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Gift of
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MEMOIRS

OF THE

FEDERAL ADMINISTRATIONS.

VOLUME I.

^/^^

MEMOIRS

OP THE

ADMINISTRATIONS

OF

WASHINGTON AND JOHN ADAMS,

EDITED FHOM THE PAPERS OF

OLIVER WOLCOTT, f '> j ^-^

SECRETARY OF THE TR-EASURY.

BY GEORGE GIBBS,

'NULIIUS ADDICTUS TOBAKE IN ¥EKBA MAGISTRI.
IN TWO VOLUMES,
VOL. L

NEW YORK :
PRINTED FOR THE SUBSCRIBERS.
1846.

Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1846, by
GEORGE GIBBS,
in the Clerk's Office of the District Con'i of the Southern District of New York.

IS- I

NEW YORK:
WILLIAM VAN NORDEN, PRINTER,
NO. 39 WILLIAM STREET.

PREFACE.

No writer probably ever escaped criticism by depre
cating it. Least of all can one claim an exemption who
has awakened anew, quarrels which, if not forgotten,
have been suffered to slumber, and renewed a war
fare which had slackened in its animosity. The editor
of these volumes certainly can claim no favour as a right,
and solicits none in mercy. He has ventured to put his
case on the merits and must stand or fall by them.
One thing only he would say, and that somewhat per
haps in the style of the painter who labelled his animals
lest they should be mistaken. It is, to explain the design
on which he has proceeded. His first intention was
merely to produce a biographical sketch of an honored
parent, whose services he believed entitled him to such
commemoration, and whose actions he conceived had
been misunderstood and misrepresented. An examina
tion of the field and the materials at his disposal after
wards changed this design ; and he resolved to exhibit as
much of the history and politics of certain periods con
nected with Mr. Wolcott's life as the nature and extent
of these papers seemed to warrant ; in the hope that some
light (if only a few rays, so that they were distinct ones)
might be shed upon the path through which as a nation

vi PREFACE.
we have travelled. The life of the individual has there
fore been made subservient to a wider design — the contri
bution of materials for a biography of party. Whether
the alteration has been a wise one, so far as success is
concerned, the judgment of others must decide. Written
with discrimination, a memoir of Mr. Wolcott would have
possessed interest as that of a man having strong person
al characteristics, and at the same time presenting the
type of a class. The attempt, if unsuccessfhl, would at
any rate have involved less disgrace in its quiet descent
to that respectable oblivion whither so many have pre
ceded it. He has, however, ventured upon a different
task, with little expectation, it is true, of producing a work
of historical merit, but (nor is the distinction a paradox)
with that of offering one of historical value. It pretends
to no perspective of narration — ^there has been no attempt
to treat of its subjects in their relative proportions. Im
portance has sometimes produced enlargement — abun
dance of material or novelty much oftener. He has con
sidered at all times the matter introduced as possessing
the chief importance, and his own comments or details
merely secondary ; he has therefore preserved and pre
sented that matter with scrupulous fidelity, nothing having
been kept back which affected the subject in hand,
or which candor, fairness, or its necessity to the whole
truth required to be exhibited. He has not, indeed, con
sidered it necessary to cumber a work, perhaps injudi
ciously expanded, by all the domestic and business de
tails of private correspondence or with multiplied repeti
tions of the same ideas ; he has, therefore, in some in
stances, as will be seen in the work itself, furnished only

PREFACE. vii
extracts from correspondence ; but no suppressions have
been made of political matter — no opinions or remarks
have been withheld as injudicious or censurable. In one
word, he has neither garbled anything which he has pre
tended to insert, nor kept back anything which he thought
worth inserting. In the openness of friendly intercourse,
men say and write much that they would not justify to
their own minds ; no sensible reader, however, but can
make these allowances. Men are to be judged not by a
single and perhaps floating thought, but by the tenor of
their ordinary language and the sum of their whole lives.
The squeamishness which would present a statesman, a
thinker, or a writer, ever with his best foot foremost, is
contemptible in itself, and manifests a distrust of the sub
ject. With these views he has, preferring that to the op
posite error, perhaps admitted matter which good taste
would have wished to exclude.
Of the great mass of correspondence preserved by Mr.
Wolcott, difficulty has been experienced in deciding what
to reject. There were many letters interesting to readers
in a particular section of the country, which would not
prove so to all ; there were others valuable only as show
ing the unanimity, or difference of opinion on public mea
sures in distant states ; there were some merely curious
as illustrating the character of individuals. To throw
aside all these would give to the work an incomplete
ness in the estimation of those whose judgment was to
be regarded; and the work of rejection has therefore, in
this respect also, been exercised with a more sparing hand,
than the writer's own choice would have dictated. The
selections have been made from some twenty volumes of

vm PREFACE.
letters ; the whole MSS. collection, including revolutionary
correspondence, drafts of official papers, and miscellaneous
documents extending to nearly fifty. These papers were
aU carefully arranged by Mr. Wolcott himself. It is be
lieved that the general value of what is published, will be
regarded as an apology for any defect in judgment in the
selection. The letters of Hamilton, Cabot, Ames, Gris-
wold, King, and others, will be in the eyes of every stu
dent a mine of political history. They will give a more
just view of the actual opinions and objects of those men,
than the hostility of their opponents has hitherto permit
ted. They will be found honorable alike to the patriotism
and the sagacity of the federal leaders.
The bulk of the work has arrested it at the downfall of
the federal ascendancy. Should, however, pubhc favor
justify its resumption ; materials, and those of equal value,
remain for an exposition of the subsequent history of that
party, and of the principles and acts of their successors
in power.
By some, the editor may be censured for the harshness
with which he has treated political opponents ; whose
enmities have long since died with them, or at least long
since become inactive. To those he would say, that a
willingness to shun controversy, to avoid embittering the
feelings, or wounding the affections of the living, would
have induced him to spare attacks upon individuals ; had
not higher than mere personal considerations dictated his
course. He has felt himself not only the vindicator, but
in some sort the avenger, of a by-gone party and a buried
race. The men whose characters and conduct he has
held up to scorn or to reproach, spared none. No integrity

PREFACE. ix
in public service, or purity in private life, no sanctity of
official reputation, or of domestic ties, were by them re
garded. Deliberately and wickedly they lied down men
whom they could not cope with in a fairer field. Their
hatred followed the federahsts to the place of daily toil and
to the evening hearth ; it stopped not with their overthrow,
nor relented at their graves. It mingled with the funeral
wail of a nation at the death of Washington ; it exulted
over the assassination of Hamilton ; and trampled the turf
which covered the dust of Ames. That they wrested from
the federal party the government of the nation was nothing ;
it is the means by which they compassed its destruction,
the use they made of their victory, and the lasting conse
quences of their misgovernment which are condemned.
To whom is it owing that the names of the great founders
of the republic are by-words for political hacks to carp at ?
To whom is it attributable, that however just a measure,
however called for by national policy, it is enough to term
it "federal" to defeat it? To whom that the hireling of
party finds reason enough for the denial of individual jus-
• tice in the opinions of the applicant ? To whom that
demagoguism rides triumphant to high places, corruption
prevails in the morals of the nation, and sedition is foster
ed to the overthrow of law ?
To the historian there is no statute of limitations against
pohtical crimes. " The evil that men do lives after them."

CONTENTS OF THE FIEST VOLUME.

CHAPTER I.

INTRODUCTORY.
General Observations on the causes leading to the adoption of the Constitution,
1. — Political condition of the Colonies, 1. — Objects of the War, 2. — Inade
quacy of the Confederation, 4. — Materials of Political History, 6. — Me
moirs of the family of Oliver Wolcott, 7. — His early education, 9. — Anec
dotes, 9 — of Rev. John Trumbull and Rev. Mr. Leavenworth, 10. — College
life, 11. — Revolutionary services of hisfather,ll. — Tryon's Expedition, 13.
— Hardships of the war, 13. — ¦ The Statue of Geo. Ill, 15. — Wolcott enters the
Pay-table office of Connecticut, 15. — His marriage, 17. — His associates 17.
— First Congress, 1st Session, 18. — Organization of the departments of gov
ernment, 18. — Wolcott appointed Auditor, 18. — Correspondence, 19-27.
CHAPTER n.
FIRST CONGRESS  SECOND AND THIRD SESSIONS.
Organization of the Treasury Department, 28. — Plan for setthng Accounts with
the States, 29. — Opening of the Second Session, 31 . — Adoption of the Fund
ing System, 31. — Seat of Government determined, 32. — Other measures of
Congress, 32. — Correspondence, 33-51. ¦ — • Adjournment of Congress, 51. —
Review of the Funding System, 51. — Debt of the United States, 52. — Fur
ther measures of Congress, 54. — the Sinking Fund, 55. — Foreign Relations,
55. — Correspondence, 56-59. — Opening of the Third Session, 59. — Pro
vision of additional Revenues, 60 . — r Bank of the United States created, 60.
— Mint recommended, 61. — Kentucky and Vermont admitted into the Union,
61. — Defeat of Gen. Harmar, 61. — Correspondence, 62-63.

