¦: ,.*.!

in $ A'

; i

YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

REVIEW

or

^AMUPHHLH^^

oN

SLAVERY AND COLONIZATION.

FIRST PUBLISHED IN THE
Quarterly Christian Spectator,
FOR MARCH, 1833.

SECOND SEPARATE EDITION.

Published and sold by a. h. maLtbY.
BOSTON  PIERCE AND PARKER.
Printed by Baldwin fy Ellis.
1 8 3 3?

Thoughts on African Colonization ; or an Impartial Exhibition of
the Doctrines, Principles, and Purposes of the American Colo-
v nization Society. Together with the Resolutions, Addresses,
and Remonstrances of the Free People of Color, &c. By Wm.
Lloyd Garrison. Boston: 1832.
A Letter to Thomas Clarkson, by James Cropper. And Prejti-
dice Vincible : or the Practicability of conquering prejudice by
better means than by slavery and exile ; in relation to the. Amer
ican Colonization Society. By C. Stuart, &c. Liverpool :
1832.
The American Quarterly Review, No. XXIII, September, 1832,.
Article VIII. Abolition of Ne_ro Slaverv.

SLAVERY AND COLONIZATION.

A" few months ago, we gave , some account of Mr. William
Lloyd Garrison's Address to the people of color, and especially
of .the Objections urged in that document against the American
Colonization Society. The present work is a reiteration of the
same objections in a more expanded form, with more vehemence
. and abusiveness of manner, with more numerous and striking de
monstrations of unusual self-respect, and with an imposing show
"if what the uninformed or inconsiderate reader would regard as
testimony, in support of his various allegations. We do not pro
pose, therefore,,, to examine all the counts of his dreadful indict
ment in detail ; showing what is the truth in the instances in
which _he has propounded error; it is enough to refer the intelli
gent and candid reader to our former article.* All that we intend
iff respect to Mr. Garrison's ponderous pamphlet is, to offer a few
critical remarks tending to show the character of his performance,
and ,the danger of resting with implicit confidence on his repre
sentations of even plain matters. We have to do, in this article,
' with Mr. Garrison's method of reasoning ; and we shall defend
the institution which' he has assailed, only so far as it may be
defended by the exposure of some of his sophistries.
The allegations., of this book against the American Colonization
Society, as distinctly and formally set down, in so many sectionsj
are the following.
> I. " The American Colonization Society is pledged not to op
pose the system of slavery';" or, as we read the running title of
the section, it "is not hostile to slavery ;" or, as it is expounded
in another instance, it " is solemnly pledged not to interfere with
the system of slavery, or in any manner to disturb the repose of
the planters ;" or, to turn to another paragraph, it " pledges itself
not only* to respect the system of slavery, but to frown indignantly
upon those who shall dare to assail it." ;
II. " The American Colonization Society apologizes for slavery (
and slaveholders." That is — if we read aright— it " exonerates
the supporters of the slave system from .^prehension,"
III. " The American Colonization Society recognizes slaves as
property." " This recognition," says the accuser, " is not mere
ly technical, or strictly confined to a statutable interpretation." .
[Pray, what is " a statutable interpretation" of a recognition ?"]
" I presume," he proceeds,, "the advocates of the society will
attempt to evade'.this point, by saying that it never meant to con
cede the. moral right of the masters to possess human beings ; but
* Christian Spectator, June, 1832, pp. 334—333.

the evidence against them is full and explicit. The society, if
language mean any thing, does unequivocally acknowledge prop
erty in slaves to be as legitimate and sacred as any other property,
of which to deprive the owners either by force or by legislation
without making restitution, would be unjust and tyrannical."
IV. "The American Colonization Society increases the value
of slaves." " Thus" it " is the apologist, the friend, and the
patron of slaveholders and slavery."
V. It " is the enemy of immediate abolition."
VI. It " is nourished by fear and selfishness." Its " governing
motive is fear-^undisguised, excessive fear.'"' " The principal ob
ject avowed for the removal of the free people of color, is, their
corruptive and dangerous influence over the slave population."
" Throughout all the speeches, addresses, and reports in behalf of
the society, it is confessed, in language strong and explicit, that an
irrepressible and agonizing fear of the influence of the free people
of color, over the slave population is the primary, essential, and
prevalent motive for colonizing them on the coast of Africa — and
pot, as we are frequently urged to believe, a desire simply to me-«
liarate their condition and civilize that continent."
VII. " The American Colonization Society aims at the utter
expulsion of the blacks." Its " implacable spirit is most apparent
in its determination not to cease from its labors, until our whole
colored population be expelled from the country." It " expressly
denies the right of the slaves to enjoy their freedom and happi
ness in this country."
VIII. . It " is the disparager of the free blacks." " The leaders
in the African colonization crusade, seem to dwell with a malig
nant satisfaction upon the poverty and degredation of the free
people of color, and are careful never to let an opportunity pass
without heaping their abuse and contempt upon them."
IX« " The American Colonization Society denies the possibili
ty of elevating the blacks in this country." In the running title,
this accusation is thus expressed, " The American Colonization-
Society prevents the instruction of the blacks." In the course of
the illustration it is explained thus, " The society prevents the ed
ucation of this class, in the most insidious and effectual manner,
by constantly asserting that they must always be a degraded peo
ple in this country, and that the cultivation of their minds will
avail them nothing."
X. " The American Colonization Society deceives and misleads
the nation." This means, as we understand it, after a careful ex
amination of the illustration and argument, not only that the hopes
• inspired by the establishment of the colony are delusive, and ope* t
rate to divert the public mind from other and more efficient un
dertakings ; but also that the society, knowingly and intentionally
imposes on the public by false representations of plain matters
of fact.

These are the charges. The author does not regard one of
them as light or trivial. His style and language, show that, in
every section, he considers himself as imputing*.great criminality
to somebody. He is not merely exposing the error of attempting
"to colonize Africa with free people of color from America ; he is
charging crime upon a great multitude of persons.
Against whom then are these charges preferred ? Whom does
the accuser' mean by the, American Colonization Society? Does
he mean merely the managers and executive officers of the insti
tution, at Washington ? Does he mean those individuals only,
who habitually act and vote at the annual meetings in the Capitol?
Or does he use the title, "Colonization Socfety," to designate
the great. body of the friends and supporters of the African colony
of Liberia?* We are constrained to adopt the latter construction.
We cannot but suppose that when, in this pamplet, he accuses
" the American Colonization Society," he understands himself,
and wishes to be understood by his readers, as bringing charges
against the self-same persons, whom in his former pamplet he ac
cused, in nearly the same words, under the names of " coloniza-
tionists" and " supporters of the African scheme." •
Yet it is not without some reason, some final cause, that in the
present instance the object of attack is designated ?by another
name. In the address to the people of color, the simple object
was tq prejudice their minds invincibly against the influence of a
pertain class of philanthropic individuals, namely, those who in any
manner befriend the African colony ; and therefore the orator
'spoke of the "doctrines, principles, and purposes of colonization*
ists." In the work now under review, the object is to prejudice
the public at large, against any participation in the enterprise of
colonizing Africa ; and therefore the writer represents these
"doctrines, principles, and purposes," as part and parcel of the
American Colonization Society. The obvious scope and design ]
of the whole book, is to make the readers feel, that they cannot j
_ support the enterprise of the American Colonization Society,
without supporting, and virtually subscribing, all these opinions
apd principles. Here, then, is the first and leading fallacy of Mr. J
Garrison's indictment, a fallacy, which we presume has imposed
upon his mind, as we know it has imposed upon the minds of J
some others, more intelligent and coolheaded than he. Admit- '
ting£ for the present, the perfect fairness of all the quotations in
this book, admitting that the author has succeeded in fastening
upon • colonizationists, as he calls them, a mass of opinions and
principles i which deserve unqualified reprobation; what has this
to, do with Liberia, and the voluntary migration of colored people
to the country of their ancestors ? The opinions, speeches, es-
jsays, and professions of colonjizationists, are Tone. thifi^^nd_colo-
nizajio^itsle-iTTi^omeVTEirjff. THF]_mefican't!JoIoni_ation So-

