have come to the
conclusion that Procter was used disgracefully. No ac- ¦
count has been taken of the valuable services he performed.
With less than iooo whites and a very unreliable Indian
following he destroyed three American armies, as large
as his own. Reinforcements he asked for were not sent.
His soldiers became stale and dispirited because of
neglect from headquarters. The defeat at Moraviantown
was the inevitable result of this neglect. He died at
Bath, England, Oct. 31st, 1822, aged 59 years.
Lieut. -Gen. Henry Adolphus Proctor, born 1784 ;
Cornet 2nd Life Guards, Jan. 14th, 1801 ; Capt. 82nd
Regt. May i6th, 1805 ; Major April 30th, 1812 ; CB.
July 19th, 1838 ; Col. 97th. Regt. Nov. 29th, 1852 ;
Brig.-Gen. June 2 oth, 1854. He came, to Canada with
the 82nd Regt. in July, 1814, and served on the Niagara
frontier. He died at his residence, Aberhafesp Hall,
Montgomeryshire, Wales, May 13th, 1859, aged 74 years.

Errata.
P. 96, 1. 7. For " Miama " read " Miami."
P. 236, last line but one of note. For " position " read
' positions. ' '
P. Ixvi. For "Ponchartrain" read "Pontchartrain."

INDEX

Abino Point, 92.
Acadia, 84.
Accommodation (Vessel), 293.
Adair, Gen., 240.
Adams, Major, 169.
Adams (War Vessel), 66, 87, 88.
Addison, Rev. Robert, 112.
Alexauder, Major, 168, 169.
Algiers, 284.
Allen, Gen., 240.
Amherstburg, Fort of, 13, 20, 21,
35. 53. 84, 102, 103, 204, 242.
Amherstburg, Town of, 7, 14,
22. 37, 47, 49. 63, 65, 66, 71,
72, 73, 82, 83, 97, IOI, I02, 133,
134. 137, 139, 141, 158, 165,
181, 187, 189, 191, 196, 206,
207, 230, 231, 242, 246, 286,
297, 301.
Ancaster, Town of, 218.
Ariel (Vessel), 193, 200, 202,
203, 243.
Armstrong, Gen. John, 127, 170,
173, 242.
• Askin, Adelaide Barthe, 68.
Askin, Capt. Charles, 300, 301,
304.
Askin, Capt. James, 160, 296.
Askin, Col. John, 25, 66, 68, 300,
301, 305-
Askin, John, Jr., 25.
Askin, Col. John B., 82.
Askin Family, Genealogy of,
xlix.
Astor, John Jacob, 121.
Astoria, 121.
Atlantic, 293.
Auglaise, 99.
Ayanete (Indian Chief), 114.
Bacon, Capt., 99.
Baker, Anthony S., 13.
Ball, Major, 169.
Ball, Lieut., 123.
Baltimore, 8.
Barclay, Capt. Robert Herriott,
49, 68, 88, 187, 189, 190, 192,
193, 194, 195, 199, 200, 202,
203, 204, 205, 216, 217, 218,
243, 244, 286.

Barry, Major, 240.
Barton Heights, 229, 230.
Bassay, Quarter-Master, 99.
Bathurst, Earl, 251.
Baynes, Adjt.-Gen. Edward, 183,
218, 252, 255, 272, 273, 274,
275, 276, 278, 280, 281, 282,
283, 284, 285.
Beaver Dam, 122.
Bennington, 12.
Bibliography, Iiii.
Big-Gun (Indian Chief), 82.
Bignall, Lieut. George, 198, 200.
Bird, Capt. Henry, 84.
Bisshopp, Col., 60, 66, 119, 300.
Black, R. Kirkland (Prisoner),
255, 256.
Blackbird (Indian Chief), 71.
Black Rock. 122.
Bloom, Lieut.-Col., 129.
Bois Blanc Island, 7.
Bonaparte, 293.
Bondy, Capt., 166.
Bostwick, Lieut.-Col. Henry, 61.
Bostwick, Col. John, 60.
Bostwick, Capt. John, 49.
Boswell, Col. Wm. E., 163, 169,
174-
Boulton, Hon. D'Arcy, 56.
Bowles' Farm, 236.
Bradford, Capt., 169, 172.
Brannan, 16.
Brant, Capt. John, 112.
Bremner, Lieut., 268.
Brenton, Lieut.-Col., 284.
Brevoort, Capt., 201.
Brock, Gen., 11, 16, 19, 27, 35,
47, 48, 49, SO, 51, 52, 54. 55,
58, 59, 60, 62, 66, 68, 69, 73,
74, 78, 83, 84, 85, 86, 90, 91,
92, 108, 109, 113, 116, 117, 118,
122, 125, 130, 131, 219, 250.
Brooks, Lieut., 201.
Brown, Capt., 50.
Brown's Point, 104, 105, 115.
Brownstown, 26, 27, 32, 40, 45,
72, 83, 141, 302.
Brush, Col. Elijah, 68, 301, 305.
Brush, Capt., 26, 72, 73,78, 81,99.