xu CONTENTS.
CHAPTER m.
SECOND CONGRESS  FIRST AND SECOND SESSIONS.
Correspondence, 64-67. — Wolcott appointed Comptroller, 65. — Organization
of the United States Bank, 67. — Correspondence, 68-69. — Opening of
the First Session, 69. — Domestic condition of the Country, 69. — Foreign
Affairs, 69. — Finances, 70. — Other measures of Congress, 70. — Indian War,
71. — Adjournment of Congress, 71. — Foreign appointments, 71. — Corres
pondence, 72-77. — Organization of parties, 77. — Influence of Mr. Jefferson,
78. — Attacks on Mr. Adams, 79. — Correspondence, 79-81. — Opening of
Second Session, 81. — Hostility to the Financial System, 81. — Inquiry into
Mr. Hamilton's official conduct, 82. — Correspondence, 83-88.
CHAPTER IV.
SUMMER AND FALL OF 1793.
Second Inauguration of Washington, 89. — Correspondence, 89-92. — Pro
gress of the French Revolution, 92. — Its effects on Parties in America, 92. —
Duplicity of France towards the United States, 94. — Arrival of Genet, 94. —
His misconduct, 95. — Proclamation of Neutrality, 96. — Organization of
Jacobin Clubs, 97. — Genet's recall demanded, 98. — Correspondence, 99-107.
— Fever in Philadelphia, 107. — Correspondence, 108-115.
CHAPTER V.
THIRD CONGRESS  FIRST SESSION.
Opening of the Session, 116. — State of Parties in Congress, 116. — Foreign
Affairs, 116. — Domestic Difficulties, 117. — President's Speech, 117.—
Effects of French Influence, 118. — Mr. Jefferson's Report on Commercial
Restrictions, 119. — His Resignation, 120. — Is succeeded by Mr. Randolph,
120. — Character of the latter, 120. — Mr. Jefferson's Remarks on Wolcott!
( 121. — Character and Diplomacy of Mr. Jefferson, 121 . — Difficulties with
England, 122. — Conduct of Parties, 122 . — Correspondence, 124-137.—
Events of the Winter, 137. — Intrigues of France in America, 137. — Discon
tents in the United States, 137. — Arrival of Fauchet, 138. — Mr. Jay appoint
ed Envoy to Great Britain, 138. — and Mr. Monroe to France, 139. — State
of Affairs with that Country, 139. — Adjournment of Congress, 139. — Meas
ures of the Session, 140. — Additional Revenues, 141. — Settlement of State
Balances, 141.

CONTENTS. Xiif
CHAPTER VL
SUMMER AND FALL OF 1794.
Correspondence, 143-144. — Pennsylvania Insurrection, 144. — Its ostensible
Causes, 144. — Meeting at Pittsburgh, 146. — Seditious Resolutions, 147. —
Mr. Clymer's Report, 148. — Influence of the Jacobin Clubs, 149. — Progress
of the Rebellion, 150. — Requisition for Troops, 152. — Termination of the
Rebellion, 153. — Its real motives, 153. — Jefferson's opinions on Insurrections,
154. — Ames', 154. — Correspondence, 155-161. — Wolcott's Social Rela-
f tions in Philadelphia, 161. — ^His Character, 163.
CHAPTER Vn.
THIRD CONGRESS  SECOND SESSION.
Indian War, 164. — Foreign Relations, 164. — President's Speech, 165. — Re
port of the Committee on Redemption of the Debt, 165. ~ Mr. Hamilton's
Reports on Public Credit and Improvement of the Revenue, 166. — Resigua-
r- tion of Mr. Hamilton, 167. — Wolcott appointed Secretary of the Treasury
/ 167. — Sketch of the Finances, 167. — Debt of the United States, 168.—
(_ Modes of Statement of the Finances, 171. — Revenues and Expenditures of
( the United States, 172. — Political Importance of the Treasury, 172. — Char-
/ acter of Wolcott, 173 — of Randolph, 176 — of Pickering and Bradford,
177. — Correspondence, 177-181. — Adjournment of Congress, 182. — Finan
cial measures adopted, 182. — Other acts passed, 184. — Embarrassments of
the Treasury, 184. — Subject of the Temporary Loans, 187. — The Algerine
War, 188. CHAPTER VIII.
SUMMER OF 1795.
Correspondence, 190-193. — Arrival of British Treaty, 193. — The Senate con
vened for its consideration, 193. — Sources of the difficulties with England,
193. — Mr. Jefferson's Negotiations, 194. — Hostility to the Treaty, 195. —
Provisions of the Treaty, 197. — State of Parties on its arrival, 198. — Cor
respondence, 199-203. — Conditional Ratification of the Treaty, 203.—
Questions arising thereunder, 204. — New obstacles to the final Ratification,
205. —Fauchet succeeded by Adet, 206. —Publication of the Treaty, 206. —
Excitement created thereby, 206. — Personal influence of Washington, 207. —
Delusions respecting the French Revolution, 208. — Correspondence, 209-
231. VOL. I. B

i

xiv CONTENTS.
CHAPTER IX.
SUMMER OF 1795 CONTINUED.
Detection of Fauohet's Private Correspondence, 232. — Notes on the same, 232.
— Review of the Despatch, 233. — His views of the Pennsylvania Insurrec-
tigB,.234 — and of the Motives of its forcible Suppression, 236 . — Quotations
fi-om the Despatch, 237. — Comments thereon, 238. — Importance of the Doc
ument, 239. — Ratification of the Treaty, 240. — Conned respecting Mr.
Randolph, 241. — His Resignation, 241. — Correspondence, 241-252. —
Randolph's Letters, 253. — Correspondence, 253-256. — Changes in the
Cabinet, 256. — Appointment of Mr. Lee as Attorney General, 257. — At
tack of the " Calm Observer" on Washington, 257. — Wolcott's Reply, 259. —
Hamilton's, 260. — Correspondence, 261. — Randolph's Vindication, 271. —
Further Despatches, 271. — Fauohet's Certificate, 272. — Review of the same,
274. — Position of Mr. Randolph, 278. — His attacks on Wolcott,-280.

c

CHAPTER X.
FOURTH CONGRESS  FIRST SESSION.
Report to the President on the Treasury, 281. — Opening of the Session, 284. 
President's Speech, 285. — Correspondence, 285-286. — Appointments of
Pickering as Secretary of State, and McHenry as Secretary of War, 286. 
Report to the House on the Finances, 286 — to the Commissioners of Sink
ing Fund, 290. — Appointment of Committee of Ways and Means, 291. 
Reports on Public Credit, 291 — on the Internal Revenues, 293. — Corres
pondence, 295-306. CHAPTER XI.
FOURTH CONGRESS  FIRST SESSION, CONTINUED.
Ratification of the Treaty by England, 307. — Debates on the Appropriations,
307. — Demand of the House for the Instructions, 307. — Mr. Jefferson's con-
¦ flicting opinions, 309. — Washington's queries, 310. — Wolcott's opinion, 310.
— President's answer to the demand, 317. — Resolutions of the House there
upon, 317. — Additional article agreed to, 318. — Merits of the Treaty, 319.
— Treaties with Spain and Algiei-s, 320. — Correspondence, 320-328. —
Political character of Mr. Madison, 328. — Correspondence, 329-343 —
Affairs of the Treasury, 343. — Additional Revenue, 344. — Subject of Direct
Taxes, 344. — Fundmg of Temporary Debt, 346. — Estimates of 1796, 346. —
Financial Measures of the Session, 347. — Other Acts passed, 348. — Oppo- i

CONTENTS. XV
sition to a Naval Force, 349. — Admission of Tennessee, 349. — Changes in
' the Legations, 349.

CHAPTER XII.
SUMMER AND FALL OF 1796.
Intrigues of France in Western States, 350. — Papers respecting CoUot and
Warin, 350. — Mr. Jefferson's Account of the same, 354. — Mr. Monroe's
Statement, 355. — State of the Negotiations with France, 356. — Conduct
of the French party in America, 358. — Correspondence, 359-363. —
Capture of the Flying Fish, 364. — Cabinet Discussion respecting recall of Mr.
Monroe, 364. — Joint Letter to the President, 366. — Mr. Monroe superseded
by Gen. Pinckney, 368. — Mr. Monroe's Advice to the Directory, 368. — Dis
cussion between Secretary of State and the French Minister, 369. — Affairs
of the Treasury, 371. — Correspondence, 371 to 377. — Presidential Election,
I 377. — Attacks on Mr. Adams, 377. — Candidates for President and Vice
President, 379. — Character of Mr. Burr, 379. — Final Dispatch of M. Adet,
380. — Washington's Farewell Address, 381. — Correspondence, 381-404.
CHAPTER Xm.
FOURTH CONGRESS  SECOND SESSION.
Execution of the Treaty, 405. — Representative from Tennessee, 405. — Presi
dent's Speech, 405. — Correspondence, 367 to 418. — Affairs with France,
418. — Pickering's Reply to Adet's Complaints, 418. — Inquiries of the United
States, 420. — Affairs of the Treasury, 422. — Report on Direct Taxes, 422.
— Sinking Fund, 426 — Report on Public Debt, 426. — Principles of state
ment of Debt, 429. — Review of Gallatin on the Finances, 430. — Additional
Revenues,4 33. — Balances of debtor States, 434. — African Negotiations, 434.
— Correspondence, 436-444. — End of Washington's Administration, 444.
— Political Influence of Mr. Hamilton, 445. — Last Levee of Washington,
446. — His social Relations with the Cabinet, 449. — Proffered Resignation of
Wolcott, 450.
CHAPTER XTV.
SPRING OF 1797.
Inauguration of Mr. Adams, 451. — His Speech, 451. — Authorities on his Ad
ministration, 452. — His character, pubhc and private, 455. — PoUcy of Mr.
Jefferson, 457. — Excerpts from his Letters, 458. — Political relations of Mr. Ad-

xvi CONTENTS.
ams, 459 . — Excerpts fi-om Letters to his wife,461 . — Mr. Adams' steps towards
Negotiation vrith France, 462. — Extracts from his letters to the Boston Patriot,
462. — Review of the same, 466. — Effects of Mr. Jefferson's influence, 469. —
Relations with France, 473. — Correspondence, 473-479. — Treatment of
Mr. Pinckney by the Directory, 479. — Mr. Monroe's Audience of Leave, 480.
— Speech of Barras, 480. — Congress convened, 481. — Correspondence, 481
-500. — President's Questions to the Cabinet, 500. — Wolcott's Reply, 502.
 Policy of renewing Negotiations, 517. — Relations between the President
and his Cabinet, 519. — Correspondence, 519-525.