ciety has nothing to dp With any man's opinions. It is no more a
so~cletyTErn_i¥ p76pli||a1te respecting sla-;
very, or respecting , the capabilities, rights, and injuries of* the
people of color, than the Bank of the 'United States is a society
for the propagation of particular doctrines respecting cnrrenfey.
Like the Bible Society, it asks no man what he believes ; it sets
forth no confession of faith to be subscribed by its friends. Like
the Bible Society, it holds up the single definite work which it
proposes to perform, and asks for nothing but co-operation. The
only point of union which connects so many persons in that " com
bination," as Mr. Garrison calls it, is this, they all agree to co
operate in promoting the colonization of Africa, by the emigration
of free people of color from America. Among them all, not one
can be held responsible for the opinions, political or religious, of
any other. We count it a privilege to number ourselves among
the friends and supporters of African colonization. We are ready
to give to the enterprise, whatever influence we can employ for its
advancement. We believe that this enterpriseis infallibly tending
to great and good results ; and we have often taken occasion to
propound our opinions on this subject ; but we never dreamed that ^
in so doing, we were propounding opinions, for which .all the indi- ""
viduals who might be found co-operating with us, were to be re-
sponsible. So others have published their speculations, in public
debate or through the press ; and however they may differ from
us, in respect to this or that important bearing of the enterprise;
whatever heresies they may hold about the rights of the people of
color on this soil, or^the practicability or even the desirableness of*
the speedy abolition of slavery, by what authority can they be hin
dered from speaking or writing in favor of colonization ? — or who*
shall stand over against the society's treasury, and forbid their mo
ney to come in, if they choose to give it ? We have read speeches
and essays in support of this cause, which contained, as we thoughtj
serious errors; but little did we dream that any man had a right :
to impute those errors to us, or that we were bound to withdraw
our friendship from the society, till such men's mouths should be
sealed up. Yet the very scope of Mr. Garrison's argunment is,
You must not favor the cause of African colonization, for in so
doing, you will give the right hat_d of fellowship to all the erro
neous principles on which that enterprise has at any time been
supported ; and you will become a partaker in the guilt of all the/
selfish and unhallowed motives, which have ever had influence
with any of its friends or advocates.
If the reader would see how completely the style of argument
in this book, confounds the society with every member of the so*4
ciety, and with every friend and fellow-worker in the enterprise,
lethim read the argument and citations under the first section. •
" The American Colonization Society," says Mr. G. "is pledged

not, to oppose the SptetJ. of slavery." Very true : the Society is-
pledged, not to oppose slavery ; and it is' equally pledged not to
oppose intemperance or sabbath-breaking ; for by its constitution,
itsiresources are to be exclusively directed to a particular object,
and*that object is not the publication of anti-slavery tracts, or the
diffusion of temperance principles, or the instruction of the public
mind respecting the, authority of the christian sabbath, but the
colonization of Africa. Yet, this simple pledge, to wit, the fact
that the constitution of the society, makes it exclusively a coloni
zation society, and not an anti-slavery tract society, is a grievous
offense, to Mr. Garrison. Straightway he rises into a towering
passion against the society, asjf its members and friends, were one
and all pledged, "solemnly pledged" as individuals, never to say
a word in opposition to slavery. < " I want no better reason than
this," he exclaims, "to wage an uncompromising warfare against
it. No man has a right to form an alliance with others, which
prevents him from rebuking sin, or exposing the guilt of sinners."
We are hot aware that any such alliance has been formed. Cer
tainly we have never become a party to such a contract. Perhaps
iit will relieve the mind of this uncompromising man, to be inform-
* led that by the payment of one dollar annually, he himself may
become a member of the American Colo-iization Society,, and
jake„a,part with his voice and his vote, at all its meetings for busi
ness, dpd still be as zealous as ever in propagating his own pecu
liar opinions respecting slavery and the rights of Africans.
But, the author will tell us, the pledge of the constitution is not.
all : have I not summoned a cloud of witnesses, to prove some
thing more?: 'We ask in reply, how much more do these nine
pages of extracts from speeches, reviews and essays, prove ?_ So
far as they merely repeat and expound the constitution of the so
ciety, they prove nothing at all. So far as they advance beyond
that line, they express" simply the sentiments of individuals, and
^tean be fairly imputed to none but their individual authors. Should
it^be said, that even with these limitations they prove that " coloni-
zationists generally agree" in not opposing slavery ; we may an
swer they prove no such thing, for it would be perfectly easy to
quote from what the friends of the society have said and written,
at least as many pages, expressing sentiments of settled opposition
^slavery, of ardent desire for its abolition, and of inflexible re
solve to: aim by peaceable means at the overthrow of the system.
^ Here then, we, repeat, is the first and leading fallacy of the
pamphlet before us, a fallacy which runs through every section.
It regards any body who happens to- speak or write in favor of
colonization, as an authorized expositor of the views of the society.
It regards every exceptionable or seemingly exceptionable senti
ment, which can be, culled out of such speeches, and essays, as^^f
it were incorporated into the society's constitution ; and its con-

3
stant ajrrl is, to make the reader feel that if he befriends the cause,
he gives his support to every soph obnoxious sentiment.
We have other objections to the methods of proof adopted in
this pamphlet. The author is chargeable with great unfairness in
his quotations. Any reader who derives his first knowledge, or
his chief knowledge of the society from this pamphlet, is naturally
impressed by the frequency with which citations are given from
the reports of the society. It seems as if the author were deter*
mined to have the very best authority for all bis declarations. It
seems as if the institution were to be condemned by the official
statements of its managers, formally accepted by the members at
their annual meetings. The effect of passages cited from "Sec
ond Annual Report," "Tenth Annual Report'5 etc., is highly im
portant in respect to the impression which the author is aiming to
produce on his readers. Now it so happened that we recognized
as old acquaintances some of the sentences thu&quoted, and knew
that such sentences were never incorporated in any report of the
managers to the society. This led us to examine a few other
sentences quoted in the same manner, as from the official commu
nications of the board of managers. One after another was
searched for in vain through the body of the report referred to,
and Was found at last either in some speech delivered at the an
nual meeting, and published with the report as a part of the pre
liminary matter, or in some of the documents included as articles
of intelligence in the appendix. And if we may judge from the
multiplied instances which we have been at the trouble of examin
ing, and which have been taken altogether at random, nearly all the
quotations which seem to be from the Annual Reports, are only
quotations from the matters which accompany the Annual Reports
as published. Mr. Garrison may say, that in all this he had no
intention to deceive : but whatever may have been his intention,
the quotations are in fact unfair and deceptive. He may say,
that he referred to the reports only as pamphlets known by that
name, he may say that the distinction between the report and the
various matters printed with it, did not occur to him as important ;
but no apology can rectify the actual unfairness of his quotations.
And what makes the unfairness more striking and more effectual,
is, he recognizes at first, again and again, the very distinction
Which he afterwards so generally disregards. Through the first
section and a part of the second, he carefuily observes this dis
tinction, in all his quotations ; but then, as if he felt the necessity
of something more imposing and authoritative than extracts front
speeches and appendixes, and as if he had ascertained that he
was likely to find very little which would be to his purpose, in the
actual communications of the managers to their constituents, he
begins suddenly to accumulate quotation upon quotation from
"Annual Reports" in a style,,as deceptive as it is impressive*