312

INDEX

Brush, Mr., 261.
Buade, -Fort, 24.
Buchan, Lieut. Edward, 198,
200.
Buchanan, Capt, William, 160.
Buffalo, City of, 90, 91, 125, 126,
287.
Bullock, Capt., 112, 118.
Bullock, Lieut., 35, 44, 52, 56,
58, 59, 112, 158, 163, 166, 209,
229, 230, 234.
Burgoyne, Gen., 69.
Butler, Anthony, 24.
Butler, Col. John, 119.
Butler, Lieut.-Col. Thomas, 119,
121.
Butler, Lieut. Thomas, 121.
Butler's Rangers, 120, 139.
Buttler, Capt., 239, 241.
By, Lieut.-Col., 151.
Bytown, 151.
Cadillac, Antoine de la Motte,
24, 84.
Cadotte, Michel, Jr., 25.
Caldwell, Gen., 240.
Caldwell, Edwin, 139.
Caldwell, Francis, 139.
Caldwell, James, 139.
Caldwell, Thomas, 139.
Caldwell, Col. William, 37, 139,
140.
Caldwell, Capt. William, Jr.,
139, 296.
Caledonia (Vessel), 88, 89, 136,
193, 197, 202; 203.
Calhoun, John C, 5.
Cameron, Capt. Duncan, 104,
115, 118, 121.
Campbell, Lieut.-Col. John B.,
67, 261, 263, 287.
Campbell, J. (Master's Mate),
200, 268.
Campbell (Midshipman), 270,
271.
Canard Bridge, 32, 49, 50.
Canard River, 14, 20, 21, 46, 62,
72, 84, 242.
Canniff, Dr. William, 49.
Carr, Lieut., 131.
Cass, Gen. Lewis, 16, 50, 54, 70,
73, 74. 75, 76. 82, 83, 85, 87,
234, 239, 241.
Castlereagh, Lord, 13.
Cayuga Chiefs, 114.
Chachago (Packet), 76, 88.

Chambers, John, 241.
Chambers, Capt. Peter Latouche,
47, 53. 60, 63, 150, 151, i66,
167, 168, 184, 231, 268.
Chambly, 273.
Champagne, Lieut.-Gen., 22^.
Champlain, 284.
Champlin (Sailing Master), 202.
Chatham, City of, 208, 231, 236,
242
Chauncey, Commodore Isaac,
203.'
Cheves, Langdon, 5,
Chiles, Gen., 238, 240.
Chillicothe, 97, 202, 247, 249',
261, 264, 265, 267, 286, 287, 288.
Chippawa, 112, 116, 117, 118,
128, 300.
Chippawa (Battle of), 120, 287.
Chippewas (Indians), 24, 25, 72.
Chippeway (Vessel), ig3, 202.
Chisholm, D. B., 57.
Chisholm, Col. George, 57.
Chisholm, George, 56.
Chisholm, George King, 57.
Chisholm, Robert Kerr, 57.
Chisholm, Col. William, 56, 108,
123.
Chrystie, Lieut.-Col., 107, 126,
127, 128, 130, 131.
Cincinnati, City of, 175, 266,.
286, 287, 288.
Clark, Col. John, 119.
Clark, John (Midshipman), 201.
Clark, John (Prisoner), 255.
Clark, Lieut.-Col., Thomas, 119.
Clarke, James Freeman, 16.
Claus, Col. Daniel, 118.
Claus, Col. William, 23, 118.
Claves, Capt., 147.
Claxton (Midshipman), 201.
Clay, Brig.-Gen. Green, 149,
151, 153. 155, 159. 163, 170,
171, 173, 175, 176.
Clay, Henry, 5.
Clements, Elkanah (Prisoner),
255, 256.
Clements, Lieut., 150.
Clemow, Lieut., 33, 136, 144,
303,
Cleveland, City of, 291.
Cochran, Ensign, 268.
Coffin, Lieut. -Col. W. F., 133,
142.
Collier, Sir George, 293.

INDEX

313

Collins, G. (Master's Mate), 268.
Cook, Capt., 59
Cooper, James Fenimore, 203.
Cooper, Thomas (Prisoner), 255.
Cooper, Capt., 121.
Cornwall, Town of, 123.
Cornwallis, Lord, 69.
Cowie's House, 50.
Craig, Sir James, 65.
Crawford, William H., 6.
Crawford, Mr., 24.
Crittenden, Major, 240.
Crocket, Col., 285, 287.
Croghan, Col. Geo., 169, 181,
182, 184, 185.
Crooks, Hon. Adam, 120.
Crooks, Lieut. A. D., 120.
Crooks, Capt. James, 120, 180.
Crooks, Miss Jane, 120.
Crooks, Jane, 120, 180.
Crooks, Jean, 120.
Crooks, Ramsay, 121.
Crooks, Capt. William, 120.
Crowther, Lieut., 108, 118.
Cruikshank, Lieut.-Col., 114,
288.
Dalliba, Major James. 36, 38, 39,
43, 45, 46, 85.
Dean (Private), 21, 58.
Dearborn, Gen., loi, 104, 124,
130, 251, 252, 253.
De Cant, Capt., 41.
Defiance, Fort, 96, 97, 98, 297,
298.
Delawares (Indians), 70, 72, 209.
Dennis, Major, 107, 108, 109,
114, 117, 123.
Denny, Major, 22, 73.
Derenzy, Capt., 112, 116, 118,
177, 268.
De Rottenburg, Gen., 240.
Desha, Gen., 238, 239, 240.
Detroit, Fort, 26, 38, 50, 63, 67,
73, 78, 133, 204.
Detroit River, 20, 24, 39, 62, 71,
72, 133, 227.
Detroit, Town of, 13, 26, 29, 32,
37, 45. 51, 56, 59. 61, 64, 66,
70, 71, 73, 74, 78, 79- 80, 84,
85, 87, 93, IOO, 116, 118, 125,
141, 148, 164, 186, 189, 207,
215, 219, 234, 235, 242, 243,
298, 300.
Detroit (Vessel No. i), 88, 89.
Detroit ( Vessel No. 2), 189, 190,