I

CHAPTER XV.
FIFTH CONGRESS  FIRST SESSION.
Opening of Congress, 526. — Relations with France, 526. — President's Speech,
527. — Its effects on Congress and the Country, 599. — ¦ Appointment of En
voys, 531. — Mr. Adams' opinions of Mr. Gerry, 531. — Correspondence, 532
-551. — Difficulties with Spain, 551. — Affair of Senator Blount, 551. —
Depredations on Commerce, 553 . — Measures of the Session, 554. — Adjourn
ment of Congress, 555. — State of Parties, 555. — Changes in Congress, 556.
. — Correspondence, 557-558. — Instructions to the Envoys, 558. — Cor-
respondence, 559-574.

MEMOIRS

OF THE

FEDERAL ADMINISTRATIONS.
CHAPTER I.
INTRODUCTORY.
Few periods in history have been fraught with more im
portant consequences than that following the adoption of
our Constitution. There had been revolutions before ours }
weaker nations had thrown off the yoke of greater, under
circumstances perhaps more remarkable ; monarchies had
been overturned and republics founded on their ruins :
but in every former instance the few had imposed a sys
tem upon the many. Philosophers too, in their closets,
had devised Utopian schemes of government which, un
natural in their origin, had always signally failed, but the
people were now to try an experiment of their own.
To the American colonies self government was not a
novelty, for they had grown up in it, and in later times
only had control been forced upon them. Man had here
matured like the trees of the forest, in his native character.
The hot bed culture, the pruning and training into esta
blished forms, of European countries, was unknown. No
antiquated customs, no feudal usages fettered the free
development of the mind; the laws had adapted themselves
to man's wants, not distorted him to their shape.. The
great principles of human freedom had sprung up with
the colonies, and its truths were recognised as self evident
in the farm yard and the log hut.
VOL. I. 1

2 FIRST ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 1-
The character and objects of the American war have
been often strangely misapprehended. It was in truth
what Burke termed it, not a revolution, but a revolution
prevented. It was simply the exercise of the power in
herent in the organization of society to resist the enforce
ment of authority inconsistent with its well being. It was
in the outset a revolt, based on the same principles, advo
cated by the same men, as those which had distinguish
ed and maintained that against Charles. The course
of events made it indeed a war of independence ; but there
was in its tone nothing revolutionary, nothing subversive
of the established order of things. Some leaders more far
seeing than the rest, had predicted the result ; but what
the people wanted, what they took up arms to get, was not
some new privilege, some new liberty, but the security of
rights, privileges and immunities, which they had always
had. Once committed they were indeed driven to inde
pendence for safety's sake. Even the abohshment of
royalty they had not originally intended, for abstract roy
alty with three thousand miles of deep water between it
and them, troubled them little, so only that they had
their own legislatures, and were taxed by those alone.
What we find in their speeches, what we read in the wri
tings of those days has much about birthright and inheri
tance, charters and the privileges of Enghsh-born sub
jects, and very little about the rights of man. The Httle
of this that came in afterwards, was not of native growth.
nor indigenous to the soil. New England, the New England
yeomanry, the representative of that stubborn, orderly
race of resistants which had laid the foundations of Old
England's liberties, was httle given to speculation. Certain
definite and distinct ideas the people had touching rights
which were the privilege of Enghshmen everywhere,
and in their view not necessarily the privilege of any other
nation ; indeed they rather claimed the exclusive monopo
ly of them. To maintain these as theii- inheritance they

1789.] OF WASHINGTON. 3
considered due to their posterity; to maintain them their
fathers had cut off the head of one king by sentence of a
high tribunal, and had deposed another by act of parha-
ment; to maintain them still they were ready to rebel
against the usurpations of the thtone, or if need be of par-
hament itself The doctrine of the divine right of Kings
was exploded even in England. One Protector and two
dynasties of monarchs, had reigned by divine right of
parliament. The principle that government was intended
for the good of the governed, was to them self evident;
the consequence, that the governed were to prescribe how
it should be exercised, was equally plain ; and the attempts
of parfiament to violate the principle were subjects of re
sistance as well as those of the throne. This it was that
they fought for, and in this there was no revolution — ^the
revolution came afterwards.
Democracy as a theory was not as yet. The habits
and manners of the people were indeed essentially demo
cratic in their simplicity and equality of condition, but this
might exist under any form of government. Their gov
ernments were then purely republican. They had gone
but a short way into those philosophical ideas which
characterised the subsequent, and real revolution, in
France. The great state papers of American hberty,
were all predicated on the abuse of chartered, not of ab
stract rights. The complaints against government, were
of violation of these.
Thus they protested, first against invasions of parfia
ment on their charters, next against the bad advice of
ministers to their King, and it was only when in the ex
ecution of acts of parliament, the King made himself the
active agent of parhamentary and ministerial usurpa
tion; when he appeared as the appointing power by
which despotic governors ruled, and leaders of standing
armies enforced their mandates, that they included him in
their denunciation, and repudiated an allegiance which

4 FIRST ADMINISTRATION [Chat. 1-
was binding only while expedient. The vitahty of the
instrument of Independence itself, was derived from the
specification of actual wrongs and grievances, in violation
of subsisting relations between a particular community
and its government, in violation, in a word, of the British
Constitution. There was no more of modern democracy
in the American war of independence, than in the great
Rebelhon, or the deposition of James the second. The
"fierce democratic" of which Milton sung, knew Httle of
the theories of Condorcet or of Jefferson.
Whatever truth there may be in such doctrines, how
ever consistent their free exercise with the organization of
society under particular phases, these were not the princi
ples of the fathers of Enghsh or American fiberty, these
were not the objects of their efforts. Government is pro
gressive fike every other science, truth itself is progressive ;
for what to one age is fact to the next is falsehood. The
war of 1775 was commenced with definite objects, its
apology was founded upon the terms of an existing com
pact. A broken Covenant was its cause and its vindi
cation. For the reahty and the success of our own pro
gression, experience must in fike wise answer.
Early in the war it was seen that a continuance of the
union, adventitious as it had been in its commencement,
and brought about by common wrongs alone, was vitally
necessary to preserve the ends it was first intended to
effect; but the original connection, too shght even under
the influence of external pressure and immediate danger,
when that had passed, threatened a speedy dissolution.
"Experience, the only teacher of nations,"" at length
forced upon the minds of aU a conviction of its inadequacy;
and the thirteen states, too weak to stand alone, too jarring
in their views to preserve unbroken the mere league which
had hitherto bound them, were moulded into a single
• Fisher Ames,

1789.] OF WASHINGTON. 5
republic, that one great common concern, one national
character should overpower all other interests ; that their
people should have "one country, one' constitution, one
destiny."* Under this constitution, a scheme of popular
creation, it was to be tried whether, unobstructed and
unaided by external causes, self government was capable
of existence on a scale of magnitude and importance.
Half a century has passed away since this experiment
began, and the foundation of that government, is now a
matter of History. Already a posterity looks back with
curious eyes at the influences which moulded its form, the
causes which operated on its advancement, the gradual
development of its poficy, and the character and views
of the men who stood forth the exponents of the national
mind. The time may not indeed have arrived, when the political
history of the country can be fully written, for the ashes
are yet warm beneath the feet of him who would tread
back upon the steps of our former years. With nations
too, as with individuals, we derive the most profitable re
sults from their existence, when that existence has either
reached its end, or has at least passed some grand cfimac-
teric, some period marked with eventful influence on its
destiny or its character. But the materials which can
hereafter aid in attaining these results, the moral of a na
tion's fife, are at all times worth treasuring.
"Empires like men must increase, decay, and become
extinguished. But this necessary revolution has often
hidden causes which the veil of time conceals from us,
and which mystery or their apparent minuteness has even
sometimes hid from the eyes of contemporaries.'"'
It may happen that this fabric of our own, in the con
struction of which so much wisdom, so much genius, and
so much labor were employed, against which so many
» Daniel Webster. '' D'Alembert. Eloge de Montesquieu.
1*