The deception may be accidental ; but its effect is to mislead the
uninformed and unsuspecting reader, as really as if it was designed.
n. In addition to this, the author palpably misconstrues the lan
guage, and misrepresents the sentiments, of those whose wprds he
adduces in proof of his accusations. It is enough for us to bring
forward such instances of this, as have happened, for particular
reasons, to arrest our attention. A few examples of this kind,
will suffice to show how far this pamphlet may be trusted as " an
impartial exhibition" of the opinions entertained by the friends of
colonization. Among his nine pages of proofs, that the American Colonization
Society is not hostile to slavery, we find the following passage cited
from the Christian Spectator, for September, 1830.
This institution proposes to do good by a single specific course of measures.
Its direct and specific purpose is not the abolition of slavery, ["the italics are Mr.
Garrison's not ours,] or the relief of pauperism, or the extension of commerce
and civilization, ortbe enlargement of science, or the conversion of the heathen.
The single object which its constitution prescribes, and to which all its efforts
are necessarily directed, is, African colonization from America. It proposes only
to afford facilities for the voluntary emigration of free people of color from this
country to the country of their fathers, pp. 45, 46.
Now who would suppose, from the manner in' which this quo
tation is made, and the proposition of Mr. G. which it is designed
to establish — who would suppose that one leading object of the
article from which the sentence is extracted, is to prove that the
progress of colonization will infallibly act upon public opinion
throughout the slaveholding states, in such a manner as greatly to
accelerate the abolition of slavery, and its abolition not by succes
sive instances of private manumission, but by legislation? Who
would suppose that the very document from which Mr. G. derives
the proof that the society makes no opposition to slavery, urges, as
the grand argument in behalf of the society, the infallible tendency
of its enterprise, to abolish that unchristian and accursed system ?
Yet such is the fact.
In another place, the following sentences are credited to the
African Repository. They belong in fact to an " Address to the
public by the managers of the Colonization Society of Connecti
cut," published in 1828.
It is taken for granted, that inpresent circumstances, any effort to produce a gen
eral and thorough amelioration in the character and condition of the free people of
color j must be to a great extent fruitless. In every part of the United States there
is a broad and impassable line of demarcation between every man who has one
drop of African blood in his veins, and every other class in the community. Th-
habits, the feelings, all the prejudices of society — prejudices which neither re
finement, nor argument, nor education, nor religion itself can subdue — mark ihe
people of color, whether bond or free, as the subjects of a degradation inevitable
and incurable. The African in this country belongs by birth to the very lowest
station. in society ; and from that station he can never rise, be bis talents, bis en
terprise, his virtues what they may. . . . They constitute a class by Ihemselves
— a class out of which no individual can be elevated, and below which none
can be depressed. And this is the difficulty, the invariable and insuperable diffi
cult/ in the way of every scheme for their benefit. Much can be done for tbem
—much has been done ; but still they ars, and, in this country, always must be
a. depressed and abject race, p, 136.
., •- 2

10
We have taken away Mr. Garrison's italics and capitals, and
have restored the emphasis with which the words were originally
printed. Will the reader believe, that this, as it stands in the
pamphlet before us, is one of the author's strongest testimonies to
prove that the American Colonization Society prevents the in
struction of the blacks, and denies the possibility of elevating them
in this country. The position which the writer of the Address
undertakes to illustrate, in the paragraph from which these senten
ces are culled, is that "in present circumstances any effort
to produce a general and thorough amelioration in the character
and condition of the people of color must be, to a great extent,
fruitless." The whole paragraph describes their condition as af
fected by " present circumstances." And one point, one distinct
head of argument, which the address urges on the public, is the
common, and with many friends of the society, favorite topic,
that the success and progress of the work of colonization will
change those " present circumstances," that it " will not only
bless the colonists, but will react to elevate the standing
or those who remain behind," and that from beyond the At
lantic there will come a light to beam upon the degradation of the
negro in America. We leave it to every man's sense of truth and
fairness whether here is not, on the part of Mr. Garrison, something
of the nature of misconstruction.
We go farther. This author not only misconstrues, but he gar
bles, mutilates, and interpolates false explanations, to make his
misconstructions more effectual. Take the following example of
a quotation from the same document from which the preceding
was selected.
He [the planter] looks around him and sees that the condition of the great ma3S
of emancipated Africans is one in comparison with which the condilion of his
slaves is enviable ; — and he is convinced that if he withdraws from his slaves his
authority, his support, his protection, and leaves them to shift for themselves, he
turns the mout to be vagabonds, and paupers, and felons, and to find in the work
house and the penitentiary, the home which they ought to have retained on his
paternal acres, p. 62.
Here the interpolated explanation entirely changes the meaning
of the sentence. The writer whose words are thus applied, is not
speaking of " the planter," that is, of planters generally ; but is
supposing a particular case, the case of a slaveholder by inherit
ance, who wishes to act conscientiously towards the beings whom
he finds " dependent on him for protection and support and gov
ernment," and who ' may be made to feel the evils of slavery as
strongly as any man ;' — and to prevent the possibility of such a
misconstruction as Mr. Garrison has forced upon his language, he
subjoins to the sentence above quoted, " This is no unreal case.
There may be slaves — there are slaves by thousands and tens of
thousands — whose condition is that of the most abject distress ; but
these are the slaves of masters whose whole conduct is a constant
violation~of duty, and with whom the suggestion of giving freedom

