BELLER.QPMON THE BRAyESTOF;THE BRAVE ^^^^-^ BYIDWSRDFRASER GIFT OF FREDERICK SHELDON PARKER B.A,LLa YALE 1373 TO THE YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY I9ie THE "BELLEROPHON" NAPOLEON ON BOARD THE " BELLEROPHON ' Frotn ihe painting by Sir W. Q. Orchardson, R.A. (See Key on page x} BELLEROPHON "THE BRAVEST OF THE BRAVE" BY EDWARD FRASER AUTHOR OP •FAMOUS FIGHTERS OF THE FLEET," "THE ENEMY AT TRAFALGAR,' "CHAMPIONS OF THE FLEET," ETC. " No man can be a coward on board the Bellerophori " (From an officer s leUer, wriUen on the night before Trafalgar) The fathers in Glory do sleep That gathered with thee to the fight. But the sons shall eternally keep The tablet of Memory bright. ¦WITH NUMEROUS ILLUSTRATIONS NEW YORK FREDERICK A. STOKES COMPANY PUBLISHERS l909 :Ev^s.^'fe7 PREFACE The British man-of-war on -whose quarter-deck Napoleon Bonaparte gave himself up after Waterloo, " the last single captive to millions in -war," must in any case have a place among the famous men-of-^war of history. But ¦when that man-of-'war proves also to be the reno-wned " Billy Ruff'n," the old Bellerophon, seventy-four, 'which led Lord Ho'we's fleet to -victory at " The Glorious First of June " ; which that toughest of sturdy fighters, Corn waUis, called a " treasure in reserve " ; which, single- handed, fought the tremendous French flagship, L'Orient, at the battle of the Nile and won the proud tribute of special mention in despatches by Nelson himself ; which took a part second to none for heroic and devoted valour at Trafalgar ; — her claim to rank -with the foremost in the very forefront of all famous men-of-war is incon testable. Hardly another name on the roll of the fleet of England can match the magnificent record for sheer hard fighting which has immortalised the name " Billy Ruff'n," as our old Jacks of " Eighteen Hundred and War time " called the grand old ship, so celebrated in Nelson's day for her prowess on every occasion. " No man," wrote one of the ship's officers on the night before Trafalgar, " can be a coward on board the Bellerophon " ^and surely no man ever was ! Nor should this be overlooked. An Englishman took the Bellerophon into action at Trafalgar and captained her throughout the first part of the fight, giving his Ufe for his country in the fiercest of the battle. A Welsh- Preface man finished her work in the battle in brilliant style, and brought the ship out of action triumphantly. On " The Glorious First of June " a Scotsman commanded the Bellerophon and made her name renowned through out the Navy, he himself falling in the heat of the fray, severely wounded. At the battle of the Nile an Irish man was her captain, and, in like manner, was struck do-wn on the quarter-deck amid the fighting. At the Nile it was for the Bellerophon " an Irish night of Glory," as one of Nelson's officers said. England and Wales, Scotland and Ireland, have each a special interest in the doings of the Bellerophon. From first to last, in her twenty-two years of con tinuous war-service, the " Old Billy Ruffn," as the tars of Nelson's day always fondly spoke of the ship, was present at, or had a part in the taking in battle or destruction— the sinking or burning — of no fewer than thirty-nine of the enemy's men-of-war of the line, or, as we nowadays call them, battleships ; besides fourteen other ships of war, frigates, corvettes, and smaller vessels — making a total of fifty-three vessels of war disposed of in all. No man-of-war of Nelson's day was so often in battle ; in the British Na-vy or in any other. What eye-witnesses saw on the various occasions — oflicers and men who served on board the Bellerophon herself, and outsiders, looking on from other British ships in battle ; what the enemy. Frenchmen and Spaniards, saw and underwent under fire from the guns of the Bellerophon — as described in letters and journals, and official and private papers, forms the main founda tion on which this narrative is based. It all makes up one of our noblest records of dashing pluck and heroic endurance ; as fine and stirring a story as any in all the annals of our Navy. The story is also told of how another Bellerophon found an opportunity, under fire before the Russian batteries Preface at Sebastopol, of winning for herself the proud com mendation of a signal from her admiral, made before the whole fleet — " Well done, Bellerophon I " Something is said as well of the " points " and fighting capacities of one of the most formidable of our modern " Dreadnoughts," the Bellerophon of to-day. In conclusion, I have to express my hearty thanks, for invaluable help rendered me, to Mr. Frederick Lewis Maitland, of Lindores, Fifeshire, grand-nephew of the captain to whom Napoleon surrendered on board the Bellerophon ; also to Earl Nelson ; and to Mr. W. G. Perrin, the Librarian of the Admiralty. EDWARD FRASER. IX [Key to the Flags on the back of the Cover] THE BATTLE-SIGNAL OF THE "BELLEROPHON. " Engage the Enemy Closer." At" The Glorious First of fune." [Red Pennant over No. 5 Signal Flag.] At the Battle ofthe Nile. [Red Pennant over No. 5 Signal Flag (Mediterranean Fleet code).] At Trafalgar. Signal No. 16. [No. I Signal Flag over No. 6.] [Key to the Frontispiece] NAPOLEON ON BOARD THE "BELLEROPHON." The officers of Napoleon's suite, as shown in Sir W. Q. Orchardson's picture (now in the Tate Gallery, London), are these; reading the names from left to right : — Planat, Montholon, Maingaut, Las Cases (in civilian costume), Savary, Lallemand, Bertrand, young Las Cases — Napoleon CONTENTS PAGE I. At. the Launching of the Ship . . . i II. A Reminder of England's Darkest Hour . 9 III. Under Orders to Join " Black Dick " . 24 IV. The " Flyer " of the Grand Fleet . . 39 V. Lord Howe's Battle — At " The Glorious First of June "... . . 50 VI. With " Billy Blue " — Seven Ships to Twenty-nine 88 VII. On Duty with " The Chosen Band " . loi VIII. With Nelson in Chase of Bonaparte . 132 IX. At the Battle of the Nile : The " Bravest OF the Brave " . . . . 147 X. The Warning of St. Vincent's " Dream " . 192 XI. Watching and Waiting — The Everyday Work of War 202 XII. When Collingwood Sailed for Trafalgar . 207 XIII. In the Thick of the Fray at Trafalgar— "Bellerophon — Victory or Death ! " . 218 Contents PAGE XIV. With the Boats of the " Bellerophon " . 258 XV. Napoleon as a Prisoner on Board 265 XVI. " Well Done, ' Bellerophon ' ! " . . 306 XVII. Our " Dreadnought " Bellerophon of To-day 323 ILLUSTRATIONS Napoleon on Board the " Bellerophon " Frontispiece Fro-m the painting by Sir IV. Q. Orchardson, R.A. PAGE On the Morning of the Launch of the " Bellerophon " 4 From a contemporary -water-colour sketch in the British Museum The Sinking of the " Royal George " . . 21 The Royal Dockyard at Chatham, 1793 . . 27 From a dra-wing and engraving by R. Dodd The " Bellerophon " . . . . . ¦ , • 33 Reproduction of the official design fro-m -which th£ ship -was built. Dated, "Navy Offlce, January 1759" " Cap of Liberty " . . . 43 Admiral Earl Howe 51 From the engraving by Dunkerton. after the portrait by Copley The Tricolor Ensign 55 Under which the French ships fought on "The Glorious First of June" 1794 Rear- Admiral Sir Thomas Pasley . . . -58 From an engraving by Ridley ofthe portrait by Mather Bro-wn Breaking the Line on " The Glorious First of June " 69 From a dra-wing b-y Nicholas Pocock Vice-Admiral Villaret Joyeuse ... -73 From the portrait at Versailles SWORD WORN BY ADMIRAL -VlLLARET JOYEUSE 75 xiii Illustrations Lord Howe's Attack on " The Glorious First of June " From a plan made by one of the officers in the British Fleet Commemorative Medal ..... Struck in honour of '¦ The Glorious First of June " I2-P0UNDER CarRONADE ..... Captain Henry D'Esterre Darby Nelson in a Boat Attack off Cadiz Taken from an old print Admiral Sir John Jervis, Earl of St. Vincent From Hoppner' s portrait no-w at Green-wich Hospital On the Lower Deck — Cleared for Action Nelson From the portrait by Abbott painted at ihe time of ihe Battle the Nile Admiral Brueys Distinguishing Lights As hoisted on board the Bellerophon at the Battle of the Nile Plan of the Battle of the Nile The Battle of the Nile From the picture at Green-wich Naval Hospital Main-topgallant-mast Head of the French Flagship " L'Orient "...... Sword of a French Officer ..... Nelson cleansing the Mouth of the Nile From a print published in October 1798 in London Captain John Cooke .... Admiral Lord Collingwood ..... From a painting by Henr-y Howard, R.A., now at Greenwich Hospital xiv PAGE 79 86 97 103III 123 139149 156 163 166 177 183 186 209 213 Illustrations Nelson at the time of the Battle of Trafalgar . From the portrait by Hoppner Cape Trafalgar ....... Sword worn by Captain Cooke at Trafalgar Plan of the Battle of Trafalgar As sent home by Collingwood Spanish Captain at Trafalgar Dirk worn by Captain Cooke at Trafalgar The " Bellerophon " in Action at Trafalgar FroTn a steel engra-ving How the Enemy at first attacked the "Belle rophon" One of Captain Cooke's Pistols . French Captain at Trafalgar Captain Churruca of the " San Juan " Model of the " San Juan " . Signature of Captain Galiano Captain Frederick Lewis Maitland From an engraving by Henry Meyer of the portrait by Samuel Woodford, R.A. Napoleonic Relics from the " Bellerophon " : Table- top, Statuette, and Goat's Skull .... By special permission of Mr. F. Lewis Maitland Napoleonic Relic from the "Bellerophon": Couch used by Napoleon every day .... By special permission of Mr. F. Lewis Maitland Napoleon on Board the " Bellerophon " at Plymouth From the painting by f. J. Chalon, R.A., now at Greenwich The Fate of the " Bellerophon." A Convict Hulk . XV PAGE 221 225 229 235 237239241 243 244 247250251252267 279 289 301 Illustrations Diagram showing the Power of the " Bellerophon's ' Guns Our " Dreadnought " Bellerophon of To-day . How the Guns are Grouped in H.M.S. " Bellerophon ' PAGE Figure-head and Stern Relics of the " Bellerophon " 305 Now at Portsmouth Dockyard Taffrail Carving of the Second " Bellerophon " . 309 Under Fire at Sebastopol : The " Bellerophon " being towed out of Action . . . . -319 From a water-colour drawing by W. Simpson, R.L The Last Days of our Sebastopol " Bellerophon " . 322 The " Bellerophons " of Former Days . . . 325 Comparative Ranges of the Heaviest Guns of our First and Last " Bellerophons " . . . . 329 330333339 In -War Time : A Torpedo-boat Attack expected . 341 By the courtesy ofthe Proprietors ofthe " Graphic " THE "BELLEROPHON" CHAPTER I AT THE LAUNCHING OF THE SHIP Saturday the 6th of October, in the year 1786, when George the Third was King of England and William Pitt Prime Minister, was the day of the sending afloat of the famous Bellerophon, the hard fighting " Old Billy Ruff'n." A small private shipbuilders' yard in Kent, at Frinds- bury on the Medway, then an outlying village near Rochester, hard by Queen Elizabeth's old fort of Upnor Castle and nearly facing Chatham gunwharf and dock yard across the river, was the scene of the event. The launch of the Bellerophon was a great occasion for the neighbourhood, for the new ship was Messrs. Graves and Nicholson's masterpiece, and at the same time the first big piece of work they had done for the Admiralty. Never had a contract for so important a man-of-war come into any private builder's yard on the Medway up to that time. Elaborate preparations were made for the event. Messrs. Graves and Nicholson, for their part, were bent on making the most of the occasion, and had asked a crowd of guests, and hired the " band of Musick of the Chatham Marines " to play on board when the new man-of-war went off the stocks. It was the way they had in England in those times on launching days : there was always a band on board a new man- of-war to play her into the water with " God save Great The " Bellerophon " George our King ! " To mark the event, as a notable honour for the firm, the veteran Commissioner Proby of Chatham Dockyard himself— one of the very few men who, in a ship of the line, single-handed, out at sea, had fought a ship-to-ship duel with a hostile ship of the line, and had brought his enemy into port with the Union Jack on top of the French flag — had consented to come over and give the ship her name ; embarking at the King's Stairs, and being rowed across the river in state to the builders' wharf in his ten-oared barge. " The principal gentlemen of the Three Towns," as a letter from Rochester, written next day, puts it, were to be there too by invitation, and all would proceed after the launching ceremony to celebrate the memorable occasion, at Messrs. Graves and Nicholson's expense, by "an elegant dinner " at the Crown Inn, Rochester. From far and near on that side of the Medway, from Strood and Shorne and Cobham and Chalk and Gad's Hill, other visitors were expected. There was less formality in many ways at a private-yard launch than at a dockyard launch, and more freedom for everybody; and Messrs. Graves and Nicholson's would be an interest ing place, too, to see the inside of on such an occasion, with its repairing dock and three building-slips, each at this moment with a man-of-war on it ; besides the new seventy-four, a thirty-two gun frigate, and a smart sloop- of-war. Rural England in those days, within reach of a ship launch, particularly a man-of-war launch, was always ready for a jaunt to the scene and a display ot joviality in honour of the occasion. Postchaises and curricles and gigs (describes a visitor to one such launch), every vehicle or saddle-horse, " everything that could bear a man or tum a wheel," within a dozen miles, was put in requi sition to carry eager spectators on the appointed day. The weather, however, our English October weather, had, on the occasion of the launch of the Bellerophon, to The Launching of the Ship be taken into account together with the general arrange ments. And it had its part to play on that Saturday. Up to Thursday night the week had been fine. During Friday morning the glass went do-wn two-tenths. Rain squalls set in on Friday night, and half a gale, gusty weather with fair intervals, was blowing when moming da-wned on Saturday. Still, everybody in-dted, and half Rochester in hopes of standing room, came to see the ship go off, at high water, at the time announced — at a quarter to two in the afternoon. They got there to find that she had been already afloat for upwards of two hours. She had launched herself, practically, it so happened, " at four minutes to twelve," as our exact eye--witness of the event made a note of. By going round the yard with him and the builder of the ship, in the forenoon before the first of the com pany are due to arrive, some idea may be got of the look of the ship herself, and something also of what it meant to build a seventy-four in the fighting days of old. Some thing like this is what one would have seen and been told. A fine show does the new King's ship make on the slip, with her brightly varnished yellow sides, set off by the double tier of red port-lids, all hauled up and set back flat ; the wide " black-strake " at the water-line, belting the hull from end to end ; and, high up, the blue upper- works and bulwarks. The broad band of black con trasts strikingly with the dead white below of the under water " belly " of the ship. Gay indeed the Bellerophon looks, -with her launching poles up and the " King's-day flags " flying out on board, stiffly in the gale, in honour of the occasion — the Royal Standard where the mainmast will stand, the Admiralty Flag, a yellow anchor on a crimson field, and the Union Flag at the fore and mizen. If she fights as well as she looks, this latest accession to his Majesty's fleet ought to render good service to the nation in the hour of trial. Aye, too, there is good enough 3 The "Bellerophon" timber — sturdy English heart-of-oak — and good work manship in her. Ha-ving Chatham Dockyard over yonder, facing them across the river, has put Mr. Nicholson's men on their mettle, you may take it. And a well tumed out ship may bring more Govemment work to the yard when other Admiralty contracts are going.^ ! 1 1 ¦ \ ^^H > ^ • ^^^^^ *'"*^ ^^s m^^--- ' "^¦^SJ.---- - "^' On the Morning of the Launch of the " Bellerophon " From a contemiorary -water-colour sketch in the British Museum Thanks to the worthy master builder, here are some facts about what it has taken to frame and build the new King's ship, Bellerophon. It has needed over two thousand well-gro-wn oaks, each tree of from seven to ten feet in girth, and the trunk weighing a couple of tons, as trimmed and lopped and brought into the yard ; 1 As a fact, it was from this same private shipyard on the Medway that the ever-famous Shannon, which took the American Chesapeake, was launched. She was built on the same slip as the Bellerophon. 4 The Launching of the Ship three thousand five hundred loads of English oak timber to build the ship, the hull as it now stands upon the stocTcs. Take it all in all, the poet was not far off the mark who wrote — " Giant oaks of wide expansion, O'er a hundred acres fell, All to build this noble mansion Where our hearts of oak shall dwell ! " The oaks too, every one of them, when cut some three years ago, were a century old, or within half-a-dozen years or so of a. century; some probably older still. James the Second was still King of England, " old Benbow " had not yet joined the navy, when some of them were slender saphngs. St. Paul's Cathedral was not yet half re built after the Great Fire when many of them were young trees. Stout Sussex timber it is mostly, we are told, the toughest oak in the world : cut in the hedgerows and copses of the Weald, and then, after lying awhile, each tree as it fell, stripped of its bark, in order to dry the sap out and season, carted off to Prentice's Wharf at Maidstone, thence to come do-wn the Medway in barges to Messrs. Nicholson's yard. Some two hundred loads of elm and Scottish fir in addition have been worked into the keel and decks and been used in the inner construction and " Hning," besides about half as much of " foreign stuff " from Dantzic for the under-water planking. Over thirty thousand pounds — exactly ;^30,232, 14s. 3d. — we also learn, is the total of Graves and Nicholson's bill for the Bellerophon. This was how it happened that on that Saturday only a few of the in-vited guests were there in time to see the Bellerophon go off the stocks, and so missed what was in itself, from a dockyard point of -view, we are told, a " highly successful launch." S The "Bellerophon" The wild weather of the early morning had made the vessel uneasy on the stocks. Most of the supports and shoring-up timbers, that heretofore had kept the hull steady on the building slip, had been taken down, in. anticipation of the launch. In that condition the ship, during Saturday forenoon, began to " shake " — a dock yard phrase for the warning motions of a vessel when about to move down the ways — in advance of the expected hour, with the result that, before the Chatham Commissioner and most of the great folk had had time to arrive, the dog-shores, the last supports that kept the hull in place, were giving signs of inability to hold back the vessel longer on the ways. That brought matters to a crisis. Now there was no time to be lost. To prevent an accident the ship had to be let go into the water then and there. Mr. Nicholson himself, the senior partner — Mr. Graves had died a year or two before, while the ship was still in building — had to act at once and name the ship. He hastily seized the bottle of port which had been as usual pro- -vided for the occasion. Uncorking it, according to the launching fashion of those times, he drank off one glass, and, raising his voice, wished " Success to his Majesty's ship the Bellerophon I " Then, corking it up, with a quick throw he broke the bottle against the ship's bows, splashing the rest of the wine all over the great white-coated stem timbers of the cutwater. At that moment the yielding dog-shores were knocked away by men on the alert below, and at once the hull started off and slid smoothly down the greased incline into the waters of the Medway. So our first Bellerophon was on that October Saturday sent afloat. It was the launching ceremony of old-time England, with which all our men-of-war used to be named and launched. Men performed it invariably, and gave the 6 Ihe L,aunching of the Ship names ; some personage of note, some ofiicial or local celebrity, being usually honoured with the invitation to be the new ship's sponsor. Ladies, of course, always perform the ceremony now ; the only exception made during upwards of a hundred years being at the recent launch of our modern Dreadnought, when, owing to Queen Alexandra's unavoidable absence. King Edward himself named the ship. There is now of course, also, no drinking " Success " to the ship from wine in the bottle which is to be broken immediately afterwards on the ship's bows ; while the bottle itself is always de corated with ribbon or flowers, and moreover made secure beforehand to the ship's bows by a ribbon or cord, the reason for this last precaution being to prevent bad shots. When ladies first began to perform the ceremony the unopened bottle of wine — as had up to then been the rule — was simply handed to them, for the lady sponsor to throw. One of the ladies, at a Plymouth Dockyard launch, took the bottle and threw it as directed — but missed the ship entirely. The bottle landed, a hard missile, and broke on the head of an unfortunate looker- on, standing near by at the side of the slip-way. He_ made the Admiralty compensate him for his injured -head, with the consequence that since then at all launches the bottle of wine used has always been firmly tied to the ship. " The launch was very fine," describes the Rochester visitor in his letter, speaking of the waj^ in which the Bellerophon actually went down into the water ; so that, except for the disappointed spectators who arrived too late, the event of the day was in all respects quite satisfactory. At three in the afternoon Commissioner Proby and the important guests, " the principal gentlemen of the Three Towns," went off to the " elegant dinner " pro vided for them at the Crown Inn, where the Marines band 7 The "Bellerophon" played and the "good ship Bellerophon!" was duly toasted with musical honours in accordance with the fashion of the time. Such was what took place on the 6th of October 1786, on the occasion of the sending afloat of the Bellerophon. We have now to strike another key. We go back for five years and recall a story of another kind — that of the startling and amazing events that, in the first place, called the Bellerophon into existence. It conveys a national warning, in order that what happened once may not — and the like is not impossible — happen again, with even more disastrous consequences than then re sulted for the British- Empire. CHAPTER II A REMINDER OF ENGLAND'S DARKEST HOUR The name Bellerophon, as a British man-of-war name, through the story of how it came into the Royal Navy, offers a national object lesson for the British Empire for aU time. It has to do with, as it happens also, a period in our national annals about which most of us, probably, know less than almost any other. Yet it is one of the most interesting and exciting ; and, what is more, for us of to-day, it conveys a warning that stares us in the face, and is assuredly of -vital national importance. The battleship name Bellerophon, in this connection, may render a public ser-vice in helping to drive home the fact that the existence of the British Empire depends ab solutely on the command of the sea, by reminding us of what happened once within sight of our own shores when a British Ministry failed in its duty and England lost the command of the sea. The story opens at the time of the War of American Independence, in which Great Britain suffered defeat — it should never be forgotten — primarily because her fleet was not strong enough to hold its o-wn : the result of neglect of the navy in time of peace by the Govemment of the day ; neglect to build sufficient men-of-war, ships of the Hne ; neglect in not paying due heed to what was being done with other navies abroad. A dangerous crisis in our European relations was seen to be in front of the British Empire, but no steps were taken to meet it. " England," said our statesmen in Parliament, " has 9 The "Bellerophon" no hostile designs on anybody ; nobody therefore can have hostile designs on England ! " Then, suddenly, came the rude awakening. In December 1777 startling news from America reached Europe. General Burgoyne and his whole army had been cut off and compelled to surrender at Saratoga. A week later France defiantly recognised the " Inde pendence of the United States." Immediately after wards the French Ambassador in London curtly in formed the British Govemment that France had signed a treaty of alliance with the United States ; handing in at the same time, as it was announced in Parliament, " as insulting and offensive a note as was ever received by a British Secretary of State ! " War with France on the point of national honour had to be declared after that, whether the navy was strong or weak. There was, as a fact, no other course open for England. An event of the utmost gravity, the like of which could never happen twice, led to the building of the Bellerophon. On Thursday the i6th of August 1781 the Westem Squadron, as the Channel Fleet was then called, was cruising some twenty leagues to the westward of Cape Finisterre. It numbered twenty-one sail of the line, with three or four frigates. Small as the force was, it comprised practically every ship that at the moment Great Britain had available for service in the Channel. Just then, it so happened, two immensely important trade convoys from the West Indies, -with freights of the estimated value of four millions sterling, were due in home waters, and they had to be escorted safely to their destinations. According to the latest advices at the Admiralty the Combined Franco-Spanish Fleet were out of the way, in harbour at Cadiz, and not Hkely to come north. They were, it was understood, under orders to pass the Straits into the Mediterranean. England's Darkest Hour Intelligence that the enemy had actually gone into the Mediterranean was, in fact, what reached Admiral Darby, commanding the Western Squadron, in a special despatch direct from the Admiralty, on the afternoon of Wednesday the 15th of August. At noon next day a friendly neutral, a Portuguese vessel trading between Waterford and Lisbon, hove-to as it passed through the British Fleet. The skipper informed the Admiral that two days before, away to the north-west of where they then were, he had passed a fleet of Franco-Spanish ships of war, between forty and fifty sail in number, carrying a press of canvas, and heading to the north-east as if bound for the mouth of the English Channel. They had stopped him and asked questions as to the whereabouts of the British commander, whose comparatively weak force they seemed to know all about. Surprised and thoroughly alarmed for his own safety. Admiral Darby decided to leave the expected convoys to take care of themselves. He at once headed his fleet round and stood for England, steering directly to keep well to the east and pass Ushant close, and thence across to Spithead. Suspicious ships were from time to time sighted on the westerly horizon, apparently hostile frigates reconnoitring them, but nothing of the Combined Fleet itself was seen, and ultimately, after a rough passage and bad weather, the Admiral anchored his fleet safely in Torbay on the 25th of August. O-wing to the weather he found it impracticable to reach shelter further east. Immediately on his arrival an officer was sent off with a detailed report to the Admiralty. The reply from Whitehall was incredulity. The First Lord (the Earl of Sandwich) was quite satisfied that the Combined Fleet had actually gone round into the Mediterranean. The skipper of the Portuguese vessel, it was suggested, had mistaken a French storeship convoy, which the Admiralty understood had recently left Rochefort for the West The "Bellerophon" Indies, for men-of-war. Others who sent waming to Lord Sandwich all experienced the same treatment. The Mayor of Bristol sent positive inteUigence of the presence of the Combined Fleet at the mouth of the Channel, and was only laughed at for his pains. The Lord Lieutenant of Ireland officiaUy notified the fact to the Admiralty by express, and was officiaUy informed that My Lords knew better. Admiral Darby, for his part, answered the First Lord back that he was positive as to the correctness of his o-wn information. He pointed out in his rejoinder further that the ships when seen were heading north-east — exactly in the wrong direction for the West Indies — besides being all two- and three-decked men-of-war ! The Admiralty's method of meeting that was a sharp order to take in water and put to sea and meet the convoys forthwith with what ships he had. These orders came to hand on the ist of September, and Darby sent off in reply a strong remonstrance at the suicidal nature of such a step. He would, though, of course, obey orders. Next moming an Admiralty courier — crossing the Admiral's messenger on the road — arrived from London with urgent orders to stand fast. The enemy, announced the Admiralty with evident sur prise, were in the Channel after all. They were actually cruising between Scilly and the Lizard, and had chased two line-of-battle ships which had sailed ten days before to reinforce Darby off Cape Finisterre, the Agamemnon and the Prudent. The Combined Fleet, indeed, had left Cadiz with a twofold plan of campaign before it. First Admiral Darby and the British Fleet were to be surprised at sea and overpowered by weight of numbers. Then the Combined Fleet would swoop down on the two convoys. They expected to find Admiral Darby at the usual rendezvous for convoy escorts, off the Scilly Islands, and, after making a wide sweep westward, outside the Bay of England's Darkest Hour Biscay, to avoid observation as much as possible, were cruising near the Scillies, on the watch for him. Then they heard that he had gone into Torbay and had anchored his fleet there, in close order in a strong de fensive formation, off Brixham and Berry Head. As the Combined Fleet after that took its way past the Lizard towards Torbay, a Council of War was called to decide what, should be done in the new situation. At tacking a weaker fleet in the open sea was one thing. To deal -with a fleet moored in order of battle in a land locked position was quite another. The council com prised six admirals — three French and three Spanish. At once the senior French admiral, the Comte de Guichen, one of the most brilliant sea-officers of the time in any navy, rose and hotly urged an immediate attack on the British Fleet as it lay at anchor. " We have here," declared De Guichen, " the British Fleet in a net ; it is trapped ! Such an extraordinary, such a magnificent opportunity can never surely occur again. If that fleet in Torbay is destroyed, all Great Britain's power will collapse with the blow and the war -will be ended at once ! It is their last-hope fleet. We have complete superiority of numbeirs on the spot, and better and more powerful ships, with fireships also and an admirable position for making full use of them." A junior Spanish admiral, Don Vincente Dos, seconded De Guichen -with equal impetuosity. " It is," declared the Spanish officer, " so fine a chance, that nothing whatever can justify us if we fail to seize it ; or if we, at least, do not make the attempt. I, for my own part, am ready to command the van squadron in the attack, and I -wiU lead the way personally in my own ship ! " But the idea proved too daring for the others. The prestige of the British Navy saved it that day. The French second in command, Rear-Admiral De Beausset, protested that, in spite of their numbers, the risks they 13 The "Bellerophon" would have to ran in attacking a fleet such as the British Channel Fleet, prepared to fight at anchor, were too great to justify the attempt. They had an easier ob jective at hand"^ surely, he declared— the homeward bound West Indian convoys. " We," De Beausset concluded, " are masters of the sea, and have only to stretch forth our hand to take these convoys. England wiU hardly recover from the shock of a blow such as that ! " By a majority of four to two De Guichen's proposal was negatived. So that hour of peril for the British Channel Fleet passed. Dissensions over other matters broke out among the leaders of the Combined Fleet, and then bad weather came on again and provisions and water ran short. Next, a strong easterly gale set in, and it proved impracticable to stay out at sea to waylay the English convoys. The Combined Fleet in the result broke up and parted company — the French ships taking their way back to Brest, the Spaniards making for Ferrol and Cadiz. It had been, indeed, a very narrow escape for England. Twenty-one ships against forty-nine would have been the odds. But the bare idea of such an attack — that an opening had been given for an attack on the Western Squadron, the Channel Fleet, at an English anchorage — shocked and startled the country. It was felt by everybody as a bitter national humiliation and a dis grace. With all this there was the pressing anxiety for the safety of four millions of British property at sea on board the Jamaica merchant ships. That grew hourly worse. It was not allayed until the news reached London after the middle of September that most of the vessels of the convoys had taken refuge in various Irish ports. As one result of the Torbay news in the City, Consols fell to fifty-six. It was certainly the narrowest escape that England had ever had, but it was not the only one of that war. 14 England's Darkest Hour Two years before that, in the summer of 1779, the fleets of France and Spain had unexpectedly joined forces in the Channel, and in an overpowering array of sixty-six ships of the line had forced the British home-guard fleet of only thirty-seven— all that were left available for service in home waters, after the unavoidable dispersal of our naval forces all over the world for the protection of the colonies and oversea commerce — to retreat before it all the way from the Scilly Islands to Spithead. Two British line-of-battle ships were chased into Falmouth. Two more, after all but blundering, off the Lizard, into one of the squadrons of the Combined Fleet whose signals they mistook, and some of whose ships they thought they identified as belonging to the Western Squadron, had to run for it and narrowly escaped capture. Another British man-of-war, a sixty-four gun two-decker, the Ardent, was intercepted and actually captured within sight of Pljmouth Sound. Three small British cruisers were cut off along the Cornish coast, and taken, in full sight of, and almost within gunshot of the British Fleet, powerless to interfere or strike a blow on behalf of its o-wn vessels, during the four -days that it was retreating up Channel with the enemy in full force following. All over the world at that moment, for the same reason, it was the same discreditable story. On the American coast, in the West Indies — where only four islands were all that remained in the possession of Great Britain — in the East Indies, in every sea British squadrons were hard put to it to hold their own against heavy odds, and the best that our admirals could manage was to fight drawn battles. Nelson, in 1779, then a young post- captain of twenty-one, stationed at Jamaica, wrote in a letter to his old friend and commander, old Com modore Locker : " I leave you in England to judge what stand we shaU make : I think you must not be surprised to hear of my leaming to speak French." The Mediter- 15 The "Bellerophon" ranean, indeed, had to be abandoned entirely. Minorca, a very important strategical British possession in that day, with its large garrison, had to be abandoned to its fate, and as events proved to its doom. Gibraltar (it was the time of the Great Siege) had to be left to hold its own as best it might, and trust for supplies to what relief convoys could from time to time be despatched from England, under escort of every man-of-war the Admiralty could commission, and get past the Combined Franco-Spanish Fleet l3dng continually on watch in Cadiz Harbour. All our oversea commerce had to be carried on under escort of men-of-war, in convoys, and at extremely heavy rates of insurance. At Lloyd's premiums of upwards of thirty per cent, on the value of cargoes were demanded from merchantmen sailing from Bristol, Liverpool, or Glasgow to New York — still in British possession — and from twenty to thirty-five per cent, for the voyage to the West Indies. The risk was no light one. Many very valu able convoys never reached their destination at all. In one case the enemy captured fifty-five merchantmen out of a convoy of sixty-three — a disaster that involved a loss to British commerce of a million and a half sterling. A memento of that particular disaster, as it happens, is preserved to this day — in the Times newspaper. One of the unfortunate underwriters at Lloyd's interested in the convoy was a certain John Walter. He had previously lost hea-vily in the capture of several other convoys ; this cro\vning disaster broke him, and he had to call his creditors together. Like many another victim of mis fortune, John Walter tumed to journalism for a living, and in the end the Times was the result. The danger as a fact was reckoned the greatest in home waters, off our own shores. To escape the risks of the passage up Channel and evade the forty per cent, premium ordinarily demanded for the portion of the voyage between Scilly i6 England's Darkest Hour and the Nore, London merchants had their goods unladen at Bristol, and carried in flat-bottomed barges, which they had built specially for the traffic, up the Sevem to" Gloucester, thence to be carted across to Lechlade, and conveyed by the river-lighters down the Thames. The widespread anxiety over the Torbay retreat and the grave peril to the Westem Squadron led to official inquiries being made among the " river builders," the large private shipbuilding firms on the Thames who did work for the East India Company, as to their under taking the construction of a number of seventy-fours for the na-vy. The prices asked, however, were considered too high, and in the end, after the news came that the enemy had withdra-wn south, the matter was deferred, in the usual ofiicial manner, " for further consideration." Then, in a few weeks, in November happened some thing else. The most terrible news of the war came suddenly to hand — a blow that stunned the country. On Sunday moming, the 25 th of November, a naval officer on horseback, wearied and mud-bespattered, after a hard gallop of two hundred and eighteen miles. Commander Melcombe of the Rattlesnake, sloop-of-war, arrived in London ; having ridden post from Pl3Tnouth with despatches for the " Secretary of State for the American Department." A fearful disaster, announced the despatches, had befallen the army in America. Lord Cornwalhs and his army of seven thousand men had had to lay do-wn their arms to Washington at Yorktown, near the mouth of the river Chesapeake. With only nineteen British ships of the Hne on the station to face twenty- eight French, it had been impossible for the navy to prevent the disaster, or to assist CornwaUis in any way. An attempt to enter the Chesapeake estuary had been made by our fleet, but the odds had proved too great, even -without faulty leadership, in the attack at the criti cal moment. The despatches were dated the 2Qth of 17 B The "Bellerophon" October, and gave the 17th or i8th of that month as the probable date of the catastrophe. No official intima tion of the terms of the surrender, they stated, had reached the British headquarters at New York, but frigates from the Chesapeake reported that all firing on shore had stopped since the i8th : worse still, also, one ship had picked up a boat with refugee camp-followers from the British army. " We cannot entertain the least doubt of his Lordship's having capitulated," concluded the message. " Black Monday " was the universal name throughout England for many a long year afterwards for the day that the dread news burst on an astounded and horrified people. On that, something else happened. In the first week of December Admiral Kempenfelt, at the head of twelve sail of the line, was sent out to stop a large and very important French convoy of ammunition and military storeships with a formidable siege train on board, and transports carrying several regiments, destined for the capture of Jamaica. An exceptionally powerful line-of- battle ship squadron, it was known beforehand in London, was to escort it, and there were at the moment between twenty and thirty sail of the line available for that service at Brest. Kempenfelt and his twelve ships waylaid the convoy, to find at the critical moment that the escort consisted of twenty sail of the Hne. By briUiant tactics Kempenfelt out-manoeuvred the French warships and cut the convoy off from the escort and scattered it, capturing a certain number of the storeships. But in the end the great numerical preponderance of the French men-of-war of the escort prevented his masterly skill from striking home the deadly stroke that at one moment was -within his reach. He had to take steps to save himself from being overpowered by the twenty French warships, and had finally to return with his work left incomplete. 