6 FIRST ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 1.
and violent attacks have been turned, will share the fate
of other similar structures; that anarchy and resulting
despotism wiU rise upon its ruins ; or that separated by its
own weight and the discordant character of its materials,
it wiU. break into fragments. Our descendants then should
have the means of judging, whether from inherent defects
in its construction, or from the characters of those to whom
its keeping shall have been committed, either catastrophe
befel it; that they may guard against a fike disaster, and
that the eternal principles of human right may not suffer
by the condemnation of an instrument designed to promote
and to establish them. Or if, as we hope, that fabric is
destined to a long duration, to attain a vigor "matured, not
decayed by age," they should know to what principles it
owes its vitahty, and to whom they may ascribe the wis
dom which created, and the foresight which preserved it.
Of the sources from which this knowledge may be de
rived, perhaps none bears more faithfully the impress of
truth, than the correspondence of individuals who either
took a prominent rank in public affairs, or who from their
station were enabled to view correctlythe acts and purposes
of those who did. However we may now differ in con
clusions, we at least see in the unreserved and unstudied
communications of men, made in the confidence of friend
ship, the premises on which their opinions were based,
and the governing motives of their conduct. Thus as
every man in proportion to his standing among, and con
nection with his fellows, is more or less their representative ;
in arriving at a just perception of the individual mind, we
see also the spirit of bodies whose fives are written only in
the aggregate.
In these pages will be found a free expression of the
opinions of many persons, distinguished in the ranks of
one of the two great pohtical sects which, formed con
temporaneously with our present government, in their
struggles for power and alternate successes, have influ-

1789.] OF WASHINGTON. 7
enced its course and left their stamp upon its policy.
The original distinctions of both, have in a great measure
been lost in the new relations which have since arisen,
while each has imparted a portion of its character to all.
The federahsts had in great measure the advantage of
giving its tone to the Constitution, and of directing the
government during the first years of its existence. On
them therefore hes the responsibility of success, so far as
their poficy was adopted and has been pursued. Hence it is
important, as well for the fuU understanding of their politi
cal system, as for the just appreciation of their motives and
their capacity, that the fullest exposition of their views
and designs be made. If in executing the high 'trust
which the nation confided to them, they wantonly abused
that confidence, if they were indeed guilty of the nefarious
plans and corrupt practices which have been imputed to
them by their opponents, let them be branded with the infa
my so justly due. If an ignorant or mistaken poficy has
brought weighty pohtical evils upon the country, let that
too be visited with condemnation ; but if inquiry and
experience shall prove that their measures were dictated
by patriotism and honesty of purpose, and were in them
selves wise and enhghtened, justice and gratitude demand
that we should know and acknowledge it.
Of the individual, from the records of whose official
life these pages are in great measure derived, some ac
count is here requisite as an introduction. It wiU be
understood that the prominence given to himself and to
his department through the narrative, results from no un
due estimate of their importance, but from the source of
the materials.

The family of Wolcott were among the earliest of the
colonists of New England, Henry Wolcott the ancestor,
having emigrated from the mother country in 1630, to escape

8 FIRST ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 1-
the rehgious persecutions of the day. He belonged to the
congregation of Mr. Warham, which settled Dorchester in
Massachusetts, and afterwards removed to Windsor upon
Connecticut, being one of the five at whose expense the
expedition was chiefly conducted. He had been a man of
considerable estate in landed property, a great part of
which he sold and employed in bringing out the colony of
which he was a member.
His eldest son, of the same name, was one of the paten
tees under the Charter of Charles 11., and for many years
a magistrate of the Colony. Simon, another son, was a
farmer in Windsor and left a numerous issue, of whom the
youngest was Roger Wolcott, a man distinguished in the
annals of the province both for his civQ and mHitary ser
vices. He was originally a weaver by trade, and possessed
no other education than such as he had been able to acquire
during the intervals of daily labor, amidst extreme poverty,
and in a settlement which afforded no advantages. The
Indian and French wars opened to him a more congenial
pursuit than his trade, and by his abihty and courage he
gained a high reputation throughout the colonies. He was
successively a member of the assembly and of the council,
a judge of the County Court, Deputy Governor, chief judge
of the Superior Court, and Governor. When the expedition
against Cape Breton under Col. Pepperrell was undertaken
in 1745, as Lieutenant Governor of Connecticut he com
manded the troops sent by that province, and as Major
General and second officer of the expedition, was present
at the capture of Louisbourg. He died in 1767, at the
age of eighty-nine.
Oliver, the youngest son of Roger Wolcott, entered the
army in 1747, being then twenty-one years of age, as a
captain in the service of New York, and served in the de
fence of the northern frontier, until the peace of Aix La
ChapeUe. He then returned to Connecticut and studied
medicine. In 1751, he estabhshed himself in the town of

1760.] OF WASHINGTON. 9
Litchfield, and on the organization of the county of that
name was chosen its first sheriff. From this time to the
commencement of the revolutionary war he held many
civil offices in the province. By the aid of a farm and his
practice, he in due time found himself in condition to
marry, and accordingly took to wife Lorrain CoUins of
Guilford, a lady who to good family and personal attrac
tions, added some other quahties more essential to the
mate of one who was to be a leader in a revolution. She
possessed a degree of courage remarkable even in those
days of female heroism, and a mascufine judgment and
business character which seconded effectually her hus
band's pursuits, while they fightened their burden.
They had four children, two sons and two daughters,
the eldest of whom, also named Oliver, is the subject of
this memoir. He was bom at Litchfield, on the 11th of
January, 1760.
The rudiments of his education he received at the com
mon town school, of which one Master Beckwith was then
teacher. Beckwith was a mild man, more devoted to the
fishing rod than the birch, and under his tuition the pupil
made at least as much proficiency in angling and squirrel
shooting as in Lilly's grammar. Maternal anxiety for his
health, which was dehcate, gave him perhaps a larger fi
berty in this respect, and he improved it to the acquiring
of an iron constitution. At odd hours he was employed
in tending the cattle and the other occupations of a far
mer's son.
At a period much later than this, Litchfield was on the
outskirts of New England civilization, and presented a
very different aspect from its now venerable quiet. The
pickets which guarded its first dwelfings were not yet
decayed. The Indian yet wandered through its broad
streets, and hunters as wild as our present borderers, chas
ed the deer and the panther on the shores of the lake. The
manners of its inhabitants were as simple and primitive

10 FIRST ADMINISTRATION [Chat. 1-
as those of their fathers, a century back, in the older set
tlements on the Connecticut. Travelfing was entirely on
horseback, except in the winter, and but a casual inter
course was carried on with the distant towns. Occasion
ally, and more frequently, as they became more interest
ing, tidings reached them from Boston, and even from
the old world. Here among the mountains the future
Secretary passed a tolerably happy boyhood, except when
on Sundays he was encased in a suit of tight scarlet
breeches and forced to wear shoes, a penance reserved
for that day, and endured with much dissatisfaction.
At the age of thirteen he had mastered the lore then re
quisite for entering college. His father, although con
sidering him too young, was yet w^illing to let him exercise
his own discretion, or perhaps catch a ghmpse of the
world. The outfit of a student was not cumbrous, and
mounted on a steady horse, with a passport to the clergy
on the road. Master Ohver for the first time left his native
village. His first halt was at the venerable parson TrumbuU's,
the father of the poet, John Trumbull. In an account of
this adventure written some years after, he says : " I found
parson Trumbull in the field superintending laborers.
He received me well, ordered my horse to be taken care
of, and invited me to a farmer's dinner. He looked
kindly at me, and placing his hand on my head said, I
was one of the old stock of Independents. I did not then
understand his meaning, but as it was said to be a fa
mily characteristic, I recollected it ever after. I was
dismissed in season to get down to parson Leavenworth's,
at Waterbury, before sunset. Here I found another ag
ricultural clergyman, who lived weU in a good house, but
in a poor parish, where the lands did not enable his pa
rishioners to afford a support equal to that received by
parson TrumbuU. On asking my name, placing his
hands on my head, he enquired whether I intended, if I

1?76.] OF WASHINGTON. 11
was able, to be like old NoU, a republican and a King
Killer ? These words were new phrases to my ears, but
I treasured them in my memory."
After spending a week in viewing New Haven, some
mysterious apprehensions of the coming trial, and the awe
inspired by the solemn wigs and robes worn by the profes
sors, convinced him, what his father's opinion had failed
to do, that he was too young to enter coUege. He there
fore retraced his steps, pondering on the wonders he had
seen, and on his newly discovered family characteristic.
The year after however, 1774, he returned to New Haven
and entered the coUege. Thick coming events soon ex
plained the meaning of his clerical friends.
Of Wolcott's class, there were several who afterwards
became eminent in different pursuits. Among them may
be mentioned Noah Webster, Joel Barlow, Uriah Tracy
and Zephaniah Swift. One of them, Dr. Webster, speaks
as follows of Wolcott's collegiate reputation. " I was an
intimate friend, class-mate, and for some months room
mate with Gov. Wolcott. My acquaintance with him
was of nearly sixty years duration. I found him always
frank and faithful in his friendship, and generous to the
extent of his means. He was in college a good scholar,
though not brilliant. He possessed the firmness and
strong reasoning powers of the Wolcott family, but with
some eccentricities in reasoning."
General Wolcott, Ohver's father, became during this
year a member of the CouncU, and was afterwards annu
ally re-elected until 1786. His former mihtary services,
his known probity and judgment, his ardent attachment
to the republican cause, and perhaps not least, the influ
ence of his family name, always a powerful advantage in
the Puritan states, had contributed to give him an extend
ed influence, and he now exerted it effectually in bringing
about a compromise of the boundary controversies be
tween New York and Vermont, and Pennsylvania and