11
to their slaves would not be harbored for a moment. The case
which we have supposed, is the case of a master really desirous to
benefit his slaves." The author of Thoughts on African Coloni
zation has certainly some peculiar ideas of the way to make "an
impartial exhibition" of other men's opinions.
At the hazard of exhausting the reader's patience we must add
one more example of our author's way of making quotations. The
following passage is ascribed to the Review on African Coloni
zation in the Christian Spectator for September, 1830.
For the existence of slavery in the United States, those, and those only, are
accountable who bore a part in originating sucli a constitution of society. The
bible contains no explicit prohibition of slavery. There is neither chapter nor
verse of holy writ, which lends any countenance to the fulminating spirit of uni
versal emancipation, of which some exhibitions may be seen in some of the
newspapers, p. 63.
Now we utterly deny and abjure the authorship of such a para
graph. The fact is, that these three sentences, thus strung together,
and with the meaning which they necessarily convey to the reader,
whose first sight of them is in this connection, never before ap
peared in the Christian Spectator. It is true indeed, that each one
of the three sentences which Mr. G. has thus arranged as in a con
nected train of thought, does actually occur in the article referred
to ; but they occur in such connections, and are applied in the.)
course- of the argument to such uses, as must very materially mo-;1
dify their meaning in the mind of every candid reader. We were
speaking of slavery as a certain constitution of society, by which
one man is constituted the hereditary lord of other men, and is
invested with an absolute property in their labor and in that of their
children ; and we said that " for the existence of slavery in the Uni
ted States, those, and those only, are accountable, who bore a
part in originating such a constitution of society." The word ex
istence was marked as emphatic ; and our object was, as appears \
from the very next page, while conceding to the advocates of sla
very the matter of a favorite plea in its defense, to throw upon the
consciences of the present generation of citizens in the slaveholding
states, the responsibility of reforming this constitution of society,
or of continuing it, and transmitting it with all its curses to pos
terity. How simple and harmless a truth did we propound ; how
unlike the heresy which Mr. Garrison would make us utter. The
constitution of Massachusetts, perhaps, contains some principles
which are inconsistent with justice and the public good; for the
existence of such a constitution, those citizens who were born un
der it, are not accountable ; for the transmission of it to another
generation, they are accountable. In just thjs way we argued
with General Hayne, on a subsequent page.* He had said in
defense of slavery, " If slavery, as it exists in this country be an
evil, we of the presents day found it ready made to our hands."
We replied by asking him directly and personally, " Have you
* Christian Spectator; 1830, p. 52S.

12
done all'in your power to remedy fhe evil, and to transmit to other
generations a better inheritance ?" He had "said, " We found we
had to do with a people whose physical, moral, and intellectual
habits and character, totally disqualified them for the, enjoyment of
the blessings of freedom." Our reply was^ " What haveyou done
— what single thing do you propose to do for the improvement of
the character and habits, physical, moral, and intellectual, which
at the present time totally disqualify for freedom, more than half
the population of a high-minded republic ?"
But to return to Mr. Garrison's quotation. We did indeed say
in another paragraph, " The bible contains no explicit prohibition
of slavery ; ' but we need not say that the stress of the sentence
obviously rested on the word explicit. We added a still greater
"concession" to the advocate of slavery, and one which we mar
vel that Mr. G. has not wrested to some of his purposes. " It
[the bible] recognizes both in the old testament, and the new,
the existence of such a constitution of society, and it lends its au
thority to enforce the mutual obligations resulting from that consti
tution." But what else said we of the relations of Christianity to
slavery ? How far did we permit our concessions to be carried ?
Did we " go the whole" in defense of slavery, as in our authqr's
manner of quotation, we seem to have done. " The advocates of
slavery," we said " take it for granted, that because Christianity re
cognizes such a state of society, and enforces the mutual duties
arising therefrom, it sanctions slavery itself. This is a great and pal
pable error. The new testament contains no express prohibition of
polygamy. Is polygamy therefore consistent with Christianity ?"
" Christianity is always the antagonist principle of slavery." Is Mr.
Garrison's quotation an " impartial exhibition" of our doctrine ?
So of the third sentence in the above cited patchwork paragraph.
We did indeed say, " There is neither chapter nor verse of holy
writ, which lends any countenance to the fulminating spirit of uni
versal emancipation, of which some exhibitions may be seen in
some of the newspapers." But we said also in illustrating the
opposition of Christianity to slavery, " Its genius is the genius of
universal emancipation. It proclaims liberty to the captive, and
the opening of the prison doors to them that are bound." Is Mr.
G. guilty of no misrepresentation here ? Or is it a crime to deny
that there is chapter or verse to countenance a fulminating spirit
of universal emancipation.
But it is not enough with this author to make unfair references,
to misconstrue, to garble and pack his quotations, or to interpolate
clauses, which under pretense of explanation totally pervert the
meaning, he resorts to direct assertions of a very questionable —
perhaps we ought rather to say — of a very unquestionable char
acter. In making a reference to the article from which the ^bove
passages have been quoted, he says, " Vide the Christian Spectator
for September, 1830, in which the reader will find an elaborate

13
apology for the system of slavery." Mark it reader, and admire
the hardihood of the man. " An elaborate apology for the system
of slavery !" Had he said an apology for slaveholding, we might
have classed the assertion under the head of simple misrepresenta
tion, and should have ascribed it to the peculiar intellectual confor
mation of a man, among whose good qualities precise accuracy of
statement is not the most remarkable. But he speaks of an apol
ogy, not for slaveholding, not for slavery in the sense of being the
master of slaves, but for the system of slavery. And the apology
spoken of, cannot be an incidental apology ; it cannot be an apol
ogy contained in one or two unguarded and unfortunate admissions ;
it is an elaborate apology, and can therefore be none other than
a direct defense of the system, a defense made of set purpose.
We leave it to others to explain how or why this author ventured
on an assertion so reckless.
We have taken this book in hand and made this exposure of
some of its most prominent faults, not because we consider it our
business particularly to look after the author, and to put him right
when he goes wrong, nor because we suppose that the book, stand
ing on its own merits, and making its own way to influence, would
have needed any refutation, but because we know that the author is
sustained, and his book patronized by men more deserving than he is.
How far the statements and exhibitions of the book can be safely
trusted as "impartial," our readers can judge from the facts which
have been laid before them. It is not to be supposed, that Mr.
Garrison will follow any hint of ours at parting ; but if he would, we
should advise him to let alone controversy, and stick to his poetry.
This we say not out of any disrespect to his talents ; for he writes
admirable verses, and might do much in that way for the cause to
which he has devoted himself — far more than he is likely to do
in his present course of effort. We think that in undertaking to
frame arguments, to make " impartial exhibitions," to discuss prin
ciples, he has mistaken his calling ; but if he will go on, we have
only to wish for him that he may learn much by practice and expe
rience. When we next cross his track, may we find him exhib
iting more modesty, more meekness, more candor, more wisdom,
and more logic, than we can now discover in his productions. We
hope, especially, that as he grows older, he may acquire more
suavity of temper, and more gentleness of manner. The style
which he employs — we beg his friends and advisers candidly to
ponder this remark — is not the style to do good with. Satan cannot
cast out satan. Such wrath and railing, such recklessness and coarse
ness of vituperation, as fill his writings, may inflame, but cannot
enlighten, may irritate and enrage, but cannot convince. We be
lieve that cool and patient argument may do much, even with
slaveholders; we are sure that "sound and fury" can do nothing
but mischief. We cannot doubt that the efforts of this writer, and
his coadjutors, are disastrously delaying the arrival of that hour,