18 lingland's Darkest Hour All England rang with indignation when it was stated that it had been impossible to give Kempenfelt more ships, all the others we had at Portsmouth and Plymouth being wanted for ser-vice elsewhere. Besides all that, it had come out also that no fewer than seventeen of our big ships, then doing duty in the fighting line, were unseaworthy ; rotten and unsafe. They had had to be kept out, regardless of the lives of those on board, because their places could not be filled. We know something of that in regard to one of the ships. The Royal George was one. The Royal George was one of the ships that was re tained still in the fighting line, and her loss six months later was entirely due to her rotten condition. She was over a quarter of a century old, and had undergone no real overhaul for ten years past. When sent to sea at the outset of the war her frame below " had to be tied together with riders as much as they could." So it was stated before the court-martial on the loss of the ship. She overset, as an actual fact, because she was rotten, and her bottom rent apart and fell out. There was no " land breeze," no " shaking of the shrouds." The ship was anchored bows to the breeze. The Royal George had often — the last time in Torbay, only a few days before — been heeled deeper than on the day of the catastrophe. E-vidence was given before the court- martial by a port-admiral that when she was last docked " it was difficult to find a sound timber in her, or that would hold the fastenings and nails " used in certain small repairs that were done on board. Up to a minute before the ship went over, it was stated on oath by various witnesses, her lower deck ports on the heeled- over side were a foot clear above the water ; and the captain was kept continually informed during the mom ing as to the ports. Finally, this startling statement was made on oath. The gunner's yeoman, who was at the 19 The "Bellerophon" time on the orlop deck at the very bottom of the ship, swore this in e-vidence. " I heard," said the man, " a great crack below. She gave a jerk and crack first, and ¦within a moment after another, and went do-wn." In the result this was the court-martial's considered and deHberate finding : " The Court is of opinion from the short space of time between the alarm being given and the sinking of the ship that some material part of her frame gave way which can only be accounted for by the general state of the decay of her timbers." It is not a pretty story, and one can understand why such care was taken that nothing of the finding should leak out, nor the evidence become pubHc ; while the cock-and-bull story about the land breeze and the shaking of the shrouds, which Cowper's poetic imagination gave vogue to, was -widely circulated and made the most of, at the same time that all offers to refloat the ship, lying Httle more than a cricket-ball throw off Southsea beach, were rejected by the authorities. They dared not accept them. What would not have been the furious outburst of national indignation had the rotten wood of the spHt asunder frame-timbers in the bottom of the Royal George been brought to the surface and revealed to the light of day in a dry dock ? The Bellerophon's existence was decreed in January 1782, as one of the ships first proposed after the Torbay retreat, and on the 2nd of March the name Bellerophon was officially announced to the navy. It made its appearance now for the first time in connection with the sea — the name of a mythological hero of old-time Greece, the rider of the winged horse Pegasus and the slayer of the fire-breathing monster the Chimaera. The name in the case of the new man-of-war was taken from Lempri^re's Classical Dictionary, which volume, then recently published. Lord Sand-wich, the First Lord of the Admiralty, according to a popular story of the time, used 20 The Sinking of the "Royal George" England's Darkest Hour to keep on his desk and turn to whenever he ordered a. new ship. " Belerophon" was the form in which the Admiralty clerk spelled the name in drawing up the order for its registry. A minor, but interesting detail, may be noted here about the ship. For one reason or another, perhaps to save time in working out plans, perhaps to save the expense of having the ship specially designed, perhaps because the design available was itself a masterly one — eight remarkably successful men-of-war having been built by it — ^ a twenty-three year old design by Sir Thomas Slade, the designer of the Victory, a naval architect who had been dead eleven years, a design which had been originally used for the first set of seventy-fours the navy ever had, was used over again for the Bellerophon. The working drawings sent to Messrs. Graves and Nicholson bore date " January 1759," twenty-three years before the order to build the Bellerophon was dra-wn up. In due course, to enable the contractors to make a start, the Admiralty advanced £4600 for " preliminary expenses," and the building of the Bellerophon was begun. The end of the war, however, early in 1783, and a conse quent extension of the term for completion arranged under the contract, gave the Bellerophon two whole years to " season in frame." That accidental circumstance had undoubtedly much to do with her lasting afloat for the long period of half a century, in the course of which she served more at sea than any other British man-of- war of the time, was more often in battle than any other, and in action was the hardest hit ship of all. So we come round to the launching day of the Bellerophon, to Saturday the 6th of October 1786, the story of which has been told. 23 CHAPTER III UNDER ORDERS TO JOIN " BLACK DICK " The Bellerophon's war-service story opens at Chatham on the eve of war. It was in the third week of March 1793. AU England was still ringing, horror-stricken at the crime, with the terrible news of the guillotining of Louis the Sixteenth, the King of France. War had been declared already against England " in the name of the French RepubHc." " We will fight you EngHsh, whom we esteem, with regret," said the acting French Am bassador in London in an inter-view -with the British Foreign Secretary of State, before handing in formally in writing the Declaration of War, " but we -will fight you -without fear ! " Monsieur Chauvelin's passports were made out and handed to him that afternoon, and he was told to quit England " within eight days." It was at Chatham that the Bellerophon was lying at that moment, in her home port — amid scenes of stir and bustHng acti-vdty and warHke preparation that never be fore had been witnessed at the great Kentish dockyard. No fewer than a hundred and sixteen ships of war in all were in the Medway, getting ready for active service, in that month of March. They made twelve miles of ships ; stretching aU the way from within a stone's-throw of Rochester Bridge aU along the winding lower reaches of the river; moored, some in pairs, some extending in single file, strung out in front of the dockyard itself, past Frindsbury and Upnor Castle, and GiUingham and the flats of Stangate Creek, away through Long Reach and the Blackstakes anchorage, past the Swale estuary to 24 Under Orders to Join "Black Dick" within a quarter of a mile of Garrison Point, Sheerness. Forty-eight of the total number were ships of the Hne, an imposing array : big three-deckers of ninety guns, " eighties," twenty-five seventy-fours, ten sixty-fours. Nine other of the ships were smaller two-deckers of fifty guns each. Thirty-three more were frigates, of from forty-four to twenty-six guns. The remainder were the small craft of the " Medway Ordinary," as the assem blage of war vessels was officially styled — sloops-of-war and gun-brigs and cutters. All day long, and after dark often until very late at night — for the short spring days, at so grave a moment of national emergency, did not nearly suffice for the work to be done — ships' boats of every kind, captains' gigs and barges, heavy launches as well as dockyard craft towing spars and transporting rigging and gear, lighters and punts, were on the move ever3rwhere at all hours, busily passing to and fro up and down the river, threading their way backwards and forwards incessantly between the ships and the Chatham yard wharves. Day by day, from the " Tower tender" up the river, anchored in the Thames near London Bridge, and from the East Coast ports, kept ever passing the press-gang tenders ; bringing new hands, picked up all along the coast, and inland as far as Cambridge, from the Essex viUages and Yarmouth and Lowestoft, and from as far north as the Humber and beyond Whitby. At moorings hard by where the Bellerophon was being fitted out in GiUingham Reach, lay another man-of-war, destined in the coming war to -win Hkewise a deathless renown — a two-decker of sixty-four guns, the Agamemnon. Her captain was on the spot too, Hving on shore for the time being at the Mitre Inn at Chatham until the ship was ready — Captain Horatio Nelson. He was to see something of the Bellerophon in battle within the next twelve years, and to make on at least one occasion 25 The "Bellerophon" special mention of her briUiant fighting capacity in his despatches. In Chatham Dockyard itself, all this time, they were working overtime early and late ; and on four nights a week " double-tides " — hard at it for four or five hours after dark by torch and flare Hghts, beyond the ordinary sunset bell-ringing time for the closing of the yard. Every day the dockyard men, the " mateys," as the sailors called them, had their meals brought into the yard to them, to be eaten during a short forty minutes' spell-off, close by where each gang of shipwrights or caulkers was at its work. Such was the state of pressure in and about Chatham Dockyard while the Bellerophon was being fitted out. In the Three Towns, meanwhile, every inn was full of naval officers ; captains, lieutenants, midshipmen — sleep ing four or five in a room some of these last. At the Mitre, the Sun, the Bull, the King's Head, the Crown, every inch of accommodation was occupied, or booked in advance for officers arriving from all parts of the country by coach and postchaise, clattering up to the doors at every hour of the day and night. In the crowded Chatham streets men-of-war's men, and volunteers who had come forward of their own free will to serve King George at sea, marines, officers of all ranks and branches, jostled one another amid the ordinary population of a dockyard town, soldiers from the lines, tradesmen and Jews, beggars, crimps, and so forth. One of the men-of-war in the Medway, under orders to prepare for immediate commissioning, was the Bellero phon. She was getting ready for her third hoisting of the pennant. Already she had been twice to sea, on short cruises with Special Service squadrons, during two mobilisations since her launch : the first in 1790, when a Russian War seemed likely ; the second in 1791, when there was a probabiHty of another war with Spain — the 26 The Royal Dockyard at Chatham, 1793 From a drawing and engraving by R. Dodd Under Orders to Join "Black Dick" " Spanish disturbance," as the navy somewhat con temptuously called that preparation for war. This time, though, the outlook was much more serious. Now there was bigger game on foot : a very different business this time was ahead of the Bellerophon and her gallant ship's cornpany. A popular and distinguished officer, nearly at the top of the " post-captains' list," as it was called. Captain Thomas Pasley, was to command the Bellerophon. He had picked out the ship by leave of the Admiralty, at his own particular request. He had been the Bellerophon' s first captain, and had commanded on her quarter-deck in both her former cruises, first under Lord Howe, and then under Lord Hood. Captain Pasley was now under orders to serve again with Lord Howe — the famous " Black Dick " of naval story, one of the greatest admirals of English history, a veteran of many wars and in numerable fights ; the admiral of whom it was said that he " never made a friendship except at the cannon's mouth." Lord Howe had just been appointed, by a direct order from the King to Pitt, to command the " Grand Fleet," the favourite name at that period for what was later styled the Channel Fleet. " Black Dick " was the sailor's name for Howe, bestowed first on him when he was a captain on account of his swarthy complexion and dark hair and eyebrows. His absolute indifference to fear of any sort was proverbial, and his spirit was catching to those who had to fight imder him. " Give us Black Dick and we fear nothing ! " was a password among the sailors of the navy of that time. Howe had known Captain Pasley for many years —ever since the Seven Years' War, nearly forty years before— when the captain of the " Billy Ruff'n " had made his mark before the enemy in battle, winning his first mention in despatches, for his daring leading of a board ing party. Captain Pasley hoisted his pennant and 29 The "Bellerophon" put the Bellerophon into commission on the i6th of March. And now for a few words about the Bellerophon herself, as one of the fighters of the fleet. Here are some of the " points " of our gallant seventy-four, such as a visitor to the ship would have noted, going on board her casually, for a short look rovmd before the ship put to sea. It is on an afternoon in May, we will suppose, when the ship is riding off Blackstakes, about three miles above Sheerness Dockyard, just after the powder-hoys from Faversbam have been alongside, and all ready to weigh and put to sea as soon as the Admiralty saiHng orders come down from London. Since we last saw her, some eight weeks ago, at her moorings in GilUngham Reach, then practically a hulk, just beginning to fit out, with only her lower masts standing, and as bare within-board as an empty house, the Bellerophon has been through the dockyard to have all defects seen to. All her planking below the water-Hne has been " tasted " — tested for sound ness plank by plank — she has been coppered and fully masted and rigged, and ballasted and received all her crew on board — six himdred officers and men. That done, with new canvas bent to the yards, the ship dropped down the river to Blackstakes. here to take in her guns and crates of shot, make things ship-shape, and clean up and paint all over, outside and in, ready, as soon as the powder-hoys have arrived and the kegs have been safely stowed in the magazines, to move out to the Nore and anchor there for her saiHng orders from the Admiralty. As we near her, the ship's finely carved figure-head, resplendent in white and red and gold, first catches the eye. It is Bellerophon himself, the nude figure of a Hthe-looking young Greek hero, riding bare-backed, seated firmly astride of a rearing horse with outspread wings erect — Pegasus, of course. A short red cloak is flung back on his shoulders ; on his head is a golden 30 Under Orders to Join "Black Dick" heknet with a tall crest of waving white plumes — all cleverly carved. His right arm is poised aloft to strike with a javelin, a gleaming steel-headed lance. It is the handiwork of a Kentish man, by the way — Mr. Richard Chichely of Chffe, in whose family the master-carver's work for Chatham Dockyard and Deptford, and most of the river builders, has been for three-quarters of a century. He has done his part well by the Bellerophon. His late father, Richard Chichely, " Old Dick," carved the Victory's head, the finest specimen of the master-carver's art in the navy. Commissioner Proby has the original small model of it, moulded in clay in miniature and gilded over, at the Commissioner's House in Chatham Dockyard. It was done for Lord Anson, the First Lord, who built the Victory, and was presented by him to Chatham Dockyard. Old Chichely once, by the way, got into hot water for reproducing Scripture in a figure head — that of the old Vigilant, a sixty-four now at Portsmouth. He carved it to represent an old woman with a candlestick in one hand and a house-broom in the other, bending forward to seek for a lost piece of silver. My Lords let it remain — though they rapped old Chichely over the knuckles for "irreverence " — and it stayed on the bows of the Vigilant until a French cannon ball knocked it to pieces in one of Rodney's battles in the West Indies. BeUerophon on his white horse shows up beneath the steeply raised bowsprit, and figures nobly in the after noon sunHght; projecting, as rider and steed do, right forward several feet in advance of the huge, bulging black bows, and supported by the soHd deep-curving rails of the " beak-head," as they call it, the head-timbers. Two heavy bow-chase guns point their muzzles grimly on either side, the sweep of the head-rails bending in wards to aUow the guns to fire clear. Below aU, at the water-line, we catch a glint of the wet 31 The "Bellerophon" copper as the waves lap along it, reflecting the sunHght, aU newly-rolled and clean-looking and bright. There are over three thousand five hundred sheets of copper on the ship's bottom, and fastened on by a ton and a half weight of nails. Very smart does the ship look as we row in towards the gangway ladder leading up the Bellerophon's side to the entering port : very massive and formidable and warHke is the sight of the wide black tarred-strake along the huU from the water's edge, sloping away in a huge upward curve or bend, reaching to a Hne that extends along the middle of the lower deck tier of ports, through which point the big guns, their long double row of muzzles all freshly painted red, as they project menacingly through the square ports, all wide open, the sides of which are a bright red also. That is a first impression to a -visitor. The sides of the ship are two feet thick, practically a soHd wall of oak, from the lower deck level to below the water-Hne — though even that cannot keep out the shot at close quarters. A 32-pounder ball, at the range Englishmen Hke best to fight, can go through nearly five feet of the toughest oak that ever grew. Then we will spend a few minutes on board, taking note of some points that one observes there, of her fighting powers as an engine of war. Everything on board the Bellerophon, on every deck of the ship from quarter-deck to orlop — it is one of the very first things to strike the attention — is red. You " see red " everywhere. The inner sides of the ship are red ; the gun-carriages are red ; on each deck all overhead is red ; the pillars that support the decks, the capstans, the hatchway gratings, the cable bitts, the gangway ladders all are red ; practically every fitting is painted red. It is for a very grim and serious reason ; in order to help to hide, or make as inconspicuous as possible, the inevitable splashes of blood in battle. It is an old 32 n The "Bellerophon" Reproduction of the official design from which the ship was built. Dated, [The dotted lines indicate the decks.] ' Nav)' Office, January 1759. The "Bellerophon" English idea — one of Blake's, it is said. At any rate it came into fashion at the time of his battles with Tromp and the Dutchmen, and has been kept up ever since. Another thing to notice, as we are conducted through the batteries and over the different decks by a smart young midshipman in cocked hat and pigtail and knee- breeches, is that the Bellerophon carries new guns — all of iron. It is a curious thing to see on board a man-of- war no more brass guns. This war will be the first we have ever fought with all our cannons of iron — cast-iron, of course. It is cheaper than brass, and the guns do not get hot so quickly in fast firing. Recent improvements in smelting and casting have made cast-iron more reliable than it used to be, and so the whole Navy has lately been re-armed. The Army, though, still keeps to brass. The guns are made by contract at private foundries all over England, mostly at Birmingham, Wolverhampton, and Walsall. They have to go to Woolwich to be " proved " with double-charges at the Arsenal. Not one piece in twenty bursts nowadays, though formerly it was not un usual for an entire batch to be destroyed in proof. At that time brass guns stood the test much better, and so the Navy then kept to them. Each 32-pounder, it may be added, costs fifty pounds to make, and can be tumed out, finished for proving, within a week. Altogether, there are on board the Bellerophon twenty- eight heavy 32-pounders — so named after the weight of the cannon-ball. Just six inches is the diameter of the shot, and ten pounds of gunpowder will carry it with full elevation three miles — as far as any cannon can range. The Bellerophon's 32-pounders are all on the lower deck, and make up the ship's "main armament." Each of them with its gun-carriage, made of ebn — the best material for the purpose, as it splinters least of all woods — weighs three tons and a half, a fair dead-weight for the ordinary gun's crew of fourteen men to handle 34 Under Orders to Join "Black Dick" in action and keep on trundling backwards and forwards for three or four hours at a stretch. When the ship is fighting both broadsides, and only seven men can be spared to each gun, it needs all their muscles to keep up to the work. On the ship's main deck are " long eighteens," firing five-inch cannon-balls ; also twenty- eight in number, or fourteen mounted on each broadside, filHng that number of ports on each side of the ship. On the quarter-deck eighteen 9-pounders are mounted (of four-inch bore), making up the total of seventy-four guns. The eight carronades that the Bellerophon carries as well, are not reckoned officially in regard to the stated armament of the ship, although the enemy feels the addition they make to the " weight of metal " in a broad side at close quarters. That is one of the Admiralty's curious Uttle ways. The two carronades on the fore castle fire 32-pound shot, exactly the same projectiles as the big guns on the lower deck fire. The six carronades on the poop fire 18-pound shot. " Smashers " is the Na-vy name for carronades, because of their ugly effect at close quarters. They are short-range pieces, designed only for close action, and very handy to work, taking small charges and able to fire faster than the long guns. Four men, too, can fight a carronade in action, against the fourteen needed for a 32-pounder. Carronades got their name from the Carron Ironworks in Scotland, where they were invented and first made. Sixty rounds of shot to each 32-pounder and seventy rounds to each of the other guns are kept in the Belle rophon's shot-lockers, do-wn below in the hold ; besides ten rounds per gun throughout of grape-shot and canister. That is her Channel Fleet allowance. In the Medi terranean Fleet, seventy-fours carry eighty rounds to each 32-pounder, a hundred rounds to each of the other guns, and twelve rounds per gun of grape and canister. 35 The "Bellerophon" Three hundred 90-lb. barrels of powder are stowed in the two magazines below. Altogether for the benefit of the enemy the Bellerophon will put to sea " full charged -with England's thunder " to the amount of twenty tons of powder and eighty tons of shot. On the day of battle her " fighting weight " will be the discharge of something like eight hundredweight of soUd iron shot into the enemy at each single broadside. Fighting both broadsides at once, the enemy's ship on each side of her wiU get that. One more point may be noted. Six hundred officers and men are on board the ship ; pretty close quarters for everybody, when one thinks of them all cooped up together, and ha-ving to live and move and have their being shut up together, it may be for months on end : all -within an enclosed space a hundred and sixty-eight feet long (the ship's length, from stem to stern along the main deck), forty-seven feet wide (amidships), and be tween forty and fifty feet deep (from the bulwarks to the keel). These are the ship's official measurements. Forty-four of the six hundred on board are officers of all ranks, commissioned and warrant ; three hundred and eighty, petty officers and seamen* ; a hundred and twenty- five, marines ; and the remainder special ratings, artificers and so forth, and boys. To feed them aU there are, stowed down below in the purser's store-rooms in the hold of the Bellerophon below the lower deck, some two hundred and fifteen tons weight of provisions — salt-beef, pork, pease, biscuits, beer ; and -ttpwards of two hundred and sixty tons in weight of fresh-water casks. The men live and sleep between-decks throughout the ship; among the guns that they wiU fight in battle. They sHng their hammocks at night above the guns, and the mess-tables are set between the guns, hooked up to the beams of the deck overhead. EverjAvhere there are guns ; on aU the decks fore and 36 Under Orders to Join "Black Dick" aft: in the officers' cabins, off the ward-room on the main deck, where the lieutenants and the surgeon and purser and the marine officers mess, and in the cap tain's cabin. The guns, of course, dominate everything ; every ordinary convenience on board is arranged to suit gunnery requirements. In order not to obstruct the guns in battle in any way, the bulkheads on the various decks all about the ship (the stoutly framed wooden partitions that go across from side to side, and cut off the officers' H-ving quarters in the after-part of the ship from the open decks where the men are quartered), as weU, too, as the Hghter screen-bulkheads that form and di-vide up the ward-room cabins, are all quickly detachable structures, fitted so as to be " knocked down," as the sailor's term goes, at the shortest notice, and lowered into the hold at the first drum-beat when clearing for action. From end to end of the ship, from hawse-holes to the stern windows, in the hour of battle, nothing is left that can interfere in the least -with the working of the guns, or hinder quickness of service, or make spHnters if struck by shot. The midshipmen's quarters in the cockpit, on the orlop deck below the water-Hne, out of reach of shot in ordinary circumstances, are given up, as being the safest part of the ship, to the surgeon and his mates for the wounded. The " amputation table " is the ominous name that is given to the big fixed table in the cock-pit, which, when there is no enemy in sight, the midshipmen use for all purposes, and at which they eat their meals. A glance at the captain's quarters may conclude our notes, before we bid the Bellerophon good-bye for the afternoon, and go back do-wn the side into our boat in waiting. The captain's quarters are under the poop and open aft directly on to the " stem walk " or gallery, which is found useful, among other purposes, for gro-wing vegetables in 37 The "Bellerophon" boxes when at sea. Beyond Captain Pasley's personal belongings and the private furniture he has had put on board, the cabin contains only a large fixed table and half-a-dozen plain chairs, a sleeping cot and a washing- stand with jug and basin. That is the Admiralty allow ance of cabin fumiture for the captain of a man-of-war. In addition are provided fixed lockers under the cabin ports for his clothes. Hung up round the cabin walls are the captain's sword and telescope, and foul weather tarpauHns, and a home portrait or two, and a swinging shelf with a few books. Eighteen-pounders stand in the captain's cabin, at each of the ports on each side; just as everywhere else on board. In the cabin, how ever, the gun-ports have light window-frames of glass fitted — of course easily removable on occasion. A bulk head, right across the ship, divides the cabin off from the rest of the vessel ; with a door leading on to the half-deck, which is undemeath the quarter-deck. As elsewhere, too, that bulkhead is so constructed as to be readily taken down, and, together with the captain's furniture and belongings, be quickly sent down into the hold in clearing for action. It is only on the half-deck that the officers are per mitted to smoke on board, between certain hours and ¦with stringent precautions against the possibility of fire. The men's smoking place is right forward, near the " head." These observations on board, during a flying visit to the Bellerophon, may serve to give an idea of some of the essentials of a man-of-war of Nelson's day as a fighting machine, and the weapons with which Nelson conquered. Captain Pasley's saiHng orders came down in the second week of June, and on the 13th of the month he set out with his ship to join the Grand Fleet at Spithead. 