191, 193. 194. 195. 196, 198,
217, 286.
Dewar, Lieut., 60.
Dickson, Mr. Robert, 82, 102,
157, 186.
Diedale, Peter H.( Prisoner), 256.
Dixon, Capt., 49, 53, 59, 64, 162,
183, 224, 268.
Dolsen, Capt. John, 160.
Dolsen, Matthew, 242.
Dolsen's, 225, 226, 231, 235, 236.
Dorchester, Lord, 62.
Dover, Port, 66.
Dover, Town of, 224, 225, 287,
288.
Dowland, Daniel (Prisoner), 255.
Drouillard, 242.
Dudley, Col. William, 163, 170,
173, 174, 242.
Dundas, County of, 123.
Dunlop, Col. James, 97.
Durand, Charles, 120.
Durand, Capt. James, 120.
Durand, James, 120.
Durand, Miss Laura B., 120.
Durham's Farm, 11 1.
Dyson, Capt., 38, 76.
Ecorces River, 26.
Edgar, Lady Matilda, 115.
Edwards, Lieut., 201.
Elba, 293.
Elliot, Gen., 115.
Elliot, Lieut. Jesse D., 69, 125,
201, 202.
Elliott, Frederick E., 7.
Elliott, Col. Matthew, 7, 28, 62,
65, 184, 226, 231, 296, 297,
298, 299.
Elliott, Capt. William, 160.
Elliott, Capt., 169, 171, 300.
Elliott, Mr., 28, 32.
Erie, Fort, 60, 61, 69, 87, 88, 91,
92, 119, 121, 122, igo.
Erie, Lake, 42, 48, 66, I7g, 195.
Essex, County of, 7, 49, 62.
Essex Militia, 53, 132, 141, 144,
145-
Eustis, Hon. William, 76, 82.
Evans, Major Thomas, 114, 118.
Evans, Lieut.-Col., 231.
Fallsowines (Indians), 25.
Fay, Capt., 124.
Fenton, Col., 288.
Fenwick, Lieut.-Col., 125, 130.
Finch's Mills, 287.

314

INDEX

Findlay, Col., 75, 80, 81, :oo.
Finnis, Capt. Robert, 194, igs,
ig7, 200, 216, 217.
Flanders, 293.
Forrest (Midshipman), 201.
Forsyth, Major, 61.
Port Amherstburg, 13, 20, 21,
35, 53, 84, 102, 103, 204, 242.
Fort Buade, 24.
Fort Defiance, 96, 97, 98, 297,
298.
Fort Detroit, 26, 38, 50, 63, 67,
73, 78, 133, 204.
Fort Erie, 60, 61, 69, 87, 88, gi,
92, ng, 121, 122, igo.
Fort George, 11, 35, 47, 66, 70,
104, 105, 106, 108, log. III,
117, 118, 129, 180, 187.
Port George (Mackinac), 24.
Port Holmes, 24.
Fort Meigs, 132, 133, 136, 148,
161, 168, 170, 171, 173, 174,
177, 178, l88, 204, 236, 241,
243, 24g.
Fort Miami, 2g6.
Port Niagara, 11, 65, 72, 104,
105, 112, ii8, 120, 121, 125,
127, 204.
Port Sandusky, 244.
Port Shelby, 84.
Fort Stephenson, 120, 177, i7g.
Fort Wayne, g3, 94, 95, 97, loi,
132, 248, 296, 297, 2g8.
Fort Winchester, 171.
Fortier, J. (Master's Mate), 268.
Foster, James (Midshipman),
200.
Foster, Dr., 76.
Frankfort, 249, 250, 253, 264,
268, 270, 285, 286.
Fraser, Simon, 206.
Fremont, City of, 179.
Frenchtown, 132, 133, 141, 145.
Friend, Major, 22g, 230.
Freer, Noah, 167.
Frontenac, Count, 24, 84.
Gains, Col., 241.
Gale, Lieut., 268.
Gansevoort, Lieut., 131.
Garden, A. B., 268j
Garden, Lieut., Jas., 164, 194,
198, 200, 218.
Gardiner, Lieut., 164, 233.
Garland, Lieut., 197, 200, 217.
Garvin, Ensign Claude, 145.