14
when public sentiment, in the slaveholding states, shall turn with
a rapid and irresistible tide against slavery.
We come now to the second of the documents, on which we pro
pose to comment in this article. This is a pamphlet of twenty-four
pages, by two zealous and leading friends of abolition in England.
James Cropper's letter to Thomas Clarkson, is a letter of expos
tulation on account of Mr. Clarkson's testimony in favor, of the en
terprise of the American Colonization Society, and it refers the
venerable philanthropist, for ample and irresistible conviction of his
errors, to, "friend Charles Stuart's" arguments, which are append
ed under the title of " Prejudice Vincible, etc." Captain Stuart
is a man almost as passionate as Mr. Garrison, but he has a much
better idea of the nature of an argument. His information, how
ever, respecting the nature of the Colonization Society, and the
tendency of its efforts, is altogether inadequate, being derived,
mostly from the "impartial exhibitions" which we have just been
contemplating. Indeed Capt. Stuart's essay is little else than an
abstract of Mr. Garrison's " Thoughts on Colonization," with some
additions and modifications.
The limits within which we are at present confined, forbid us to
go over the whole ground of debate with Capt. Stuart. He touches
upon every topic connected with the subject ; and he shows that in
respect to every one of the bearings and tendencies of African
colonization, he has been led into error. Some of these topics
we shall omit; and the others we shall touch only currente cal-
amo. For example, he speaks with much stress about what he
calls ' the cruel and criminal, prejudice against the free colored
people, and the dreadful persecutions to .which it subjects them ;'
and he alledges that colonization grows out of this prejudice, and
tends only to strengthen it. Respecting that point, we have of
fered some considerations on a former occasion ;* and we must
now simply refer the reader to the hints then thrown out. He also
speaks of the "moral wretchedness of Africa," and scouts the
idea of removing that by colonization. We shall say nothing of
that subject ; for to argue that point would divert us from our
more immediate object.
After a few introductory observations, Capt. Stuart opens his at
tack by displaying in three parallel columns, his views of the evils
which need a remedy, of the remedy needed, and of the remedy
proposed by the American Colonization Society. Of this tri-
columnar statement, we copy those particulars on which we think
it worth while for us to comment.
The Evila'whieh need a. remedy. Remedy needed. Remedy proposed by Ihe Am. Col. Soeitiy .
1. The brutal and de- The immediate aboli- The sending to Africa
grading personal slavery tion, by a well digested leg- under circumstances as fa-
of upwards of two million islative enactment in each vorable as in their power,
* Christian Spectator, 1832. pp. 323—827.

15 *!*¦
- The evils whiah need a. Nmedy. Remedy needed. Re.nedyrn>?°*ed by the Am, Col. Society.
unoffending subjects of the slave state and in congress, of as many of the enslaved
United States. \ of the brutal, criminal, and and unoffending negroes
ruinous system of negro as their own masters may
slavery, and the immediate please to emancipate for
substitution in its place, of that purpose.*
a law worthy of a great,
free, and enlightened coun-
* try.
* * * - * *
3. The African slave The immediate and uni- The settlement of a free
trade continued. versal.abolition of its only colored colony, under cir-
tsource and support, negro cumstances as favorable as
slavery. in their power, upon the
coast of Africa.
*****
5. The ruinous condition ' The conversion of their The removal from the
of the slave States. slave laborers into free la- United States as quickly as
borers, — of their unwilling possible of a vast proportion
into willing hands. of all its laboring strength.
6. The terrors of Ihe Undissembling repen- Removing, as conde-
slave-masters. tance, and fruits meet for scendingly as possible, as
- repentance ; aud for this many of the objects of their
purpose the continual set- terrors as they wish to get
ting before them of their rid of, that they may keep
sin ; and morally speak- the remainder as long as
ing, giving them no peace they please, without fear.
in their iniquity. pp. 8, 9.
The evils to be remedied are well enough defined, excepting the
last. The " terrors," or as we would rather say, the dangers which
need to he removed, are not peculiar to " the slave-masters." It
is not the proprietors of slaves alone that live in continual danger
and alarm, under the present system at the south. The entire
¦population of those regions in which slavery abounds, live, as it
were, on the sides of a volcano, that ever and anon heaves under
them. When the midnight bell rings the alarm in Charleston or
Savannah, and the drums beat to arms in the streets, does the man
¦who owns no slaves feel safer in his bed, than the man who owns a
•thousand ? Not at all. The terror of the planter is not so much
the dread that his own slaves will murder him, or fire his'.dwe'lling, ;
as -it is the dread of a general convulsion ; and that dread, the
dread of seeing sudden conflagration lighted up around them, "far
and near, is the common terror of the entire population. i
But let us notice the remedies which Capt. Stuart proposes to
employ for the removal of these great evils. The remedy for the
slavery which exists in the United States, is ' the immediate aboli
tion of slavery by a legislative enactment, in each slave state and
in congress, and the immediate substitution of a law, worthy of a
great, free, and enlightened people.' Reader, notice the admirable
¦simplicity of 'the proposal. The remedy for slavery is, that slavery
should cease. How simple and yet how effectual. Certainly this
looks like p-iilosbphy. A fire is raging in a crowded street, Men
are hurrying, to and fro, and forming lines to bring water from dis
tant reservoirs. "Stop !" cries a looker on, of speculative habits,
" the remedyfor-this spreading evil is perfectly obvious; you have

16
only to arrest, immediately, the combination of oxygen with yon
der combustible substances, and all will be well. This is no half
way plan, no far-fetched contrivance ; it is simple, and strikes at the
very root of the mischief. How beautiful is the simplicity of truth.
How charming is divine philosophy." Ah ! Mr. Philosopher, you
talk learnedly ; no doubt the way to stop a fire is to make it cease p
burning ; but there is a practical difficulty about your proposal!^
You propose a result, but say nothing about the process. The
question with a working man who desires to-do something' towards
the -extinction of the fire, is How ? Your remedy is extinctioit'f
but our question of how, you leave unanswered. How is this
combination of oxygen with combustible substances to be arrested ?
Answer us that, Mr. Philosopher, and you tell us something to the
purpose. So we answer Capt. Stuart. No doubt the immediate
abolition of slavery by a well digested legislative enactment in
each slave state and in congress, would put an end to slavery ;
but pray tell us how this immediate abolition is to be brought
about ; tell us how these well digested enactments, by a dozen
legislative bodies, are to be immediately obtained.
The remedy proposed for the African slave-trade is liable to
a similar objection. No man can doubt that "the immediate and
universal abolition of negro slavery" would be an immediate and
effectual abolition of the slave-trade. But the unfortunate cir
cumstance of the case is that the immediate and universal abolition
of slavery is out of the question. A neighbor of ours has a piece
of land which is overflowed by every tide. He is inquiring how
the evil may be remedied. One man proposes to build a dike
of sufficient height to shut out the waters. Another steps in and
tells him that to build a dike will be a very expensive and hazard
ous undertaking, and with infinite gravity assures him that the rem
edy actually needed, and the only truly philosophical and suffic
ient remedy, is an enlargement of the moon's orbit. " For," says
this learned Theban, " it is a well known fact that the only cause
of tides is the attraction of gravitation between the waters of the
ocean and the moon ; and it is one of the great and unchangeable
laws of nature that the attraction of gravitation between any two mas
ses of matter is inversely as the square of their distance. Thus the
farther off the moon is from the earth, the less will be its power to
attract the waters of the ocean, and the less will be the height of
the highest tide. What then can be plainer than that the only ra
tional and infallible remedy for the difficulty in respect to this
piece of meadow, is an immediate enlargement of the orbit of the
moon's revolution round the earth." We are very far from intima
ting, by this comparison, that the universal abolition of slavery is
as absolutely and as far beyond the reach of human effort, as a
change in the moon's orbit ; but when we consider the vast extent
of the earth's surface, over which' negro slavery is spread, and the
diversified and unconnected governments under which it exists, —