38 CHAPTER IV the flyer of the grand fleet Captain Pasley and his Bellerophon joined the Grand Fleet at Spithead on the i8th of June, and saluted Lord Howe's flag — the St. George's cross at the main — flying at the masthead of the Queen Charlotte, the finest and most splendid of British first-rates that had ever, up to then, been seen afloat. A notable assemblage of men-of-war was at Spithead at that moment, some of whose names are familiar to us in the fleet to-day. The Royal George was one, with a vice-admiral's flag fls^ng, red at the fore — Sir Alexander Hood's ship, the successor on the Navy List of Kempen- felt's ill-fated flagship. She lay at moorings within a few yards of where could still be seen, sticking up out of the water, the tops of the lower masts of the other Royal George. The Royal Sovereign, with another vice- admiral's red flag at the foremast head. Sir Thomas Graves's ship, was another. A Majestic was there ; a Montagu (from which our modem battleship, wrecked off Lundy, took the name) ; a London, under orders to hoist the flag of Rear-Admiral the Duke of Clarence, our future WilHam the Fourth, if his Royal Highness's political quarrel with Mr. Pitt could be arranged and the King induced to overlook certain matters ; a RamilUes ; a Suffolk; a Cumberland — all names these that have been handed do-wn to battleships and cruisers serving in the fleet of our o-wn times. Altogether, a dozen ships for the Grand Fleet were at Spithead just then. Others were expected shortly ; a Vanguard, an Invincible, a 39 The "Bellerophon" Russell, a Defence, among them. There had been un avoidable delays over the fitting out of the Grand Fleet ships, owing to the more urgent need, at the outset of the war, of getting the ships for foreign service away first of all; Lord Hood and his twenty-one sail of the line, headed by the Victory, for the Mediterranean ; a squadron of seven sail of the line for the West Indies ; besides other ships for convoy duty, and a large number of frigates for cruising service all over the world. Most of the men impressed for the Grand Fleet had been drafted into the Mediterranean Fleet : in fact, practically the whole original crew of the Queen Charlotte had been taken by Lord Hood. Things had been quiet in the Channel up to then. Beyond one or two frigate actions, nothing whatever had taken place. The Brest Fleet was still in port. Its only show of activity, so far, had been to send a squadron of five sail of the Hne to cruise in the Bay of Biscay ; with the idea of preventing help from England reaching the hapless RoyaHsts of La Vendee, then in the middle of their life and death struggle with the Repubhcan flying columns, those terrible " colonnes infernales " of Hoche, as they carried fire and sword throughout the harried villages of Westem France. Then other news came. In the first week of July inteUigence reached the Admiralty in London that the Brest Fleet had put to sea in force — seventeen sail of the Hne and frigates — and had gone round into the Bay, to cruise off Belleisle, and take part in the coast-blockade of La Vendee. On that Lord Howe sailed. He weighed anchor on the 14th of July with fifteen of the line, having orders to " take, sink, bum, and destroy " the French Brest Fleet. Her first cruise began unluckily for the Bellerophon. She weighed anchor and set off with Lord Howe, to meet with a crippling accident at sea four days later 40 The Flyer of the Grand Fleet which necessitated her quitting the fleet, and returning at once to port. It was to the south-west of the Scilly Islands, in a gale early on the morning of the i8th of July. The wind suddenly shifted and threw the fleet, then sailing in line, all aback. The Majestic, the ship imme diately ahead of the Bellerophon, crashed into her, right across her bows, smashing away bowsprit and figure head and cutwater. After that, swinging alongside, the colliding ship brought do-wn the Bellerophon's foremast and maintopmast, reducing the luckless vessel to a help less wreck. " At half-past three," relates Captain Pasley himself, " I was called in a great hurry and told that the Majestic would be on board of us. I ran out and found it was only too true, and past remedy. She came down on us in the act of wearing and ran over our bowsprit, which she carried away, with the head and stem. There being a good deal of sea, the foremast soon followed, carrying away with it the maintopmast and mainyard, with a dreadful crash. Not one life lost nor man hurt, thanks be to God." The RamilUes was told off at once to tow the damaged ship into Plymouth, but the Bellerophon's men, a mar vellous performance for a new crew of those days, who had hardly had time to shake down together, proved themselves able to dispense with the escort within twenty-four hours. Again we have Captain Pasley to tell us how they did it. " In tow of the RamilUes," he proceeds. " Got a topgallant mast up for a jury-maintopmast, a main topmast for a jury-foremast and a topgallant mast for a foretopmast, a jibboom for a bowsprit, and a main- topsail yard for a mainyard. Bent a main-topsail for a mainsail and topgaUant sails for topsails. Thus equipped we outsailed the RamilUes, who had us in tow. About noon the RamilUes cast us off and made sail back to join the fleet. We made sail for Plymouth, where we 41 The "Bellerophon" anchored in safety ; in the worst of all pHghts — an object of pity." In spite of all that, within three weeks the Bellerophon had left Pl3miouth, in perfect order again, and had re joined Lord Howe in Torbay. The Grand Fleet had just come in from its cruise, driven bact by bad weather. The Bellerophon had not lost much, as it tumed out. The enemy had been sighted and chased for two days, but the fleet had not been able to get any nearer to them than just to keep their top sails in sight all the time. During the next cruise the Bellerophon made her mark as the fastest ship of all in the Grand Fleet. On several days, in order to leam what his ships could do and group them by their rates of speed for battle-tactics. Lord Howe experimentally raced the fleet under full sail. This was the result as far as the Bellerophon was concerned. " Made sail, came up with all and passed several of the fleet, particularly the frigates, very fast," says the log for one day. " Made sail and passed all the fleet," says the log on two other days. The "Flying" BeJlerophon was thenceforward the ship's name in the Grapd F leet — a name, indeed, that stuck to her all throughiher cateer. It was only once belied, later on, when s^i-jwas chased by the enemy on one very memorable occasion, as we shall see. The ship's smartness gained for Capta« Jc'asley special distinction at once. Lord Howe appoinWd him a Com modore, and found work for him and th^^ellerophon at the head of a " Flying Squadron." At that moment there was a lull in the general operations. The Brest Fleet as an organised force had for the time ceased to exist. There had been a mutiny off BeUeisle, and the mutineers had compelled the admiral to carry the whole fleet back to Brest. Then three Repubhcan 42 The Flyer of the Grand Fleet Commissioners from Paris came down to " purify the fleet. Arrayed in huge cocked hats with waving tricolor plumes, and wearing wide tricolor sashes, they boarded every ship in tum and held courts off in quiry. Robespierre's friend, Jean Bon St. Andre, an^ex- Calvinist minister, was at the head of the Commissioners. The admiral in command, although seriously ill, was, by their orders, conveyed on shore and confined to quarters, with a sentry outside his bedroom door and a gendarme on watch inside the room. Four cap tains and ten lieutenants were guillotined ; others were put in gaol. It was the second " purification " that the Brest Fleet had undergone. Ayear before, practically every officer of birth, or of any social standing, had been pro scribed; and most of them guillotined : — those now dealt with were some of the few who had been spared. One of the captains, a young officer, a man of good family but of pro nounced revolutionary opinions, Villaret Joyeuse, was appointed Vice-Admiral and placed in chief command. Two years before he had been only a Ueutenant. " His republican ardour," said Jean Bon St. Andre, " will suffice in place of his want of experience." It was the same -with the new captains. Political opinions were the criterion. Ex-sub-heutenants, merchantmen skippers, pilots, the masters of coasting craft even, pro vided their politics were vouched for, were considered quaUfied and received appointments as captains of men- 43 " Cap of Liberty" With tricolor cockade ; made of tin and painted ; set up on the quar ter-deck, or screwed on at the mast heads, of the French ships at the "Glorious First of June" 1794. The "Bellerophon" of-war, under the style of " citoyen-capitaines." Many ships' companies whose loyalty to the new regime was suspected were 'broken up and the men marched off in land ; to serve as soldiers in the ranks of the Army of the Rhine. To fill their places, local le-vies of conscripts and volunteers, the ferocity of whose repubhcan -views was their only quaUfication, were drafted on board. Tin caps of Hberty were served out to each ship, to be set up at the mastheads, and on the quarter-deck. As a waming, for the particular benefit of the new commanders, copies of a special decree of the Con vention were sent down in printed form from Paris and posted up on board every ship. One ran in these words : " If any ship shall strike the national colours, however superior the enemy's force may be, unless the ship be absolutely in danger of sinking before the crew can be saved, the captain and officers shall be considered traitors to the RepubUc and shall suffer death." As a further waming a working model of the guillotine was set up on the forecastle of every ship at the foot of the foremast : at Jean Bon St. Andre's personal instance. With that for the state of things at Brest, there was Httle need for the British Channel Fleet to trouble for the present. Still, there were a few French ships at large in the Channel. They were mostly frigates ; and one small squadron of ships of the Hne, sent out for the special purpose of commerce destruction. Five of the French frigates, working together, chased one of Lord Howe's cruisers into Falmouth, and gave the Bellerophon and her Fljdng Squadron three stormy weeks of -wild-goose chasing between the Land's End and Cape Finisterre in trying to find them. It also feU to the Bellerophon's lot to have to do with the French man-of-war squadron. The rencontre took place on the i8th of November, when they had rejoined Lord Howe at sea for a short cruise in 44 The Flyer of the Grand Fleet the Bay of Biscay. At nine that moming the Latona, Lord Howe's look-out frigate ahead, suddenly let fly topgallant sheets and fired a gun. It was the signal for a strange fleet in sight. Immediately after that the " compass-flags " went up, indicating the whereabouts of the strangers, for nothing could be seen of them from the fleet. They were below the horizon to the south east. At once the blue and yellow " chase " flag ran up to the masthead of the Queen Charlotte, and then a flutter of other flags signalled orders to the Bellerophon and four other leading ships of the Hne and frigates. They were to push ahead at once and reconnoitre the strangers. These were soon made out from the Belle rophon as French ships, and the tricolor signal flag at the Bellerophon's masthead notified it to Lord Howe. They were coming on fast before the -wind, heading directly for the British, and were nine or ten sail in number. The French, in fact, had mistaken Lord Howe's fleet for a convoy. As has so often happened in time of war, the EngUsh press had played into the hands of the enemy. The London newspapers had made kno-wn that a large ammunition and store convoy -with a number of transports was due to sail for the Mediterranean at the end of October, under the escort of only four men-of- war. The newspapers ha-ving given away the important details, French spies in England quickly sent the news across to France, whereupon the new French admiral at Brest, Villaret Joyeuse, had at once picked out the seven fastest Hne-of-battle ships in the Brest Fleet, and sent them off -with three frigates to waylay the EngHsh convoy. Seven to four, he reckoned, would be sufficient odds to do the work. Rear-Admiral Vanstabel, a dashing young officer, Uke Villaret an ex-naval man, was put at the head of the French squadron. But the convoy had been delayed in sailing, and when the topsails of Lord Howe's fleet were sighted the French admiral mistook 45 The "Bellerophon" the men of-war for the convoy he was after. He bore down under full sail ; until, after two or three hours, he could distinguish the hulls of the advancing Bellerophon and her four consorts. They were plainly men-of-war. Were the ships the four of the escort ? M. Vanstabel was puzzled at the bold way the English came on, and lay-to in order to examine the strangers better. The mastheads of Lord Howe's fieet were now above the horizon, and before long their hulls could be made out from the mastheads of the French ships. They were no convoy. That was plain. The French hauled to the wind and made off ; just as the Bellerophon ran up the red battle-flag at the fore, and signalled the order to her squadron : " Engage as you get up." All five pressed forward at their best speed, thrashing their way against a head sea. Luck, however, on that day was not on our side. First the Bellerophon, at that moment the leading ship, split her jib, which threw her back some way. Then two of the other ships had to drop right out of the chase. The Russell carried away her foretopsail yard ; the Defence lost both her main and fore topmasts. The Bellerophon had recovered her lead again by the early afternoon, with only two frigates, the Latona and Phoenix , ahead of her. Two reinforcements from Lord Howe, the Vanguard and the Montagu, were following astern. The rest of the fleet were several miles behind. Then the Vanguard and Montagu both lost their topmasts in a sudden squaU. That left only the Bellerophon and the two frigates to bring the enemy to action — if they overtook them. The French, though, were more weather ly ships and were plainly outsaiHng us. They were carrying whole topsails, while, owing to the squalls, double-reefed topsails were the most that the Bellerophon could carry with safety to her masts. A partial action began at half-past four in the after- 46 The Flyer of the Grand Fleet noon, when the Latona had got near enough to open fire on the two French frigates in rear ; in the result bringing down two of the French line-of-battle ships to keep her off. They came near and fired two broadsides at her, but without harming anybody on board, while in reply the daring British frigate gallantly gave the French admiral himself a broadside that hit the flagship, and did -visible damage. The Bellerophon, meanwhile, going her best, nearly head to wind, and with reefed canvas, could not get up within gunshot until it was too dark to begin firing with any effect. Lord Howe and the fleet were far away to leeward. They were doing their best, but as CoUingwood, who commanded one of the ships, put it. Lord Howe had " no supernatural powers to make the sun stand still or make an English ship sail fast and a French ship ill. Some great stroke of luck only could have brought us up with them." The chase went on all night, with very nearly a fight at ten o'clock, when a French two-decker crossed the Bellerophon' s bows within gunshot. It was a very dark and squally night, however, and Captain Pasley did not feel justified in opening fire. At midnight the enemy were lost sight of, until just before two o'clock in the morning. Just then the weather cleared temporarily, and the enemy were again sighted. Now they were heading on a course that promised to bring them within reach of Lord Howe's leading ship. Up to the Belle rophon's maintopmast head went the signal lantern, and the centre poop-lantern was lighted up ; but unfortu nately the message was not acted on. The leading ship, the CcBsar, took no notice of it. Captain MoUoy was in a bad temper. " When the officer of the Coisar urged Captain Molloy to bear up and make the signal, he rephed angrily, ' Sir, I am not a repeating frigate ! ' " It was seen on board the flagship also ; where some of the 47 The "Bellerophon" Queen Charlotte's officers with their night-glasses were sure they made out the French squadron, and called up the flag-captain. Sir Roger Curtis, to the forecastle. Sir Roger, however, could not make out anything himself. His only reply was : "If so, why does not the CcBsar make the signal ? " Both the first Ueutenant and the Ueutenant of the watch urged him to act, but Sir Roger would not be persuaded. Nor would he ask Lord Howe to come up on deck. Shortly after that the weather came on thick and hazy with rain, and again the French disappeared. They were sighted once more from the Bellerophon during another break in the weather, and the signal was made again. But immediately afterwards it again came on thick, and the fleet took no notice as before. At daybreak four of the enemy's bigger ships and two frigates were in sight and not far off ; but by then Lord Howe and the Channel Fleet were all out of sight. With only the Bellerophon and the two frigates at hand, Captain Pasley did not venture to attack. So the chase ended. The main fleet were out of the hunt entirely. Said Collingwood again : " The French got round us very cleverly the next day. It seems while we were chasing them to the southward they were jogging on to the north, having passed us in the dark." After the return of the Channel Fleet to Torbay in December — on its dispersal for the ships to proceed to the dockyards for refit and repair, there being no prospect of the enemy putting to sea during the rest of the winter months — a violent newspaper campaign against Lord Howe broke out. " Lord Torbay," the newspapers dubbed him, sneering and gibing at the veteran for not having fought a battle. It was nothing to the London editors that there had been no enemy to fight. To hound down a brave officer meant " good copy " and brought in pennies. Utilising Lord Howe's last despatch, which 48 The Flyer of the Grand Fleet^ described the sighting and fruitless chase of Vanstabel's squadron in November as its source of inspiration, one newspaper pubhshed this epigram, in Latin and EngHsh, which Fleet Street thought immensely clever : — " Cum Cffisar Romae Gallos devicerat hostes, Verba tria enarrant fortia facta ducis. Howe sua nunc brevius verbo complectitur uno, Et ' Vidi ' nobis omnia gesta refert." " When Cassar had the Roman foe subdued. He told in three short words the deed was done : Howe, with more silent modesty endued, Relates concisely what he saw, in one." But Lord Howe's great day was not far off, and with it the Bellerophon' s opportunity came. 49 CHAPTER V LORD HOWE'S BATTLE — AT " THE GLORIOUS FIRST OF JUNE " The sailing of the Grand Fleet from Spithead on the 2nd of May 1794 was a sight that those who witnessed it spoke of with wonder as long as they lived. The array of vessels, closely packed, covered the wide anchorage ; there were no fewer than a hundred and fifty-eight sail all told, forty-nine men-of-war (thirty-four of them ships of the line), with three great merchant convoys for the East and West Indies and for Newfoundland. One who -witnessed the move off was Prince Metternich, then staying near Cowes. " I consider this," he wrote, " the most beautiful sight I have ever seen. I might say, indeed, the most beautiful that human eyes have ever beheld ! At a signal from the Admiral's ship the mer chantmen unfurled their sails, the fleet for the West Indies turned to the west, the fleet for the East Indies passed to the east side of the island, each accompanied by a portion of the Royal Fleet. Hundreds of vessels and boats, filled with spectators, covered the two roads as far as the eye could reach, in the midst of which the great ships followed one another, in the same manner as we see great masses of troops moved on parade grounds." Uniting again off Portland Bill, the great assemblage stood down Channel in company, as far as off the Lizard. Then it separated ; the merchant convoys going off to the south-west to follow the trade route, under escort, until out of European waters, of eight ships of the line and various frigates. The Grand Fleet itself turned away 5° Admiral Earl Howe Commanding the British Fleet on "The Glorious First of June' From the engraving by Dunkerton after the portrait by Copley Lord Howe's Battle to the southward, to look in, first of all, at Brest. Lord Howe and his captains had a big task in front of them. France was faced with starvation. Amid the general anarchy the sowings of the last year had been neglected, and a bad season had ruined the last hopes of a harvest. Foreign bayonets barred every land frontier. English ships prowled over all the seas. Famine stalked rampant throughout the hapless land. As a final resort, com and food-stuffs, to the value of over five miUions sterUng, were purchased in America, to be shipped across the Atlantic in a huge convoy of a hundred and eighty vessels, which was to start early in April 1794. Pitt's secret agents in France sent information of that to Do-wning Street, which resulted in the sending out of Lord Howe and the Grand Fleet to intercept and capture the corn ships. First of all the movements of the French fleet at Brest had to be seen to. Lord Howe was off Ushant on the 5th of May, and sent in the Orion, a seventy-four, and the frigates Latona and Phaeton, to reconnoitre Brest. They returned next day and reported the French still in port. The frigates had stood in close to the entrance to Brest Water, and counted twenty-six sail of the line there — exactly the same force that Howe had with his flag. They were apparently nearly ready for sea. Lord Howe then stood away to the south-west and cruised for fourteen days, on and off along the track that the corn ships would probably take. Six of the eight ships of the Une that he had sent to escort his own convoy were at the same time cruising on the watch further out — on the outer rim of the Bay of Biscay. They had, by Howe's orders, parted company -with the convoy after it passed Cape Finisterre. After cruising to and fro, and taking two French trading vessels which were sent with prize-crews to Plymouth, Lord Howe, 53 The "Bellerophon" on the i6th of May, turned back and stood towards Brest in order to reconnoitre the harbour once more. He was off Brest on the 19th, and found the anchorage empty. All unknown to the British admiral he had actually passed close to the French fleet on its first day at sea, in a fog on the 17th, a fog " so dense that the fore castle could not be seen from the poop." So near indeed had the two fleets been at one point that the French plainly heard the beUs of the English ships and their drums beating as fog-signals to each other. In dead silence, to avoid being brought to action, the French had kept on their way, and when the weather cleared next day the fleets were out of sight. Admiral Villaret Joyeuse had sailed with peremptory orders from Robespierre — the Terror was in its fury in France at that moment — to bring in the convoy at all costs. He was to avoid a battle if possible, but to fight one rather than risk the loss of the all-important corn ships. The Admiral was bluntly told that he would answer for any harm to the convoy with his head. Jean Bon St. Andre, " Commissioner of the Convention," accompanied the Admiral on board the flagship La Montagne, a great 120-gun man-of-war — formerly the Etats de Bourgogne, and a special gift from that province to King Louis the Sixteenth, to make good Rodney's capture of the famous Ville de Paris, now renamed after the dominant party in the Convention, which at that moment was deluging France with blood. Admiral Villaret was not to fight if he could help it : but at the same time, if he had to fight, few people in France had any doubt for the result. " Never before," said the Moniteur, just before the fleet sailed, according to an extract from that journal pubhshed in the London papers, " has there existed in Brest a fleet so formidable and well-disposed as that now lying there. Unanimity 54 Lord Ho-we's Battle reigns among the officers and men ; all burn with anxiety to go forth and fight the enemies of their country upon the very banks of the Thames, and under the walls of London ! " An Address was also sent down from Paris to be read on board every ship of war. " Citizen- captains and sailors," it began, " you will conquer those English : yes, you will conquer the eternal enemies of The Tricolor Ensign Under which the French ships fought on "The Glorious First of June" 1794 [Lines == represent blue, lines ||| red] our nation ! Go forth and return in triumph ! You have but to will it and it is done ! " Jean Bon St. Andre, for his part, improved the occasion by issuing a second edition of the ferocious Convention decree to the effect that any striking of colours in action would mean the guillotine for all the officers concerned. In that spirit the French fleet had put to sea on the i6th of May, to take its way skirting the northern fringe of the Bay of Biscay, steering for the appointed rendezvous, some four 55 The "Bellerophon" hundred miles out into the ocean, nearly due west. There Admiral Villaret was to meet the convoy as it entered European waters, as well as a squadron of five sail of the Hne, which had already been despatched in advance from Rochefort. Lord Howe first learned that the French had left Brest on the 19th, three days after Villaret Joyeuse had sailed. The Latona and Phaeton, who again made the reconnaissance of the harbour, supported this time by two Hne-of-battle ships, the Ccesar and Leviathan, brought back in tow an English brig from Newfoundland. It had been captured by the French and sent into Brest, and was in the act of entering the harbour when the two frigates intercepted and retook it. From the EngHsh skipper, who had been kept a prisoner on board. Lord Howe got valuable information as to the French fleet's movements. Immediately afterwards he received an urgent request for reinforcements from Rear-Admiral Montagu, the officer in charge of the six ships cruising to the north of Cape Finisterre. Anxious for Montagu's safety should Villaret Joyeuse come down on him. Lord Howe set off again to the south-west, early on the morning of the 20th. He got yet more important news next day. At two in the morning on the 21st, the Hghts of several ships came into view ahead. The British fleet beat to quarters and cleared for action. The strangers, they fully expected, were part of the French fleet. An hour later, the rearmost of the unknown ships was overtaken and stopped, after half-a-dozen musket-shots from the leading ship of the British fleet. She proved to be a Dutch vessel, one of an Amsterdam-Lisbon convoy captured a few days before by the French, and now on the way to Brest with nine or ten other vessels in similar plight. At daybreak the French prize-crews, and the Dutch prisoners on board the vessels, were taken out 56 Lord Howe's Battle and the vessels themselves set on fire. With a battle not far ahead of him in all probabiHty, Lord Howe was not going to send off prize-crews to England. The Dutch skippers, and some of the Frenchmen, were sent to the flagship, the Queen Charlotte, and examined on the quarter-deck. Their information was of the utmost value. They had left Admiral Villaret's fleet, they said, not more than forty-eight hours before. The French fleet would be about twenty leagues off, between sixty and seventy miles away to -windward. Admiral Villaret had with him, said the skippers, three first-rates, three- deckers, and twenty- three two-deckers, mostly eighty- gun ships. The skippers agreed as to the course that the French fleet were last seen steering. That decided Howe as to Montagu. He and his six ships would be in no danger for the present. Lord Howe determined to alter his course and go after the French main fleet only, in order, if possible, to bring it to battle before Admiral Villaret met his convoy. The trail got hotter soon. On the 24th the Audacious ran down and took a French brig-of-war, and the Niger a French corvette, both ships on the way to join their admiral. That confirmed Lord Howe that he was on the right track. The brig had also important despatches for the French admiral on board. She and the corvette were set fire to and left astern in flames. Next day, the 25th, they chased a French two- decker with a prize merchantman in tow. The man-of- war let go her prize and escaped, going off right ahead. She was said by the crew of the merchantman to be L'Audacieux, a seventy-four ; one of the five ships of the French Rochefort squadron, sent on in advance. The pursuers were now, it was plain, very close on the heels of their quarry. Thirty-six hours later, on the morning of Wednesday, the 28th of May, the French fleet came in sight. 57 The "Bellerophon" They were, however, a long way off and to windward. All through the chase, ever since their last look-in at Brest, the Bellerophon, at the head of a flying squadron Rear-Admiral Sir Thomas Pasley Wounded on board the Bellerophon on ",The Glorious First of June " From an engraving by Ridley of the portrait by Mather Brown of the four fastest two-deckers in the fleet, the Russell, Marlborough, Audacious, and Thunderer, had led the way. Rear-Admiral Pasley, as he now was, commanded it ; 58 Lord Howe's Battle with, in charge of the Bellerophon herself, as the flag- captain. Captain WilHam Johnstone Hope, a very dis tinguished young post-captain, formerly one of Nelson's Heutenants in the Boreas, and destined to be Duncan's flag-captain, and at a later day a Vice-Admiral, and Lord of the Admiralty, and K.C.B. Says the Bellerophon's log for the moming of the 28th of May : " Sent the frigates to look out. At 6, the Phaeton spoke a strange sail in the S.E., and made signal for a strange fleet S.S.W. At 9, saw 33 sail to windward ; 23 appeared to be of the line. Went to reconnoitre by signal." It was squally, blo-wing weather, with a fresh wind from the south-west and a rough sea. The British fleet were under aU the sail they could carry on a wind. The enemy were heading towards Lord Howe, also under all the sail that they could carry. They shortened sail, though, before long and brought-to about ten or twelve miles off, and began slowly to form in line. " The enemy," noted one oi the officers, " at first seemed to come down in a confused manner, as if not suspecting it was the British fleet they had in view ; and as they neared us it was some hours before they were formed in any regular order of battle." The British fleet, -with the Flying Squadron leading the way some miles ahead, were working up towards the enemy, when the French turned and began to draw off. That was between one and two o'clock in the afternoon, by which time the Bellerophon and her four consorts were getting almost within range. On that the Queen Charlotte signalled to Admiral Pasley : " Attack and harass the enemy's rear." Lord Howe's tactics were skilfully planned. His aim was to work up within gunshot of the enemy, and try to cripple one or two of the ships of the French rear division. The disabled ships would naturally fall astern and to 59 The "Bellerophon" leeward, drifting towards his fleet. They would then either be captured and so reduce the enemy's strength before the day of battle ; or the French admiral would have to tum back to save them, sacrificing his windward position, the weather-gage, in so doing, and incurring the risk of being brought to a general action at a dis advantage. In reply to Lord Howe's signal to attack, the Flying Squadron all hoisted colours ; and a few minutes later, the Russell, the nearest ship to the enemy, led off with a few shots to try the range. The main body of the British fleet, meanwhile, was about five miles in rear ; beating up against the -wind towards the enemy, with all the canvas set that was possible. At the flagship Queen Charlotte's masthead, a blue and yellow flag, the " General chase " signal, was flying out. There was no more firing for over an hour — the enemy edged away and kept at too great range. The Belle rophon in the interim was dra-wing ahead of her consorts of the Flying Squadron, working up nearer and nearer to the enemy by herself. A little after five o'clock she had weathered the enemy, getting well to windward of the French rear. Admiral Pasley seized his opportunity at once. As he overlapped the enemy, he bore up smartly and pushed across : past the stern of the French rear ship, a large three-decker, the Revolutionnaire, as from the Bellerophon they read the name off on the stern. Every gun on the Bellerophon's broadside was trained on the French ship, and a crashing burst of fire flashed out as they swept by, hurtling into the enemy a raking broad side that nearly cleared the French ship's decks from end to end, striking do-wn men to right and left, and spreading havoc on every side. It was " the First Blow to the Briton," as the good " Old Na-vy " phrase went ; the opening round of the battle of " The Glorious First of June." After that, heading short round, the Belle- 60 Lord Howe's Battle rophon ranged up alongside, and in dashing style set to work to engage her big opponent from leeward at close quarters. For an hour and twenty minutes a sharp battle was carried on by the Bellerophon ; single-handed on the British side, and, by an extraordinary stroke of luck, without the loss of a single Ufe on board. Ha-ving to fight to -windward, in a rough and tumbUng sea, and on board a rolling ship, proved too much for the marksmanship of the French conscripts at the guns. Firing as they did on the upward roll, most of their broadsides went -wildly flying overhead, or passed through the Bellerophon' s rigging. That they damaged a good deal ; and they also cut splinters out of the masts. The ship also they hulled in a number of places, but -without harming the men at the guns, who, on their part, flring fast and aiming in the British way, on the do-wnward roll of the ship, sent broadside after broadside -with deadly effect, plugging right into the enemy's sides. " We saw the Bellerophon," says the captain of one of the ships in the main body of the fleet, " closely engaged with the rear ship of the enemy, keeping up a brisk fire and beha-ving most nobly." All the time her consorts of the Flying Squadron were gi-ving the Bellerophon practically no assistance ; firing " at a great distance," as the Queen Charlotte's log noted. They were certainly doing their best to come up, but could not manage somehow to get close, although signalled to twice by Lord Howe to assist the Bellerophon. This is the Bellerophon's own modest story of her part in the fight. " We were in action," says the log, " a considerable time before the other ships could get up to our assistance. The Admiral, seeing us engaging a three-decked ship, made the Russell's and Marlborough's signals to come to our assistance ; they being astern, and on the weather quarter. A Uttle before dark more of 6i The "Bellerophon" the fleet had got up -with us ; the Leviathan and Thunderer in particular passed to windward of us, and each of them poured a well-directed broadside into the ship we was engaging. Her damages aloft compelled the Bellerophon to break off the action at this point ; just as the Audacious, following in the wake of the Thunderer, was getting into action with the French three-decker. It was already growing dark, as the duU stormy evening closed in. Pasley's men had done their work well. They had made a fine fight of it single-handed. Their big oppo nent, almost hors de combat, had been so roughly handled as to be incapable of further ser-vice to her admiral as a unit of his fighting Une. Her mizenmast was shot down by one of the last shots from the Belle rophon, and thereupon the three-decker began to drift to leeward of her line, and nearer to the advancing British. To avoid capture the French captain turned away from the fight and tried to escape. " Observed the rear ship of the enemy on fire, and shortly after her mizenmast fell, and she wore round on her heel before the wind," says the log of the Queen Charlotte. Whether she had surrendered before that is an open question. " The Bellerophon's people who were for ward," -wrote an officer, " declared that her colours were struck, and this was made probable by her answering with only three guns to their last broadside." The flag incident is put rather differently in the Bellerophon's own log ; but the French three-decker, in her ship-to-ship single combat, had undoubtedly been reduced to very sore straits. " The rear ship of the enemy," says the log, " lost her mizenmast and bore up, as we supposed, with intention to strike us, but was intercepted by one of our ships, who soon after silenced her fire and ran down to leeward after her." The British ship that silenced the three-decker finally 62 Lord Howe's Battle was the Audacious. She also lost her mizenmast, and got disabled. As it resulted, neither the Audacious nor the Revolutionnaire were seen again by either fleet after nightfall, during the four following days over which Lord Howe's fighting lasted. Both, after being in collision, went off to leeward in the dark, drifting separately and unseen across the rear of the British fleet. In the end each ship had to put before the wind and make for port. The last seen of the two from the fleet was this, as an officer records : " Observed, by the Hght of our ship's guns, a large ship very much shattered, her fire silenced, fall on board one of our ships, with an intent, we imagined, to board." Between eight and nine o'clock, the night being stormy and the weather growing misty, it being evidently im possible for the main body of the fleet to overtake the French that night. Lord Howe signalled, " Leave off chase," to the Flying Squadron, and recalled the Belle rophon and the Leviathan and Marlborough into the line. The Audacious was firing her last shots at the beaten three-decker to leeward about this time. So the day's fighting ended. Both fleets then hoisted their distinguishing lights — the British, three lanterns in a triangle ; the French, four lanterns, one above the other at the ensign staff, and a fifth at the mizen peak. Both continued to push on under press of sail aU night. In the British fleet, to be prepared for any eventuality, the men lay down at quarters and slept beside their guns. Admiral Villaret Joyeuse made two unpleasant dis coveries when he came on deck at daybreak next morn ing. The first was that one of his best ships was missing — the Revolutionnaire. That was the first he knew of her having had to leave the fleet. The second discovery was that the enemy, if stiU to leeward, were considerably nearer to him than they had been on the evening before. 