General Hunter (Brig), 49, 51,
193, 198.
George, Fort, 11, 35, 47, 66, 70,
104, 105, 106, 108, 109, III,
117, 118, 129, 180, 187.
George, Fort (Mackinac), 24.
Gerrard, 97.
Ghent, Treaty of, 16.
Gibson, Capt., 130.
Givins, Canon Saltern, 61.
Givins, Judge, 61.
Givins, Surgeon Major, 61.
Givins, Col. James, 53, 61.
Glaize River, 299, 300.
Glegg, Major J. B., 11, 12, 19,
48, 49, 50, 52, 53, 55, 61, 62,
64, 66, 119.
Glengarry County, 123,
Glengarry Fencibles, 61, 86, ng.
Gordon, Lieut., 145, 180, 182,
183, 303-
Gottenburg, 278, 27g.
Gouin, Ensign, 303.
Graham, Major, i6g.
Grant, Hon. Alexander, 4g.
Gratiot, Capt., 169.
Grosvenor, Ensign, 131.
Grundy, Felix, 5.
Gwynne, Lieut., 171:
Hailes, Lieut., 152, 166, 210, 223,
224, 268.
Halifax, City of, 255, 282.
Hall, Gen., 72, 125.
Hall, Capt. Geo. B., 49, 54, 59,
64, 165, 300, 301.
Halton, County of, 120.
Hambleton, Mr., 201.
Hamilton, Hon. Robert, 121.
Hamilton, Capt. Robert, 121.
Hamilton, Capt., 173, 174, 175.
Hamilton, City of, 120.
Hancock, Private, 21, 33, 46.
Hanks, Lieut. Porter, 23, 24, 54.
Hanson, Mr., 9.
Harrison, Gen. W. H., 7, 84, 85,
97, 99, IOI, 141, 142, 146, 147,
148, 149, 151, 152, 153, 154,
161, 162, 168, 170, 173, 175.
177, 184, 185, 186, 188, 202,
213, 214, 220, 221, 230, 234,
242, 243, 298, 304.
Harrison, Lieut., 261, 262, 263,
265, 266, 267.
Harvey, Sir John, 138, 139.
Hatt, Capt. Samuel, 60, 107, 115.

INDEX

315

Henry, Major Gen., 238, 240.
Heward, Capt. Stephen, 60, 104,
115-
Hewes, Thomas (Prisoner), 255.
Hill, Capt., 268.
Hoffmeister; J. R., 198, 200.
Holcroft, Capt., 117, 118, 122.
Holmes, Major Andrew Hunter,
24.
Holmes, Lieut., 208, 228, 268.
Holmes, Fort, 24.
How, Richard (Prisoner), 255.
Hugunin, Lieut., 131.
Hukill, Major, 169.
Hull, Gen., 13, 14, 16, 17, 20,
21, 31, 32, 36, 38, 4g, 50, 51,
54, 63, 64, 67, 68, 70, 76, 77,
79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 85, 86, 87,
88, 89, 90, 106, 148, 241, 242.
Hull, Abraham Fuller, 16.
Humphries, James (Prisoner),
255.
Hunter, Capt. 184.
Hunter (Brig.), 88, 202.
Huron River, 72, 152, 163, 186.
Indians, Chippewas, 24, 25, 72.
Indians, Delawares, 70, 72, 209.
Indians, Fallsowines, 25.
Indians, Mackinac, 297.
Indians, Menomoni, 22, 25.
Indians, Miamis, 70.
Indians, Munsees, 72.
Indians, Ottawas, 25, 70, 72.
Indians, Pottawattomies, 45, 72,
133-
Indians, Sacs, 24, 102, 155, 157.
Indians, Sagina, 297.
Indians, Scioux, 25.
Indians, Shawnees, 39, 160.
Indians, Winnebagoes, 25.
Indians, Wyandots, 72, 139, 141.
IngliSi Lieut. Geo., 198, 199,
217.
Irvine, Lieut., 88, 89, 136, 137,
144, 197, 217, 268, 270, 303.
Jacob, Capt. George, 160.
James, William, 31, 32, 33, 106,
124, 167.
Jarvie, Lieut., 115.
Jarvis, Rev. Arthur, 123.
Jarvis, Lieut. George S., 115,
122, 123.
Jarvis, Samuel Peters, 56, 91,
Jarvis, William, 56.

Jarvis, Lieut., 104, 105, 106.
Jeboult, Lieut., 268.
Jessup, Major, 287.
John Molson (Vessel), 293.
Johnson, Benj. (Prisoner), 255.
Johnson, Col. H. M., 169, 212,
213, 235, 236, 237, 238, 239,
240, 241.
Johnson, Lieut.-Col. James, 241.
Johnson, John, 169.
Johnson, SirWilliam, 118.
Jones, Ensign, 268.
Jones, Lieut., 291.
Kanaway, 286.
Kanawha River, 286.
Kavarawagor (Indian), 114.
Kanentye (Indian), 114.
Kearney, Lieut., 131.
Kent, County of, 62.
Kent Militia, 53.
Kentucky, 5, 38, 85, 140, 147,
253. 257, 264, 266, 270, 271,
285.
Kentucky Volunteers, 97, 100,
IOI, 152, 163, 166, 168, 169,
170, 298.
Kerr, Ensign, 136, 142, 144, 303.
Kerr, Lieut., 119.
King, Gen., 238, 240.
Kingston, City of, 151, 292.
Kirby, Adam (Prisoner), 255.
Kitson, Bombardier, 132, 141,
302.
Lady Prevost (Vessel), 88, 193,
197, ig8, 202.
Laing, James, 165, 167, 268.
Lake Erie, Battle of, 203.
Lake Ontario, 293.
Langlade, Charles, 25.
Laprairie, 292.
L' Arbre Croche, 25, 70.
Laussaussiege, Lieut., 183.
Laub (Midshipman), 201.
Langham, Capt., 169.
Lawrence (Vessel), 191, 192, 193,
201, 202, 203.
Le Breton, Capt., 151, 163.
Lear, Col., 284, 285.
Lee, Gen. S., 11.
Lernoult, Major, 84.
Lernoult, Fort, 84.
Lewis, Col., 132, 133, 147.
Lewiston, 106, 124.
Licking River, 286.
Lincoln Artillery, 113.