12 FIRST ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 1.
Connecticut, and in uniting the border settlers in support
of the war. In July, 1775, he was appointed by the Con
tinental Congress, in conjunction with Phifip Schuyler
and others, one ofthe Commissioners of Indian Affairs for
the northern department, a trust of great importance ; and
in October ofthe same year was elected a delegate to the
Congress of 1776, in which capacity he signed the De
claration OF Independence.
From this time to the end ofthe war, he was constantly
engaged, either in the council or in the field. During the
intervals of Congressional duty, he employed his time in
raising and discipfining forces, and in correspondence on
military subjects. A large proportion ofthe troops in ser
vice during the northern campaign, consisted of his drafts,
and he commanded between one and two thousand men in
person at the reduction of Burgoyne's army.
These were some of the services of General Wolcott
during the war of Independence. There were very many
whose names occupy a more conspicuous place in the his
tory of that contest, but there was no one who in his own
province redeemed more faithfully than he, the pledge
of the Signers.* Ofthe principal features in his character
were his indomitable resolution and unspotted integrity.
It might be said of him as Jenkins said of Coke, that " he
was one whom power could not break, nor favor bend.'""
During his continued absence from home, Mrs. Wolcott
managed his farm and educated his younger chUdren ; thus
enabfing him to devote himself to the pubhc service un
fettered by private anxieties. Indeed her devotion to the
cause was not exceeded by that of her husband, and the
family underwent privation and fatigue during some ofthe
» Gen. Wolcott remained in Congress annually elected Lieutenant Governor
till the end of the war. in 1784-85, until 1796, when he was chosen Go-
he was again a Commissioner of Indi- vemor, which office he held till his death
an Affairs in the northern department, in December, 1797, in the 72d year of
and with Richard Butler and Arthur his age.
Lee, prescribed the terms of peace to >> Preface to the " Centuries."
the Six Nations. From 1786 he was

1777.] OF WASHINGTON. 13
years of the revolution, which, not uncommon then, would
startle the matrons of our more peacefdl days.
Such were the family influences under which Oliver
Wolcott grew up, and such too nerved the minds and deep
ened the lines of character of many who in after days
stood high in the national councils.
In April 1777 his studies were broken in upon, by a caU
to a less peaceful scene than the groves of Yale. He had
gone to Litchfield on a visit to his mother, his father being
absent attending Congress, when the news arrived that a
large body of the British under Tryon, had landed and
marched to Danbury to destroy the continental stores.
Awakened at midnight by the summons to repair to the
rendezvous of the militia, he armed himself; and his mother
furnishing his knapsack with provisions and a blanket,
hastened his departure and dismissed him with the charge
" to conduct like a good soldier."
TliC party to which he was attached reached the enemy
at Wilton where a skirmish took place, in which as weU as
in the subsequent attacks during the retreat of the British,
Wolcott participated.
The next year he .took his degree at Yale College, and
immediately commenced the study of law at Litchfield
under Tapping Reeve. In 1779, after the destruction
of Fairfield and Norwalk, he attended his father as a
volunteer aid, to the coast. At the close of this service he
was offered a commission in the continental service, which
he declined in consequence of having already entered
upon his professional studies. He however shortly after
accepted a commission in the Quarter Master's depart
ment, which being stationary at Litchfield would the less
interfere with th^m.
During the severe winter of 1779-80, famine added
its terrors to excessive cold. The deep snows in the
mountain region of the State and the explosion of the pa
per system, rendered it almost impossible to procure the
VOL. I. 2

xt FIRST ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 1.
necessaries of life. Connecticut had been in the fore
most rank of the supporters of the war ; she had contri
buted freely from her narrow resources, and the blood of
her sons had fattened every battle-field. Never the seat of
much opulence, the few individuals who had possessed
comparative wealth were reduced to indigence, the towns
were burdened with the support of the families of soldiers
in addition to the usual poor. And now when cold and
hunger threatened their utmost rigors, when a dark cloud
hung over the fate of the country, when misfortune attend
ed its arms and bankruptcy its treasury, the courage of
her citizens failed not. The records of her towns, the
votes of recruits to the army, and of bread to the suffering,
showed that she had counted the cost of the struggle and
was wiUing to meet it. It may Well be supposed that the
resources of so zealous an advocate for the war as General
Wolcott, were not withheld. Every doUar that could
be spared from the maintenance of the family. Was ex
pended in raising and equipping men ; every blanket not
in actual use was sent to the army, and the sheets Were
torn into bandages or cut into lint, by the hands of his
wife and daughters. During almost the whole of this
winter he had been with Congress, and his absence threw
upon young OHver an almost insupportable burden, in ob
taining fuel and provisions for the family, and in keeping
open the roads for the transportation of stores. At that
time the fine of travelfing and carriage, from New Hamp
shire, Massachusetts and Rhode Island, to Pennsylvania,
had in consequence of the incursions of the enemy, been
turned northward of the Highlands of New York. Much
of the army stores and ordnance had been deposited at
Litchfield, and in his capacity of Quarter Master, the
charge of providing for their safe keeping and conveyance,
feU upon him.
One family anecdote is interesting and may be mention
ed here, although the circumstance occurred earlier in the

1780.]^ OF WASHINGTON. 15
war. Before the revolution, a leaden equestrian Statue of
George III., stood in the Bowling Green in the City of
New York. At the breaking out of the war this statue
was overthrown, and lead being highly valuable, was
sent to General Wolcott's at Litchfield for safe keeping ;
where, in process of time it was cut up and run into bul
lets by his daughters and their friends. An account of the
number of cartridges made by each, is still preserved
among the family papers. This conversion of a monarch
into practical arguments of the rights of the people, as
may be supposed, furnished abundant material for the
wits of the day.
The hospitalities of his house and his father's public
character, introduced young Wolcott to many persons of
distinction in the army and in Congress. In the year
1780, he thus received General Washington, who with his
suite, among whom were Hamilton and Meade, passed
through the district. The arduous duties thrown upon
him at so early a period of his fife, and his constant inter
course with men, were high advantages in their influence in
forming and ripening his character.
In January, 1781, be became of age, and was immedi
ately admitted to the bar. He shortly after removed to
Hartford. Such was his poverty, that he left home with
no more than three doUars in his pocket, and to defray his
expenses, on reaching Hartford he accepted a clerkship in
the office of the Committee of Pay-Table, with a salary
amounting to about fifty cents per diem, in specie value.
His difigence in this employment attracted the notice of
the General Assembly, who in January, 1782, unsoficited,
appointed him one of the members of the Committee, at
that time the central board of accounts. Being the junior
member, it became a part of his duty to caU upon the
Council of Safety at their almost daUy- sittings, and receive
and execute their directions. There, under the keen in
spection of Governor TrumbuU and the Council, he became

16 FIRST ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 1.
initiated into the system of conducting pubfic affairs, arid
personally known to many of the prominent characters m
different departments. His labors from this time to the
end of the war were incessant. Cut off from the society
natural to his age, and at twenty-one thrown upon his own
resources, in a situation arduous and responsible, associ
ating with men of ability, he acquired the self confidence,
the intense application to business, practical habits and
iron perseverance which formed the basis of his success
in life.In May, 1784, he was appointed a Commissioner for the
State of Connecticut, in concert with Ofiver EHsworth,
with full power to adjust and settle the accounts and claims
of the State against the United States, with the Commis
sioner on the part of Congress. This duty, which was con
tinued through several years, was performed in addition to
his ordinary occupation as a member ofthe board of Pay-
Table. During that year, finding that the constant atten
tion required by the duties of his office destroyed all pros
pect of professional advancement, he requested from the
General Assembly a dismission from the office. The fol
lowing resolution was passed by the two Houses.

" In the Upper House —
" On the foregoing representation the said Oliver Wolcott, Jun'r., is excused
from constant attendance as one of the Committee of Pay- Table, but is desired
to attend occasionally, when by the absence ofthe rest ofthe Committee or other
wise, his attendance may be necessary, and it may be convenient for him, so long
as he shall reside in Hartford. Teste, GEORGE WYLLYS, Sec'y."
" In the Lower House —
" Concurred, with the following alteration, viz., expungmg the words is desir
ed, in the second line ofthe vote ofthe Hon. Upper House, and in lieu thereof in
sert the words, " he is expected." Teste, ISAAC BALDWIN, Clerk.
" Concurred in the Upper House,
Teste, GEORGE WYLLYS, Sec'y."