63 The "Bellerophon" Lord Howe had scored two points on the first round. He too missed a ship that morning : it was the first intimation to the British admiral, in like manner, that the Audacious had parted company. But she was a two-decker, while the missing French ship was a three- decker. Thus, if Howe was minus a seventy-four, the enemy was minus a hundred-and-ten gun ship, and one of the best and most powerful men-of-war in their navy. The Revolutionnaire, in fact, was the former Bretagne, the pride of Louis the Sixteenth's Jiavy in the American War, and the chosen flagship of the most distinguished of the French admirals of that time, at the head of the Combined Fleet of France and Spain. A model of her, made for King Louis, is now at the Louvre. As to the second point that Howe had scored, the enemy had given him that. Faulty seamanship on the part of the French captains in general had caused the loss of much ground to leeward during the night. Lord Howe, a man of nearly seventy, came on deck after passing the night in an armchair, set for him between two guns on the middle-deck of the Queen Charlotte. Every ship in the British fleet had remained cleared for action ever since eight o'clock in the morn ing of the previous day. The veteran British admiral, though, was too much pre-occupied to feel fatigue. He was on the poop of the flagship as soon as it was sufficiently Hght to make out the enemy. Yesterday the fleets were ten miles apart ; now, they were between five and six. Howe took in the situation at a glance, and with satisfaction. A fair chance showed itself for a smart stroke of tactics. The wind was from the south- south-west. Both fleets were heading to the south-east in two closely formed lines of battle on the starboard tack. The British were to leeward, and bore in a slanting direction towards the enemy. Howe saw at once that by tacking his ships in suc- 64 Lord Howe's Battle cession, that is, by all turning towards the enemy at a certain point, his ships, in passing the enemy's rear, would come within gunshot of the French Hne. Three or four of the enemy's rearmost ships might then be crippled or even cut off, unless Admiral ViUaret turned back to their rescue. If Villaret did that — and it was what Howe specially wanted him to do — the French admiral would inevitably bring his whole line nearer stiU to the EngHsh. That would mean the sacrifice of yet more of the all-important advantage Admiral Villaret had en joyed up to then, the weather-gage, with the power of giving or refusing action. No French admiral, Howe felt sure, would dare to let four of his ships — manned by heroic citizens and Repubhcan patriots — tamely drop into the hungry jaws of the English wolves. No excuse would serve in such an event — nothing could save the Admiral's neck from the guillotine. As soon as it was clear daylight Howe re-formed his Hne. Many of the ships had got out of their stations during the night. To save time he signalled for his captains to fake post either ahead or astern of the flagship, and formJ^Hne as was most convenient at the moment, -without delajdng to find their regular places. Just then, as it happened, the Bellerophon, which had been called in to pass within hail of the Admiral after dark on the pre-vious evening, was close to the Queen Charlotte. She dropped naturally, as it were, into the post of the next ship, or " second " to the flagship. Then Lord Howe ran up his governing signal for the day — No. 34 : " Admiral intends to pass through the enemy's line to obtain weather-gage." Five minutes later signal No. 28 went up : " Ships are at liberty to fire on the enemy, though not to bring them to general action immediately." About eight o'clock a cannonade at long range opened between some of the French ships and the two leading 6s E The "Bellerophon" British ships, the Ccesar and the Queen. That was while Howe was making his first tack past the enemy. When the firing ceased, the evolution had been completed. We. were within three miles of the enemy. Two miles, that meant, had been struck off Admiral Villaret's weather- gage advantage by Howe's opening manoeuvre of the day. Then Lord Howe prepared for his second. " Hoisted the Union flag and colours," notes the Queen Charlotte's log. This time Howe expected to be at closer quarters. After one premature move that was promptly can celled, at a quarter-past twelve the flags went up to tack for the second time — No. 78, a blue flag -with a yeUow St. Andrew's Cross, above a flag half blue, half yellow. The signal read : " The headmost ship to tack first, and the others in succession." It was not answered by the leading ship. The CcBsar stolidly kept on her course and took no notice. Vexed and disappointed. Lord Howe hoisted the CcBsar's pennants immediately, to call her captain's prompt attention. He added the peremptory signal : " Engage the enemy's centre." The Ccesar did nothing. Three times in succession after that the flags flew out for signal No. 34 — to break through the enemy and gain the weather-gage ; and twice, the signal for the leading ship to tack, and the others in succession. Still no notice was taken by the Ccesar. Then suddenly the Ccesar tumed away and wore ship. Making a reply signal of " Inability to comply," the Ccesar, instead of swinging round bows-on to the enemy, turned her stem to them and came do-wn the British line on the further side. The astounding perversion of orders threw the whole of the British van into disorder at once. Four of the van ships following the Ccesar — the Queen, Orion, Invincible, and Valiant — tacked; but the rest followed Captain Molloy. They put themselves in con- 66 Lord Howe's Battle sequence further from the enemy, more to leeward, than before the evolution began. Only one ship in the van really did her full duty — the Queen, the second ship of the line. Tacking smartly, she went directly at the French. But with no support close at hand the Queen was unable to force an opening and push through. She had to range along the French Hne to try and find a gap, being fired into heavily by half-a-dozen ships as she passed. " Made four different attempts to break the enemy's Hne, but could not effect it," noted one of the Queen's officers. When at length the Queen did reach a place where there was room to get through, the ship had been so badly damaged by the French fire as to be unable to steer. Lord Howe, meanwhile, from the quarter-deck of the Queen Charlotte, stood looking on at the blundering in the van. He said not a word, but he was fuU of hot anger. The French were ranging past him fast. In a few minutes they would all be clear. All the labour and tactics of that forenoon and the moming would be absolutely thrown away. Perhaps the last chance of bringing the enemy to battle would be lost entirely. He decided to tack his flagship there and then, and trust to be followed by the ships astern. It was all that was left to him to do. He would not wait until it came to the Queen Charlotte's turn to tack in succession. " Tack the Queen Charlotte, sir ! " called Howe across abruptly to Bowen, the master of the flagship, who was standing at his post near the wheel. " Tack the Queen Charlotte, and let us show them an example ! " Instantly the helm went over, and the British three- decker began to swing round her head towards the enemy. The next minute she was going straight at the enemy, pointing to pass between two French two- deckers, the fourth and fifth ships from the French rear. Two ships only followed Lord Howe. The first of the 67 The "Bellerophon" two was the Bellerophon. With ideal smartness and alacrity Pasley and Hope had s-wung the Bellerophon's head round -within a very few seconds of the Queen Charlotte, and were pelting after their leader. The other ship was the Leviathan, Captain Lord Hugh Seymour Conway, who, two or three moments later, gallantly followed suit. The Bellerophon tried to break through at the same point as the Queen Charlotte, but the French had closed up. " She could not penetrate the French line," as an officer says, " until she came to the second ship astern of the space through which Lord Howe had passed. Then, brushing through, she passed so close to one opponent as aknost to touch and totally unrig her, bring ing down her topmasts and lower yards with a star board broadside; and raking the one to leeward at the same time." It was a dashingly executed and brilliant piece of work. It gave also, as an incident of the occasion, one of the Bellerophon's midshipmen, a fourteen-year-old boy, an opportunity of distinguishing himself. He was young Matthew FHnders, afterwards the celebrated South Sea explorer and navigator, and the man who gave AustraHa its name. While they were in the act of passing under the stern of a three-decker, young FHnders noticed that several of the Bellerophon' s quarter-deck guns had been left shotted and primed, while the men had been called away to other duties, to brace the yards. Seizing a Hghted match he quickly fired as many of the deserted guns as would bear on the Frenchman. It was the boy's own act, and as he did it Admiral Pasley saw him. Such a breach of discipUne, of course, would never do ! Pasley quickly stepped across and, seizing the boy mid shipman by the collar, sternly said to him : " How dare you do so, youngster, without my orders ? " Flinders' reply got him off with a good-humoured shaking. He 68 Breaking the Line on "The Glorious First of June How the Bellerophon supported the Flagship Frojn a drawing by Nicholas Pocock Lord Howe's Battle coolly repHed that he had heard the general order to fire away as fast as possible, and thought he had a fine chance to " have a good shot at 'em." What could the Rear- Admiral say ? How they went through the line is told by the log of the Bellerophon in these words : " The Admiral, finding that our leading ships were passing to leeward of their line, tacked in the midst of a very heavy fire or cannonade, and cut through between the fourth and fifth ships in their rear. We followed and passed between the second and third ships. All the others passed to lee ward of their line. In passing we brought down a ship's topmast. . . . We had our sails and rigging cut to pieces." Now the Bellerophon kept alongside of the enemy, to windward, putting the French rear ships between two fires. " In the heat of the action," says the Bellerophon's log, " it was difficult to know who was French or who was EngHsh, we was all firing through one another." Two of the French ships were cut off, but they resisted stoutly. " Their rear ship received many broadsides even from our three-deckers, but still kept her colours flying." A generous touch is this from the Bellerophon's log. The final stage in the day's business had been reached. Lord Howe now hoisted the signal " General chase," so as to bring the rest of his rearmost ships across, astern of the French rear, to join him in holding the wind ward position, which the Queen Charlotte, Bellerophon, and Leviathan had already gained. The British ships in rear obeyed the signal and streamed across, but most of the van ships were stiU out of order to leeward. " Few of the van ships," says the Bellerophon again, " were able to follow him, upon which the French raUied, tacked, and supported their disabled ships, and even attempted to cut off our Queen, who came out of the action a mere wreck." 71 The "Bellerophon" The rescue was gallantly attempted by Admiral ViUaret and he saved his two ships. But at the same time, as Howe had hoped would result, he finally lost the weather- gage. Lord Howe on his side rescued the Queen, after which both sides drew apart to re-form ; the French faUing away to leeward, the British forming up to wind ward. Lord Howe had won all round. In spite of the " regrettable incidents " of the day's fighting he could congratulate himself on the outcome. Beginning the battle on the morning of the day before with twenty-six ships to twenty-six, he had by clever tactics already disabled three, if not four, of the enemy, and had re duced the French admiral's effective strength to twenty- two or twenty-three. Admiral Villaret would now have either to hamper himself for the rest of the engagement -with crippled and practically useless ships, or else send them into port under cover of night, with the risk of their being met on the way by Montagu and taken. On his own side. Lord Howe had twenty-five of his original twenty-six, all practically intact. Some of them had been hammered severely — the Queen, Bellerophon, and Leviathan worst of all ; but they were capable of suffi cient repair at sea to enable them to renew the battle. Yet that was a minor matter to Lord Howe. He now had the trump card. Holding the weather-gage now, henceforward he held the French admiral's fate in his own hands. It rested henceforth with the British admiral to continue the battle in any form, or on any terms, or at any moment that he thought fit. By his masterly manoeuvring Howe had won a position which enabled him to force battle on an artful and far from unskilful enemy who had been playing to occupy the British fleet and yet escape being brought to action. Now the enemy could not escape. Lord Howe, though, decHned to push his advantage 72 Lord Howe's Battle further that evening. One of his oflicers said something to him about a night attack. " No," said the veteran, grimly remembering the Ccesar, and how most of the Vice-Admiral Villaret Joyeuse Commanding the French Fleet From the portrait at Versailles van ships had " muddled through," " I want dayHght to see how some of my captains behave ! " The final battle, however, was not to be on the next day, nor on the day after that. 73 The "Bellerophon" The weather intervened. A dense fog set in on the night of the 29th of May, which lasted all day on the 30th, and until the aftemoon of the 31st. During that time it was just possible to keep touch with the French, and that was all. Fortunately they were able to do that. Admiral Villaret was out-manoeuvred, but the game was not up. The encounter of the 29th of May had taken place at a point on the chart which was, the French admiral well knew, directly in the intended course of the com ships from America. As a fact, indeed, the American convoy sailed exactly over those very waters a week latdr, ploughing its way amid floating debris and -wreckage of the flght of the 29th of May — broken spars, spUnters, smashed gun-carriages, and the dead bodies of sailors. Villaret Joyeuse, aware also that the convoy was overdue, had at all costs to draw Lord Howe away from that particular neighbourhood. He did so. He went off through the fog as fast as his ships could go, steering north-west. Howe, unconscious, of course, of what was in his adversary's mind, followed him and kept pace with him. That was Admiral Villaret's personal score. He had not forgotten Robespierre's hint about the guillotine. Undoubtedly he saved his own life by acting as he did. As Villaret put it afterwards, when taxed with having been out-manoeuvred by Lord Howe : Bah! n'importe! fe sauvai mon convoi, et fe sauvai ma tele!" In the two days the French admiral covered upwards of a hundred and thirty miles. The battle of the ist of June was fought forty-three leagues, by the Queen Charlotte s log, from the scene of the fighting on the 29th of May. The fog Hfted on the afternoon of the 31st. It dis closed to the surprised gaze of the British officers the French fleet in its original numbers, and looking hardly one ship the worse for anything that had happened. 74 Lord Howe's Battle There the enemy were, twenty-six sail of the line ; all save one, apparently, in perfect order. What did it mean ? What had become of the dismasted and disabled ships ? Lord Howe could not, of course, know that under cover of the fog, on the previous aftemoon, Admiral Villaret, by a lucky accident, had fallen in with the ships of the Rochefort squadron, originalty detached to meet the convoy further out, and had been able to replace his worst damaged and dismasted vessels, sending the victims of Thursday's fighting to make the best of their way to Brest. The Bellerophon again, as the fog cleared off, was the first ship to report the enemy to Lord Howe. It came on after that a bright and pleasant summer's aftemoon, "pleasant sunshiny weather," says the log, but Howe refused to be prematurely drawn into what he intended as a " full dress fight." The French, to leeward, were seven miles off, and night would be on them before any battle could be brought to a satisfactory end. By way of interlude, there is one almost amusing incident of that aftemoon on record. With the enemy full in sight, in what was practically but a break or a lull, an interval in a drawn-out battle, one of the captains in the fleet used the opportunity to flog a couple of his men for " fighting ! " It was on board the CuUoden, in whose log the fact is recorded : " P.M. — Set topgallant sails. Punished Richard Alfred and Dan Malone with 75 Sword worn by Admiral Villaret Joyeuse The "Bellerophon" i8 lashes each for fighting." At the time all the ships were cleared for action and most of the captains were expecting every moment the order to bear down. By six in the evening the British fleet had dra-wn rather nearer to the enemy ; within five miles. " At sunset," records the Bellerophon, " enemy in line ahead N.W., 4 miles off." Between ten and eleven that night the frigate Phaeton passed along the line and hailed each ship with the Admiral's latest instructions as to the sail they were to carry during the night : foresail, single-reefed topsails, jib and main topmasts, staysail. Now we come to Sunday morning — " The Glorious First of June." " At daylight fresh breezes and cloudy, none of the enemy in sight, and our rfear ships a long way off astern. After making the signal several times for the fleet to close the van, when the line became nearly connected, the signal was made to alter course to starboard, and steer N.W. About 6 saw the enemy ; bore up towards them." So opens the Bellerophon's log for the day. The exact locality of the final battle was in latitude 47" 48' N., longitude 18° 30' W., about 550 miles south west of the Land's End ; the furthest out from land that any naval battle has ever been fought. Imagine an equilateral triangle with a line between the Old Head of Kinsale in Ireland, and Cape Ortegal in Spain for its base. The apex, westward, would be exactly over the spot where Lord Howe fought. For that reason, it being impossible to name a locality, the battle is known only by the date on which it was fought. Both fleets were sailing in nearly parallel lines, and heading to the westward. By eight o'clock they were not more than three miles apart. The wind was south by west, and the weather fair. Half-an-hour before that Lord Howe repeated his former signal. No. 34 : " Admiral means to pass through 76 Lord Howe's Battle enemy's line and engage them to leeward." He had little need for anxiety now. He had a long day before him to do his work in, and there was his enemy, well under his lee, not three-quarters of an hour off. The scheme of attack was the simplest of plain saiHng. There would be no room for misunderstandings. There were to be no tactics for any captains to blunder over. Content -with the prospect before him. Lord Howe ordered that the men should aU have their breakfasts, and the fleet was signalled to heave to. The French saw the breakfast flags go up, and the British fleet bring to. They jumped to the conclusion, most of them, that the British admiral did not mean to fight a pitched battle. Why had he not pushed home his advantage on Thursday afternoon, the 29th, after he had got to windward ? Why had he not attacked yesterday aftemoon, when the fog lifted ? He had then a fair chance. No ; Lord Howe did not want to fight ! So, indeed, a French officer, the captain of the Sans Pareil of eighty guns, declared in so many words to a British officer. Nelson's old friend. Captain Troubridge, who was a prisoner of war on board. Troubridge had been captured when in charge of the Newfoundland convoy, some of the ships of which, as has been said, Howe had recaptured and burned at sea ten days before, while searching for Admiral Villaret. Seeing the British ships keep parallel with the French fleet, the captain of the Sans Pareil turned to Trou bridge, who was walking with him on the quarter-deck. " Ah, Monsieur le Capitaine," he said, -with some thing of a sneer, " there won't be any fighting to-day. Your admiral does not intend to venture down ! " But Troubridge, who had read off the signal on board the Queen Charlotte, knew what Howe was doing. " Not at all," he replied ; " just you wait a little, Monsieur. Our EngHsh sailors never Uke to fight on empty stomachs ! 77 The "Bellerophon" That's the signal for aU hands to go to breakfast. Then, you take my word for it, they'll pay you a visit, and you fellows will get your bellyful." By a quarter-past eight all in the British fleet were again at quarters. At half-past eight the flags for the attack flew out at the masthead of the Queen Charlotte (two blue and white flags), signal No. 36 : " Each ship to steer independently for, and engage her opponent in the enemy's Une." Each ship was to head for her " opposite number," for the corresponding ship in the French line, according to the order of saiHng. There were twenty-five British ships to twenty-six French. Each ship, after breaking through the French line astern of her opponent, was to round-to on the further side, to leeward, so as to prevent the Frenchman from edging off. Such was Lord Howe's intention, as set forth by his previous signal. No. 34 ; but there was unfortunately a pro-viso in the signal-book. It gave leave to captains, unable, owing to circumstances, to carry out the Admiral's idea, to use their discretion and to engage only to windward, without passing through the enemy's line. Most of the captains, for one reason or another, did use their discretion ; but without affecting the issue -vitally. The ships of Lord Howe's fleet, from the van of the line to the rear, or taking them from the windward wing, as they bore down, were these — most of the names are to be found in the Navy List to-day : Ccesar, Bellerophon, Leviathan, Russell, Royal Sovereign, Marlborough, Defence, Impregnable, Tremendous, Barfleur, Invincible, CuUoden, Gibraltar, Queen Charlotte, Brunswick, Valiant, Orion, Queen, RamilUes, Alfred, Montagu, Royal George, Majestic, Glory, Thunderer. This also, roughly, was Lord Howe's plan of battle. Taking a page of this book to represent the map (the outer side being the north), first we have, extending 78 LATONA SJP PHAETON ^ SOl/THAMPTOIf 4 PEGASUS ^ COMET ^ -^ CAESAR M ^^ BELLC/tOPHON # ^ LEVIATHAN ^' ^^ POSSEU H^ ^X MARLBOaOaGH^ DEFENCE Uf IMPREGNABLE J^" TREMENDOUS ijlt BARFLEUR iJfC INVINCIBLE Uf CULLODEN ^ GIBRALTAR ^ QVEEN CHARLOTTE %^ BRUNSiy/C/r ^ VALIANT #' ORION 0 QUEEN Ji/ft NIGER ^ RAMILUES ijlf ALFRED ^ MONTAGU 1^ ROYAL GEORGE 4lt $ i ffR/r/SN -4^ FRENCH - ATA JESTIC 4lP GLORr 0 THUNDERER 0 Lord Howe's Attack on "The Glorious First of June' From a sketch made by one of the officers in the British Fleet 79 The "Bellerophon" right across the page, in a Une from right to left, the French fleet heading west, each ship following close astern of her leader. From the left-hand bottom corner comes, diagonally, the Hne of the British advance, our ships sailing nearly abreast of each other, en echelon, or slant-wise, until level -with the French. The wind, from the south-west, would be from the left-hand upper comer of the page. The British fleet had to hold on its course until, ship for ship, it was close up to the French. Then, as Lord Howe designed, each ship, putting before the -wind, was to force her way across the enemy's Hne, and break through astern of the Frenchman opposite her ; to pass to leeward across the enemy's line of retreat, and attack broadside to broadside at close quarters in a yard-arm to yard-arm fight. As the battle-flags went up on board the Queen Charlotte, Howe turned to the officers on his quarter-deck. Shutting up with a slap the little signal-book he always carried about with him, the veteran chief said to them : " Now, gentlemen, no more book, no more signals. I look to you to do the duty of the Charlotte in engaging the French admiral. If you can lock the yard-arms so much the better, the battle will be sooner decided ! " The fleets went down under short canvas, in a stately and deliberate fashion, at about five knots speedi; in the words of ColUngwood, who was captain of the Barfleur, " in a manner that would have animated the coldest heart." They began firing by nine o'clock, each ship — or most of them — attacking at once, at close quarters. " About half-past eight," says the Bellerophon' s log, " ran do-wn on the enemy in nearly a line abreast, with signal for ' close action ' and each ship engage his oppo nent in the Hne. Ran do-wn and lay on our opponent's quarter, within musket-shot. In going down we received a very hea-vy fire from three or four of the enemy's van." 80 Lord Howe's Battle Once again, as it befel, the Ccesar failed to do her duty. This time she was the next ship in the Hne to the Belle rophon, next ahead, and again the leader of the line. Also she was this time under the orders of Rear-Admiral Pasley, as the commander of Lord Howe's van division. The Ccesar brought-to fully five hundred yards from the French Hne. She opened fire from there and stayed there ; in spite of signal after signal for " Closer action," from both Pasley, her immediate chief in the Bellerophon, and from Lord Howe himself. To account for his strange conduct Captain Molloy declared before the subsequent court-martial (which dismissed him from his ship) that his rudder had jammed from a splinter, and it was im possible for the Ccesar to get nearer. The stopping short of the Ccesar gave the Bellerophon the honourable position of being the van ship of the British fleet in the final stage of the attack. It also gave her two enemies to fight at once ; the Ccesar' s proper opponent as well as her own. More than that, she suffered by being hit by several stray shot from the Ccesar, while blazing away at the French van ships, from where she lay on the off side of the Bellerophon. So witnesses swore before the court-martial on Captain Molloy. The gallant fellows in the Bellerophon took up their double task -with the same intrepidity and smartness that they had shown four days before when they first opened Wednesday evening's duel with the Revolutionnaire. They were unassisted throughout. Every other ship near by had her own opponent to engage, and her own work cut out. It was a tough fight for close on two hours, the two Frenchmen firing stubbornly, and hammering back hard at the Bellerophon. Admiral Pasley fell badly wounded, struck down on the quarter-deck in the heat of the fight. " At 50 minutes past ten," says the log, " the Admiral unfortunately lost 81 F The "Bellerophon" his leg." The Hmb was badly shattered and had to be amputated. As he was being borne below two of the men spoke to him and expressed their sorrow. " Thank you," was Pasley's reply ; " but never mind my leg : take care of my flag." For yet another hour the fierce set-to went on with Httle intermission. Captain Hope fighting the Bellerophon in a manner that Lord Howe specially commended in his despatch, and for which the captain was given a gold medal. Then, just before noon, the Eole, which had been the Bellerophon' s principal antagonist, gave signs of having had enough of it, and withdrew from the encounter, moving off to leeward. The Bellerophon at once prepared to follow and force the Eole to haul down the tricolor ; but, as she was in the act of wearing, her badly shattered fore and main topmasts both gave way and came down. " A little before noon," says the log, " the van of the enemy began to bear up, we having silenced their fire. Our topmasts being both gone, and most of our lower shrouds being shot away, we were unable to follow." The mainmast itself, " dangerously wounded in several places," as the log puts it, threatened to go over the side as well, and the Bellerophon had to signal to a frigate to come and take her in tow. The Latona did so, but by this time the Eole had joined the main body of the French fleet, which was already in full retreat, and the Bellerophon s chance of overtaking her was hopeless. Her other opponent, the Trajan, had sheered off and retired some Httle time before, and the battle everywhere was also nearly over. All that the disabled Bellerophon could do more was to fire at whatever ships of the enemy were within range. So the Bellerophon's day's work was finished on " The Glorious First of June." For his distinguished service. Admiral Pasley was created a baronet, and granted a 82 Lord Howe's Battle pension of a thousand a year, with a flag-officer's gold medal. The battle ended everywhere about the same time, between eleven and twelve o'clock. By that time the French had given way at all points, and were making off before the -wind, lea-ving behind seven of their ships with colours do-wn. They were these : the Sans Pareil, Juste, Ame'rique, Impe'tueux, Northumberland (a French ship named to commemorate the capture of a British ship of the name), Achille, and the sinking Vengeur. It had been a hardly fought out and gallantly disputed battle at most points ; ship to ship duels to a large extent all down the two lines, as the opponents found each other. Of no battle at sea, perhaps, are there more exciting and romantic stories on record than of " The Glorious First of June." Lord Howe in the Queen Charlotte fought Villaret Joyeuse in the Montagne, breaking through the line between the French flagship and the ship next astern of her, the Jacobin. So close astern of the Montagne did the Charlotte pass that the tricolor ensign brushed against the shrouds of the British flagship. On the other side the Queen Charlotte grazed the jib-boom of the Jacobin. Then the British flagship hauled up, as near to the Montagne as she could get on the lee side, and opened fire with every gun she could bring to bear. The combat lasted until the Montagne gave up and ran away, a beaten vessel, and with " Deputy of the Convention," Jean Bon St. Andre, hiding in the hold. He had come on deck before the battle, we are told, in full official dress ; with waving red, white, and blue plumes in his cocked hat, and with a wide red, white, and blue sash round his waist, high jack boots and a clanking broadsword by his side — an exceUent get up for a man who not three years before was a Calvinist preacher ! Summoning the officers of the Montagne to the quarter-deck, he made 83 The "Bellerophon" them an address. " Citoyens," he said to them, in con clusion, " it is for you to-day either a victory or the guillotine ! I am here to decide who does or does not do his duty ! " With a dignified air Jean Bon St. Andre then took his position on high on the poop, in full sight of all. He did not, however, remain there. Before the echoes of the Queen Charlotte's first broadside had died away, the " Deputy of the Convention " had bolted off Hke a frightened rabbit, and was running down the nearest hatchway, bounding down three steps at a time. He clambered right down into the hold and remained there in safety below the water-line until the battle was quite over. " He fled full soon on the First of June, But bade the rest keep fighting, oh ! " as a song of wide vogue in England had it. Yet more renowned was the desperate encounter of the Brunswick and the Vengeur, perhaps the most desperately contested of all man-of-war duels ever fought. When the two ships first came into coUision and got locked together, the Master of the Brunswick proposed to cut the Vengeur clear. Captain Harvey would not hear of it. " No," he said, " we've got her and we'll keep her." Later, when the Brunswick's gallant captain received his third — and mortal — ^wound, he refused to let himself be carried below. " My legs," he said, " still remain to take me down." He dragged himeslf painfully to the gangway steps, but tumed back as he was in the act of quitting the deck to caU out aloud, " Remember, men, my last words : the colours of the Brunswick must never be struck ! " On board the Royal George they had their colours twice shot away, and finally nailed them to the mast. WiUiam Burke, the man who did the feat, and clam bered up under fire, " with the nails in his mouth, and 84 Lord Howe's Battle a hammer between his teeth," died, one of the last survivors of the battle, not very many years ago, undecorated and forgotten. The Marlborough was dis masted, and was in danger of being cut off. There was a murmur among the men that thej^ were done for. First-lieutenant Monckton, who was fighting the ship, for the captain had been badly wounded, heard it and bluntly checked it. As he did so a cock, from a smashed coop of fowls kept for the captain's table, flew out and perched on the stump of the mizen, crowing lustily. The omen was greeted with a burst of hearty cheers, and redoubling their efforts the " Marlboroughs " saved them selves. Captain Pakenham of the Invincible, a rollick ing Irishman, after a sharp fight, silenced his opponent. But the French ship's flag still flew. Pakenham hailed across : " Hi, there ! Have you surrendered ? " " Non, Monsieur, non ! " came back the answer. " Then," bawled Pakenham back, with a strong expression, " why don't you go on firing ! " The French ship disposed of, the Invincible moved on until she neared a dismasted British ship, the Defence, commanded by Captain James Gambler, Hannah More's great friend, an officer noted for his rigidly devout piety. " Well, Jimmy," called out Pakenham to the quarter-deck of the Defence, " you're pretty well mauled. But never mind, Jimmy, whom the Lord loveth He chasteneth ! " Such are tales that are told of the doings and adven tures of some of the Bellerophon's consorts on " The Glorious First of June." Take it aU in aU, though, nobly as others acquitted themselves, no man-of-war in Lord Howe's fleet did her duty more gallantly in the battle from first to last than did the Bellerophon. None fought harder or better for the honour of the flag. And more than that may be said. If we count in the Bellerophon's briUiant passage of arms with the three-decker Revolutionnaire on the first day's 85 The "Bellerophon" encounter ; her fine display when she broke the line with Lord Howe in the action of the 29th of May ; if these are added to her fight on the ist of June with two opponents at once, and her defeat of both ; — then, certainly, the Bellerophon s record with Lord Howe stands out by itself as something more than " Second to None." The re putation that the Bellerophon made for herself for " The Glorious First of June," on the testimony of those who Commemorative Medal Struck in honour of " The Glorious First of June" had seen her in the battle, lasted throughout her career, long and brilliant as that was. These are the names of the officers who served on board the Bellerophon at " The Glorious First of June " : — Thomas Pasley . William Johnstone Hope . George Burlton Robert Savage Daniell Philip Watson Lander Rear-Admiral (wounded) Captain. 1st Lieutenant. . 2nd Primrose Ogilvie Henry Waterhouse . George Scott • 4th • 5th • 6th 86 Lord Howe's Battle John Urquhart . Thomas Fargher William Goddard Rev. John Fresselique Master. Surgeon. Purser.Chaplain. Marines Walter Smith . Richard. Gamble Samuel Forshall Captain (wounded). 1st Lieutenant. . 2nd Warrant Officers James Chapman John Hindmarsh John Brooks Boatswain (wounded), Gunner.Carpenter. Surgeoris Mates John Jones, Alexander White. Master's Mates William Young, George Mearns, Andrew Lapslie. Midshipmen Humphrey Andrews, Jeremiah Cunningham, Andrew King, William Reekie, Thomas Ellison, Thomas Spurling, Samuel Blythe, Thomas Bookless, William Elliot Bower, Matthew Flinders, William Hosier. 