3i6

INDEX

Lincoln County, ng, 121.
Lincoln Militia, 53, 60, 113, 114,
118, ng.
Lingau, Gen., n.
Linn, Lieut., 268.
Little Belt, (Vessel), 193.
Logan, (Indian Chief), 27, 29,
30, 31, 70.
Long Point, 47, 63, 66, 188, 287,
291, 292.
Lowndes, William, 5.
Lundy's Lane, 56, 57, 121, 123.
Lush, Major, 108, 131.
Macdonell, J. A., 19.
Macdonell, Col. John, 48, 50, 55,
56, 61, 63, 64, 68, 106, 109,
114, 117, 131.
Machedash Bay, 215.
Machesney, Capt., 131.
Mackinac, 24, 297.
Madison, President, 256.
Madison, Major, 269, 270, 285.
Maguaga, 26, 33, 34, 38, 46, 47,
72, 73, 83, 90, 2IO.
Magrath, Mr. (Purser), 202.
Maharajpore, 108.
Maisonville, Capt. Alexis, 300.
Maiden, 39, 42, 77, 84, 139, 145.
Manary, Capt., 99.
Marpot, 39, 70.
Marquette, 24.
Marshal of Kentucky, 267.
Maxwell, Capt., 46.
Meigs, Gov., 78.
Meigs, Fort, 132, 133, 136, 148,
161, 168, 170, 171, 173, 174,
177, 178, 188, 204, 236, 241,
243, 249-
Melville, Major, 278.
Menomoni Indians, 22, 25.
Merritt, Jedediah, 122.
Merritt, Major Thomas, ng, 121,
122.
Merritt, Major William Hamil
ton, 121, 122.
Merritt, Capt. William Hamil
ton, 121, 122.
Metoss (Chief), 155, 156, 157,
158.
Miami, 4g, 72, 88, g4, 98, gg, 132,
136, 148, 149, 153, 158, 162,
165, 166, 171, 173, 175, 177,
179, 182, 186, 190, 222, 296,
298, 304.
Miami, Fort, 2g6.

Miami (Village), 93, 94, g6.
Miamis (Indians), 70.
Michilimackinac, 13, 22, 23, 54,
70, 71, 83, 84.
Michigan, 36, 67, 6g, 75, 83, 141.
Michigan Militia, 38, 41, 68, 7g,
83.
Middlesex Mihtia, 60.
Middle Sister Island, 242.
Miller, Col. James, 38, 3g, 40,
41, 42, 43, 45, 46, 59, 68, 73,
75. 81, i6g, 171.
Mills, Col., 169.
Mills, Capt., 145, 303.
Mississippi, 259, 265.
Mitchell, Lieut., 285.
Mockler, Capt., 53, 60, 164.
Molson, Hon. John, 293.
Mompesson, Ensign, 268.
Monroe, City of, 132.
Montgomery, 12.
Montgomery's Tavern, 57.
Montreal, City of, 122, 272, 276,
280, 281, 282, 284, 292, 293.
Moraviantown, 7, 62, 98, 133,
142, 204, 207, 208, 213, 214,
215, 223, 224, 225, 226, 227,
228, 229, 230, 231, 232, 237,
249, 267, 292.
Muir, Major, 36, 3g, 43, 53, 63,
93, 95, 97, 98, IOI, 132, 150,
151, 158, 163, 183, 226, 231,
232, 268, 2p6, 300.
MuUany, Major, 107, 108.
Murray, Sir George, 138.
Murray, Capt. n.
Myers, Lieut.-Col., 65, 66, ng.
Munsees (Indians), 72.
M' Arthur, Gen., 64, 65, 73, 74,
75, 76, 78, 81, 234.
McClanehan, Major, 147.
McCormick, Lieut., 145, 303.
McCoy, Capt., 268.
McCulloch, Capt., 32, 40, 45.
McDouall, Lieut. Col., 24.
McEwen, Capt. John. 121.
McGregor's Creek, 208.
McGregor's Mills, 236.
Macintosh, Angus, 88.
Mclntyre, Adjt., 114.
Mclntyre, Lieut., 112, 152, 166,
183.
McKee, Col. Alexander, 62, 118.
McKee, Capt., Thomas, 62, 65.
McKee, Thomas, 62.