1788.] OF WASHINGTON. 17
Under this partial dismission however, he was still almost
constantly employed in the State service. In May, 1788,
the committee of Pay-Table was abolished, and the office
of Comptroller of Pubfic Accounts instituted, to which their
duties and some others, untU then differently distributed,
were assigned. Wolcott was appointed ComptroUer, and
arranged the financial affairs of the state anew, in a man
ner which met the approval of th^e Assembly, and has since
been tested by experience. In this post he continued un
til the establishment ofthe National Treasury, in the fall of
the succeeding year.
In 1785 he had married Elizabeth, the only daughter of
Col. John Stoughton, a descendantof one of the famifies
who settled Windsor, and a distinguished officer in the
French war.
During his residence in Hartford he formed or cemented
a friendship with a number of men, then young, but after
wards well known for their wit and fiterary attainments.
Such were John Trumbull, Dr. Lemuel Hopkins, Richard
Alsop,r Barlow and Webster. Few cities in the union
could boast of a more cultivated or intelfigent society than
Hartford, whether in its men or women, and during the in
tervals of business Wolcott was enabled, in the study of
the Enghsh classical writers and intercourse with educated
minds, to make amends for the irregularities of his educa
tion. He never, even during the pressing occupations of
after fife, forgot his fiterary tastes ; his powerful memory
enabling him to recal long passages of the Enghsh poets,
with whom he was especiaUy famUiar.
Among his earher correspondence are several of Barlow's
letters, written within a few years after the close of their
coUege fife. In one of these the latter thus advises the
cultivation by his friend of his own favorite pursuit.
"Now respecting yourself, I think it is a shame to the
world and a dishonor to yourself that you should bind
your whole attention to the Law and neglect the fine arts,
2*

18 FIRST ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 1-
and especially Poetry, a'study of aU others the most ca
pable of a dehcate subfimity which is exactly suited to
your genius. I have been waiting a long time to see some
of your poetry and saw it not. I hope ere long to rejoice
in the vision."
Whether seduced by this advice or from his own motion
is not known, but Wolcott certainly did achieve some
poems, among which is One entitled "The Judgment of
Paris," of which it is only necessary to say, it would be
much worse than Barlow's epic, if it were not much
shorter.

During the first session of Congress under the new
Constitution of the United States, acts were passed cre
ating three departments ; that of foreign affairs, afterwards
denominated of State, the Treasury and the War Depart
ments. In September their respective heads were selected, Mr.
Jefferson being appointed secretary of State, Col. Hamilton
ofthe Treasury and General Knox of War. Mr. Edmund
Randolph was made Attorney General. Until the arrange
ment of the new offices, their duties were performed by
those under the old system. It was not until November
that the business of the Treasury was entered upon in
earnest. In August, Wolcott was induced by the advice
of his friends, to offer himself as a candidate for office
in the Treasury, and his appfication, seconded by the
Connecticut delegation, procured his appointment as
auditor, whose duties were in some degree analogous
to those he had performed in the state service. The letter
he wrote to president Washington on this occasion, he has
mentioned as, "the only appfication, direct or indirect,
which he ever made for any ofl5ce under the United States,
or the state of Connecticut."
From this date to the fall of his party in 1801, he re-

1789.] OF WASHINGTON. 19
mained uninterruptedly in the employ of the federal gov
ernment. The following letters may serve as a kind of personal
introduction. FROM JEREMIAH WADSWORTH. New York, August 12th, 1789.
Dear Sir,
I have had it in contemplation to write to you some time, but have been so
busily employed that I could not get time. What I have to propose to you, is to
write to the President and offer yourself for an office in the Finance or Treasury,
referring liira to the Senate and Representatives, where tell him if he finds a
single objection, you will withdraw your application. I recommend the applica
tion because every body applies, and because Connecticut having no claimants
for national office out of it, (but you, if you become one,) I think you can pro
bably succeed. I am in haste. Dear Sir, yours, &c., JERE. WADSWORTH.
TO JEREMIAH WADSWORTH. Hartford, August 15th, 1789.
Dear Sir,
I have been honoured with your favour of the 12th of August, and now take
the liberty to enclose to your care a letter to the President of the United States,
in which I have offered myself as a candidate for an office in the Treasury De
partment, agreeably to your advice. I have ventured to take this liberty as I
am unwilling to have it known that I have made an application, in case it should*
not succeed.
I feel grateful to you for the trouble you have already taken, but must beg of
you, if it can be done with propriety, to have matters so arranged that no
appointment be given to me, unless it be one which I can accept with some pros
pect of reputation. Those offices which relate to a treasury, and are merely
mechanical, are in my opinion very undesirable. If the duties are not properly
discharged, they produce ruin and disgrace ; if they are discharged well, intense
application is necessary, and success will only acquire the reputation of an honest,
plodding fellow of little genius or ability. As I have made an application, it will
be improper for me to refuse any appointment that may be given, though I should
not choose to relinquish my present situation to enter on a service in New York,
equally burdensome and more dependent.
I hope you will not infer from all this that I have become vain and self suffi
cient. I am sensible that there are some duties connected with the Treasury
Department to which I am by no means competent, and it is impossible for me
to judge what situation is most proper for me. I shall therefore impHcitly rely
on your judgment and friendship, after having communicated these few ideas on
the subject.

20 FIRST ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 1.
TO THE PRESIDENT. Hartford, August 15th, 1789.
Sir, I beg leave, vrith diffidence, to offer myself as a candidate for an appointment
under the government of the United States. If I may be allowed to judge of my
own qualifications, they are most suitable to some business in the Finance or
Treasury Department.
The gentlemen who represent the State of Connecticut, in the Senate and
House of Representatives, are best acquainted with the degree of merit on which
I venture to found this application. If they do not concur in a proper recom
mendation, I cannot hope and do not wish to succeed.
In case this request shall on inquiry be found to have originated in no improper
estimate of my own merits, and shall be favorably received, sentiments of personal
gratitude will be added to those, which duty and patriotism have already excited,
which will strongly prompt me to contribute whatever may be in my power, to
the success and prosperity of your administration.
FROM OLIVER ELLSWORTH. New Yore, Sept. 12th, 1789.
Dear Sir,
The Treasury Department is at length arranged and filled.
Secretary, $3500 Col. Hamilton, New York.
ComptroUer, 2000 Mr. Eveleigh, South Carolina.
Auditor, - 1500 Oliver Wolcott, Jr., Connecticut.
•Register, 1250 Mr. Nourse, Pennsylvania.
Treasurer, 2000 Mr. Meredith, Pennsylvania.
I think your merit would have justified your standing higher in the list, but
you are young enough to rise, and I believe you ought to accept the appointment.
I am sir, your obedient humble servant, OLIV. ELLSWORTH:
FROM JEREMIAH WADSWORTH. New York, Sept. 9th, 1789.
Dear Sir,
Tho' it may be too late before you receive this, I wish to have your answer at
once, as there may be a delay till your answer can arrive. Will you accept the
place of Auditor at 1500 dollars per ann. You must move with the national
government. It will not be what I wish, but it will be in the way of something
better, and I think you may Uve cheap and snug as you please. I pray you to
answer me immediately. I am dear sir, your very humble servt.
JERE. WADSWORTH.

1789.] OF WASHINGTON. 21

TO JEREMIAH WADSWORTH. Hartford, Sept. 10th, 1789.
I have received your favour of the 2d, instant. The office of Auditor will not
answer the ideas of an appointment which I had contemplated as proper for me.
I must therefore decline it, though my objections do not arise from the salary,
but from its dependence on another office, and from the nature of the service to
be performed. With sentiments of gratitude for your fiiendly offices, permit me
to subscribe myself your most obedt. and humble servant.

FROM JEREMIAH WADSWORTH. New York, Sept. ISth, 1789.
Dear Sir,
You have been nominated by the President as Auditor ; the salary one thou
sand five hundred dollars a year. I did not like this, as it was my wish and
hope you would have been Comptroller. Col. Hamilton, the Secretary of the
Treasury, is very anxious you should accept ; thinks you can live here or in Phi
ladelphia as cheap as at home. That is not the case, yet with economy you
may, I think, save something, and be in the way of doing better ; but on this too
much reliance is not to be placed. When I wrote you last, I hoped a delay till I
could hear from you. If you refuse, I think Mr. Burrall will certainly have it, as he
has been long in service and expected it. If you accept, there is a great number
of meritorious clerks who want employ, and it is my advice that you do not
promise any body before you get here, and hear their claims, &c. I shall be glad
to hear from you by the post. I am, dear sir, your very humble serv't,
JERE. WADSWORTH.
I had written the above when your letter came to me. I am not sorry you
are appointed, though you do not accept. I shall say nothing about your refusal,
but let your appointment go forward. Mr. Trumbull and myself both gave our
opinions before, that you would not accept, wishing you, as Col. Hamilton wished,
to be comptroller. FROM ALEXANDER HAMILTON. New York, Sept. 13th, 1789.
Sir, It is vrith pleasure I am able to inform you, that you have been appointed Au
ditor in the department of the Treasury. The salary of this office is 1500 dol
lars. Your friends having expressed a doubt of your acceptance, I cannot for
bear saying that I shall be happy to find the doubt has been ill-founded, as from
the character I have received of you, I am persuaded you will be an acquisition

22 FIRST ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 1.
to the department. I need scarcely add that your presence here as soon as pos
sible is essential to the progress of business. I am sir, your obedient servant,
ALEXANDER HAMILTON, Secretary of the Treasury.
OrjvEE Wolcott, Esq. FROM OLIVER ELLSWORTH. New York, Sept. 15th, 1789.
Dear Sir,
You may wish to know what would be the probable expense of your lining
in this place. House and stable would be about - $200 00
Wood per cord, (best,) 4 00
" " (oak,) 2 50
Hay, per ton, - 8 00
Marketing liigher than at Hartford, 25 per cent.
It would not be expected that your office should subject you to more expense
of company, or a different style of Uving, than you would choose. It is my opin
ion that you could live within 1000 dollars, as your family now is, and that you
might expect, on some future occasion, such further advancement as your talents
and services will entitle you to. I wish to see you transplanted into the national
government for its sake and your own. And am sir, your humble servant,
OLIV. ELLSWORTH.
Oliver Wolcott, Jr., Esq.