87 CHAPTER VI WITH " BILLY BLUE "¦ — SEVEN SHIPS TO TWENTY-NINE We now come to an event of another kind, to a story unique in the annals of the Royal Navy. The 17th of June every year brings round the anni versary of an event which is quite unknown to most of us. Nine out of ten people probably have never heard of it. Nothing is said of it in our school-book histories. One finds it alluded to in naval books, but nothing is said of it outside that class of literature. Even that famous dining club, " The Royal Naval Club of 1765 and 1785," which meets regularly at intervals throughout the year to commemorate the celebrated actions of the sea service — La Hogue, Rodney's battle, the Glorious 1st of June, the battle of Cape St. Vincent, Camperdown, the Nile, Trafalgar, and so on — does not honour the 17th of June, the anniversary of " Cornwallis's Retreat." Why, that is another question. As a display of cool valour in the face of tremendous odds, of downright heroism and unflinching endurance, crowned in the end with complete success, the finest feat of Admiral the Honourable WiUiam Cornwallis's very distinguished career deserves, there is no gainsaying, to be reckoned as one of the most notable exploits in our history. It may be, of course, because of the term " Retreat," that the event of the 17th of June 1795 has been for gotten by the na-vy and the nation. EngUshmen do not like retreats. Some of us, no doubt, have heard the story of how Napoleon once told a captured British With "Billy Blue" drummer-boy to prove his identity by beating the British Army " Retreat," and how the Httle lad scornfully flung down his drum, and looking the Emperor fuU in the face repHed, " There is no such drum-beat in the EngHsh army. We don't do it ! " To our forefathers of a hundred years ago, however, " ComwaUis's Retreat," as they themselves called it, was a source of infinite pride and gratification. They did not hesitate to compare it, and not unreasonably, with that famous feat of history, Xenophon's " Retreat of the Ten Thousand Greeks." The Bellerophon ever since the ist of June, all through the autumn and winter months of 1794, continued to do duty with the Channel Fleet, cruising first with one squadron, then -with another, under different admirals, and on various independent cruises : now to westward, now off Brest, now in the Bay of Biscay. The French, meanwhile, except for one short cruise to intercept an outward-bound Indiaman convoy, kept in port. On that occasion the whole of the Channel Fleet turned out and saw the convoy safely out of European waters, on which the French drew back and retreated to Brest -without being brought to battle. They had had one lesson, and until necessity forced it on them they had no wish to risk a second meeting with the British. Then came another cruise for the Bellerophon under a new chief. It was in May 1795. She now found herself under the orders of Vice-Admiral CornwaUis — " Old Billy Blue," as the whole na-vy called him later — who had recently returned from commanding the East Indies Squadron, and took his place at the head of one of the divisions of the Channel Fleet. Five ships of the line and two frigates constituted the command— the Royal Sovereign, of a hundred and ten guns, as the flagship, and the Mars, Triumph, Brunswick, and Bellerophon, all seventy-fours, 89 The "Bellerophon" as the " team." The two frigates were the Phaeton and the Pallas. They left England on the last day of the month for the Bay of Biscay and BeUeisle, where they chased a small French squadron of two-deckers and frigates under the batteries, and captured part of a convoy of wine-ships from Bordeaux. Having seen his prizes safely across the Channel, CornwaUis went back to look after the line- of-battle ships that he had chased into Belleisle. On his way, at the entrance to the Bay of Biscay, off the Penmarch headland to the south of Brest, he suddenly found himself in the presence of the entire French Brest Fleet, numbering thirteen ships of the line — a 120-gun three-decker, and twelve seventy-fours, with sixteen frigates. The French came do-wn on CornwaUis in force. They made as though to bar his way homeward and surround his little squadron, and overwhelm it by sheer weight of numbers. The first appearance off the coast of the Bellerophon and her consorts had caused great alarm at Brest. It had been reported there that the ships at Belleisle were in serious danger in an open roadstead. According to the report received, an overpowering force was blockading them and would probably attack them as they lay. at anchor. To rescue the Belleisle ships the entire Brest Fleet turned out in a hurry and hastened round into the Bay. They found their consorts safe and no EngHsh in sight. Bringing the squadron back- with him. Admiral Villaret Joyeuse, who was still the Cojnmander-in-chief at Brest, was making his way on his return to Brest, when, on the i6th of June, as he was near Penmarch Point and turning northward along the coast of Brit tany, he met CornwaUis on his way to deal with the ships which the British admiral expected to find still sheltering in Belleisle roads. It was a mutual surprise, and a disquieting one for the 90 With "Billy Blue" British squadron — considering the odds and that the wind favoured the enemy. But CornwaUis was a man of other mould to ordinary men. He had no " nerves." He was essentially the man for an emergency. He was " a man," described an officer who served with him, " of very reserved habits and manners ; of few signals and fewer words." A typical John BuU was Cornwalhs, a man of dauntless courage and dogged tenacity of pur pose, and a naval officer of the widest experience coupled -with the highest skill in seamanship. When, at the outset, the numbers of the enemy were reported to CornwaUis, he bluntly refused a suggestion that was made him to crowd all sail and get away quickly. He was not, he said, going to " run before any Frenchman." He had fought the French before, and knew how much they were likely to dare. Five ships such as his would take more beating than all the Brest Fleet would be able to give them. At the same time CornwaUis was not going to do anything rash. He would not court a collision. Common sense pointed out that an action with a force so overwhelmingly superior must be avoided to the last minute, and he hauled on a -wind to prevent as long as possible any close combat. Then, as the French came on in chase, CornwaUis formed up his Httle squadron in line, steering towards the south-west. No better man than CornwaUis, indeed, of all the British admirals of that time, hardly even Lord Howe himself, nor Sir John Jervis, nor Duncan, could have been in charge of the squadron on that day. As it so happened, indeed, it was the third time in his long career of forty years at sea — he had learned his business before the enemy under the personal leadership of Hawke and Boscawen and Rodney — that Cornwalhs had been in such a situation. As a Commodore in the American War he had twice, when in charge of small squadrons, The "Bellerophon" met and beaten off a superior French force. Once, with two sixty-fours and a frigate, he had beaten off two French seventy-fours and a frigate. At another time, ¦with two seventy-fours and two sixty-fours, CornwaUis had kept at bay two French eighty-fours and eight seventy- fours. The odds this time — twenty-nine to seven — ^made the position infinitely the worse for CornwaUis, but the Admiral took it quite easily. He had made up his mind what to do. He had " a reputation for bravery so well established that he could afford to be cautious." He was the same CornwaUis who, as captain of the Canada in Rodney's -victory of the 12th of April 1782, had been mainly responsible for the surrender of De Grasse. After breaking the French line, as the third ship astern of Rodney's o-wn flagship, the Canada, a seventy-four, as the battle was nearing its end, had caught up De Grasse's flagship in the act of trying to get away. CornwaUis seized his chance. Shooting down spar after spar with marvellous coolness and precision, regardless of several other French ships close at hand, he hung on to and held fast the mighty Ville de Paris until Hood's flagship, the big three-decker Barfleur, came up to receive De Grasse's surrender in form. That was one of the things the world knew of the man in command on that June day of 1795. By a coincidence also, the captain of the Bellerophon that day was the same officer who, as Rodney's flag- captain on the 12th of April, had boarded the Ville de Paris after her surrender, and had taken De Grasse's sword to the Commander-in-chief : Lord Cranstoun. He had succeeded to his present command on Admiral Pasley ha-ving to quit active service afloat, on account of the loss of his leg. Captain Hope, Pasley's flag-captain, being too junior in standing to command a line-of- battle ship independently, had left with his chief. It 92 With "Billy Blue" was Lord Cranstoun who, on the morning of the 12th of April, brought Rodney the news that at last the wind had changed in his favour. " God, sir, has given you your enemy on the lee bow ! " were the words with which he burst into the cabin where Rodney and the Captain of the Fleet and Dr. Blane were at breakfast : hastening down from keeping watch on the enemy on the quarter deck. It was Lord Cranstoun, also, whom Rodney had sent home with the despatches announcing the great vic tory. A distinguished officer walked the quarter-deck in command of the Bellerophon on that June morning. The masthead look-out on board the Bellerophon was the first man in the squadron to sight the enemy. At once the signal flags went up for a " strange fleet in the East South-East." That was at nine o'clock. " Phaeton " (the look-out frigate), the Bellerophon s log records, " at twenty-five minutes past nine made the signal for the fleet in sight as an enemy and superior force." At half-past nine the enemy's numbers were reported to CornwaUis : thirteen sail of the line and fifteen frigates. On that all shortened sail and hauled up sharp on the starboard tack. So they held their course, until about two o'clock. The French, meanwhile, were drawing up towards them, but not very fast. It was clear, fine weather, the -wind light from the west, and the coast of Brittany about fifteen miles off. The order of sailing was : the Brunswick, as leader of the Hne ; then the flagship. Royal Sovereign ; next, the Bellerophon ; in rear, the Triumph and the Mars. At two o'clock the enemy attempted to surround the little band ; to " shepherd " CornwaUis, and enclose the squadron in a net, as it were. " At two," says the log of the Bellerophon, " the French fleet divided into two divisions. One tacked and stood to the northward and the other to the southward." The enemy, though, were as 93 The "Bellerophon" yet a long way off. But they worked steadily nearer. At six in the evening their northern group of ships was ten miles off, the southern between eight and nine miles. Progress on the British side had been seriously re tarded during the afternoon. For some cause, probably bad stowage of the ballast when last in dockyard hands, the Bellerophon was sailing slower than the ship had ever sailed before. The " flyer " of last year had be come the " lame duck " of this. That was in spite of everything that Lord Cranstoun's " activity and zeal," as CornwaUis termed it in his Admiralty despatch, could do. On the other hand, one of the " Billy Ruff'n's " themselves, voicing the spirit of his messmates — they were all " old ist of Juners," as they called themselves — put it down to natural causes. " It warn't in the nature of her," said the sailor, " to run afore an enemy." As it happened, also, to add to the Admiral's difficulties, the Brunswick, another fast ship on ordinary occasions, was, on that day, from probably the same dockyard cause, sailing worse than ever before. The slow speed of the two, indeed, caused CornwaUis serious anxiety. He quite reaUsed that they jeopardised the safety of the whole squadron, and he had no inten tion of lea-ving them to their fate. He was not going to abandon any of his ships to the enemy to give the others a chance. All would stand together and fall together. But the prospect, on account of the chance that the' slow ness of the two ships gave the enemy, was full of anxiety. At ten at night CornwaUis sent a message to Lord Cranstoun, through the captain of the Phaeton, de siring him to try and lighten his ship before morning. " Phaeton's boat," says the Bellerophon' s log again, " came on board with orders from the Admiral. Set all carpenters to work. Cut up the launch and threw her overboard to clear the main deck. Cut two bower anchors from the bows to lighten the ship." 94 With "Billy Blue" They sailed, however, slower than ever during the night, the -wind continuing very Hght and at times faUing away to almost a calm. There was no piping down of hammocks, no sleep for anybody, though the guns were not yet cast loose. Trimming sail to take advantage of every air occupied most of the ship's company. The enemy on their side gained ground considerably during the night. This is how the situation looked from on board the Bellerophon next morning, as they noted it down in the log at the time. " At daylight saw the French fleet coming up very fast in three divisions. The weather division, nearly abreast, three of the line and five frigates ; the centre, six of the Une and four frigates ; the lee division, four of the line, five frigates, two brigs, and two cutters. Cleared ship for action. Started sixteen tons of water in the main hold to lighten the ship. At seven went to quarters. Served bread, cheese, and wine to the ship's company at quarters." Every inch of canvas the ship could carry was set, and the stem-chase guns were run out. The rest of the squadron cleared for action and went to quarters at the same time. On board the Royal Sovereign Admiral Cornwalhs had all hands called aft and addressed them. His speech was short and char acteristic. " Men," said the Admiral, " remember that the Sovereign's flag and ensign are never to be struck to the enemy. She goes down with them flying ! " Three tremendous cheers answered the Admiral's declaration, and the men were piped do-wn again to the guns. " At twelve minutes past nine," says our log of the Bellerophon again, " the enemy's van began firing on the Mars, the rear of our line, which the Mars returned. At the same time the Admiral and squadron hoisted their colours." Cornwalhs now altered his formation. He ordered the Brunswick and Bellerophon, as the two slowest ships, to 95 The "Bellerophon" lead the retreat. They would thus be furthest from the enemy, and probably the last to be attacked. In their condition that day it was not safe to risk having a single spar shot away. That was one practical reason. Another reason, as regarded the Bellerophon, CornwaUis himself put in this way, in his despatch to the Admiralty : " The Bellerophon I was glad to keep in some measure as a reserve, having reason at first to suppose there would be full occasion for the utmost exertion of us all. I considered that ship as a treasure in store, having heard of her former achievements and observing the spirit manifested by all on board." Says the Bellerophon's log: " Twenty-seven minutes past nine passed the Royal Sovereign to take our station ahead, per order. Cheered the Admiral as we went under his lee." Firing became general between eleven o'clock and twelve, all the ships using their stern-chasers. " Light breezes and pleasant weather, made and shortened sail occasionally to keep our station," notes the log. Keeping station, however, was not easy. Indeed, it proved so difficult that a serious sacrifice had to be made ; guns and ammunition had to go. " Hove overboard to Hghten the ship aft, 32 bags of bread, 4 casks of beef, 4 carronades with carriages and different kinds of shot." That was between noon and one o'clock, and the next hour passed without further incident. Keeping up a long range cannonade on the enemy, the gallant little British band, with grim determination to hold their own at all costs, ship cheering ship, we are told, continuously, all down the line, defiantly maintained their course. " Slowly they moved, and wedg'd in firm array, The close compacted squadron held its way." All kept on steadily firing at the French with their stem-chase guns ; long 32-pounders, capable of hitting hard. A good deal of powder, from all accounts, was 96 With "Billy Blue" burned in this way. The Triumph, the rear ship but one,, who also had now and then to bring her broadside batteries into play, fired away that afternoon more than three tons weight of powder. The brunt of the fighting fell on the Mars, the rear most ship of all ; particularly between three and four o'clock, when the enemy began to draw up closer, aiming apparently to cut the Mars off and surround her. By I2-PODNDER Carronade that time the Mars had been seriously crippled aloft. She had been the enemy's principal target ever since early in the forenoon. So serious, indeed, were things on board the Mars that they had to risk shortening sail by taking in their studding-sails, using the booms to spHce their damaged yards ; while the men not fighting at the guns were all kept hard at work repairing damaged gear, and knotting and spHcing the rigging as fast as it was shot away. 97 '^^ The " Bellerophon" The French saw their opportunity when, towards four o'clock, the Mars, in consequence of her injuries, began to fall away to leeward of her consorts. Four of the French Hne-of-battle ships on that drew out and made for the Mars, heading as though to attack her at close quarters. They looked dangerous, and the situation became quickly critical. The Admiral himself had to go to the rescue. Leaving his place in the line, he tumed back, and -with chivalrous heroism interposed his flagship between the Mars and the enemy. The Sovereign wore round and bore up to the assistance of the Mars. Passing the Mars, CornwaUis gave the nearest French ship a broadside, which had the effect of making all four of the enemy draw back. Then the Royal Sovereign hauled up on the same tack and resumed her station. The Bellerophon and the Brunswick supported the Royal Sovereign in the manoeuvre, but the French had already given back, and their additional broadsides were not needed. " The Admiral hailed the Bellerophon," says the log, " and desired her to keep her station on the weather bow. The Admiral signalled the Mars to alter course to starboard. The Admiral at the same time bore round up, gave the enemy his broadside, ran down to leeward, with the van ships of our line to support." Cornwallis's magnificent display daunted the enemy. They ceased to press the attack. The French firing began gradually to slacken and their ships to drop back at all points. It was at this stage of the fight, a short time after the rescue of the Mars had been effected, after the enemy's attack, at any rate for that day, had been beaten off, that the frigate Phaeton acted her celebrated part in the engagement. The Channel Fleet was due off the French coast about that time, a fact which had suggested a way out of his difficulty to CornwaUis earher in the 98 With "Billy Blue" day. In case it should applear on the scene in time to help, and to take advantage of any other chance that might offer during the forenoon, he sent one of his two frigates, the Phaeton, to keep well ahead on the horizon, on the look-out. Should no Channel Fleet be seen, Cornwalhs had another plan. The captain of the Phaeton was given further orders, if no friends had come in sight, to make sham signals as the aftemoon closed, as if to an approach ing fleet beyond the horizon, which would be invisible from where the fighting was going on. By that means at any rate, if things came to the worst, CornwaUis " trusted," as he expressed himself to the captain of the Phaeton, to " humbug those fellows astern." The ruse was in due course resorted to and succeeded to perfection. Late in the aftemoon, the Phaeton suddenly began to signal. First she reported that one ship of the Hne tvas in sight. Then she signalled for three ; then for five ; then for nine ! After that she let go topgallant sheets, a signal well-known to the French as to ourselves as meaning that a fleet was in sight. Then she displayed a Dutch flag — the " private signal." That meant the strange fleet were friends. Both sides would know that the newcomer could only be the Channel Fleet. To decide that point definitely for the French, the Phaeton tacked and stood back towards Cornwalhs, as though the strange fleet were foUo-wing her. By an extraordinary coincidence, as it happened, at that moment the topsails of a number of ships away in the far distance on the horizon came into view to the masthead look-outs of the French Fleet. The strange sail were really a convoy of EngHsh merchantmen passing south, but the French could not know that. They be lieved that the whole Channel Fleet were really at hand, coming up to cut them off. Without troubling Corn- 99 The "Bellerophon" walUs further, they abruptly broke off the battle, and, making a number of signals to one another, all turned back to seek the shelter of the batteries at BeUeisle. " The Enemy's Fleet," says the Bellerophon's log, " tacked and stood to eastward. At sunset the Enemy's Fleet huU down NE." AU the time, as a fact, there was no Channel Fleet within many hundred miles. For the magnificent display made by the Bellerophon and her consorts. Admiral CornwaUis and the captains of his squadron were one and all specially thanked by both Houses of Parliament. Every ordinary seaman on board the ships was specially rated " A.B." by order of CornwalUs himself. Nothing could be handsomer, indeed, than the generous language Admiral Cornwalhs used of the men who fought under him, in his official despatch to the Admiralty. " It was the greatest pleasure I ever received to see the spirit manifested by the men, who, instead of being cast down at seeing 30 sail of the enemy's ships attacking our little squadron, were in the highest spirits imaginable. I do not mean the Royal Sovereign alone ; the same spirit was shown in all the ships as they came near me, and although, circumstanced as we were, we had no great reason to complain of the conduct of the enemy, yet our men could not help repeatedly expressing their con tempt of them. Could common prudence have allowed me to let loose their valour, I hardly know what might not have been accomplished by such men." CHAPTER VII ON DUTY WITH " THE CHOSEN BAND " Scotsmen hitherto had commanded on board the Belle rophon. Admiral Pasley was a Scot. His flag-captain on the 1st of June, Hope, was also a Scot. Lord Cranstoun was a Scot, the eighth baron of his Hne, a descendant of the Lord of Te-viotdale, the " stately baron " of the tournament of Branksome Hall. He had had, however, owing to a breakdown of his health, to go on leave in the spring of 1796, and he finally resigned the command in the autumn. It was now to be Ireland's turn. Captain Henry D'Esterre Darby replaced Lord Cranstoun, formally taking over the ship in September. In the interim an acting-captain, John Loring, had had charge of the Bellerophon, commanding her on Channel service off Brest under Lord Bridport, Lord Howe's successor in the chief command. Captain Darby was a senior captain, well up on the post list. He was a nephew of Admiral Darby, whose fleet had had that narrow escape in Torbay which had to do with the bringing of the Bellerophon into existence, and had done good ser-vdce as a frigate-captain. Now, in the course of events, he found himself, for the first time, in command on the quarter-deck of a seventy-four. " A good sword and a trusty hand, A merry heart and true," was Captain Darby— a ratthng jovial Irishman, from all accounts, but a firm disciplinarian and a naval officer to lOI The "Bellerophon" be rehed on to keep his ship at all times in the best of order and smartness ; second to none. Captain Darby read his commission on the quarter deck of the Bellerophon in Plymouth Sound on the loth of September. Twelve days later he met -with a narrow escape of never getting the chance of taking the ship to sea. An accidental circumstance, the hand of Provi dence, in actual fact, saved his life. It was on the 22nd of September, while the Bellerophon was refitting. Captain Darby had been asked to dine on that day on board the frigate Amphion, preparing for sea alongside a harbour-hulk in the Hamoaze. Some business, however, detained him at the Port-Admiral's office in the dockyard, and he was late for dinner. Put out at the delay, he had just left the yard and had got on board his gig to proceed to the Amphion, and was teUing the "Bellerophons" to row hard, when aU in a moment he saw the ship on board of which he should have been seated at table blow up with a terrific ex plosion. The Amphion's fore-magazine had blown up, killing over three hundred people who were on board — sailors and their friends, and also Captain Swaffield, the other dinner-guest of Captain Israel Pellew, the captain of the Amphion. The two captains, leaving a vacant chair for Captain Darby, had sat do-wn to table together with the first heutenant, and a servant was in the act of bringing a dish into the cabin, when a sudden and violent shock threw them from their seats against the beams of the deck above. Captain Pellew exclaimed, " The ship is blown up ! " and sprang to the quarter gallery, where a falling block struck him on the forehead and knocked him senseless overboard. The first Heutenant was blown right through the cabin windows into the sea. Captain Swaffield was apparently killed on the spot. The sentry outside the cabin door, at the moment of the explosion. CAPfAiN Henry D'Esterre Darby Commanding the Bellerophon, 1796-9. Wounded at the Battle of the Nile "The Chosen Band" was in the act of winding up his watch, holding his bayonet under his arm. He was picked up on the deck of the hulk alongside, stunned, with his watch gone, but with his bayonet still under his arm. The fore-magazine had exploded. It blew the forepart of the ship to pieces at once, whereupon the' shattered after-part lifted for a second and then sank to the bottom. When later on the wreck was raised and dragged alongside the dock yard wharf, the body of Captain Swaffield was found in the cabin, with that of Captain Pellew's servant jammed fast in the cabin door, which had closed upon his coat, the servant's body being inside the cabin and the tail of his coat, with a book in the pocket, outside. Three weeks later the Bellerophon took post off Brest, joining one of the squadrons of the Channel Fleet on duty there. It was a specially anxious moment. A French miUtary expedition on an unusually formidable scale was known to be preparing, but its objective was quite unkno-wn. Ireland, Portugal, the Mediterranean were all possible destinations. Many thousand troops — infantry, artillery, and horse — were to take part, to be carried on board the Brest Fleet and transports, with the most talented general of the French RepubHc, Hoche, in chief command. The November gales, which were worse than usual that year, made the work of watching Brest difficult, but Vice-Admiral Colpoys and his squadron kept the port fairly under observation until the middle of December. Then a tremendous storm came down on them from the north-east, dispersing the squadron and driving it far out into the Atlantic. Five of Colpoys' ships, the Bellerophon and four others, separated from the Vice-Admiral's division in the gale. They worked back the instant the weather moderated and got to the rendezvous. There was no trace of Admiral Colpoys. Worse stiU, Brest harbour was empty. Taking advantage of the storm, the instant the weather The "BelleTophon" showed signs of improving, before any of the British squadron had been able to reappear off Ushant, Hoche's expedition had put to sea, bound for Ireland. Lord Bridport and the main body of the Channel Fleet were at that moment, it so happened, at Spithead and St. Helens ; in trouble and weather-bound, after a series of serious mishaps. No fewer than five three- deckers had been incapacitated from saiHng. On weigh ing anchor to get to sea, a big ninety-eight-gun three- decker, the Prince, had first missed stays and run into the Sans Pareil, an eighty-gun ship. The Prince was so badly damaged that she had to be docked. Then the Formidable, another ninety-eight-gun ship, colHded with the biggest ship in the Royal Navy, the hundred-and-ten- gun ship Ville de Paris. Both were so damaged that they had to remain in port. Another three-decker, the Atlas, ran hard and fast on a shoal. Only eight Hne- of-battle ships were left available, and on their getting to St. Helens the wind shifted and prevented them proceeding further. Only one British captain, in fact, had seen the French leave port. Sir Edward Pellew of the Indefatigable (brother to the captain of the Amphion). He had done his best to stop them and call up help, but in vain. It was at night that the French passed out : a black and blowing December night. Captain Pellew, after signalling with lights at each masthead, firing guns every quarter of an hour, sending up rockets and burning blue lights, boldly took his ship into the middle of the French fleet. Under cover of the darkness he got close to their admiral, and for some time kept falsifying and confusing the French signals as fast as they were made, firing additional guns to each signal and burning extra flares and blue lights and sending up extra rockets. One of the French seventy-fours, indeed, in consequence, ran on the rocks and was totally lost. Then Pellew drew off, io6 "The Chosen Band" and before dayHght next moming was on his way to England under full sail, hoping to fall in with the missing Channel Fleet. The Bellerophon and her four consorts at that moment were on a chase on their own account. While on the search to the south-west to find their admiral, they came in sight, unexpectedly, of one of the enemy's squadrons ; a detachment from the French Toulon Fleet, under Admiral Villeneuve, coming north, some days behind time, to take part in escorting Hoche's expedition. It was still blowing a hard gale, with thick, drizzling weather, when the Bellerophon sighted five ships of the line. They showed French flags and held on their way across the Bay of Biscay. Chase was made, but the most that could be done was to tum the enemy off the direct course for Brest and compel them to head in for their nearest port, L'Orient, in the north-eastern comer of the Bay of Biscay, not far from Quiberon Bay. That was Admiral Villeneuve's first meeting with the Belle rophon. He was destined to see more of her later on. Admiral Villeneuve met the Bellerophon both at the Nile and at Trafalgar. Then there came a change of scene. March 1797 brought good luck and a fresh opening for Captain Darby and his gallant crew of the Bellerophon. They were ordered south to join Admiral Sir John Jervis and the Mediterranean Fleet, with which Nelson was then ser-ving as a Commodore. They formed one of the reinforcing ships sent out to strengthen Jer-vis after his battle off Cape St. Vincent, in view of an expected attempt by the main body of the French fleet at Toulon, over twelve ships of the line, to join forces with the thirty- four Spanish ships at Carthagena and Cadiz. A new phase in the •' Bilfy Ruff'n's" fighting career, and one replete with stirring incidents, was about to open. No admiral knew better what a smart ship .should be 107 The "Bellerophon" than did Sir John Jervis, the great Earl St. Vincent. He posted the " BeUerophons," on their joining off Cadiz, to the " crack " Inshore Squadron, the pick of the fleet at that moment, under the personal leadership of Nelson. " The Chosen Band " was the name the " Inshore Squadron " gave themselves. " The Bellerophon," wrote Lord St. Vincent to the Admiralty, after he had seen something of her, " is well officered and appointed ; they do their business well." A higher testimonial than this — and it came from certainly the most severe and exact ing critic and expert in efficiency that ever trod a British quarter-deck — Captain Darby and his gallant " Ruffians," as they were called in the Cadiz Fleet, could not want ; and indeed there could not be higher. It was a very interesting moment at which the Belle rophon saluted the flag off Cadiz. The Dons — as our men always called the Spaniards — inside the harbour appeared to be ready and eager to come out. They had twenty-eight ships of the hne in a state for sea, and there were five more which apparently would soon be ready. They were expecting, it was reported by neutrals and others, to hear, almost any day, that the French Toulon Fleet, twelve to fourteen ships of the line, had sailed to join forces with them. That combination would compel the twenty British sail of the line off Cadiz to raise the blockade. If the French did not come soon the Spaniards proposed, it was also reported, to come out and attack the British by themselves. Whether the French came or not they would have to do so before long. Spain was within sight of national bankruptcy, everybody said, unless the immensely wealthy treasure- ships from Peru and Mexico, which had recently had to take refuge at Santa Cruz in Teneriffe, could be brought in soon. " The merchants of Cadiz," wrote Nelson him self, " have repeatedly petitioned Government to force out the fleet, and say truly that ten sail of the line had io8 "The Chosen Band" better be sacrificed than the loss of their three ships from Lima and their homeward convoy, which must fall into the hands of the EngHsh if they are not forced from before the harbour." Nelson, as a fact, expected them at any moment. " Their movements would assure me, if EngHsh, that they are on the eve of coming out." So Nelson, writing from the Iiishore Squadron on the watch close off the entrance to the harbour, reported to Jervis, then lying with the main fleet at anchor off Rota, five miles from the lighthouse at the entrance to Cadiz. " We see that thirteen sail of the line are unmoored and hove short. I saw Gravina cat his anchor, and they did it briskly; but the accommodation ladder of his ship was not in at sunset. The signals they have been making this day are not their usual harbour signals." By day and night the Bellerophon and her consorts were kept ready for the Dons. " This squadron," re ported Nelson, " have their bulkheads do-wn and are in perfect readiness for battle, and to weigh, cut, or sHp, as the occasion may require. I have given out a line of battle, myself to lead, and you may rest assured that I will make a vigorous attack upon them the moment their noses are outside the Diamond." ^ But the resolution of the Spanish admirals failed them, in spite of every incentive to make a push for it. " We are looking at the ladies walking the walls and mall of Cadiz," wrote Nelson, " and know of the ridicule they make of their sea-of&cers." Nelson, though, still expected an attempt to be made, and kept the Inshore Squadron ready. " The first east wind I expect the ships from the Mediterranean, which will make them forty sail of the line. I am of opinion that some morning, when least expected, I shall see them tnmbUng out of Cadiz. We, in the advance, are night ' A shoal at the mouth of Cadiz harbour. 109 The "Bellerophon" and day prepared for battle; our friends in England need not fear the event." Forcible measures were then taken in hand. It was decided to make an attempt to compel the enemy to come out; to make things too hot for them at their harbour moorings, to compel them to accept battle in the open sea. Bomb-vessels, carrying mortars for firing 13-mch shells, were sent from England, and immedi ately the first one arrived an attack on the city and the shipping in harbour was made. That was on the night of the 3rd of July. AU the boats of the fleet took part in it, the "Billy Ruff'ns" in their boats together with the boats of the Inshore Squadron, as weU as all the barges and launches and pinnaces from the main fleet off Rota, most of them carrying carronades and " plenty of ammunition," as Nelson himself asked for. " I wish to rhake it a warm night at Cadiz," he said. " The to-wn and their fleet are prepared ; so much the better. If they venture from their walls I shall give Johnny his full scope for fighting." It came, as a fact, to closer quarter fighting that night than Nelson himself expected. The bomb-vessel broke down, and a swarm of Spanish gun-boats and armed launches instantly dashed out to capture her. They were met half-way by the British boats, led by Nelson personally, and beaten back in hand-to-hand fight ; driven back and pursued close to the walls of Cadiz, leaving two Spanish mortar-boats and an armed launch -with ninety-one prisoners in our possession. It was on this occasion, as Nelson himself put it, that his " personal courage was more conspicuous -than at any other part of his life." His launch, with fifteen officers and men in it, was boarded by the Spanish admiral's barge with thirty all told. Eighteen of the Spaniards. were killed, most of the rest wounded, and the admiral and his barge taken. Sykes, Nelson's coxswain, saved no Nelson in a Boat Attack off Cadiz Taken from an old print. "The Chosen Band" his commander's Hfe twice by parrying blo^ys aimed at Nelson. Once the heroic fellow " actually interposed his own head to receive the full force of a Spanish sabre, which, fighting hand to hand, he could in no other way prevent from falHng on Nelson." The blow injured Sykes very severely, but he survived the cut — to die two years later in battle from the bursting of a cannon. In the fighting the boats of the Bellerophon were to the fore throughout and took their full part. They did their duty, in a second night's bombard ment, on the 5th of July. Two more bomb-vessels had reached the fleet by then. This time there was no hitch. The city was set on fire in three places, and next morning the Spanish men-of-war could be seen, several of them damaged, all warping further up the harbour to get as far as possible out of Nelson's range. A third bombardment and boat attack was planned for the night of the 8th of July, but bad weather pre vented it. A week later Nelson left for the attack at Teneriffe, in which he lost his arm. Sir James Saumarez and Commodore Collingwood alternately took charge of the Inshore Squadron after that, the " Ruffians," as hitherto, remaining at the front throughout. There was plenty to do meanwhile. Every night the boats of the fleet in batches, a third of all the ships supplying the de tachment each night, rowed guard close up to the walls of Cadiz, with bomb-vessels and launches with carronades, and skirmishes with the Spaniards were of constant occurrence. Off duty at the same time, their everyday life for those on board ship off Cadiz was made as endurable as the requirements of service in the presence of the enemy would allow. Apart from the service hardships, and rough weather on occasion, the Bellerophon s men had a better time of it than ever they had had off Brest or in the Bay. " The 113 H The "Bellerophon" Spanish fishing-boats fumish us with fish ; the Portuguese bring supphes of fruit, onions and other vegetables from the coast of Algarve which borders on Andalusia ; and a Jew butcher, with whom I have contracted, brings very well-fed oxen from Tangier on the coast of Africa. We get plenty of excellent water in transports from Gibraltar and Lisbon, and are amply suppHed with other pro- -visions ; and the people drink a pint of as good port each every day, as will be found on the table of any man in England." So wrote Lord St. Vincent (as Jervis had now become) when describing, in a letter to his brother, how they fared in the fleet. Everything, indeed, that could be done for the comfort and well-being of those under his orders was done by St. Vincent. Letters were forwarded with the least pos sible delay ; the cleanliness of the ships was never carried to a greater degree of nicety ; a regular sick-berth was estabhshed, and suitable quarters were appropriated in each ship to the reception of the sick, who received the utmost care and attention. The officers in every ship were enjoined to keep the men in cheerful spirits and to brighten their lot. " My wits were ever at work," wrote Collingwood, in command of the Excellent, " to keep my people employed, both for health's sake and to save them from mischief. We have lately been making musical instruments, and have now a very good band. Every moonlight night the sailors dance, and there seems as much mirth and festi-vity as if we were in Wapping itself ! " When the weather was fine, as another officer tells us, there was daily bathing in the sea. " A topsail was bent over the ship's side into the sea, in which the least venturous might wash themselves, while the rest enjoyed that indescrib able delight of a good swim in the ocean. The light- hearted playfulness of the creatures whose spirits were thus let loose, burst out into all sorts of gambols and 114 "The Chosen Band" drollery. Some dashed off the ship's head ; others went off her yard-arms ; a few of the strongest swimmers with their clothes on ; every antic, every feat of strength and acti-vity that could be imagined was performed, till the word of command recalled the people on board to the orderly quiet of stem discipUne." All the time also the Cadiz market-boats were aUowed to pass without molestation. The Spaniards, on their side, glad to get good EngHsh money, connived at re freshments being obtained from Cadiz for the fleet in smaU boats which came off during the night. " So con fident were we in the integrity of these poor Spaniards, that the officers by their means got their Unen washed in the town." There is, though, more to tell of the story of those days while the Bellerophon was on duty off Cadiz. The enemy were on one side — Cadiz with its anchored fleet ; its batteries, mounting on the sea-front alone over seventy hea-vy guns ; its garrison of four thou sand soldiers. On the other side was the main fleet, on board which was taking place, from time to time, court- martials and hangings at the yard-arm. Beginning just at the time of Nelson's first bombardment, a series of grim tragedies was being played out on board some of the Bellerophon's consorts, the ships of the main body of the fleet. Lord St. Vincent had taken up his herculean task of mastering the mutiny-madness, the counterpart abroad of the Nore and Spithead outbreaks, which, during the summer and autumn of 1797, spread to and tainted some of the ships in the main fleet off Cadiz, introduced there mostly by later- joined ships from England. It did not, happily, affect the " Bellerophons." Not a