INDEX

317

McKee, W. J., 62.
McLean, Lieut. Archibald, 114,
"5.
McLean, Lieut. A. H., 52, 142,
143, 164, 165, 167.
McLean, Donald, 142.
McMullen, Alexander, 288.
MacNab, Sir Allan N., 57.
Napoleon, 268.
Naudee, Chief John, 242.
Navy Island, 112.
Nelson, Lord, 88, 205.
Nelson, R. (Midshipman), 268.
New Brunswick, 121, 122.
Newcastle (Vessel), 293.
New Jersey, 61.
New Orleans, 259.
Newport, 286.
Newark, 61.
New York City, 121.
New York State, 5, 12, 121.
Niagara Falls, 67.
Niagara, Fort of, 11, 65, 72, 104,
105, 112, 118, 120, 121, 125,
127, 204.
Niagara River, 67, 72, 90, 288.
Niagara (Vessel), igi, 192, 193,
197, 201, 202, 203, 217.
Nichol, Lieut. -Col. Robert, 61,
66, 69.
Nickerson, Lieutenant William
(Prisoner), 255, 256.
Nile, Battle of, 88.
Nolin, Augustin, 25.
Norfolk Militia, 49, 53, 60, 61.
Norfolk County, 60, 67.
Norton, Chief John, 112, 117.
Oakville, 56.
O'Fallon, Lieut., 169, 241.
Ogilvie, Capt., 109, 131.
Ohio, 36, 38, 67, 71, 78, 81, 87,
140, 243, 257, 265, 266, 286,
287.
Ohio Militia, 38, 41, 57, 65, 68,
72, 73, 79, 91, 97. 169.
Ohio River, 70, 259,, 286.
O'Keefe, Lieut., 198, 268.
Oneida (Indians), 114.
Onion, James (Prisoner), 255.
Onondaga (Indians), 114.
Ottawa, City of, 151.
Ottawas (Indians), 25, 70, 72.
Owen, William (Prisoner), 255.
Oxford Militia, 49, 53, 60.
Packett, Lieut., 202.

Partridge, Capt., 76.
Paul, Col., 239.
Payne, Gen., 147.
Payne, Major, 241.
Peck, Judge, 129.
Pennsylvania Regiment, 147.
Perkins, Gen., 147.
Perry, Capt., 68, 88, 189, 191,
192, 193. 198, 200, 203, 305.
Picton, Sir Thomas, 177.
Plattsburg, 219.
Point Aux Pins, 48.
Pontchartrain, Count, 84.
Pontiac, 84, 96.
Porcupine (Vessel), 193.
Port Dalhousie, 119.
Port Dover, 66.
Port Talbot, 48.
Porter, Peter B., 5.
Pottawattomies (Indians), 45,
72, 133-
Powell, Chief Justice, ig.
Powell, Capt., 118.
Presque Isle Harbor, 187, 188,
189, 192-
Prevost, Sir George, 62, 66, loi,
104, 106, 117, 123, 165, 183,
188, 192, 195, 214, 220, 221,
22g, 250, 272, 284.
Price, Capt., 152, 170.
Prince, James, 255.
Prince Regent, 250, 252, 253.
Procter, Gen. Henry, 7, 26, 27,
35. 36. 37. 52, 53. 59. 63. 84,
IOI, I20, 133, 134, 136, 141,
142, 143, 146, 148, 152, 158,
161, 162, 165, 167, 168, 170,
171, 177, 178. 179, 182, 184,
185, 188, ig2, ig6, 204, 207,
209, 215, 220, 221, 222, 223,
224, 226, 227, 228, 231, 235,
237. 240, 242, 296, 300, 303,
Procter, Henry (Volunteer), 165.
Procter, Lieut. William, 120.
Provincial Navy, 268.
Purvis, Lieut., 198, 268.
Put-in Bay, 196, 200, 242, 243.
Quebec, 12, 88, 138, 253, 282,
293-
Queen Charlotte (Vessel), 14,
49, 51. 52, 72, 90, 91, 92, igi,
193. 194, 196, 197, 198, 199,
202, 216.
Queen's Rangers, 56, 61, 121,
122.

318

INDEX

Queenston, 67, 104, 105, 107,
108, 109, in, 113, 114, 117,
118, 119, 121, 123, 125, 130,
137, 251, 300, 304.
Queenston Heights, Battle of,
56, 57. 104. 107, 112, 115. 116,
119, 120, 121, 122, 177.
Raisin, River, 26, 72,73,78,81,85,
132, 134, 141, 145, 147, 175,
176, 188, 300, 301, 302.
Raisin River, Battle of, 88, 141,
144, 219, 222, 242.
Randolph, Lieut., 131.
Regiment, 19th Dragoons, 187.
Regiment, 8th (King's), 84, 86,
ng, 122, 123, 292.
Regiment, Light Dragoons, 268.
Regiment, 41st, 13, 21, 39, 44, 46,
47. 53. 56, 59, 60, 64, 84, 86, go,
g8, 103, 108, in, 112, 113, 116,
118, ng, 120, 136, 138, 143,
144, 148, 149, 150, 152, 153,
154, 156, 158, 163, 165, 166,
167, 169, 177, 180, 181, 183,
188, 198, 219, 220, 222, 229,
230, 233, 234, 268, 291, 300,
302, 303.
Regiment, 49th, 86, 107, 108,
112, 113, 116, 117, ng, 122,
130.
Regiment, looth, 86.
Regiment, 104th, 123.
Regiment, Canadian, 1st Essex,
53, 132, 141. 144, 145-
Regiment, Canadian, 2nd Essex,
53, 144, 145.
Regiment, Canadian, Glengarry
Fencibles, 61, 86, 119.
Regiment, Canadian, ist Lin
coln, 120, 121.
Regiment, Canadian, 2nd Lin
coln, ng, 120, 121.
Regiment, Canadian, 4th Lin
coln, ng, 120.
Regiment, Canadian, 5th Lin
coln, 120.
Regiment, Canadian, Niagara
Dragoons, 121, 122
Regiment. Royal Newfoundland
Fencibles, 13, 53, 60, 64, 86,
103, 134, 136, 142, 144, 151,
164, 166, 194, 198, 200, 218,
268, 303.
Regiment loth. Royal Veterans,
22, 24, 86, 144, 166.