17
1 ¦¦*.
when we think what changes must be wrought, not only in, the.
United States and Great Britain, but in the countries subject tcrthe
Spanish, French, Dutch, Danish, Brazilian, and we knownot-how
many other scepters,*before slavery can be abolished,— we have.no
hesitation in saying, "that any man, who gravely proposes. the imme
diate and universal^ abolition of negro slavery, as the first and only
thing to Jbe done for.the termination of the African slave-trade, de
serves ajplace in the academy of philosophers on the flying island.
-So of the remedy proposed' for- the ruinous condition of the
s'lave-hplding States, we entertain no'doubt* that " the conversion.of
their slave laborers into free laborers," would be worth more to'
those states than all " the wealth of Ormus or of Ind." The prob
lem is, to effecfthis conversion. How shall we .make the people
of South Carolina willing to give freedom to their bondmen ?
Under the last head, it will be noticed that the author recom
mends as a remedy for the dangers of the south, not only, " undis-
sembling repentance, and fruits meet for repentance," but also, and
in order to. this, "the continual setting before them of their sin,
and, morally speaking, giving them no peace in their iniquity."
This looks, like proposing to use means that may bring about, by
and by, a result which cannot be immediately accomplished. The
only question, then, between us and the men of Capt.Stuart's school
is, What are the means by which our fellow citizens of the south
may be most certainly and most speedily led to the voluntary abo
lition of slavery among them? We believe in the efficacy of dis
cussion, to enlighten and reform public opinion, even on the sub
ject of slavery in a slaveholding state ; but how shall the discus-
sidn be started ? and how shall it be carried on ? and how shall it
be made to reach and pervade the community that is to be affec
ted by it, a community irritable and inflammable on every subject,
and in respect to this subject, fixed and ferocious in the determinr
ation that there shall be no discussion within their territories ?
Doubtless our author thinks that all this is the easiest and plainest
thing in the world. If so, we propose to the gallant Captain an
experiment, the undertaking of which will at least demonstrate his
courage and sincerity, and the performance of which will test the
soundness of his opinion. Let him come over and show us in
person, how the thing is to be done. Let him pass through the
southern states, an apostle of immediate and universal emancipa
tion. Let him travel from plantation to plantation, and from city
to city, to carry on this discussion with the slave-holders ;_ distrib
uting along his course tracts, prints, broad sheets, that, shall illus
trate to the mind and to the eye the cruelties of* slavery ; and
preaching as he goes, the sacred inalienable and universal rights
of man.' Let him in his proper person, undertake to call to repen
tance the slave-holders of the south, those " felons in heart and in
deed," as he denominates them, whose crime— a crime repeated
every day and every hour — is only inferior " to intentional and
3

18
malignant murder." Let him deal with these offenders face to
face, " continually setting before them their sin," in his own style
and fashion, and " giving them no peace in their iniquity." If the
Captain will undertake this mission, we pledge ourselves to give
him every facility in our power. We will subscribe to his sup
port. We, as colonizationists, and with all the popularity which
our famous apologies for slavery have secured for us, will give him
a letter of introduction to our southern friends. And if'he-does
not find the undertaking more forlorn than it would be to lead a
forlorn hope at the storming of Gibraltar ; if he does not find that
he might as safely have undertaken to preach the accountability
of monarchs, and the sovreignty of the people, in the public
squares of Vienna, or have gone as wisely to Constantinople with
Mary Fisher, to persuade the Grand Seignor to turn quaker ; if
he does not find, ere the first week of his mission is accomplished,
that he is casting his pearls before swine ; if he does not find them
turning again to rend him, fiercer, stronger, less to be reasoned
with than the very bulls of Bashan, — we will acknowledge that he
has the best of the argument.
What then is the bearing of African colonization on the aboli
tion of slavery ? Capt. Stuart's account of this is honest doubtless ;
but, in our view, it is obviously very much the result of misappre
hension, and, to use a favorite word of bis own, of , prejudice. He
says that the remedy proposed by the American Colonization So
ciety for " the brutal and degrading personal slavery of upwards
of two millions" is "the sending to Africa under circumstances
as favorable as in their power, as many of the enslaved an unof
fending negroes, as their own masfers may please to emancipate
for that purpose;" and he asks, " What kind of remedy will it be
to the brutal enslavement of two millions, increasing at the rate of
fifty thousand annually, that annually a few hundreds, (or thous
ands if it should ever be) have their slavery commuted into trans
portation ?" We answer, No man, in his senses ever thought that
the simple transportation of a few hundreds or thousands annually,
could be, considered alone and disconnected from the relations
and tendencies of the work, a remedy for slavery. The Captain
talks about " sending to Africa," and " removal," and transpor
tation," as if sending these men to Africa, removing them out of
the United States, transporting them beyond the seas, were a fair
and full description of the society's undertaking. But colonizing
them in Africa, is a much more comprehensive expression, than
merely sending them to Africa. African colonization, and not
simple transportation, is the thing which the society proposes as its
work ; and that is the thing, the bearing of which on the abolition
of slavery, is called in question.
We have often expressed our views of this subject, more or less
|n detail ;* and in Capt. Stuarts argumentation, we discover hoth-
* Christian Spectator, 1830, pp. 477—479.

19
ing to change or modify our opinions. Arguments derived from
the alledged motives of colonizationists, whether they come frdm
Stuart or from Garrison, weigh nothing at all with us. The ques
tion is, what will be the results of the work ? Not, what are the
motives imputed to its supporters ? If the building up of a civili
zed and christian state in Africa, by the emigration of people of
color from America, tends in fact to the abolition of slavery, all
the expectations to the contrary which may be entertained by the
friends of slavery, cannot reverse that which is as sure as the re
lation of cause and effect. We have tojlo .with, tendencies, jjot
with intentions. Capt. Stuart's only argument on this subject, not
derived from the supposed motives of those who favor the society,
is this : Every slave emancipated and removed, increases the mar
ket value of those that remain ; and thus, by making it more the
. interest of the slaveholder to hold fast his property, increases the
mighty difficulty in the way of abolition. But what is this argu
ment worth ? It supposes that slave labor will actually be removed
from the market faster than free labor can come in to meet the
demand thus created — a supposition which, both Stuart and Gar
rison would most earnestly protest, can never be realized. The
argument is, to us, as if some man should object to the scheme of
the Temperance Society, the scheme of total abstinence, that it
tends to reduce the price of ardent spirits, and thus to promote in
temperance ; because the more subscribers there are to this scheme,
the less will be the demand for spirits ; and the less the demand
the less will be the market value of the article, and the easier will
it be for the idle and the dissipated, to obtain the means of intox
ication. To such an argument, if it should be thought worth an
swering, the answer would be ; first, that there is no danger that
the cause will advance with so rapid and sudden a movement as
to produce, even for the shortest time, any considerable dispropor
tion between the demand and the supply ; and secondly, that even
should such an effect be incidentally and temporarily produced,
the moral influence of the Temperance Society, the nature and in
evitable tendency of its scheme, is to the suppression of intemper
ance. And this is the answer we should give to the argument
in question, respecting the tendency of colonization.
The actual tendencies of the enterprise of planting colored col
onies in Africa from America, are, so far as the abolition of slave
ry is concerned, the following. Our limits will permit us to ex
hibit but little more thad a naked summary.
1. It secures in many instances the emancipation of slaves by in
dividuals, and thus brings the power of example to bear on public
.sentiment. This is not conjecture ; it is proved by the induction
of particulars. The friends of the Colonization Society, in their
arguments on this subject, can read off a catalogue of instances,
in which emancipation has already resulted from the progress of
this work, We know that on the other hand it is said, that the