word to the detriment of their discipline was uttered against Captain Darby's gallant ship's company. But they had to look on and be eye-witnesses of what 115 The "Bellerophon" was done in the way of deaUng with the mutineers of other ships. Captain Darby, for his part, had to sit on certain of the courts-martial and give judgment. His men had to tum up and witness the punishment in flicted. They had to look on at the hoisting of the death-flag, the yellow flag at the fore; to hear at nine o'clock, on execution mornings, the boom of the first gun for the placing of the hapless, condemned wretches on the cathead-grating -with the yard-rope round their necks ; to hear the death-gun and look on at the swaying rope running up its ghastly burden to the j^ard-arm. From time to time the};' had to witness the hardly less awful " floggings through the fleet " that took place, inflicted on convicted abettors in mutinous plots, or captured deserters who escaped the yard-arm ; to stand on duty manning the side and watch the poor wretches being towed in a boat, with a fifer and drummer in the bows playing the " Rogues' March," from ship to ship, lashed to a grating, to receive from ten to twenty-five lashes — or more sometimes — -with the cat-o'-nine-tails, alongside each ship of the fleet in tum, until either the total punishment allotted by the sentence, up to as many as five hundred lashes in all sometimes, had been laid on, or, as more often happened, the unfortunate criminal sank under the long drawn-out torture and had to be taken back, dying, to his own ship. First of all there was the terrible affair of the hanging of five men on board the St. George, three of them, by way of striking terror into the disaffected throughout the fleet, on a Sunday moming, the 9th of July, within twelve hours of sentence being passed. Here, in outhne, are the facts of that most terrible story. Two seamen of the 5^. George were condemned to death for an infamous crime. Their shipmates pre sented a petition for their pardon, framed in somewhat insubordinate terms, on the ground that an execution 116 "The Chosen Band" for such an offence would bring disgrace upon all. The Admiral refused a pardon, whereupon a plot to take pos session of the ship was formed, but was betrayed to the captain. The outburst began with a tumultuous assembhng of the crew, which resulted in the captain and the first lieutenant, after vainly tr3dng to restore order, rushing among the mob and each collaring a ring leader. The rest fell back, and the culprits were secured quietly and at once taken to the flagship. A court- martial was ordered for the next day, a Saturday. As the prisoners were being taken to the court, as they passed the Admiral on the quarter-deck, St. Vincent, with a harsh bluntness of speech which characterised him, spoke to them : " My friends, I hope you are inno cent; if you are guilty make your peace with God, for if you are condemned, and there is dayHght to hang you, you will die this day." The men were condemned in due course, but the trial ended late, and the president of the court told them that they should have Sunday to prepare. St. Vincent, how ever, held other views. " Sir," said the Earl, " when you passed your sentence your duty was done, you had no right to say the execution should be delayed." He himself at once fixed it for nine the next morning. The fleet were aghast at the signal conveying the news. One of the junior admirals, indeed, saw fit to address a remonstrance to the Commander-in-chief on what he termed his " desecration of the Sabbath." Others took the Admiral's point of view. Nelson was one : he fully approved. " Had it been Christmas Day instead of Sunday," wrote he to St. Vincent, " I would have hanged them. Who can tell what mischief would have been brewed over a Sunday grog ? " But the stem commander had another surprise for the fleet. To drive the impression home the Admiral ordered an unheard-of step to be taken. Contrary to 117 The "Bellerophon" all precedent in naval executions, the men of the St. George, their own shipmates, the partners and followers in their crime, were ordered to hang the three men, man ning the ropes by which the condemned were swayed up to the yard-arm. " Their hands only," declared St. Vincent, " shall touch the rope." Then came this, as the third startling departure. Orders were issued that every ship should hold Divine Service immediately after the execution. The terrible tragedy was enacted exactly as directed, in the presence of the whole fleet, with every man on deck or in the rigging, while all the boats of the Inshore Squadron, after rowing in for the five miles, lay massed close round the 5^. George. As the bell struck nine and the fatal gun was fired, and the bodies swung with a jerk aloft, the " Church flags " were hoisted throughout the fleet and all went to prayers. Before the service was over, as it happened, the Spanish gunboats came out from Cadiz and opened fire, but St. Vincent would not mar the solemnity of the occasion by shortening a single prayer. Gravely the service was carried to its end. The next moment the flags came down, and all the boats of the fleet were ordered to be manned and armed and stand in to meet the Spaniards, headed by the Bellerophon's boats and the other boats of the In shore Squadron. The men, with nerves tense from the morning's excitement, raced back and gladly hurried into action. It proved sharp and decisive, and the enemy went back into port faster than they had come out. So that dread Sunday morning closed. The lesson of the hanging had fuU effect. St. Vincent's relentless severity, and the shock and blank amazement at the unheard-of circumstances surrounding the St. George execution, sent a cold shudder through the hearts of the disaffected in the Cadiz fleet. It came on them ii8 "The Chosen Band" like a thunderclap and paralysed their evil activities. Other outbreaks took place on board some of the ships, and other executions followed — there were four within six weeks of the 5^. George's tragedy — but the prompt and merciless severity with which St. Vincent dealt with every case as it occurred prevented any concerted action among the crews, or any attempt at an open outbreak such as had disgraced the Channel and North Sea Fleets at Spithead and the Nore. The worst case of the four that followed the St. George's was that of the boatswain of one of the Bellerophon's consorts in the Inshore Squadron — the Defence. He actually set on foot a plot to carry the ship out of the squadron at night and dehver her up to the enemy in Cadiz harbour. At each of the executions, the Bellerophon's boats, manned and armed, had to attend, as the log records, and lie off with the rest of the boats of the fleet round the ships implicated, watching in awful silence — each officer and man bareheaded — the enacting of the dresid flnale. The lesson was not lost, and newcomers from the disaffected centres elsewhere soon found out, often un officially, that they had better be careful. Here is one story that is vouched for. A new three-decker had just arrived from the Channel Fleet, and her captain went to wait on the Commander-in-chief on board the Ville de Paris. During the inter-view the captain's barge, as was always the case -with ships fresh from England, was ordered off from alongside. The tide, however, caused it to drop back again close to the flagship, whereupon one of the bargemen, addressing a seaman looking out of a lower-deck port, called up : "I say there, what have you fellows been doing out here, while we have been fighting for your beef and pork ? " The seaman was very prompt in his reply. " If you'll take my advice," it came back in an undertone, " you'll just say nothing at aU about that here. I teU ye this ; if old 119 The "Bellerophon" Jar-vie hears ye he'U have you dingle-dangle at the yard- arm at nine o'clock to-morrow morning ! " In cases where there was no actual outbreak, only threats and mutterings, St. Vincent dealt with the situa tion in a less severe way — but equally effectively. Here is one instance where the weakness of a captain had induced him to make an untimely concession to the disaffected. The crew of the Romulus having showed themselves refractory, their captain enforced obedience, but at the same time, to concihate the men, gave his word that by a certain day the ship should retum home. The promise having been openly made. Lord St. Vincent ratified it ; but the day before the ship sailed, he drafted every single man out of the ship and sent the Romulus home — manned by another crew. Whatever the rank of the offender against discipUne, Jervis dealt out even-handed justice to all. One of his flag officers, irritated at the Commander-in-chief's action in a certain matter, behaved in a highly insubordinate way. St. Vincent packed him off to England, in the first ship leaving the fleet. A captain whose ship was not what it should have been, he punished by stopping leave for all ranks when they had to go to Gibraltar. " The very disorderly state of his Majesty's ship under your command," ran the order, " obliges me to require that neither yourself nor any of your officers are to go on shore on what is called pleasure." A midshipman who, after visiting a Gibraltar privateer on duty, demanded drink and looted the captain's cabin, he tried by court-martial. On the culprit being sentenced to dis rating, after being pubHcly stripped of his uniform on the quarter-deck of his ship, by the Admiral's express orders the wretched fellow had his head shaved and a card bearing the facts of his offence pinned to his shirt, after which he was sent to serve as " the constant scavenger for cleansing the head." "The Chosen Band" By way of contrast we may take this glance at every day life in the fleet off Cadiz, and at St. Vincent himself in Hghter vein. It involves also a story which had to do -with an officer who later on won lasting renown for himself on board the Bellerophon ; the officer who, as her first heutenant, brought the ship through Trafalgar, a gallant young Welshman, Lieutenant Pryce Cumby. Lord St. Vincent, as it has been said, " was not content with mere repression. Outwardly, and indeed inwardly, unmoved, he yet unwearyingly so ordered the fleet as to avoid occasions of outbreak." He firmly believed in the value of forms, and he took special pains to employ them during the crisis as a means of enforcing habits of reverence towards the insignia of State and emblems of authority. For particular respect, he singled out the daily routine act of the hoisting of the colours, " the symbol of the power of the nation, from which depended his own and that of all the naval hierarchy." It was made an august and imposing ceremony. For it the guard of marines of nearly a hundred men was paraded on board every ship of the line. The National Anthem was played, and as the red-coated guard presented arms every officer and man stood bareheaded, while the flag rose to the staff with slowly graduated dignity. On board the flagship Ville de Paris the Admiral made a special point of invariably attending the ceremony in full uniform, although he dispensed with the attendance so garbed of the other officers. His regular presence in full uniform led to the appear ance of an amusing skit, based on an actual incident. One moming, on St. Vincent being informed that a sailor, the captain of the main-top on board the flagship, had stood with his hat on when the band played, the Admiral came down on the unhappy seaman furiously and on the spot ordered him a dozen lashes. The story of the affair went the round of the fleet, of course, and 121 The "Bellerophon" Lieutenant Cumby, who had a pleasant wit of his own, produced a skit on it for the amusement of his brother- officers on board his own ship; paraphrasing the third chapter of the Book of Daniel, in which Lord St. Vincent figured both as Nebuchadnezzar and as the " golden image," translated for the occasion as an " image of blue and gold " of about the physical proportions of the Earl himself. The skit was in these words : — • The First Lesson for the Morning's Service is a part of the Third Chapter of Discipline I. The Earl of St. Vincent, the Commander-in-Chief, made an image of blue and gold, whose height was about five feet seven inches, and the breadth thereof was about twenty inches. He set it up every ten o'clock a.m. on the Quarter-deck of the Ville de Farts, before Cadiz. 2. Then the Earl of St. Vincent, the Commander-in-Chief, sent to call together the Captain, the Officers, the Parson, the Seamen, and the Marines, to come to the dedication of the image which the Earl of St. Vincent, the Commander-in-Chief, had set up. 3. Then the Captain, the Officers, the Parson, the Seamen, and the Marines were gathered together unto the dedica tion of the image which the Earl of St. Vincent had set up, and they stood before the image which the Earl of St. Vincent had set up. 4. Then the Captain cried aloud, " To you it is commanded, O, Officers, Parson, Seamen, and Marines, that at what time ye hear the sound of the trumpet, the flute, the horn, the clarionet, the drum, the fife, and all kinds of music, ye take off your hats, and worship the blue and golden image that the Earl of St. Vincent, the Com mander-in-Chief, hath set up : and whoso taketh not off his hat and worshippeth, shall be sorely visited with the Commander-in-Chief's displeasure." 122 Admiral Sir John Jervis, Earl of St. Vincent From Hoppner s portrait now at Greenwich Hospital "The Chosen Band" 5. Therefore, at that time, when all the people heard the sound of the trumpet, the flute, the horn, the clarionet, the drum, the fife, and all kinds of music, they took off their hats and worshipped the blue and golden image which the Earl of St.- Vincent, the Commander-in-Chief, had set up. 6. Wherefore, one morning after that time, a certain Officer drew near and accused a thoughtless thoroughbred seaman. 7. He spake, and said to the Earl of St. Vincent: " O, my Lord, live for ever ! 8. " Thou, O Commander-in-Chief, hast made a decree, that every man that shall hear the sound of the trumpet, the flute, the horn, the clarionet, the drum, the fife, and all kinds of music, shall take his hat off and worship the blue and golden image, and whoso taketh not off his hat and worshippeth shall be sorely visited with thy displeasure. 9. " There is a certain seaman whom thou hast made a Petty Officer, and has set over the affairs of the Main-top : this man, O Commander-in-Chief, regarded not thee this morning, he took not off his hat and worshipped the image thou settest up." 10. The Earl of St. Vincent, in his rage, commanded to bring the' Captain of the Main-top. Then they brought this man before the Commander-in-Chief. 1 1. Then was the Earl of St. Vincent full of fury, and the form of his visage was changed, against the poor Captain of the Main-top. 12. Therefore he spake, and commanded that they should rig the gratings, read the Articles of War, and call the boat- swain's-mates, and commanded the boatswain's-mates to take their thief's cat-o'-nine tails. 13. And he commanded the most mighty men that were in his ship to seize up and bind the Captain of the Main-top, and that he should be punished with one dozen lashes. 14. Then the Captain of the Main-top, in his trowsers, his 125 The "Bellerophon" hosen, and his shoes, but without his jacket and his shirt, was bound up to the gratings, and flogged with one dozen lashes. 15. Then was the Captain of the Main-top sore at the dis pleasure of the Earl of St. Vincent, the Commander- in-Chief. Here endeth the First Lesson. Passing from hand to hand in other ships, the jeu d'esprit by accident reached the Admiral, who soon found out the author. He then sent for Cumby on some pre text one day, an hour before the time fixed for a formal dinner to the captains of the fleet, and purposely de tained him until the flagship's band began to play " The Roast Beef of Old England " to announce the meal, when he finally asked him down into the cabin. All passed off as usual until the cloth was removed. On that St. Vincent asked aloud : " What shall be done to the man whom the Commander-in-chief delights to honour ? '' " Promote him," said one of the company. " Not so," replied St. Vincent, " but set him on high among the people. So, Cumby," he went on, addressing the lieutenant, " do you sit there " — on a chair previously arranged at some height above the cabin deck — " and read this paper to the captains assembled." Mystified, but with no idea of what was before him. Lieutenant Cumby took his seat. Opening the paper, he saw his own parody. His imploring looks were lost upon the Admiral, who sat at the head of the table with his stern quarter-deck gravity unshaken, while the abashed lieutenant, amid the suppressed mirth of his audience, stumbled through his task. He got on until the words were reached, " Then the Earl of St. Vincent was full of fury, and the form of his visage was changed, against the poor Captain of the Main-top, who had not taken off 126 "The Chosen Band" his hat before the image of the blue and gold." At that point a roar of laughter from the head of the table un loosed aU tongues, and Cumby 's penance closed in a burst of general hilarity. This is how it all ended. " Lieutenant Cumby," said St. Vincent, when silence had been restored, " you have been found guilty of parodying Holy Writ to bring your Commander-in-chief into disrespect, and the sentence is that you proceed to England at once on three months' leave of absence " (for which Lieutenant Cumby had previously applied), " and upon your return report to me to take dinner here again." It was not so unsatisfactory a way of ending the incident for the lieutenant. The curtain lifts now on yet another scene. Captain Darby and his men of the Bellerophon were now to pass beyond Gibraltar for the first time, and enter on a campaign that was to bring them into the thick of the most wonderful battle and the most complete victory at sea that the world up to that time had ever heard of. During the early months of 1798 the most disquieting rumours were in the air as to the doings of the French at Toulon. Some tremendous coup was said to be pre paring there, and an immense armament being assembled. Every French ship of war in the Mediterranean had been recalled to Toulon, and was being got ready for service ; regiment after regiment of soldiers, horse and foot and artillery, were being brought from far and near into the neighbourhood of the port. Troops which for the past two years had been encamped in Normandy and elsewhere in Northern France, were being marched southward to join the great force mustering by the shores of the Mediterranean. At Toulon itself, at Mar seilles, Genoa, at Ci-vita Vecchia in Italy, in Corsica, everywhere urgent naval preparations were going on. At that point, however, all the British information 127 The "Bellerophon" stopped. Not a word was forthcoming as to the destina tion of the expedition. All the British secret agents in France could get no inkling of the actual intentions of the vast force. The invasion of England, after uniting -with the Cadiz and Brest Fleets, was generally con sidered the main object of the expedition, but all the information forthcoming was vague and unsatisfactory. Off Cadiz they knew all that there was to be known — partly from the despatches sent to Lord St. Vincent from the Admiralty in London, partly through Lisbon and from Naples — but all that did not carry St. Vincent far. As far as it went, indeed, it mainly concerned himself. It pointed rather to fighting off Cadiz : that there would be a battle thereabouts ; when the Toulon Fleet tried to pass the Straits of Gibraltar, aided by a sortie in force from the Cadiz Fleet. Then came a move. During March and April orders from England reached St. Vincent directing the Admiral to detach a squadron from his fleet and send it into the Mediterranean under a specially selected officer. The name of that officer was not mentioned at first, but St. Vincent at once fixed on Nelson. He wrote to the Admiralty to that effect, suggesting Nelson, and his letter crossed a later one from England of itself proposing Nelson for the service. It was arranged that he was to start as soon as possible, with three ships of the Hne, and others were to follow him, as soon as an equivalent number to take their places in the fleet off Cadiz could reach St. Vincent from the Channel Fleet. Nelson set off on the 2nd of May, and at once St. Vincent took in hand the making up of the reinforcing detachment. The Earl told off for the service the whole of the Inshore Squadron bodily. It was to sail also under its then leader, the senior captain off Cadiz, Captain Troubridge of the CuUoden — Nelson's closest personal 128 "The Chosen Band" friend in the Ser-vnce, the " Bayard of the British Navy," as St. Vincent himself called him, as dashing and capable an officer as the Royal Navy has ever boasted. The fitting out of " The Chosen Band " for the work before them, Troubridge took in hand personally — having constant conferences on the subject with Lord St. Vin cent and the Captain of the Fleet on board the Ville de Paris, St. Vincent's flagship. It affords an extra ordinary instance of the resourcefulness of British naval officers. Troubridge undertook, in effect, to supply prac tically all the more urgent wants of the squadron out of the spare stores of his own ship, partly used and put by and husbanded to meet an emergency. This is what took place at one of these interviews, when the Captain of the Fleet was reporting to Lord St. Vincent the process of the fitting out. Said Sir George Grey, in the progress of his report : — " My Lord, I have done the best I can, but I cannot find a topmast for the ' '." Lord St. Vincent looked at Captain Troubridge and said, " What are we to do for one ? " Captain Troubridge answered, " WeU, my Lord, I can spare you one from the CuUoden." " Very good," said the Captain of the Fleet; " but I have no foresail for the ' .' " Captain Troubridge on that remarked, " The CuUoden shall furnish it." " Ah," said the Captain of the Fleet, " but it is abso lutely necessary that two (if not three) more of the ships should have a spare topsail each." " Well," said Captain Troubridge now, " I will, under the circumstances, let you have these topsails from my spare stores in the CuUoden." The Commander-in-chief and the Captain of the Fleet exchanged glances ; and these resources, husbanded tiU they were most wanted, enabled the ships to be equipped. 129 I The "Bellerophon" These were the nine ships of " The Chosen Band " — all seventy-fours — as they set out for the battle of the Nile on the 24th of May 1798, in order of the seniority of the captains. Seven of the nine have their modern repre sentatives in our fleet of to-day. Troubridge's CuUoden led ; next came Darby in the Bellerophon; then Louis of the Minotaur and Peyton of the Defence ; Hood of the Zealous apd Foley of the Goliath; Westcott and Ben HaUowell of the Majestic and Swiftsure, respectively ; and Miller of the Theseus. They started secretly. Their departure was timed to coincide exactly with the coming into the St. Vincent's fleet of the reinforcing squadron of equal numbers from the Channel, and was very cleverly managed. On the afternoon of the 24th of May the Channel Fleet ships were sighted from the masthead of the Ville de Paris, their topmasts just showing above the horizon. On that at once the blue and white striped " Preparative" signal flag went up. It was to warn Troubridge that the hour for departure was at hand. At the appointed moment the move began. At half-past six St. Vincent's flagship fired the sunset-gun, and another flag went up on board the Ville de Paris, as pre-arranged, to start the Inshore Squadron. They weighed anchor at dusk, and at first slowly headed in towards Rota. As darkness came on, without lights or further signal, they all went about. After that they stood off-shore, to bend their course round for the Straits of Gibraltar. By midnight they were off Cape Spartel, and steering east. At the same time, as soon as it was dark, nine other picked ships of St. Vincent's fleet, all painted exactly to re semble those that had sailed with Troubridge, took their places in front of Cadiz. No regulation existed at that time as to a ship's paint ing or appearance ; ships painted with j^ellow sides, or -with red sides, or with all-black sides, or with streaks of 130 "The Chosen Band" red or of yellow on black sides, might all serve, and did serve, promiscuously in the same fleet. Sir Roger Curtis and the new-comers from the Channel took the places of the selected nine in the main body of the fleet, and all the changes had been completed before daybreak next morning, by which time Troubridge and Darby and the rest of " The Chosen Band " were past Gibraltar and well out of sight from Spain. The Cadiz Spaniards, indeed, knew nothing of the departure, nor of the change of ships, nor that any reinforcements had joined St. Vincent. They were not aware until six months afterwards that anything at all had happened off the port on that night — until some time after the battle of the Nile had been fought and won. The campaign of the Nile had entered on its active phase. '31 CHAPTER VIII WITH NELSON IN CHASE OF BONAPARTE Nelson set out from the fleet off Cadiz three weeks before the sailing of " The Chosen Band." His orders were " to ascertain the destination of the expedition fitting out at Toulon." He left Gibraltar on the evening of the 8th of May, -with three seventy-fours : his o-wn flag ship, the Vanguard ; the Orion, captained by Guernsey's most distinguished sailor, Sir James Saumarez ; and the Alexander, Captain Sir Alexander Ball. He had also with him four frigates and a sloop of war. They shaped their course directly for Toulon, all on the alert, and prepared to meet the enemy at any moment on the way. Nelson, indeed, fully expected to find that the enemy were already at sea. Not to be taken by surprise he issued these instructions on the evening that he left Gibraltar. " In order that every ship of the squadron may be ready by daybreak to make a sudden attack upon the enemy, or to retreat should it be deemed expedient, the decks and sides are to be washed in the middle-watch, the reefs let out of the topsails whenever the weather is moderate, top-gallant yards got up, and everything clear for making all possible sail before dawn of day." None of the enemy, however, were sighted, and on the 17th of May they were off Cape Sicie, near Toulon. Nelson then got intelligence that proved beyond doubt that St. Vincent's information as to the magnitude of the French expedition was correct to the letter. He learnt that the enemy had from twelve to fifteen line-of- 132 In Chase of Bonaparte battle ships ready to set sail at short notice. Forty thousand soldiers were to go with the expedition, in upwards of three hundred transports. More than half the forty thousand had already been embarked. On the 1 8th of May he learned further that the French artillery and cavalry -with their horses were all embarked. So he reported by his sloop-of-war, a fast vessel, directly to Lord St. Vincent. That same afternoon the French signal station at the Croix des Sablettes, outside Toulon, reported the presence of an EngHsh squadron off the coast to Admiral Brueys, the French Commander-in-chief on board the flagship L'Orient. What Nelson could not discover was the destination of the expedition. " They order their matters so well in France," he wrote to Lord St. Vincent, " that all is secret." At the same time, in his own mind. Nelson had a very strong suspicion as to what the enemy really had in -view. Egypt, rather than anywhere else, appeared to Nelson its most Hkely destination. Egypt, he con sidered, drawing his conclusions not only from the immense size of the expedition and its military com pleteness in equipment and cavalry and artillery, but also from the extraordinary assemblage on board the fleet of scientists, astronomers, naturaUsts, mathema ticians, &c., of all places Bonaparte's most likely aim — Egypt, and possibly India. " Strange as it may ap pear," wrote Nelson also to Lord St. Vincent, "an enter prising enemy may with great ease get an army to the Red Sea, and if they have concerted a plan with Tippoo Sahib to have vessels at Suez, three weeks at this season is a common passage to the Malabar coast, when our India possessions would be in great danger." That was Nelson's own personal surmise ; a shrewd guess, and one that proved not far off the mark. To nine people out of ten, on the other hand, at that 133 The "Bellerophon" moment something quite different had been projected. England itself, and possibly Ireland as well, appeared to most people, as has been said, the real points of attack. The Toulon expedition, to all the world, was destined for an English invasion, for active co-operation with the " Army of England " {L'Armee d' Angleterre it was openly called), which, during the past four months, had been concentrating along the coast of the English Channel between Dieppe and Dunkirk. Bonaparte him self, indeed, it was stated in the London newspapers; had publicly spoken of the Toulon forces as L'aile gauche de I'Armee d' Angleterre — " the Left Wing of the Army of England." Universal rumour during April and May credited the Toulon fleet and its accompanying trans ports with the intention of passing the Straits of Gibraltar. That done, they were, together with the Spanish Carthagena squadron of eight line-of-battle ships, to raise the blockade of Cadiz by the mere fact of their presence in the neighbourhood, and bring out the twenty Spaniards there, forcing St. Vincent's hand as a preliminary to the yet greater operations mapped out for them further north. A combined attack on a tremendous scale, so the best informed declared confidently, had been designed by the French Directory against Great Britain and Ireland. England was to be invaded and London occupied by an army under Bonaparte, while a simul taneous descent in irresistible force was to be made on Ireland. The Toulon, Cadiz, and Brest fleets, with the squadrons at Ferrol and Rochefort, were to rendezvous at a given point in the Bay of Biscay, and enter the Channel together and paralyse British resistance at sea, while the Dutch fleet saUied forth from the Texel and the Scheldt and passed round Scotland into the Irish Sea to play its allotted part in that quarter. The first move of the Toulon fleet in its great plan of 134 In Chase of Bonaparte campaign took place, as it so befell, just at the moment when an accident of the sea put it out of Nelson's power to find out the enemy's course or to follow them. While on his station, twenty-five leagues to the south of the Hyeres Islands, near Toulon, at two on the morning of the 2 1st of May, a sudden and violent north-westerly squall, one of the perils for which those waters have ever been notorious, burst on the British squadron. " A most violent squall of -wind took the Vanguard," as Nelson's flag-captain. Sir Edward Berry, relates, " which carried away her topmasts and at last, her foremast." Nelson lost sight of his frigates in the storm and never saw them again for the whole cruise. It was a double stroke of iU luck. " At the moment of the misfortune which fell upon the Vanguard, the British squadron was not many leagues distant from the French fleet under Bonaparte, which had on that day set sail from Toulon." The French, as a fact, had sailed on the day before. They had begun to move out on the evening of the 19th. The last ship sailed on the evening of the 20th, when Bonaparte — who by a coincidence had left Paris on the same day that Nelson left Cadiz, the 2nd of May — went on board L'Orient in state, all the ships of war and the vessels in harbour being dressed in flags of every kind, " gay as for a holiday," while the bands played and the crews cheered. Josephine, we are told, " Madame Bona parte," watched the start from Henri Quatre's old fort, the " Grosse Tour," at the entrance to the Inner harbour, crying bitterly — essuyant ses larmes. It took twenty- four hours for the whole expedition to get outside the port, and then, " with a strong westerly breeze," they all made sail to the south-east. Thirteen ships of the line and six frigates, with 158 transports, left Toulon, conveying between them 18,000 soldiers and 800 horses, with provisions for three months on board. Other transports, with 18,000 more troops 135 The "Bellerophon" from Genoa, Ajaccio in Corsica, and Civita Vecchia, to the north of Rome, were waiting to join at sea. The 36,000 soldiers were the pick of Bonaparte's own " Army of Italy " — the -victors of Areola and Rivoli and the Bridge of Lodi. Up to the last, apparently, the French had no trust worthy news of the British fleet. It was beheved to be StiU off Cadiz. It was not thought Hkely that the British had any ships in the Mediterranean beyond the small squadron that had been reported off Toulon. All the same, very elaborate precautions were taken. On board all the men-of-war soldiers were allotted to the guns, under their own officers, and daily exercised at quarters. On board L'Orient, of the 750 soldiers crowded into the flagship, 150 under Lannes, the future Marshal of the Empire, were told off to man the forecastle, gang ways, and poop, and act as Bonaparte's guard of honour. The remaining 600, comprising Grenadiers, Guides, and Field-Artillery, manned the batteries on the upper, middle, and lower decks, intermingled with the 350 sea men who comprised the whole of the naval element on board the French flagship for that voyage. How would they all have fared had Nelson had his wish granted of " tr5dng Boney on a wind " ? To follow for the moment the course of the expedition. Malta, then in the hands of the Knights, with whom France was at war, was Bonaparte's first object. It was reached on the 9th of June. The fortress of Valetta was by repute one of the very strongest in the world. It was attacked on the loth and surrendered next day. The French flag was hoisted, and articles of surrender were signed on the nth. Grand-Master Hompesch, an Austrian, abjectly betrayed his trust. After one feeble sortie, in which the red and white standard of the Order was personally captured in hand-to-hand fight by Mar- mont. Napoleon's future Marshal, Hompesch yielded up 136 In Chase of Bonaparte the fortress of Valetta, and with it Malta and its depen dencies. Had Hompesch done his duty, had the last of the Grand-Masters been another D'Aubusson or a L'Isle d'Adam, there need have been no battle of the Nile. Bona parte's Egyptian expedition would have ended before the walls of Valetta, for Nelson was on the move in chase. Bonaparte sailed off eastward on the 19th, after gar risoning Valetta -with 4000 troops. He carried off with him all the treasures of the Knights of Malta, stowed away on board L'Orient : the celebrated silver gates of the Cathedral of Valetta ; the magnificent gold vase presented by our Henry the Eighth to a renowned Grand-Master ; the massive life-size statues, all in solid silver, of the Twelve Apostles ; seven gigantic golden lamps and candelabras, encrusted and gleaming with costly gems ; the famous golden chain of the Chapel of the Virgin. Three tons weight of caskets and bowls and salvers, consecrated chalices of gold and silver, chased and decorated some of them by the master-craftsmen of Europe, and studded with precious stones, the gifts of the Kings and Queens and Princes of Europe to the Knights of Malta, were also stowed in the hold of the French flagship ; together with the pearl and diamond- studded golden reHquary enshrining the head of St. John the Baptist, presented to the Order by Sultan Bajazet ; the consecrated golden sword and poniard presented by Philip of Spain after Lepanto ; Grand-Master La Valette's historic silver sword and helmet set with pearls — all con fiscated in the name of the French RepubUc. All that was left were three items of plunder which had no market value for the French : a fragment of the True Cross ; the right hand of St. John the Baptist ; a miracle-working picture of the Blessed Virgin. Everything else that was portable was stolen, with cash to the amount of £600,000 sterling. AU now lies in L' Orient's wreck at the bottom of Aboukir Bay. 137 The "Bellerophon " Lea-ving Malta, Bonaparte steered first towards Crete, in order to keep well out of the way of observation of any British frigates that, it was just possible, might be about. None, however, were met with, and then the French stood to the south-east, directly for Egypt. Bonaparte anchored off Alexandria, and landed his army there without interference on the ist of July. Nelson, on his side, heard for the first time that the French expedition had left Toulon ; a week after the event. After the disaster to his flagship he put into a small port on the south-western coast of Sardinia to repair damages. Crippling as these were, they were made good within four days in so satisfactory a manner that, although under jury-rig, " the Admiral and officers of the Vanguard had the happiness to find that the ship sailed and worked as well as the other ships." Then Nelson sailed back to his appointed rendezvous off Hyferes, and learnt the news that the French had disappeared. He had not, however, very long to wait. On the 8th of June the squadron of " The Chosen Band," with two additional ships, the Audacious and the 50-gun ship Leander, joined him. Troubridge brought out St. Vincent's latest orders : " To