Regiment, U.S., ist Kentucky,
146.
Regiment, U.S., 5th Kentucky,
146.
Regiment, U.S., loth Kentucky,
166.
Regiment, U.S., l3thKentucky,
166.
Regiment, U.S., ist Michigan,
68.
Regiment, U.S., Pennsylvania
Volunteers, 288.
Regiment, U.S., 3rd, 65, 82.
Regiment, U.S., 4th, 38, 58, 65,
76, 87, go.
Regiment, U.S., 5th, 68.
Regiment, U.S., 6th, 131, 251.
Regiment, U.S., nth, 287.
Regiment, U.S., 13th, 108, 131,
251-
Regiment, U.S., 17th, 97, i6g.
Regiment, U.S., igth, i6g, 171.
Regiment, U.S., 43rd, 131.
Reiffenstein, Staff-Adjutant,2is.
Reynolds, Major Ebenezer, 132,
133, 134, 141, 302.
Reynolds, Robert, 88, 133.
Richardson, Major John, xi, 24,
25, 36, 68, 84, 124, 165, 167,
268, 288, 301, 304.
Richardson, Dr. Robert, 68, 138.
Richardson, Robert (Midship
man), 137, 144, 303, 304.
Richardson Family, Genealogy
of, xlvi.
Richardson's, 225, 232.
Rideau Canal, 151.
Ridout, Lieut. George, 115.
Ridout, John, 115.
Ridout, Thomas, 115.
Ridout, Thomas G., 115.
Robb, Major, 147.
Roberts, Capt. Charles, 22, 23,
24, 54-
Robinson, Sir John Beverley,56.
Robinson, Richard, 61.
Robinson, Capt. William, 61.
Rocky River, 302, 304.
Rogers, Major Robert, 84, 121.
Rolette, Lieut. Frederic, 88,
136, 144, 200, 268, 303.
Rolph, Lieut. Geo., 49.
Rolph, Dr. John, 60.
Roosevelt, Theodore, 192.
Roper, Major, gg, loo.

INDEX

319

Ross, Capt. James [Prisoner),
255, 256.
Roundhead (Chief), 134, 135,
142, 296, 299.
Rowe, Capt. John, 120.
Royal Artillery, 59, 64, 113, 118,
143, 144, 164. 166, 302, 303.
Royal Engineers, 59, 64, 118,
151, 166, 183, 268.
Royal Navy, 268.
Royal Newfoundland Fencibles,
13, 53, 60, 64, ,86, 103, 134,
136, 142, 144, 151, 164, 166,
194, 198, 200, 218, 268, 303.
Russell (Private), 154.
Ryerson, Lieut. George, 49.
Ryerson's Mills, 287.
Ryland, 170.
Sackett's Harbor, 219.
Sacs (Indian Tribe), 24, 102,
155, 157-
Sagina (Indians), 297.
Saginaw Bay, 83.
Sakangonguquate (Indian), 114.
Salem Gazette, 255.
Salmon, Major George C, 60.
Salmon, Justice William, 60.
Sammons, Lieut.. 131.
Sandusky, 163, 177, 178, 179,
181, 182, 187, 192, 202, 243,
244, 247, 289, 290.
Sandusky, Port, 244.
Sandusky, Lower (Fremont),
170, 179, 183, 184, 186, 204,
219, 222.
Sandusky, Upper, 172.
Sandusky, West 147.
Sandwich, 13, 38, 50, 51, 52, 62,
64, 74, 78, 141, 144, 146, 162,
185, 215, 231, 234, 235, 241,
242.
Saratoga, 12, 69, 241.
Scarborough Township, 142.
Schwartz, Gen., 52.
Scorpion (Vessel), 193, 202, 203.
Scott, Major General Winfield,
107, 127, 130, 287.
Scioto River, 249, 258, 259, 265.
Scioux (Indian Tribe), 25.
Sebree, Capt., 169, 171.
Shaw, Major General, ..^neas,
122.
Shaw, Capt. Alexander, 122.
Shaw, Lieut. Charles, 122.
Shaw, Lieut.-Col. George A., 122.