20
arguments and'statements of colonizationists prevent emancipation.
But the proper proof of this assertion would be, to bring forward the
particular facts. Tell us of the individuals who have, as a matter of
,iact, been effectually hindered from setting their slaves at large, by
what they have read in the African- Repository, or by what they
have heard from the agents of the. society. We say then that, un
less the testimony of facts can deceive us, colonization is bringing the
power of example to.bear on public sentiment at the south, in re
gard to slavery. Each single instance of emancipation is Indeed a
small matter when compared with the continued slavery of two
millions ; but every such instance, occurring in the midst of a slave-
holding community, is a strong appeal .to the natural sentiments of
benevolence and justice in all who witness it. ¦>,
2. This work, as it advances, tends to improve the character
and elevate the condition of the free people of color, and thus to ,
take away one standing and very influential argument against both
individual emancipation and general abolition. This, to an unpre
judiced mind, is one of the most obvious tendencies -of African
colonization. As we said on .a former occasion,* so we say again,
with the assurance that whoever may deny it, none will disbelieve
it, ' Not Hayti has done more to'make the negro character respect
ed by mankind, and to afford the means of making the negro cc_i*
scious of his manhood, than Liberia has already accomplished.
The name of Lot Cary is worth more than the name of Boyer or
Petion. It has done, it is doing, more to rescue the African char
acter from degradation, than could be done by a thousand volumes
of reproaches against prejudice.' And thus it has done and is do
ing, more to accelerate the abolition of slavery, than could be done
by a ship load of such pamphlets and speeches as some that we
might mention. Elevate the character of the free people of color^
— let it be seen that they are men indeed — let the degrading as
sociations which follow them, be broken up by the actual improve
ment of their, character as a people ; and negro slavery must rap
idly wither and die.
3. African colonization, so far as it is successful, will bring free
labor into the fairest and most extended competition with slave la
bor, and will thus make the universal abolition of slavery inevitable.
Doubtless the cultivation of tropical countries by the labor bf free
and civilized men, must at some time or other bring' about this re
sult, whether our colony is to prosper, or to fail. We know what
changes have taken place in Mexico and the South American re
publics'. We know what chang.es are threatened and promised in
the West Indies. But at the same time we are confident, that the
most rapid and most effectual way to bring free labor into fair com
petition with slave labor, and thus to drive the products of the latter
out of every market, is to establish on the soil of Africa, a free and
civilized commonwealth, whose institutions shall all be fashioned
* Christian Spectator, 1832. pp. 325, 326.

21
after American models, and whose population shall be pervadeS
and impelled by the spirit of American enterprize. This is the
work which the American Colonization Society is prosecuting with
all its resources. The friends of slavery may dream that this work
is to secure and perpetuate that miserable system ; but if any of
them do thus imagine, they err as widely in that, as they do in
supposing that the repeal ofthe protective tarif will relieve them of
their embarrassments. The free-trade principles, for which they
are now contending, are the principles which will, by and by, bring
all slaveholders to the alternative of universal emancipation or uni
versal bankruptcy.
4. The prosecution of this work is already introducing into the
slaveholding states, inquiry and discussion respecting the evils of
the existing structure of society there, and the possibility of its
abolition. The great body of the friends of the Colonization So
ciety at the south, no less than at the north, regard the scheme of
that institution as something that will ultimately, in some way, de
liver the country from the curse of slavery. All who oppose the
society there, oppose it on the same ground ; they look upon it as
being, in its tendency and in the hopes of its supporters, an anti-
slavery project. Thus in those very regions over which the sys
tem of slavery sheds all its blasting influences, there is constituted
a party, the members of which are recognized by their opposer'S,-
and more or less distinctly by themselves, as hostile to slavery,
and as looking for an opportunity to move for its abolition. In this
way it was that when the occasion presented itself, a few months ago,
the legislature of Virginia became the scene of earnest and public
discussion on this long interdicted theme ; and to the astonishment
of the nation it appeared, that the party opposed to slavery was only
not a majority. Had colonization never bee"n thought of — had the
scheme ofthe American Colonization Society never been under
taken, — who believes that projects for the abolition of slavery would
have been so soon, if ever, discussed in the legislature of Virginia?
Without that preparation of the public mind which the Coloniza
tion Society, in the calm and peaceful prosecution of its labors, has
indirectly accomplished, insurrection and massacer, with all the fear
and horror which they occasion, would have led only ,to new cruel
ties of legislation and of practice. There is no oppression so un
relenting or desperate as when the oppressor fears his subjects ;
and the unanimous feeling of Virginia would have been— erroneous
indeed, but not on that account the less irresistible or inflexible—
a feeling like that of him who . holds a wolf by the ears ;— it is
dangerous to keep him, but more dangerous to let him loose, and
therefore the more furious the struggles of the prisoner, the fiercer
and closer will be the despairing grasp that holds him.
We entertain no doubt that the discussion thus commenced
will gradually become more free and thorough, and will appeal
more directly to the great, law that acknowledges the inalienable

22
and universal rights of man, and will at the same time find its way
still farther south, till it pervades and awakens every State from
the Potomac to the gulph of Mexico. This is inevitable ; the
discussion of such a subject, involving such hopes and fears and
interests, when once it has been opened, can never be suppressed.
Nor is this all. Such a system as slavery cannot long withstand
the power of free and full discussion.- The hour in which the de
bate on slavery commenced in the capitol at Richmond, may be
considered as having sealed the death-warrant of the system, not
only for Virginia, but for the nation. And now it may be said that
whatever is to be hereafter the successof the ColonizationSociety in
the prosecution of its own appropriate enterprise, this great result
is ultimately sure. Not that it has nothing more to do by its indi
rect influence in accelerating this result ; certainly the greater the
success which shall attend the colonization of Africa, the greater
will be the progress of public opinion towards this consummation.
But let the society be dissolved, let the pirates of the African seas
wreak on Liberia their cherished wrath ; let Montserado be made
again a mart for the slave-trade ; let the spot now adorned with
christian churches become again the scene of devil-worship ; let
the smiling villages on the St. Paul's, be made desolate, and the
now cultivated soil be overspread again with the vegetation of the
wilderness; still it will be true that the indirect influence of the
American Colonization Society, has secured the ultimate abolition
of slavery.
The treatise in the American Quarterly Review, referred to at
the head of this article, is an illustration of what we have been say-:
ing.. It shows that the discussion is to proceed ; that thqse interested
in the perpetuation of slavery are constrained to come down from
that high attitude of pride and defiance which they have been wont'
to, maintain, and begin to feel the necessity of defending their cause
by argument. "We have heretofore doubted," says this writer,
" the propriety of too frequently agitating, especially in a public
manner, the questions of abolition, in consequence of f we suppose
he means, on account of] the injurious effects which might be pro
duced on the slave population. But the Virginia legislature, in
its zeal for discussion, boldly set aside all prudential considerations
of this kind, and openly and publicly debated the subject fjefore
the whole world. The seal has now been broken, the example
has been set from a high quarter ; we shall therefore waive all-con
siderations of a prudential character which-have heretofore restrain
ed us, and boldly grapple with the abolitionists on this great. ques
tion." The seal is broken indeed. A new order of things has
already begun, wlieri a slaveholding politician finds himself con
strained to write seventy-five pages, of closely printed argument
against the abolition of slavery.
We shall not attempt the task of replying to this writer. "That