take, sink, burn, or destroy the French armament." " On the 8th at noon," says Captain Berry, describing how they met, " we had the happiness to discover from the masthead ten sail, and it was not long before we recognised them to be British ships of war, standing upon a wind in close line of battle with all sails set. Private signals were exchanged, and before sunset the so much wished for junction was formed." The reinforcement was worthy of its admiral. The magnificent condition in which he found " The Chosen Band " delighted Nelson. And justly so. At no time, ever since Great Britain had a navy, to the present day, 138 In Chase of Bonaparte it can be said with absolute assurance, did a finer, a smarter, a more thoroughly efficient set of men-of-war ever sail the seas, than the Bellerophon and her consorts of that hour. Nelson, so we have it on the best authority, " had the happiness to find that to the captains of his squadron he had no necessity to give directions for being in readiness for battle. On this point their zeal anticipated his utmost wishes, for the decks of all the On the Lower Deck — Cleared for Action ships were kept perfectly clear day and night, and every man was ready to start to his post at a moment's notice. It was a great satisfaction to him, Hkewise, to perceive that the men of all the ships were daily exercised at the great guns and small-arms, and that everything was in the best state of preparation for actual service." These are the words of Nelson's o-wn flag-captain. No finer set of captains, certainly, ever served in any British fleet or squadron than the men whom it was Nelson's good fortune to lead at that moment. They 139 The "Bellerophon" were all men in the prime of Hfe. Not a few were old friends, who had first kno-wn one another as heutenants on board the ships of Rodney's fleet, men who had had their part in the most famous battle of that time, when De Grasse was overthrown on the " Glorious Twelfth of April " 1782. Others had had their " baptism of fire " in the East Indies in the same war ; in the desperate battles -with the French admiral, de Suffren, the fiercest fighter that France ever sent to sea. Four of them had commanded ships in the battle off Cape St. Vincent, a year and a half before. Among them there was the keenest rivalry to -win honour for their flag and for their ships ; but no jealousy. Nelson himself spoke and wrote of them as a " band of brothers." Said he : "I had the honour to ]ead a band of brothers." Such were the cap tains of " The Chosen Band " : Troubridge, and Darby of the Bellerophon ; Hood, noblest of English gentlemen ; Foley and Westcott, Ben HaUowell and the rest. The squadron had to lie becalmed for three days, until the nth of June. Then they set off, first to reconnoitre off Genoa and after that for Naples. There was no news whatever of where the French had gone until they reached Naples. Then Nelson heard that the enemy had gone to Malta. He started after them at once, to leam, off Cape Passaro, that Valetta had already sur rendered. " We had now hopes," says Captain Berry, " of being ab!e to attack the enemy's fleet at Gozo, where it was reported they were anchored ; and the Admiral immediately formed a plan for that purpose." But again there came a check. On the 22nd a Genoese brig brought Nelson the unwelcome intelligence that the French had left Malta. They had sailed on the i8th, with a fresh north-westerly gale. Nelson on that, although it was, indeed, not quite certain whether Bonaparte might not have gone up the Adriatic, " made a signal to bear up and steer to the S.E. with all possible 140 In Chase of Bonaparte sail." The squadron headed for Alexandria, crossed on their way the track followed by the French, steered a course nearly parallel -with and not a hundred miles distant from the enemy for several days, and then reached Alexandria before them and sailed away before the French arrived. On the 29th of June, " We saw the Pharos Tower of Alexandria, and continued nearing the land with a press of sail, till we had distant view of both harbours, and to our general surprise and disappointment we saw not a French ship in either of them." Hardy, the future captain of the Victory at Trafalgar, in his sloop-of- war, the Mutine, " communicated with the Governor of Alexandria, who was as much surprised at seeing a British squadron there as he was at the intelligence that a French fleet was probably on its passage thither." There was nothing to do but to go on looking for the enemy. Nelson tumed northward and skirted the northern coast of Crete, " carrying a press of sail by day and night with a contrary wind." But there was no trace of the French, and on the i8th he sighted Sicily again. " Was I to die at this moment," declared Nelson, " want of frigates would be found stamped on my heart ! " He had seen nothing of his frigates since the night when the Vanguard was dismasted. As they were on their way, hea-vy with disappointment and hope deferred, one of the Bellerophon's consorts made a " find." The squadron was cruising in extended order, so as to sweep as wide an expanse of sea as possible, when the look-out man at the Swiftsure' s mast head reported something floating on the water. In a few minutes they made out a life-buoy -with a small tricolor flag flying on it. The Swiftsure was the outer most of the line, and she immediately steered for it and picked it up. The buoy bore, painted on it, the name " Artemise," the name of one of the frigates known to be 141 The "Bellerophon" with the French fleet. Its appearance showed that it had not been very long in the water. In a moment up went the signal to the flagship : " Intelligence to com municate." It was answered by a general signal from the Vanguard for the squadron to close. On nearing the Vanguard, Captain HaUowell was lowered down in the quarter-boat -with his " find " and pulled off to the flagship. Nelson was watching eagerly, and as the boat came alongside he looked over the gangway and called out, " HaUowell, what have you got ? " " They are not far off," was the answer. " Here is the hfe-buoy of one of their frigates." It was soon on the Vanguard's deck, and the discovery had a good deal to do with inducing Nelson to turn back immediately he had watered in Sicily, and again try his luck eastward. Nelson anchored off Syracuse and sent in for water and fresh beef. Some of the ships, in fact, were all but out of water. Still there was no news. Not a word was to be heard at Syracuse of the whereabouts of the French. The work of watering was carried out with the utmost alacrity. The entire squadron had refilled its water- casks, loading up and transporting, and taking on board two hundred and fifty tons of fresh water each ship, all by manual labour, within five days. Then, carrying a number of live oxen on board every ship, the squadron sailed again — on the 25th of July. Before weighing anchor Nelson wrote his celebrated " Arethusa letter " to Sir William Hamilton, the British Minister at Naples, and Lady Hamilton (whom he had not yet met) : " My dear Friends, — Thanks to your exertions we have victualled and watered ; and surely, water ing at the Fountain of Arethusa, we must have -victory. We shall sail with the first breeze, and be assured I will return either cro-wned with laurel or covered with cypress. Horatio Nelson." 142 In Chase of Bonaparte Still without trustworthy news of where the enemy had gone. Nelson stood back to the eastward, towards the coast of the Morea. It was just possible, he thought, that he might hear something in that direction. He did learn something there, though the inteUigence was much belated. It was to the effect that the French had been seen off Crete, steering to the south-east. Un fortunately that was nearly a month ago. Nelson at once made up his mind to look into Alex andria again, and thither the squadron shaped its course once more. All through the long chase, from the first meeting with " The Chosen Band," Nelson had been in the closest touch with all his captains ; signalling for them every evening, whenever the weather permitted, to come on board the Vanguard. There " he would fully develop to them," as the flag-captain tells us, " his own ideas of the different and best modes of attack, and such plans as he proposed to execute upon falling in with the enemy, whatever their position or situation might be, by day or night. There was no possible position in which they could be found that he did not take into his calculations." So Nelson assured victory beforehand. His forethought made things easy, made it all plain sailing, so to speak, when the enemy came in sight. Each captain would know then, as it were of his own accord, what he had to do : there would be no need for battle-instructions. " Signals," said Captain Berry, who was on the spot from first to last, " became almost unnecessary ; much time was saved ; and the attention of every captain could almost undistractedly be paid to the conduct of his own particular ship ; circumstances from which, upon this occasion, the advantages to the general service were almost incalculable." Every means possible was taken at the same time to keep the men not only in the highest efficiency and in 143 The "Bellerophon" good fighting trim, but also happy and contented. Every evening there were theatricals on board the different ships, or " sing-songs," concerts, fencing and single-stick displays and competitions, wrestling matches and general " sky-larking " aloft. Nelson himself, on board the Van guard, used every morning to have one or two of the six teen midshipmen on the flagship to breakfast with him in tum, " entering into their boyish freaks and appearing as young as the youngest of them." And now at last we near the great event. The coast of Egypt came in sight on the forenoon of the ist of August. Alexandria was in sight at noon. Two hours later they knew aU. The enemy were there. The French were in sight at last. This was how the final discovery was made ; how the " Bellerophons," and the others first learned the fateful news. One and all neared the coast on tenter-hooks of excitement, on the tip-toe of expectation. All were eager and excited with high hopes. Nelson himself was among the most eager. All the morning he kept fidgeting ; now restlessly pacing the quarter-deck, now running up to the poop to clap his telescope to his eye ; continually watching the mastheads of the two leading ships, which kept a little ahead of the rest. The squadron meanwhile were all standing in together for the coast ; a cluster of ships, in no particular order of sailing, but sufficiently well together to take post in line of battle at the shortest notice. All through the forenoon the low Egyptian coast-line had been showing up more and more distinctly along the horizon ahead. Towards noon the minarets of Alexandria and Pompey's Pillar came for the second time into view. Would it be as it was last time ? Alexandria harbour had then been quite empty, bare of all shipping. No, it was not so now ! This time there was shipping in the harbour : a crowd 144 In Chase of Bonaparte of shipping ! That was plainly ascertained before long. And almost at the same time the nationality of the great assemblage of vessels disclosed itself. The French tri color was made out flying on board the vessels every where, and also from the city walls. They all held their breat h on board the British squadron : was it the French fleet — were they men-of-war ? Every eye was fixed on the leading British seventy-four. Hood's Zealous, which ship, -with the Goliath close at hand, was sailing at some little distance in advance of the rest of the squadron. The Zealous was soon in a position to answer the ques tion. The signal was made. Three dark balls of signal bunting, the rolled up flags, slid up swiftly to the mast head of the Zealous. Then they burst, and the signal was broken out. The flags flew out ; their colours could be seen ; the message was read off. There was a general groan of bitter and universal disappointment as the flags spelled out the words : — " The Enemy's Fleet do not torm Part of the Vessels at Anchor." Writes Sir James Saumarez, the captain of the Orion : — " When the reconnoitring ship made the signal that the enemy was not there, despondency nearly took pos session of our minds. I do not recollect ever to have felt so utterly hopeless or out of spirits as when we sat down to dinner." Half-an-hour later, the Zealous had opened Aboukir Bay. This time another signal came. There was news with a vengeance now. " As the cloth was being re moved," continues Saumarez, " the officer of the watch hastily came in, saying, ' Sir, a signal has just now been made that the enemy is in Aboukir Bay.' All sprang to their feet, and only staying to drink a bumper to our success, we were in a moment on deck." 145 K The "Bellerophon" The Zealous got the credit of being the ship to make the aU important message. But she was very nearly cut out by Foley's Goliath. It was by an accident that the Goliath lost the honour. So one of the Goliath's officers described. "I, as signal midshipman, was sweeping round the horizon ahead with my glass from the royal-yard when I discovered the French fleet at anchor in Aboukir Bay. The Zealous was so close to us that, had I hailed the deck, they must have heard me. I therefore slid, down by the backstay and reported what I had seen. We instantly made the signal, but the under-toggle of the upper flag at the main came off, breaking the stop, and the lower flag came down. The compass-signal was, however, clear at the peak ; but before we could recover our flag. Zealous made the signal for the enemy's fleet ; whether from seeing our compass- signals or not I never heard. But we thus lost tne little credit of first signalling the enemy, which, as a signal midshipman, rather affected me." The enemy, at the moment of their discovery, were just twenty miles off, according to the Bellerophon' s log. Instantly, on the second signal from the Zealous being read off, the Vanguard ran up the signal flags for all to steer for the enemy, and to prepare for battle. Then Nelson called for his dinner. He sat down in his cabin radiantly happy ; satisfied for once with himself. Ever since they left the coast of the Morea his anxiety had hardly aUowed him to quit the deck ; and he had hardly taken any sleep, or food. Now, he could thank God that he had done his duty to some purpose. Nelson sat do-wn to dinner just as the drums to " clear for action " began to beat throughout the fleet. His final words, as he rose from the table to return to the quarter-deck, addressed to the officers dining with him, were these : "By this time to-morrow I shall have gained a peerage or West minster Abbey ! " 146 CHAPTER IX AT THE battle OF THE NILE I " THE BRAVEST OF THE BRAVE " How they went down to battle. " The Zealous," says a letter from the Theseus, the ship sailing next to the Bellerophon at that moment, " announced to the Admiral, at three-quarters past two, that sixteen sail-of-the-line were at anchor east by south ; and in a few minutes afterwards we all dis covered them. At three the Admiral made a signal to prepare for battle. At twenty-five minutes past four, to prepare for battle with the sheet-cable out of the stern-port and springs on the bower-anchor, &c. ; at fifty-four minutes past four, that it was the Admiral's intention to attack the van and centre of the enemy ; at forty minutes past five, to form the line of battle as most convenient ahead and astern of the Admiral. The Goliath was leading, the Zealous next, then the Vanguard. The Theseus followed close to her stern, having the Belle rophon close on her weather quarter and the Minotaur equally so on the lee quarter ; I do not recollect the order of the other ships." The going up of the flags to " prepare for battle " was greeted on board the Bellerophon, as everywhere else throughout the fleet, with a burst of tremendous cheering. As in the other ships too, there was not very much left to be done. During the cruise, as has been said, they had been saiHng practically all ready for instant action by night and day. Only the final arrangements had now to be seen to. 147 The "Bellerophon" As the drums clashed out the warning ruffle — there were two drummers to each of the decks, one right for ward and the other aft— " R-r-r-ap, tap— r-r-r-ap tap— r-r-r-ap tap-a-tap-tap— rap-a-tap — a-rap-a-tap-a-rap-a-tap — a-tap-tap"— the first battle summons on board ship, the " Ruffians " all sprang to their aUotted tasks Hke one man. Quickly the decks were wetted and swabbed down and sanded all over ; for the grim purpose of, as far as possible, preventing them getting too shppery from blood. Then the great horn battle-lanterns were hung up, one over each gun, in readiness for a night engagement. The guns were cast loose and double-shotted ; the locks fas tened on the vents. Spare breechings and tackles were brought up from the hold and placed handy at the hatch ways. Half -pikes, tomahawks, and pistols were placed at hand for the boarders, and shot for the first dozen rounds put down on deck close by each gun, in rope grummets or rings, to prevent them rolling about. The cook's fires were drawn and swamped, the magazines opened, and cartridges served out to the powder-boys — two boys to each gun. Fire-screens of canvas or " fear nought," a woollen stuff, were rigged at the gangways and wetted. A spare tiller was set ready, and the re maining bulkheads and mess gear were sent down into the hold. Fire-buckets were put down handy about the decks at points ; also outside the bulwarks, in the channels where the shrouds came down to the hull ; the lumbering ship's fire-engine was hauled up on the poop and filled with water and the hoses fixed ready. The yards aloft were chain-slung, so that they should not come down, if struck by shot, on to the heads of the men fighting the upper-deck guns underneath ; and splinter nettings rove to catch stray splinters and blocks that might fall in the same way. Within less 148 Nelson From the portrait by Abbott painted at the time o) the Battle of the Nile At the Battle of the Nile than fifteen minutes all had been made ready for the first shot on board the Bellerophon. They mustered that afternoon, officers and men, all told, five hundred and seventy-one ; out of their ofiicial complement of six hundred. Of these, four hundred and eighty-four were seamen, including the officers and petty officers ; twenty-three, boy volunteers ; sixty- four, marines. Captain Darby's native land, Ireland, contributed practically one-fifth of the whole ship's company, a hundred and ten men. Scotland was well represented by seventy-seven gallant " Ruffians." Eng land and Wales supplied the rest, except for fourteen foreigners — six Americans, two Germans, two West Indian blacks, one Dutchman, one Spaniard, one French man, and a Madras lascar. It was a common thing, of course, to find foreigners on board British men-of-war at that time, some ser-virig of their o-wn will for the pay, some swept on board by the press-gang. Most of the Mediterranean Fleet and the Nile ships had indeed more. " In the Goliath," wrote an officer, " we had about half a company of Austrian grenadiers (I think fifty), and others of all nations." Collingwood, who had been left behind off Cadiz, had on board the Excellent at this time, serving before the mast, " a black San Domingo general," and, as he also described, " a motley tribe " from " all the States in Germany — Austrians, Poles, Croats, and Hungarians." In round numbers Nelson's squadron was manned by some seven thousand men and carried 986 guns. On the side of the enemy. On the French side, Nelson's appearance was a bolt from the blue; it came as a complete surprise. French records, official despatches, the logs of the ships of the French squadron, and intercepted private letters from 151 The "Bellerophon" French naval officers tell us that, and give a complete picture of the scene on the side of the enemy. The French had expected Nelson on their first arrival at Alexandria a month before, but he had not come. Days went by, and stiU he did not come. After an opening display of anxiety and watchfulness, the French officers lapsed into a state of self-confidence that de veloped into slack discipline and carelessness. The French admiral's despatch of the 12th of July to the Minister of Marine in Paris, sent to Nelson later among some captured papers, gives the general opinion in the French fleet. Peut etre, wrote Admiral Brueys with complete assurance, les Anglais ne se trouvent pas en nombre superieur, ils n'auroient pas juge apropos de se mesurer avec nous. July had run through without incident, and every one in the French fleet was looking forward to a pleasant retum voyage in a few weeks, when the morning of the 1st of August 1798 da-wned. The look-out at the flag ship L' Orient's masthead at sunrise that day, scanning the seaward horizon, had reported, as usual, not a sail in sight bigger than a coaster, and every one had settled down to live through the routine of the hot, wearisome day, much as the last month had been lived through. So things passed until the afternoon. Then Nelson appeared, coming down " like a wolf on the fold." The story of the surprise is best tpld in the words of the French rear-admiral, who had his flag on board the Franklin, the same Rear-Admiral Blanquet-Duchayla, whose sword, sent by Nelson as a gift to the City of London, is now in the Guildhall collection. " The ist of August 1798. Wind W.N.W., light breezes and fair weather ; the second di-vision of the fleet sent a party of men on shore to dig wells ; every ship in the fleet sent twenty-five men to protect the workmen from the continual attacks of the Bedouins and vagabonds of 152 At the Battle of the Nile the country. At two o'clock p.m. the Heureux made the signal for twelve sail W.S.W., which we could easily dis tinguish from the mastheads to be ships of war. The signal was then made for all the boats, workmen, and guards, to repair on board their ships ; which was only obeyed by a small number. " At three o'clock the Admiral, not having any doubt that the ships in sight were the enemy, ordered the hammocks to be stowed for action, and directed L'Alerte and Le Railleur, brigs of war, to reconnoitre the enemy, who were soon perceived to be steering for Bequier Bay, under a crowd of canvas, but without obser-ving any order of saiHng. At four o'clock we saw, over the Fort of Aboukir, two ships, apparently waiting to join the squadron: without doubt they had been sent to look into the port of Alexandria. We Hkewise saw a brig with the twelve ships, so that they were now fourteen sail of the line, and a brig. "L'Alerte then began to put the Admiral's orders into execution, viz., ' To stand towards the enemy until nearly within gunshot, and then to manoeuvre and to draw them towards the outer shoal lying off the island,' but the EngHsh admiral, without doubt, had experienced pilots on board, as he did not pay any attention to the brig's track, but allowed her to go away, hauling well round all the dangers. At this time a small boat de spatched from Alexandria to Rosetta, voluntarily bore down to the EngHsh brig, which took possession of her, notwithstanding the repeated efforts of L'.Alerte to prevent it, by firing a great many shot at the boat. "At five o'clock the enemy came to the wind in suc cession ; this manoeuvre convinced us that they in tended attacking us that evening. The Admiral got the topgallant yards across, but soon after made the signal that he intended engaging the enemy at anchor, con vinced, without doubt, that he had not seamen enough 153 The "Bellerophon" to engage under sail. He wanted at least two hundred good seamen for each ship. Orders were given to let go another bower anchor, and the broadsides of the ships were brought to bear upon the enemy. The battery on the island opened fire on the enemy, and their shells feU ahead of the second ship in the line. At half-past five the headmost ships of our line being within gun-shot of the English, the Admiral made the signal to engage, which was not obeyed until the enemy was within pistol- shot and just doubling us." At the moment, indeed, that the British fleet was first reported, Brueys' two junior admirals, Blanquet- Duchayla and Villeneuve, were having a conference with him on board the flagship L'Orient about something very different. They had come to see their commander, who was unwell, in order to arrange for to-morrow's grand celebration of Bonaparte's victory at the Pyramids and entry into Cairo. There was to be a fine naval dis play on the 2nd of August, and the day was to be kept as a national festival. A grandiloquent proclamation had been printed, describing to the sailors how at the Pyramids the fiery onset of ten thousand Mamelukes had been hurled back by the bayonets of the army, and scattered to the winds, amid scenes of resplendent French heroism. Every ship was to dress in all her flags at daybreak. At nine o'clock the entire fleet would fire a salute of twenty-one guns, and the Admiral's proclama tion was to be read on the quarter-deck. At mid-day every man would have a special dinner of double rations in honour of the occasion, while the Admiral was to give a grand banquet on board L'Orient to all the captains. The aftemoon and evening would be free for all to make holiday. Such was the morrow's programme at Aboukir, as the French proposed. Nelson spoiled it. His coming caused the slip 't-wixt the cup and the lip. There 154 At the Battle of the Nile was to be no to-morrow for Admiral Brueys and his fleet. The three French admirals were talking the proposed festi-vities over, seated together under the awning over the flagship's quarter-deck, when the report was hurriedly made that a strange fleet was in sight. What could it be ? The ships were soon seen to be men-of-war ; not storeships from Toulon, as some one at first suggested. It was agreed that it could only be Nelson. Gantheaume, the Captain of the Fleet, joined the group, and a hasty and informal council of war was held. Should they make sail at once and go out and meet the enemy at sea, or should they wait where they were and accept battle at anchor ? Blanquet-Duchayla urged strongly that they should get under sail and give battle outside the bay. Villeneuve and Gantheaume took the opposite view. Brueys finally agreed with them. It was decided to fight where they were, and await the English attack. The French admiral, as it happened, might well have had some hours' earher intelUgence that day of the approach of Nelson's ships. He would have done so, indeed, on any other day but that. As it so chanced on that particular morning the French frigate, hitherto kept daily posted off Aboukir, some miles out on the horizon, to act as look-out to the fleet, had been caUed in to re plenish her pro-visions and take on board fresh water. By some chance she had been delayed in retuming, and in the interim no other vessel had replaced her on guard. In her absence Nelson came in sight. Of the men who were to meet their fate at the hands of Nelson that night, the officers were as good as any that France had at sea at that time ; and most of them had had experience of war. Admiral Brueys himself, the admiral in chief com mand, was an officer of the " Old Navy," in which he had served with some credit in the days of the Monarchy. 155 The "Bellerophon" By birth a scion of a noble house of Languedoc, the Comte de Brueys d'AigalUers, as his real style went, he had been one of the few who had managed to pass through the proscriptions untouched. He had been in most of the battles of the American War. He had been under fire in the drawn battle with Keppel ; had seen Admiral Hardy chased up the Channel ; had been with De Grasse's fleet on the day of Rodney's triumph. Later on, chance had brought him in contact with Bonaparte, with the final outcome that Bona parte had picked Brueys out to hold his present com mand at the head of the naval part of the Egyptian expedi tion. " Admiral Brueys," wrote Bonaparte to the Directory, "is an officer distinguished by his profes sional knowledge as much as by the firmness of his character. A captain in his fieet would not twice refuse obedience to his orders." in his forty-fifth year, just Admiral Brueys French Commander-in-chief, killed at the Battle ofthe Nile At this time Brueys was five years older than Nelson Gantheaume, the Captain of the Fleet, another " Old Navy " officer, but of inferior social standing, had also seen fighting in the American War. As a young officer he had been on board the frigate Surveillante in her famous shp-to-ship duel with the British Quebec, with D'Estaign in his campaign against Lord Howe off New York, and with Suffren in the fierce East Indian battles. As one of the French captains on " The Glorious First of June," Gantheaume had been wounded while fighting 156 At the Battle of the Nile his ship. Casablanca was the captain of L'Orient, Count Louis de Casablanca, a member of an old Corsican family. His son. Midshipman Giacomo de Casablanca, was -with him ; " the boy " who " stood on the burn ing deck " — a " boy," however, according to the hard fact, of nineteen years of age. Rear-Admiral Blanquet- Duchayla, another officer of good family who had done duty in the Royal service, and had escaped the guillotine, was the second in command. He too had fought against England in the American War. The third in command was Villeneuve, one of Suffren's favourite young officers, in les beaux combats de I'Inde, and destined to become le vaincu de Trafalgar, and die by his own hand in an hour of dark despair. Commodore Dupetit-Thouars was another officer who had a reputation gained at the cannon's mouth in the former war -with England. A remarkably fine fellow from all accounts was he, with a romantic career behind him. Put as a boy ensign into a crack regiment, the chance reading of a translation of Robinson Crusoe made him exchange his commission for a midshipman's rating, and he had five battles with Keppel and with Rodney in his list of war ser-vices. Another capable and clever French officer at the Nile was Rear-Admiral Denis Decres, whose heroic daring in trying to save one of De Grasse's stricken ships under fire, in the heat of Rodney's battle, had won him his first promotion. He survived the Nile to be an honoured personal acquaintance of Nelson, and Napoleon's Minister of Marine for ten years. There were others of the French captains at the Nile, Emeriau of the Spartiate for one, in whose hands the honour of the tricolor could be left with confidence that they would do all that brave officers might before surrendering their ships to the enemy. The men of the French fleet were good — for ships' companies that were comprised of conscript sailors. 157 The "Bellerophon" They had had, however, but httle pre-vious service at sea. They were also in unsatisfactory health from the want of good food. Supphes generally had run short in the French fleet. Bread had run so low, indeed, that Brueys had had to put the ships' companies on rations of rice. The entire fleet, moreover, as a fighting force, was very seriously undermanned. The flagship L'Orient had only eight hundred and fifty men on board, in stead of eleven hundred. Blanquet-Duchayla's ship, the Franklin, and the Tonnant had six hundred and fifty men instead of eight hundred and sixty to each ship. The Timoleon' s crew numbered five hundred, and that of the Spartiate five hundred and fifty, instead of in each case seven hundred men. The Guerriere, Conquerant, Aquilon, Heureux, Mercure and Genereux, had each six hundred on board, instead of seven hundred and twenty. The two best-manned ships, Villeneuve's flagship, the GuiUaume Tell, and the Peuple Souverain, were, the one seventy men short of complement, the other fifty short. One reason for the shortage was that numbers of seamen had been left behind when the fleet started from France, to make room for soldiers, who had been crowded out of the transports. Brueys, while waiting in Aboukir Bay, had done his best to fil up as many gaps as possible by drafting as many extra hands as he could get from the crews of the merchantmen and transports left in Alexandria harbour, and from his frigate crews, but the supply had, even then, not gone nearly far enough round. To further reduce the shortage two regiments of infantry had been kept back, and were on the night of the battle serving on board ship — the 69th of the line, or 69th " demi-brigade," as it was then called, now the i6th regiment of the modern French Army ; and the 32nd " demi-brigade," the old Marine regiment of the French Royal service. '58 At the Battle of the Nile In ships the French were sufficiently powerful, and indeed considerably superior to Nelson. They numbered thirteen of the line — not sixteen, as Hood had at first erroneously reported, mistaking, at the long distance at which the French were first sighted, Brueys' three large frigates for ships of the line. Nelson had the same number of ships of the Hne, but his were all seventy-fours, as compared with one 120-gun ship, three 8o-gun ships, and nine French seventy-fours. The flagship L'Orient was the biggest French man-of-war afloat, and the finest war-vessel in the world, a first-rate three-decker of a hundred and twenty guns. Launched originally as the Dauphin-Royal, the pride of the navy of the Monarchy in its closing years, the great vessel had after that been renamed the Sans Culottes, and then again, in honour of the present expedition, specially renamed L'Orient. In gun power she was a match by herself for any two seventy-fours afloat. The three French 8o-gun ships, the FrankUn, Tonnant, and GuiUaume Tell, were all big and extremely powerfully gunned vessels — hitting harder in weight of metal, indeed, than a British 98-gun ship. All told, the French ships carried 1208 guns to Nelson's 986, many of them heavier than any in the British fleet, while in crews, even in Brueys' weakened state, he dis posed of some ten thousand men (including the auxiliary drafts) to meet the British seven thousand. The French fleet was lying in line-ahead formation, from west to east, and extending over a mile and three- quarters from end to end, with a hundred and sixty yards intervals between ships. The line was made up of the twelve two-deckers, -with the three-decker L'Orient in the centre. On the landward side they had the shoals and sandbanks of Aboukir Bay — the beach being some three miles off. Seaward, the roadstead was closed by the low island of Aboukir, two miles off Aboukir Point, the western hom of the bay, and the reefs and shoals 159 The "Bellerophon" running across between the island and the Point. To the north, beyond Aboukir Island, a long shoal stretched out. North-east and round to due east, towards the Rosetta mouth of the Nile, it was open water. Admiral Brueys had put a battery of twelve guns and two mortars, on Aboukir Island. He considered his van was made secure by the island itself and the rocks between it and the Point, and anchored his weaker vessels at that end of the line, three of the older seventy-fours. L'Orient he placed at the point of greatest danger. To strengthen his rear, which he considered most exposed to attack, he placed his heaviest and best ships there, his three 8o-gun ships. He expressed himself content with his situation, and, only a few days before the battle, had written to Bonaparte, " I only hope that I may be attacked." The French admiral ranged his ships so as to lie close along the edge of the shallow water extending on the landward side all along the shores of the bay. They anchored just beyond where the sandbank shelved down into deep water, the line curving somewhat from end to end, leaving just room for the ships to swing at single anchor without grounding anywhere on the shoal. " Engage the enemy closer." The British squadron drew near with the leadsmen in the chains : sounding carefully and continuously as the ships advanced. The water was steadily shoaling — fifteen — fourteen — thirteen — ten fathoms. And there was no official chart available of Aboukir Bay ; only a rough diagram of the anchorage, which had been found on board a captured trading vessel. Ten line-of-battle ships and the 50-gun ship Leander were in company with Nelson at that moment. Three ships, the CuUoden and the Alexander and Swiftsure, were a long way astern, 160 At the Battle of the Nile but were coming up well. The CuUoden had a prize in tow, a wine-brig ; the other two had been detached early in the morning to reconnoitre Alexandria harbour, and had not had time to rejoin. About half-past four, when he had made out the enemy's position better. Nelson signalled to " Prepare to anchor by the stem." In compliance every ship passed a cable out of one of the stern ports, carried it forward along the side, and made it fast to an anchor at the bows. That meant the enemy would not get the chance of raking the British ships as they closed along side. Otherwise, in bringing-to in the ordinary way it would have been necessary for each ship to swing round, and expose either her bow or stern end-on to a raking fire from her enemy's full broadside. Next, just before five, the signal went up that the attack was to fasten on the enemy's van and centre squadrons. It was a stroke of genius, and gave the battle into Nelson's hand. It opposed fourteen British — counting the Leander — to eight or ten French at most — all these anchored and immovable. At the same time, with the wind