Shaw, Capt. John, 122.
Shaw, Capt. George, 122.
Shaw, Richard, 114, 122.
Shaw, Sophia, 122.
Shaw, Capt. William, 160.
Shaw, Capt., 174.
Shawnee (Indians), 39, 160.
Sheaffe, Gen. Roger Hale, 105,
III, 117, 119, 123, 141, 143,
144.
Sherman's, 232.
Shelby, Gov., 146, 147, 211, 234,
237, 238, 239, 240, 260.
Shelby, Fort, 84.
Short, James Symington, 180.
Short, Lieut. -Col. William C,
120, 180, 183.
Simcoe, Col. John Graves, 61,
121.
Simmerole's Cavalry, 298.
Simrall, Col., 100.
Sinclair, Capt. Patrick, 24.
Smith, Lieut., 131, 201.
Smith, Goldwin, 5.
Smith, John Speed, 241.
Smyth, Gen., 12, 125, 126.
.Snelling, Capt., 40.
Somers (Vessel), 193, 203.
South Carolina, 5.
Split-log (Indian Chief), 71.
Spring Wells, 52, 64, 74, 79.
Sproule, Mr., 270, 285.
Stamford, 67.
Stanton, Lieut. Robert, 115.
St. David's, in.
Stephenson, Fort, 120, 177, 179.
Sterling, Capt. William, 160.
St. George, Lieut.Col. Thomas
Bligh, 13, 14, 20, 53, 60, 62,
136, 142, 145, 303.
Steele, Mr., 287.
St. Ignace, 24.
St. Joseph Island, 24.
St. Joseph Fort, 22.
St. Lawrence River, 293.
St. Lawrence (Vessel), 292.
Stoddart, Major, 169, 170, 172.
Stokoe, Lieut. James, 197, 200,
217, 248, 268.
Stoney Creek, Battle of, 56, 122.
Stormont, 123.
Strabane, 300.
Strieker, Gen., lo.
Stranahan, Lieut.-Col., 127.
Sutherland, Lieut., 37, 63, 210.

320

INDEX

Swan Creek, 141.
Swartwout (Midshipman), 201.
Talbot, Col. Thomas, 48, 60.
Talbot, Port, 48.
Ta Kanentj^e" (Warrior), 114.
Tallon, Major, 53, 60, 136, 144,
268, 302, 303.
Taylor, Gen., 75, 100.
Taylor (Sailingmaster), 201.
Tecumseh, 7, 26, 27, 28, 32, 36,
37, 39, 41, 42, 43, 70, 134, 150,
151, 154, 155, 156, 160, 164,
177, 178, 204, 206, 207, 209,
212, 213, 215, 223, 226.
Tennessee, 5.
Thames River, 63, 72, 142, 207,
231. 233, 235, 236.
Thompson, Major, 241 .
Thompson, Augustus, 122.
Thorp, Samuel (Prisoner), 255.
Tigress (Vessel), 193.
Todd, Capt., 241.
Toronto (York), 47, 61, gi, 115,
116, 120, 121, 122, 142, 2g2.
Totten, Lieut., 128.
Trafalgar, Battle of, 88, 205.
Trippe (Vessel), ig3, 203.
Trotter, Gen., 23S, 240.
Troughton, Lieut. Felix, 5g, 64,
6g, 136, 143, 144, 145, 297, 299,
303-
Tupper, Gen., 98, gg, loi, 132.
Tupper's Life of Brock, 47.
Turkey River, 72.
Turner, Lieut., 202.
Urbana, gg.
Van Horne, Major, 26, 27, 32, 34,
39, 42, 45, 72, 84.
Van Rensselaer, Col. Solomon,
106, 107, log, 126, 127, 128,
130, 131-
Van Rensselaer, Gen. Stephen,
106, log, 124, 127, 130.
Vigoreux, Capt., 118.
Vincent, Major-Genera], 66.
Virginia Regiment, 147.
Vrooman's Battery, 109.
Wabash River, 70, 298.
Wacousta (Novel), 24, 84.

Wadsworth, Brig.-Gen-., no,
117, 129, 130, 131.
Walker, Col., 240.
Walk-in-the- Water, 39, 70.
Warburton, Lieut.-Col., 160,164,
224, 225, 226, 231, 268.
War-Hawks, 5.
Waring, Capt., 168, 169.
Washington, City of, 12, 70, 76,
127.
Waterloo, Battle of, 122, 123,
293-
Watson, Lieut., 268.
Wayne, Port, 93, 94, 95, 97, loi,
132, 248, 296, 297, 298.
Webster (Midshipman), 201.
Welland Canal, 121.
Wellington, Duke of, 219.
Wells, Col., 146, 147.
Wentworth County, 120.
West Indies, 115.
Western, District, 17.
Wetherell, Major, 68.
Wilkinson, Major-Gen., 253.
Wilkinson, Alexander, 165, 167.
Williams, Capt., 108, 109, 114,
117, 118.
Wilson, Mr., 303.
Winder, Gen., 272, 274, 275,276,
277, 278, 279, 280, 281, 282,
283, 284.
Winchester, Gen. James, 96, 97,
98, gg, IOO, 132, 133, 135, 136,
141, 143, 145, 146, 147, 148,
298, 301, 303-
Winchester, Port, 171.
Winnebagoes (Indians), 25.
Wool, Capt., 108, log, 130, 131.
Wood, Major, 169, 241, 287.
Wyandots (Indians), 72, 139,141.
Yarnall, Lieut., 201, 202.
Yeo, Sir James Lucas, 195, igg,
203, 292.
York (Toronto), 47, 61, 91, 115,
116, 120, 121, 122, 142, 292.
York (Toronto), Militia, 53, 57,
60, 90, 104, 113, 114, 123.
Yorktown, 69, 241.