23
has been already done, as we perceive, and ably done, by another
writer in the same work,* a writer whose powerful and accomplished
mind we are happy to see again employed on this so deeply inter
esting subject. We shall take an early. opportunity, however, to
examine somewhat at length the various processes by which slavery
might be abolished ; and to inquire what would be the probable
fate of the colored population and of the southern country, if sla
very should be abolished, and the emancipated blacks be left to
shift for themselves in competition with an intelligent, enterprising,
laborious, and growing population of another race.
Meanwhile we suggest, for the' consideration of our readers at
the south, a few inquiries addressed to their consciences as chris
tians. We beg them to read with candor, and to remember that
we do not dictate nor denounce, but only inquire.
1 . Is it not your duty to be continually promoting in your sphere
of influence, inquiry and discussion respecting the practicability and
duty of abolishing slavery ? This may demand much prudence
and meekness, and much courage ; but now that the subject is fairly
out for universal examination and debate, now that il is no longer
at the option of ihe southern community whether such discussion
shall be permitted, ought you not to inform yourself respecting
the facts and principles that have a bearing on the controversy ?
and as you have opportunity and influence, ought you not to lead
your neighbors to similar inquiries ? so that, as you and they are
called to act on this great interest, you and they may act, not un
der the influence of prejudice and passion, but calmly and with
all the light which philosophy and history have thrown upon the
subject. 2. Is it not your duty to befriend the free blacks by all the kind
offices in your power ? You look upon them as a dangerous class-;
will they be more dangerous, think you, if christian philanthropy,
remembering that God hath made of one blood all nations of men,
searches them out in their degradation, and diligently seeks to do
them good ? You say they are indolent, thriftless, and vicious ; can
you do nothing to give them employment, to encourage the begin
nings of their industry, and to train their children to better habits ?
Can you do nothing to waken their minds and to inspire them with
new ideas and motives, by telling them of what benevolence has
proposed for their benefit, and of that father-land of theirs beyond
the sea, which offers them a refuge for themselves, and a broad and
fair inheritance for their children ?
3. Is it not your duty to insist on the instruction of the colored
population bond and free ? Startle not — nor reject the inquiry till
you have pondered it well. "Our danger," said a slaveholder-)- to
the writer of this article, not many months ago, " is not from the
* American Quarterly Review, No. XXIV. p. 379.
t A slaveholder — or, at least, one whose sympathies are all with the slavehold
ers ofthe South.

2-4
intelligence of these people, but from their ignorance." What can be
more undeniable, what can be plainer than that it is ignorance which
creates such fanatics as Nat Turner, and ignorance, dark and brutal
ignorance, which fits their fellow slaves to be their dupes and victims ?
Who does not believe that if the negroes understood, as a little intel
ligence would make them understand, their own imbecility and the
colossal vastness ofthe power which is pledged to hold them in sub
jection, the frequency and the danger of conspiracies and insurrec
tions, would be greatly diminished? Who does not believe that if
the negroes, instead of being abandoned to the influence of such
preachers as rise lip among themselves, with a pretended inspira
tion, were thoroughly instructed in the principles of the gospel by
competent christian teachers, they would be far less dangerous than
they now are ? Besides, the question whether the negroes shall
have knowledge, is no longer submitted to your- choice or to the
choice, of your fellow citizens. Many of them are learning self
taught, or by mutual instruction, learning every day; learning to,
r,ead and to write, learning everything which your legislators think
they ought not to learn. No laws, no police, no standing army can
Utterly hinder them from learning. You may still decide, however,
whether they shall all be taught, or whether here and there an in
dividual acquiring knowledge by his own efforts shall, in that way,
acquire a dangerous power over his degraded brethren. And it is
still for you to say, whether they shall learn in spite of you, and
as they learn, curse you for having taken away from them the key
of knowledge ; or whether the tie of gratitude and veneration that
binds the, learner to his teacher, shall bind them to you. We
leave the question then with your sense of duty to yourselves and
to the wretched beings among whom, and over whom, God has
placed you, Ought you not to insist on the instruction of the col
ored population, bond and free.
On the answer which is given to such questions as these, great
interests are depending. Danger there may be in agitating the
subject of reform and abolition ; but there is more danger, infinitely
more, in sitting still, and saying, Peace, peace, while the bondage
and ignorance and hideous degradation of two millions of human
beings are becoming the bpndage, the ignorance, the degradation
of three millions, and of four, and of millions accumulating upon
pillions, in successive generations., Danger there may be in ev
ery attempt to remedy such evils ; but in the evils themselves
there is a dea'dlier danger, and is it not the height of cowardice to
incur the greater for the sake of avoiding the less ?

A. H. IHALTBY
HAS RECENTLY PUBLISHED — FOR SALE,
Institutes of Ecclesiastical History, Ancient and Modern,
ivich corrected, enlarged, and improved, from the primary author-
dies, by John Lawrence Von Mosheim, D. D. Chancellor of the
University of Gottingen ; a new and literal translation, from the
original Latin, with copious additional notes, original and selected ;
by James Murdock, D. D. 3 vols 8vo.
The above work is highly recommended by. Rev. President Day,
Prof. Kingsley, Rev. Prof. Fitch, Rev. Prof. Goodrich, Prof.
Gibbs, of Yale University, and by Rev. Dr. Taylor, Dwight Prof.
in the Theol. Department, New Haven ; by the Rev. Dr. Miller,
Prof in the Princeton Theological Seminary, New Jersey ; Rev.
S. S. Schmucker, Prof, of Theology in the German Lutheran
Seminary, Gettysburgh, Penn. ; Rev. Pres. Fisk ofthe Wesleyan
University, Middletown, Conn ; Rev. Dr. Bangs, and Rev. H.
Chase oi New York City ; Rev. Prof Ira Chase, and Rev. Prof.
H. J. Ripley, in the Newton Theol. Institution, Mass. ; and by
many distinguished clergymen of different denominations of chris
tians, by reviews in the Churchman of New York City ; the Quar
terly Christian Spectator ; Christian Examiner, Boston ; The Spir
it of the Pilgrims, and Monthly Review, of Boston ; and adopted
in the Princeton, Andover, and other Theological Seminaries in
our country.
Elements of Christian Dogmatic History ; by Wm. Muen-
scher, S. T. D., and Ordinary Professor of Theology at Marburg.
Translated from the 2d edition of the original German, by James
Murdock, D. D. 1 vol. 12mo.
Jamieson's Grammar of Rhetoric and Polite Literature,
comprehending the principles of language and style, the elements of
taste and criticism ; with rules for the study of composition and elo- .
quence ; illustrated by appropriate examples, selected chiefly from
the British Classics ; tenth edition, 12mo ; adopted in Yale and
other colleges in the United States, as being the best work extant.
Barber's Grammar of Elocution, containing the principles of
the arts of reading and speaking, illustrated by appropriate exerci
ses and examples ; adopted in Yale and Cambridge Universities,
and other colleges in the United States. 2d edition, !2mo.
Tales of the Puritans ; The Regicides — The Fair Pilgrim —
Castine. " We dig no land for tyrants but their graves."' 1 vol.
12mo. Kirby and Spence's Intoduction to Entomology, or. Ele
ments of the Natural History of Insects ; with plates. 4 vols. 8vo.
Say's American Entomology, or description of the Insects of
North America. Illustrated by colored figures from original draw
ings executed from nature. 4 vols, royal 8vo.

3 9002 00518 6672