in the quarter that it was, and the diffi culty of making their way amid the shoals on either side, it would be absolutely impossible for the rest of the enemy, the French rear ships, to move up in time to render aid to the ships ahead, before these had been overpowered. At half -past five, or a little later, when they were getting near the enemy. Nelson signaUed for the ships to take post in hne-of-battle in the order the captains found themselves at that moment. That placed the Bellerophon two ships astern of the flagship — in the centre division. Nelson's o-wn. Three-quarters of an hour later, just as they had got within range, up to the Vanguard's masthead went Nelson's favourite signal — " Engage the enemy closer ! " The " Ruffians " l6l L The "Bellerophon" repeated the signal with cheers. They meant to fight at the closest quarters. It was just six when the first shots went off. The French began the firing — with shells from the mortars in the battery that Brueys had placed on Aboukir Island, at the western entrance to the Bay. Not one of the shots, however, hit. No notice was taken of the firing on board the British squadron, beyond that, a moment later, every ship simultaneously hoisted her colours — the white ensign at the staff, and three Union Jacks, one on each topmast stay. Nelson himself, on board the Vanguard, flew six Jacks. The French van ships then began to fire. But still no reply came from the British line. Nelson's ships, one and all, advanced in unbroken silence. The only sounds to be heard on board were the droning chant of the leads men in the chains between each cast ; the creaking of the blocks and cordage aloft ; now and again a chck ! chck ! from some marine's flint-lock, getting ready for close quarters ; and an occasional short gruff order to the men tending the braces, or on the yards all ready to furl sails. That was all. Magnificently impressive was that calm, silent, unhesitating approach. As the French themselves admitted afterwards, it amazed them and produced a disquieting effect. All the British squadron were under topsails only, now. That was enough sail to carry them ahead into the battle ; and it could be readily taken in, without causing embarrassment when the critical moment arrived for each ship to stop short and anchor sharply, close alongside her allotted foe. They moved through the water at six knots with a fine breeze from the north-west. Already on board every ship the " distinguishing lights," for the British ships to know one another in the dark, had been hoisted — four lanterns in a row, made fast horizontally at the mizen peak. 162 At the Battle of the Nile The sun's rim was touching the sea on the western horizon just after the leading ships of Nelson's squadron had opened fire and were in the act of closing alongside their antagonists. It was a quarter to seven o'clock almost to the minute. As the headmost British ship, the Goliath, drew near the headmost in the French Hne, it was seen on board that they could pass inside. As Nelson had said before, Distinguishing Lights As hoisted on board the Bellerophon at the Battle of the Nile where there was room for an enemy's ship to swing there was room for a British ship to anchor. It had all been thrashed out in those evening talks between the Admiral and his captains on board the Vanguard during the past six weeks. A young midshipman of the Goliath, George Elliot, a son of the first Earl of Minto, was the officer who pointed out to Captain Foley the anchor- buoy of the leading French ship — the buoy marking the spot where the anchor had been dropped. Its dis tance from the French vessel was conclusive evidence 163 The "Bellerophon" that there would be room to pass without fear of getting aground. The discovery meant something else to Captain Foley. He, as a young officer, like Hood of the Zealous, Miller of the Theseus, and Saumarez of the Orion, had been -with Rodney on De Grasse's day. He remembered the French naval usage which had done themselves such deadly damage on that day. He remembered how, on that day, the French, when clearing for action, had contented themselves with clearing only on one side of their ships. Instead of sending everything down into the hold out of the way or flinging it overboard, as was usually the British way, they had piled up everything — mess-gear, tables, stools, chests, buckets, crockery — on one side of the decks, the larboard side, expecting to be engaged only on the other, the starboard side, that nearest the advancing English ; with calamitous results when Rodney's ships broke their line and attacked from the " off," or further side. The French had then found their larboard side guns all blocked up ; it was im possible to work them or to get at them ; while the tables and stools and other heaped-up gear, struck by the English shot, became converted into deadly missiles, being smashed and scattering right and left in jagged splinters which swept away the helpless crews by scores. The French had done the same thing since then too. It was a twenty to one chance now, thought Captain Foley, that they would find things very much like that now, on the off-side of at least some of those anchored French ships. He steered to pass round the bows of the leading Frenchman, and was foUowed closely by Hood in the Zealous. Both ships passed within the enemy's line, between the French ships and the shoal along the edge of which Brueys had ranged his fleet. Leading off as she passed with a crashing broadside, the Goliath raked the Guerriere (as the leading French ship 164 At the Battle of the Nile was called), and brought do-wn her foremast. Captain Foley then brought-up abreast of the second French ship, the Conquirant, to fight it out with her, leaving the Guerriere to Hood to settle with. In quick succession the Orion, Audacious, and Theseus followed, all making for the inner side of the enemy. Each, in turn, found an antagonist without loss of time. The flagship Vanguard came up next. Nelson, how ever, kept on the outer side of the enemy. He anchored opposite the third French ship, the Spartiate, placing that vessel at once between two fires. One of the earlier British ships was already attacking the Spartiate on the inner side. The Guerriere and Conquirant, under the raking broadsides of the five van ships, repeated as each passed round the head of the French line, had already been almost hammered to pieces and had ceased to count. The Zealous and Theseus between them were finishing off the Guerriere, and the Goliath and the Audacious were finishing off the Conqu^ant. The Zealous, in passing across the head of the French line, had made a hole in the Guerriere's bow, " that a coach and four might be driven through," as an officer put it. Said Captain Miller of the Theseus : "I reserved my fire, every gun being loaded with two and some with three round shot, until I had the Guerriere's masts in a line, and her jib-boom about six feet clear of our rigging. We then opened with such effect that a second breath could not be drawn before her main and mizen mast were also gone." The Audacious cut through the French line between the Guerriere and the Conquirant, and as she did so dealt with the Conquirant in the same way as the Theseus had dealt with the Guerriere. Nelson could not well help himself in taking for his antagonist the third ship. The Minotaur followed Nelson, and passing clear of the Vanguard, attacked the fourth French ship. The 165 ^¦¦••¦?;,i*>j M in lis Il6 V7 8 10 II 12 13 The Battle of the Nile From an original plan by one of Nelson's officers, showing the British ships ancho7'ed by the stern (See Key opposite) THE LINES OF BATTLE FRENCH SHIPS I. La Guerriere 8. Le Tonnant 2. Le Conqudrant 9- L'Heureux 3. Le Spartiate 10. Le Timoleon 4. L' Aquilon II. Le GuiUaume Tell 5. Le Souverain Peuple 12. Le Mercure 6. Le Franklin 13- Le Gdnereux 7. L'Orient 14. La Serieuse 16. La Diane 1 5. L' Artemise 17- La Justice BRITISH SHIPS A. Goliath B. Zealous C. Audacious D. Theseus E. Orion F. Leander "^ G. Alexander * H. Vanguard I. Minotaur K. Defence L. Swiftsure * M. Bellerophon N. Majestic O. CuUoden P. Mutine * N.B. — These were not in action till after nine o'clock. The "Bellerophon" Defence came next, and anchored abreast of the fifth Frenchman, already, on the inner side, making a fight with the Orion. It was just at dusk, as the Bellerophon, the next ship to arrive, was about to get into action, that the disas trous mishap to Troubridge in the CuUoden happened, keeping the smartest officer in the Royal Navy out of the battle. The CuUoden had cast off her prize and was coming up to rejoin under all sail, when she suddenly went aground, hard and fast, on the edge of the shoal beyond Aboukir Island. Everything possible was done to get the ship off, but in vain. The CuUoden stuck hard and fast, two and a half miles from the battle. At close quarters with the flagship L'Orient. Darby in the Bellerophon, next astern to the Defence, came up a few minutes after seven, when it was nearly dark. The after-glow of the Egyptian twilight does not last long. Already as the Bellerophon neared the firing line, it had become thick, from the cannon-smoke which drifted along the water as the sea-breeze dropped. It was not easy for the " Ruffians " to see what was ahead of them. They stood on and found allotted to them the most formidable task of all there. Their berth was to be close to where the huge 120-gun first-rate, the mighty L'Orient, was riding. The opportunity for dis tinction was a noble one ; but it was a post of extreme peril for a small third-rate, a two-decker of seventy-four guns, to find herself told off to. The gallant captain of the Bellerophon, however, his Irish fighting blood hot within him, accepted the fortune of war readily. He stood in for the post of honour with alacrity. At the same time he did his best for himself. He was not going to endanger the lives of his men more than must be done. Approaching to within a ship's 168 At the Battle of the Nile length of L'Orient, he let go his anchor, dropping it so as to place the ship at a point of vantage on the bow of the French three-decker. But the anchor failed to hold. It dragged at first and failed to bring the ship up. Before the Bellerophon's way was checked she had forged ahead and come exactly opposite to L'Orient, close under the towering triple-tiered batteries of the great French first- rate. It was a mishap that might well have been a catas trophe. Captain Casablanca, the captain of L'Orient, saw his chance, and took it instantly. As the Bellerophon was in the act of bringing up alongside he fired two full broadsides right into her. That was before the British two-decker had herself fired a gun. The effect on the luckless Bellerophon was fearful in the havoc that it caused throughout the ship right and left, and murderous in its slaughter. Eight guns were dismounted and put out of action. Upwards of seventy men were placed hors de combat ; wounded or killed out right. Captain Darby himself was struck down with an ugly wound in the head. He was carried senseless to the cockpit. Lieutenant Daniell, the first lieutenant, was badly gashed by a splinter, but he bravely kept the deck. Lieutenant Lander, the second lieutenant, was also wounded. He too remained gallantly at his post. Lieutenant John Hadaway, the fourth lieutenant, was knocked over and had to go below to the surgeon.' Lieu tenant George JoUiffe, the fifth lieutenant, was killed. The master, the boatswain, and the captain of marines were also among the casualties — all struck down at these first two broadsides from the enemy. But there was no shrinking, no hanging back aboard the " Billy Ruff'n.'''' The first lieutenant, with his wound hastily bandaged on the spot, took the captain's place, and fought the ship heroically. They were at the closest quarters -with L'Orient, almost touching sides. The 169 The "Bellerophon" Bellerophon " came so close as almost to touch," " presque toucher,'''' wrote Gantheaume, the French Captain of the Fleet on board L'Orient, in his official report on the battle. The gallant Bellerophon, small ship as she was — her upper deck was twelve feet lower than that of the three-decker — stood up squarely to her enemy, taking her fierce " punishment " -without fiinching, and hitting back her hardest, pouring broadside after broadside into the French flagship as fast as the guns could be loaded and fired. On the quarter-deck and poop they fought with pis tols and muskets, besides the guns. There the British marines and small-arm men had a personal set-to with Admiral Brueys and his staff. The French admiral with his suite and personal staff-officers — Gantheaume, the two Casabiancas, and others — hastened up on to L'Orient's poop, we are told, as the Bellerophon came to a standstill alongside, and from there fired down on her decks -with muskets and pistols. With them were a number of Levantine Greeks, some twenty-five or thirty in number, formerly belonging to the Venetian Navy, whom Brueys had taken out of one of his frigates that afternoon to help on board the flagship. Most of the soldiers in L'Orient, the men of the 69th, Brueys sent below to assist at the upper-deck guns. It was while he was taking part in the battle in this way that Admiral Brueys received his first wounds — two bullet wounds from the Bellerophon ; one in the face and the second in the left hand. The gallant French admiral, however, would not go below and have them seen to. He re mained on the poop, " trying to stanch the blood with his handkerchief." About the same time, the officer who was so gallantly fighting the Bellerophon, First Lieutenant Daniell, met his death. A cannon-ball took off his right leg, and as he was being borne below to the cockpit a grape-shot 170 At the Battle of the Nile struck him in the back, the shot at the same time killing the man who had the officer in his arms. Lieutenant Lander, in charge below, on the lower deck, was sent for. He took command of the ship, and the fight went on as desperately as before. Towards eight o'clock, when they had had nearly three-quarters of an hour of close fighting, the mizen mast crashed down, over the side. That was the first external mishap to the ship. The second followed within ten minutes and with yet worse results. Without warning, the ponderous mainmast, with its heavy equip ment of yards and rigging and sails, came crashing down. It suddenly gave way and collapsed, shot through close above the deck. It toppled down lengthways, smashing all the boats on the booms amidships except one, and falling right along the starboard gangway and over the forecastle ; disabling all the Bellerophon's guns there, covering them under a tangled mass of splintered wood and torn canvas and cordage, and kilHng outright Lieu tenant Lander, who happened to be giving an order from the gangway at the moment. His place was filled by the third lieutenant, Robert Cathcart, who was summoned up to the quarter-deck to take charge of the ship, from his post on the main deck. Captain Darby had regained consciousness and was better ; but he was not yet fit to leave the cockpit and return to duty. This was the third change of com manders that the Bellerophon had had within the hour. At this moment, too, a fire broke out on board the Bellerophon, and also one on board L'Orient. On board the British ship it was caused by incendiary projectiles flung from the French three-decker. The fire, however, was put out speedily, as was a second a few minutes later. In L'Orient the fire took place amidships ; one of the boats on the booms caught fire and blazed up. Under Captain Casablanca's personal supervision the 171 The "Bellerophon" boat was hauled across the gangway and let drop, a mass of flames, into the sea, on the further side of the ship. On that side L'Orient had no enemy to engage. The French flagship up to then had only the Bellerophon to deal with. The duel went on without slackening ; but it was be coming plain that the vastly heavier metal of the three- decker must tell in the end. The weight of metal, the mass of cannon-balls, fired into the Bellerophon at every discharge of L'Orient's lower-deck broadside alone, ex ceeded the whole weight of fhe Bellerophon' s broadside from all her guns and carronades together, on lower- deck, upper-deck, quarter-deck, poop, and forecastle. The guns on L'Orient's lower-deck broadside alone fired at every round just six hundredweight of metal, or well over a quarter of a ton. The Bellerophon' s total weight of metal amounted to barely five hundredweight. On L'Orient's lower-deck, the guns — sixteen on the broad side — each fired 42-pounder shot (36 pounds French weight). To answer that, the Bellerophon on the lower- deck had a broadside of fourteen 32-pounders. On the deck above, the British ship had to oppose a broadside of seventeen 28-pounders with fourteen i8-pounders. Elsewhere on board the British crew had to make head -with nine 9-pounders and eight 12-pounder carronades, against seventeen 14-pounders and ten 9-pounders. Yet they stood up to it for an hour and twenty- minutes ; fired into now and again, in addition, by others of the French ships, lying near L'Orient, the two big 8o-gun ships, the Franklin and the Tonnant, in particular. Terrible must have been the scene of carnage and de struction on board the devotedly fought British seventy- four. " Let every man picture to himself this frightful carnage taking place in a space of less than a hundred yards square. Let him consider that the slain did not all 172 At the Battle of the Nile die suddenly, nor by one manner of death ; that some perished by steel, some by shot, some by water ; that some were crushed and mangled by heavy weights ; some trampled upon ; some dashed to atoms by fiery explosions, and that this destruction was endured with out shrinking." So Napier writes of the horrors at the storming of Badajoz. His words might well apply to some of the things that happened that night on the decks of the Bellerophon. " At one gun, every man of the fourteen manning it was struck down, and six killed on the spot, by a 42-pounder shot from L'Orient, which smashed into the upper part of the muzzle as the gun was being run out, shattering it do-wn to the trunnions, into fragments that acted like a bomb-shell." At an other gun four men were killed outright by a similar shot, which " crumpled up the muzzle in fragments and jammed the gun almost to the chamber." There was no help from outside available for the Bellerophon — even if in the dark it had been possible for any of her consorts to know her state. The nearest British ship at that moment was almost as hard pressed. It was the Majestic, then at close quarters with the French 8o-gun ship Tonnant. The captain of the Majestic had been killed, and the ship was being hard put to it to look after herself. The enemy, indeed, on that night were proving them selves foemen worthy of Nelson's steel. Never, perhaps, did the French fight harder than they did on the night of the Battle of the Nile. If their crews were below strength, owing to the exigencies of the Egyptian ex pedition, those who remained to serve the guns were assuredly picked men. Never were Admiral Brueys' Own men in L'Orient surpassed by any French ship's company in the fierceness with which they fought. And it was the same elsewhere. The Guerriere with her side cut open — " from bow to gangway the ports on her main-deck were 173 The "Bellerophon" all in one " — fought for three hours, and even then, -with only one gun left firing, they refused to surrender, until Hood, " tired of killing men in that way," as he said, sent an officer on board, who personally hauled down the French ship's lights. The Conquerant's captain, D'Alerade, severely wounded, lay do-wn on the quarter deck and gave his orders in that position, fighting his ship for two and a half hours. Forty-one of the Conque'ranVs guns were disabled, and the ship was four times on fire before she gave in. The Spartiate fought Nelson on the one side and the Theseus on the other, at first. After wards she maintained the fight with the Audacious, and the Minotaur added to her foes, handUng her guns with magnificent precision and smartness. When she sur rendered, after four hours' fighting, her captain had been badly wounded, two lieutenants had been killed, both main and mizen masts had been shot away, and the ship had been twice on fire. Of her seventy-four guns only seven were not disabled. The Aquilon lost her captain, had three hundred men killed and wounded, and was totally dismasted before she surrendered. The Souverain Peuple, when she surrendered, had her cap tain dangerously wounded, and two hundred and twenty men killed and wounded. She was totally dismasted, and had four feet of water in the hold from shot-holes. The FrankUn fought till two of her three masts had gone, two hundred and fourteen of her ship's company had been rendered hors de combat, including Admiral Blanquet-Duchayla, his flag-captain and most of the other officers. Only three guns of the eighty with which the Franklin began the fight were left serviceable, and the ship had nine feet of water in the hold. The Tonnant, entirely dismasted, lost two hundred and sixty in killed and wounded, including, among the killed. Commodore Dupetit-Thouars and the captain. She was the last French ship of aU to surrender, on the after- 174 At the Battle of the Nile noon of the 2nd of August, after a vain attempt to get boats to take the remainder of the crew to Alexandria, and an equally vain attempt to get terms from the Theseus, the ship that demanded her surrender. " Your battle-flag or none," was Captain Miller's sharp hail in reply to the Tonnant's hoisting of a flag of truce. The battle-flag was hoisted and hauled down again to signify surrender at discretion. The " Bellerophon " withdraws from the battle. The end of her duel came for the Bellerophon between eight and nine o'clock. " Overwhelmed, but not sub dued," as Ahson describes her, she quitted the fight, " a glorious monument of unconquerable valour." It was not, however, that the Bellerophon was beaten off. The cause was quite otherwise. Another fire had broken out on L'Orient, the second that night, and was threatening to spread to the Bellerophon. At that moment, further more, the Bellerophon was herself on fire in three different parts of the ship. "At 9," says the ship's log, in its matter-of-fact way, " observing our antagonist on fire on the middle gun-deck, cut the stern cable and ware clear of her by loosing the sprit-sail." A midshipman of fourteen, John Hindmarsh, gave the order ; Lieutenant Cathcart ha-ving had just then to go below on duty. " Thinking the fire in L'Orient would spread to the Bellerophon, he got some hands down and cut her cable, and then had the sprit-sail set." Captain Darby, who had had his wound dressed and had been permitted by the surgeon to return on deck, came up just afterwards, and approved of what had been done. After that it was found that the ship could fight no more. As they moved away the foremast fell, their last remain ing mast. All that could be managed now, was to rig a jury sail on the stumps of the masts, and let the Belle rophon drift before the breeze. 175 The "Bellerophon" Midshipman Hindmarsh, it may be added, had been wounded earher in the fight, recei-ving a blow on the forehead which cost him later the loss of one eye ; but the plucky boy had refused to quit the deck. For his prompt action in cutting the ship clear at that perilous moment, he was pubHcly thanked by Nelson, when three days after the battle Nelson came on board the Bellerophon, and personally thanked Captain Darby and his officers and men for the heroic way in which they had upheld the honour of the flag. Nelson, at the same time, in his address to all hands, laid stress on what young Hind marsh had done, and presented him on the Bellerophon's quarter-deck with a lieutenant's commission. Captain Darby also, for his part, presented the boy to all the captains of the squadron, when, during the week after the battle, they came on board to congratulate their brother-captain — as they nobly did, the " Band of Brothers " — for the heroism of his ship's fight. Wrote one of them. Captain Troubridge, " the Bayard of the British Navy," who was unable to leave the CuUoden during her repairs, to Darby : "I envy you the mag nificent conduct of the Bellerophon ! " Wrote Nelson himself, in his official despatch, pub lished in the London Gazette Extraordinary of the 2nd of October : " The undaunted magnanimity with which the Bellerophon was placed alongside L'Orient excited at the moment the highest admiration, and the per severance with which she retained her situation, must ever be the theme of eulogium with every officer and man in the British squadron." No other British ship at the Nile was mentioned by name by Nelson. The Bellerophon parted company from L'Orient, firing into her a farewell broadside as she sheered off. From one of these last shots, as it would seem. Admiral Brueys received his death-wound ; his left thigh was torn away by a cannon-baU, just after he had come down from the 176 The Battle of the Nile Fr07n the picture at Greenwich Naval Hospital At the Battle of the Nile poop on to the- quarter-deck. A yeoman of the signals caught the Admiral in his arms and wanted to carry him below, but Brueys told him to leave him there. He wished, he said, to die on deck. " Un amiral Francais," were his words, " doit mourir sur son banc de quart!" " A French admiral ought to die on his quarter-deck ! " " He died," said one of the officers present, Lachadenfede, " with the same tranquilUty of soul with which he had fought." There proved to be no further fighting for Captain Darby and his gallant fellows that night. They had taken their full part assuredly. But they were yet to meet with one or two experiences. They had to pass the French rear, as they drifted slowly to eastward across Aboukir Bay. That meant running the gauntlet of the fire of some six French ships : three 8o-gun ships and three seventy-fours. The moon was now rising and shed sufficient light to show her up to the enemy as she passed, although it was diffi cult to tel' whether the passing wreck was a French or British vessel. Ensign staff and distinguishing Hghts and everything had been shot away. The Franklin first fired one or two guns at her, but at the moment that ship was fully occupied in dealing with the intrepid Majestic. The Tonnant, not otherwise engaged for the moment, recognised the Bellerophon as British, and fired two broadsides into her. The Bellerophon, on her side, too far off to be sure of hitting back, and too busy in trying to get her jury sails up, did not reply with a single gun. Then, one after the other, the Heureux, the Mercure, and the Timoleon, all fired their broadsides into the dismasted hulk, as it drifted past each of them, but again drawing no reply fire. The GuiUaume Tell, Admiral Villeneuve's flagship, let her pass — and quite close — -without firing at aU. Villeneuve mistook the Bellerophon, as he said, for a dismasted French ship. 179 The "Bellerophon" He discovered his mistake when it was too late to do more than send half-a-dozen random shots after her. The Genereux fired two or three shots, and getting no answer, concluded that the Bellerophon had struck. She had, of course, no lights up, as they had gone over board with the mizen-mast. The Ge'nereux's boat was then ordered to be hoisted out in order to take posses sion, but they did not get it into the water until after the Bellerophon had disappeared in the darkness, and it was not thought wise to risk a possible mistake, and the knocking of the boat's crew on the head. Captain Darby and his ship, though, after getting past the French, had a yet greater peril to meet : from one of their own consorts. The Bellerophon came in for what proved the very narrowest of escapes from being sent to the bottom by another of Nelson's ships. As the dismasted wreck of a British seventy-four was slowly drifting along, a dark mass, hardly distinguishable in the moonlight, she came right across the path of the advancing Swiftsure, which ship, as has been said, had been detached during the forenoon, and was now hurry ing up late into action. The Swiftsure's men trained their broadside guns on the approaching unknown -vessel, whom all on board had satisfied themselves must be an enemy, and only awaited the captain's orders — " Fire ! " Most providentially, something raised a doubt in the mind of the Swiftsure's commander. Captain HaUowell. It was at the last moment, just as the word was on his lips. A detail caused a suspicion as to the strange ship's nationality. Intently examining the vessel with his night glasses, HaUowell made out that her sails, as they lay amid the wreckage, had all, before they came down, been cast loose. That made him think twice. The French, he knew, had been at anchor, and would therefore have their sails furled. Before he gave the fateful order to open fire, the captain of the Swiftsure i8o At the Battle of the Nile hailed across the water : " What ship is that ? " The answer — to Captain HaUowell's inexpressible relief — came back : " Bellerophon, going out of action dis abled ! " Well might the Swiftsure's men give vent to a " loud sigh of reUef," as we are told. " Thank God we waited ! " they exclaimed, one and aU. After that, giving the gallant "Billy Ruff'ns" three frantic cheers, the Swiftsure passed on to anchor with the Alexander, and take up the fight with L'Orient where the Bellerophon had left it. The Bellerophon continued to keep steerage way under such sail as they could make. As soon as he was clear of the last French ship Captain Darby had tried to anchor. But it proved impossible. It was found that the cables, ranged in the tiers in the hold, had been cut to pieces by L'Orient's shot. So they had to drift on, getting further and further from the battle, while the tired survivors of the crew set to work to splice some of the least damaged lengths of cable. " L'Orient's " terrible fate. Then came to pass the great central incident in the drama of the Battle of the Nile. As they were slowly drifting, about three-quarters of an hour after the Belle rophon quitted the line, a tremendous blaze was seen, coming from somewhere near the centre of the fighting. Some ship was on fire. What ship it was, whether friend or enemy, they could not of course tell, although the throbbing glare of the conflagration lighted the space up all round the doomed ship as brightly as day, making visible the colours of the flags on board several vessels on both sides. The glare increased, and the flames shot up fiercely into the sky, but the battle continued all round the burning ship with, as it seemed, indeed, in tensified fury. Captain Darby, anticipating the inevi- The "Bellerophon" table explosion, lowered the only boat that the Belle rophon had left, and sent it off -with orders to pull in as near as might be possible, and pick up any drowning men. It was, of course, the ill-fated French flagship, L'Orient, that was on fire. The outbreak on board when the Bellerophon sheered off had been got under, but a third fire had broken out a quarter of an hour later, in the mizen chains on the port side, which it had been im possible to put out. The ship's fire-engines had been shot to pieces and the hoses destroyed, and the fall of L'Orient's mizen and main masts, immediately after wards bringing down a tangled mass of newly tarred rigging right on top of the flames, added the most in flammable fuel possible. The fire spread quickly to the upper-deck, whence it seemed to leap in a flash all over the ship. Every effort was made to keep it under, but the task was soon rendered impossible by the action of the two British ships fighting L'Orient in the Bellerophon's place, the Swiftsure and the Alexander. The two pointed their guns deliberately for the seat of the conflagration, and poured in grape and round shot, firing more furiously than ever, so as to prevent every effort of the Frenchmen to put the flames out. It was a terrible act ; but it was a necessity, it was only " playing the game." " Battery after battery had to be abandoned," de scribes a French officer, " and the ship became a mass of flames fore and aft. Rear-Admiral Gantheaume there upon assembled several officers and demanded their ad-vdce, and the order was given to abandon the ship, it being found impossible to flood the magazines." " Sauve qui peut " was now the order. A hundred men seized the launch and got away. Several escaped in the half- burnt cutter. About two hundred swam to the nearest ships. Nearly half the crew of L'Orient went overboard and clung to the wreckage from the fallen masts and 182 At the Battle of the Nile rigging which was floating in the water all round, attached to the ship. A few though, it would seem. Main-topgallant-mast Head of the French Flagship "L'Orient" Picked up after the battle, and one of Nelson's most prized private trophies recklessly remained to fight the guns to the very last. Then came the catastrophe. The bravely defended flag ship was, it is said, still firing from some of her guns on 183 The "Bellerophon" the lower-deck, when, with a crashing explosion that silenced every sound of battle and brought about a hushed pause for nearly a quarter of an hour, L'Orient blew up. About three hundred men in all of the eight hundred and fifty on board the French flagship survived the catastrophe. Seventy of these were picked up out of the water by the British, two of them by the Belle rophon's boat, which found them clinging to a spar. The story of the fate of the Casabiancas comes in at this point. Captain Casablanca, leaning on the shoulder of his son Giacomo, called out the order to abandon the ship, it was said, in these words. Addressing the men left on the quarter-deck, he said : " You have fought nobly, my children, for the honour of the Republic. All is lost now. Save yourselves ! " He had been wounded early in the fighting with the Bellerophon, but like Admiral Brueys had remained on deck. Then Giacomo spoke: "Come, father," he said, "we must save ourselves. Look ! Enghsh boats are coming to save our men in the water." The boats were those specially sent by Nelson from the Vanguard. " No," was the captain's firm reply. " You jump overboard, my son ! I will not leave my ship ! My place is here to the end ! " The youth on that refused to leave his father, although some of the sailors in the water, alongside, it is said, shouted entreaties to both of them to save themselves. Such is the account that has been handed down in the Casablanca family to this day. After the ship blew up, the two were seen in the water, so some of the swimmers said, still together. One of the surviving French officers, indeed, explicitly declared that he saw the younger Casablanca trying to hold his wounded father up in the water. They were lost sight of in the darkness and never seen again. 184 At the Battle of the Nile Of the other officers of L'Orient two were picked up after hair-breadth escapes. " I threw myself into the sea," said one, " and although I do not know how to swim, got on to the main topsail yard, on which I awaited the explosion. Nearly four hundred men had also sought a refuge on the spars and wreckage which lay surrounding the burning ship. At 10.15 she blew up. We were all engulfed, and only some sixty in all came up to the surface again, and found a refuge on the wreckage afloat. The fragment of wood on which I was, was attached by some of the rigging to the sunken hull of the vessel, and we remained on the floating debris, in the same place, till daylight. About 5 o'clock we became exposed to stray shots from the French rear ships, by which we had eight men killed and several wounded." This is what the other said : " Having quitted the ship after having seen her entirely abandoned, I had hardly time to get on to the fore-yard, which had fallen half-burnt into the sea, when I was all of a sudden enveloped in un tourbillon obscur, which Hfted me high up into the air with the yard to which I held. After having shot up to a considerable height, dans ce chaos tenebreux, I suddenly found myself dropping, and almost suffocated by the rush and swirl of the water into which I was plunged head ong. Happily I came to the surface uninjured after many efforts, and was able again to get hold of floating debris from my unfortunate ship." One of L'Orient's officers. Lieutenant Berthelot, swam on board the Swiftsure. He clambered up her side and presented himself on the quarter-deck stark naked, but with his cocked-hat on. Captain HaUowell, taken aback at the dripping apparition, could only excaim : " Who the deuce are you, sir ? " " Je suis de ' L'Orient,'' Mon sieur ! " was the reply. Berthelot then told an extra ordinary story of his adventure. He had been quartered, he said, on the lower-deck of L'Orient and stayed there 185 The "Bellerophon" with his men, working at their guns until the planking of the deck overhead was actually seen to be on fire. Then he stripped and jumped overboard. In the water he suddenly bethought him that, even if he were ob served by the English, he would not be recognised as an officer and might be left to dro-wn. He turned back and swam to L'Orient again, then blazing, a mass of flames, from stem to stern, some five minutes before the explosion. He climbed in at a lower-deck port, groped his way through the smoke, all along the charred and burning deck, to where he had taken off his clothes. '^' l*Hi"'lllh'-