TO MRS. WOLCOTT. New York, Sept. 24th, 1789.
I have concluded to accept the office of Auditor. On consultation with my
friends I think it will be best for us. If we are careful, we may save some
property, more than I ean expect in Connecticut, and by observation of the prin
cipal people in public service, and other respectable families, I am confident that
no change in our habits of living will be in any degree necessary. We can live
as retired or as much in the world as we choose. In short, I am persuaded that
you will feel happy on this account. From the appearance of Col. Hamilton, I
think him a very amiable, plain man, and one whom I expect to like on acquaint
ance. The other officers, except Mr. Eveleigh who is not in town, appear to
be good people. The example of the President and his family, will render parade
and expense improper and disreputable. What degree of attention to business
will be necessary for me to discharge the office well, I cannot determine, but at
the worst I believe it will not be more severe than the business I have transacted ;
flfid though the prospect of advancement may be remote, yet in this city there
are more chances than in Connecticut. On the whole I can give this as my
opinion, that while I remain in the public service, we shall live more agreeably

1'''89-] OF WASHINGTON. 23
here than at Hartford ; that we may save more money ; that there are more
chances for good and bad fortune, and that from what judgment I can form, I
shall not be liable to suffer a disadvantageous comparison with my brother officers
in the walks of business. At any rate we must now undertake the risque, if
any there be, and by prudence endeavour to guard against any disappointment.

TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
New York, Nov. 3d. 1789.
We arrived here after as good a passage as could be expected, and have pro
cured lodgings at Mrs. Grinnell's, No. 27 Queen street, in a good family.
I have not been able to inform myself of the extent of the business in which
I am engaged, as Col. Hamilton has been unwell and as Mr. Eveleigh has not
arrived. Though the business will be for sometime difficult, it will not be insur-T^
mountable, and I trust that I shall be able to discharge my trust with as muchj
reputation as the nature of such an appointment will permit. '
¦What arrangements are in contemplation with respect to the public debt, 1
have not been able to learn, though I beheve from the character and manners of
the Secretary, that they will be prudent, sensible and firm.
As soon as I shall have found such acquaintances as will enable me to write
letters that convey information of the state of our affairs, I will write fiilly to you.
In the mean time, I am with respect your obedient soUi

Sir,

FROM OLIVER WOLCOTT Sem.
Litchfield, Nov. 24th, 1789

Old age is very apt to be vain in giving advice. No one, I believe, of your
years requires it less, as you have been long conversant with people of almost
every condition, and very readily investigate the principles of human action ;
yet I will indulge myself once, and which I shall probably never think it neces
sary to do again, advise you that in every matter of consequence you depend, in
the last resort, upon your own judgment rather than upon that of any other.
In this mode of conduct you will less frequently err. It will induce a stricter
habit of reflection, and if you mistake, you will not feel the mortification of
being misguided by such as may have an interest in deceiving you. The exe
cutive officers with whom you will have most intercourse will, I believe, be
inclined to treat you with generosity and frankness, from the first magistrate
downwards: An open unassuming behaviour will be most agreeable to them ;
this naturally induces confidence and may be done consistently with such reserva
tion as may be necessary. It is generally said that courtiers always act in
disguise. This is far from being universally the case, and when it is, it is more
generally owing to their situation than choice, especially among those who are
to be denominated good men, to which character I truly believe the first magis-

24 FIRST ADMINISTRATION Chap. 1.
trate, and the heads of the executive departments, all of whom I know, are
justly entitled. The habits and manners of a soldier are naturally open and
fi-ank, and if at any time it shall seem to be otherwise, such conduct will be rather
assumed and politic than otherwise.
Your service will be complicated and arduous, but you will reflect that those
who are to judge of your services, will be most capable of making a just estimate
of them. You may therefore safely indulge yourself with as much exercise, and
relaxation as will be necessary for your health. Endeavour fiirther to preserve
the mens sana in corpore sano by yielding at times to a certain vacuity of
thought. As to your mode of living I need say but very Httle, your habits of
temperance will render it unnecessary.
Thus far I have written, which is much farther than I intended when I
began to scribble. You need be under no apprehension that I shall obUge you
to read such long letters of advice in future, and will consider this rather as an
evidence of my regard for your happiness, than of any anxiety I feel, lest you
should be under misapprehension of what principles ought to govern yovir con
duct. With kind regard, yours, OLIV. WOLCOTT.

TO OLIVER WOLCOTT Sen.
New York Dec. 2d, 1789.
My situation has been so confined in arranging my business, that I have found
but few acquaintances, but my condition is not disagreable. There is a chaos of
old accounts which must be settled in some way or other ; but I think that a
great part are in such a. state that the accountants will not be pressing, and
owing to the deaths and bankruptcies of those who are charged with monies, it
is probable that the public will be in no otherwise benefitted, than in being able to
say that they have settled their accounts.
The public credit of this country is rapidly rising ; securities sell at seven shil
lings in the pound. This is in some degree owing to the speculations of fo
reigners. The disorders in France, the declining state of the Dutch republic, and
the enormous debts which oppress all the great nations of Europe, are circum
stances which give the United States a relative importance, and of which I hope
, we shall profit.
I cannot however, help considering all that is doing towards the establishment
of government, as an experiment of doubtful success. It is certain that the
southern states are far less advanced in political science, than the northern, and
even there the people have by no means prepared themselves for a steady opera
tion of the general government.
The impost will produce about as much as it was estimated at ; some addi
tional revenue will be proposed, probably a system of inland duties on spirits, &c.
to be collected on the first sale from the wholesale dealer, by regulations which
will not be perceived much in the country. It will probably be also proposed to
consolidate the debts of the Union, in the settlement of the state accounts.

1789.] OF WASHINGTON. 25
This measure though difficult, is I believe necessary, as the states vriU by excises
or otherwise, defeat any general system of revenue which can be proposed, unless
this shall be effected.

FROM JOHN TRUMBULL.' Hartford, Deo. 9th, 1789.
I received yours by Dr. Cogswell, who appears a sensible, agreeable young man,
and I am glad that he proposes to settle in Hartford. Indeed our circle of friends
wants new recruits. Humphreys, Barlow and you are lost to us. Dr. Hopkins
has an itch of running away to New York, but I trust his indolence will prevent
him. However if you should catch him in your city I desire you to take him up
and return him, or scare him so that we may have him again, for which you shall
have sixpence reward and all charges. Webster has returned and brought with
him a very pretty wife. I wish him success, but I doubt in the present decay of
business in our profession, whether his profits wiU enable him to keep up the style
he sets out with. I fear he will breakfast upon Institutes, dine upon Disserta
tions, and go to bed supperless. I cannot conceive what Barlow is doing. Aftei
being eighteen months abroad, you tell me he has got so far as to see favourable
prospects. If he should not effect something soon, I would advise him to write
" the Vision of Barlow," as a sequel to those of Columbus and McFingal.
Pray congratulate Col. Humphreys, in my name, on his late promotion in the
diplomatic line. If I understand the matter rightly, he holds the same post
which Crispe promised George in the Vicar of Wakefield. You remember Crispe
told him there was an embassy talked of from the synod of Pennsylvania to the
Chickasaw Indians,,and he would use his interest to get him appointed Secretary.
Tell him not to be discouraged too much at his want of success. The President
has tried him on McGillivray first,;and he did not suit (he skull of the savage,
but we cannot argue from that circumstance that he could not fit as easy as a ftill
bottomed wig upon the fat headed, sot headed and crazy headed sovereigns of
Europe. Tell him this story also, for his comfort, and to encourage his hopes of
speedy employment. A king being angry irith an ambassador, asked him
whether his master had no wise men at Court, and was therefore obliged to send
him a fool 1 " Sire," said the other, " my master has many wise men about his
court, but he conceived me the most proper ambassador to your majesty." Upon
this principle I am in daily expectation of hearing that he is appointed minis
ter plenipo. to George, Louis, or the Stadtholder. For is not his name
Mumps ?
You must know that at this present writing I am confined with this paUry
influenza. I kept it for six weeks at the stave's end, as Shakespear's MalvoHo did
Beelzebub, but it has driven me into close quarters at last. Indeed I could not
expect to avoid it, for old Wronghead says it is a Federal disorder, bred out of the
new Constitution at New York, and communicated by infection from Congress.
1 McFingal.
VOL. I. 3

26 FIRST ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 1.
I see the President has returned aU fragrant with the odour of incense. It
must have given him satisfaction to find that the hearts of the people are umted
in his favour ; but the blunt and acknowledged adulation of our addresses must
often have wounded his feehngs. We have gone through all the popish grades
of worship, at least up to the Hyperdoulia. This tour has answered a good
pohtical purpose, and in a great measure stilled those who were clamoring about
the wages of Congress and the salaries of officers.
I expect something capital with regard to the arrangement ofthe pubUc debt
from the abilities of the gentlemen in the Treasury Department. You wiU avoid
the complicated and embarrassed systems of financiers who affect to be mysteri
ous and artful, and form a plan at once bold, simple and decisive. I ahnost envy
you the fiiendship of Col. Hamilton, with whom I doubt not, you are in the
closest habits of intimacy. However, till I have the honour of a personal acquaint
ance with him, I wiU not depose on oath that he is half so great or good a man
as I think him.
I perceive I shall repay your correspondence in quantity. Indeed, writing this
letter is the only amusement I could have found under this unpleasant indispo
sition. I am dear sir, with the highest esteem, your friend and humble servant.
JOHN TRUMBULL.

TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
New York, Dec. 21st, 1789.
I have received your favour of the 24th November.
» » * »
My health is good, and my situation on the whole rather more ehgible than
when I was in public service in Connecticut. My business is difficult and ex
ceedingly accuravdated, beyond what has been supposed. The affairs of the
Treasury were in my opinion not left in a proper condition by the late board of
the Treasury. Time and gieat application will be necessary to reduce them to
order, but with the assistance of able clerks, I hope to go through my part of the
business. Securities are rapidly rising ; perhaps too much expectation has been
excited in the pubUc creditors. Something more stable than opinion must
eventually support pubUc credit, and no usefiil experience has yet been acquired,
of the inclination or resources of this country to support a pubUc debt.
The State of Pennsylvania will have a new Constitution, and they seem to
have adopted the fashionable politics of vesting the powers of government in a
single executive, in two houses of assembly and an independent judiciary. The
southern gentlemen are growing more federal, but I presume it will appear that
the states north of the Potomac, are to pay a great proportion of the pubhc
expense .

1789.] OF WASHINGTON. 27
TO HIS MOTHER. New York, Dec. 21, 1789.
* * * The manners of the people here are favourable to the plan which I
have in view. Great expense is not required, nor does it add to the reputation
of any person. There appears to be great regularity in the city. Honesty is as
much in fashion as in Connecticut, and I am persuaded that there is a much great
er attention to good morals, than has been supposed in the country. So far as
an attention to the Sabbath is a criterion of religion, a comparison between this
city and many places in Connecticut, would be in favour of New York. The
greatest inconvenience which I shall suffer will arise from being separated from
my friends — this I must remedy by keepingup a strict correspondence with them.
We have not been able to hire a house, and I shall continue in lodgings till the
spring. This mode of living, taking all things into consideration, is best for us
at present.

CHAPTER II.

FIRST CONGRESS  SECOND AND THIRD SESSIONS.
The organization ofthe Treasury Department, of course
occupied a considerable time. The mere arrangement
with respect to its modes of transacting business, was in
itself no easy task. The machinery by which the finan
cial affairs ofthe nation are carried on, was to be constructed
at once, upon a plan of indefinite expansion, and suited to
every object which future exigencies might require. The
regulations of the custom houses and loan offices ; the
modes of providing for the efficient coUection and distribu
tion of the revenue, of regulating the accounts of receipts
and expenditures, in all of which the easy attainment of
complete information at the Treasury, was to be united
with the preservation of central and local accountabUity ;
the numberless official forms to be used in every branch of
business ; were now to be prescribed for the first time.
But the department had not even the advantage of start
ing anew in its operations. The confederacy had left every
thing connected with its finance, in a state of almost inex
tricable confusion, and the affairs of those offices which
were transferred to the new Treasury had aU to be arrang
ed and stated by the auditor, and finaUy settled by the
ComptroUer. The subsequent establishmentof the funding system and
assumption of the State debts, threw upon them the duty
of reviewing, recording and adapting to new forms of
alienation, an enormous mass of claims, existing in various

1790.] FIRST ADMINISTRATION, ETC. 29
forms, and tiU then transferable by mere defivery. As the
policy of th^ government matured, and the acts of Con
gress multiphed, the duties of the executive offices were
directed to new objects of attention. Thus the internal
revenue, the surveyor's office, mihtary and naval estabhsh-
ments,* the mint and purveyor's office were successively
organized and regulated.
The modes adopted, which with trivial alterations have
since been adhered to, were almost entirely of American
origin, and it is believed form, under the conduct of able
and honest men, a system the best adapted to its objects
which has ever been devised. The Executive arrange
ment of the Treasury, feU of course upon the subordinate
officers, and it reflects no small degree of credit upon them,
that it was planned upon so perfect a model. In the per
formance of those duties which devolved upon him, Wol
cott was incessantly and laboriously employed, and aU the
¦skill and method acquired under his former tuition were
caUed into requisition.
During the session of 1789, a commencement of a re
venue had been made in an act laying a duty on imports.
The subject of the finances was resumed when they again
met. The foUowing letter suggests a plan, somewhat similar
to that adopted, for an adjustment of the accounts between
the general government and the several States.
TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY.
New York, November 29th, 1789.
I believe it will appear from an examination of the acts of Congress, that all
the requisitions upon the States for money, contain the following conditions.
1st, That the sums required shall not be considered as the real proportions of
the States.
» Most of the duties of these establishments, were at first performed by the
Treasury. 3*

30 FIRST ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 2.
2d, That the actual payments into the public Treasury shall be credited with
an interest at six per cent, per annum, until the period of final adjustment.
3d, That all balances due to or from the several States, on the final adjust
ment of accounts, shaU be equalised by subsequent requisitions of Congress.
It is presumed that no requisitions will in future be made upon the States, and
that the payment of past requisitions will not be enforced. The United States
will probably provide funds and pay their debts, under regulations to be devised
and executed by the authority of the Union, and past experiences ofthe difficul
ty and perplexity of adjusting accounts between powerful communities, will
prevent them from suffering any law to pass which can possibly occasion a new
account to be opened with a State. The object of a settlement with the States
is not therefore to find what sums are due on the past requisitions ; but to ascer
tain whether some members of the Union have not contributed more than their
proportions, of the sums' actually paid into the public treasury.
It is easy to conceive that aU the States may be debtors to the United States
on the requisitions of Congress, and at the same time, that one, or even twelve
of the States may be creditors to each other, or to the United States, in various
proportions, for payments made vrithin a given period. As it would be produc
tive of endless contention, for Congress to adjust the accounts in such a manner
that some States would be made debtors to other States, and as it is taken for
granted that no attempt will be made to equalise old balances by new requisi
tions, it follows that the particular states must be considered as creditors to the
United States, for all such sums as they have expended for the common defence,
or paid into the general treasury above their proportions of the aggregate of the
suTns actually expended or advanced.
Indeed the terms of the requisitions prove, that the payments by the several
States are to be regarded as loans on interest, subject to a deduction by the rule
estabhshed in the eighth article of the confederation.
The best method for affecting a settlement which I have been able to devise
would be this.
To credit the particular States for all payments and advances made by them,
according to some liberal and equitable scale, and to consider the whole credits as
forming the aggregate of a loan to the United States.
To these credits, all advances from the general treasury, and all debts of the
States which may be assumed by the Union, ought to be opposed. The result
woidd be, that balances would appear in favour of each of the States, which
would be subject to a charge for their several equitable proportions of the com
mon expense.
To ascertain these proportions will be a work of great difficulty. If the obsta
cles to undertaking this business are insurmountable, the settlement with the
States ought to be abandoned, for an apportionment of the expense is equally
necessary to a settlement upon any principle. I conceive that the objections
which would be made by the States, to the mode I propose, would be less effec
tual than to any other, for if the settlements are so made as to occasion debits
against the States, their opposition may be successful, as they can refiise to pay,
whereas if the settlements are so regulated as to produce credits, which will con-

1790.] OF WASHINGTON. 31
stitute a part of the public debt, no opposition can be successful which does not
produce a subversion ofthe government.
The more fully to illustrate my ideas, I have stated an account of balances
which is founded on a supposition, that the requisition of Congress, ofthe 22d of
November 1777, contains the principles of a just apportionment of the public ex
pense, and that it will appear that the States of Rhode Island, North Carolinia
and Georgia, have contributed the smallest sums, in proportion to their abihty,
compared with the other States, and equal sums in proportion to their ability
when compared with each other. In this account balances are stated to be due to
the States, but as much uncertainty will arise, both in liquidating the expenditures
and ascertaining the proportions ofthe States, it is probable that no balances wiU be
declared, except in cases where the inequality of the contributions is very appa
rent, and as those balances will only consist of the excess of actual payments,
compared with the rule for ascertaining the ability of the States to pay, there is
no reason to expect that any of those balances would be so great as to excite dis
content between the States, or inconveniently increase the public debt.
As it cannot be presumed that any State will have occasion for the sums which
they have advanced, before it will suit with the. convenience ofthe United States
to discharge them ; and as some influence may be derived to the general govern
ment, from an interest on the part of the State Legislatures, to support the mea
sures of the Union ; it appears to be expedient that the balances credited to the
States should bear interest like other public debt, but that no alienation or trans
fer should be permitted.
The second session of Congress commenced on the 8th
of January, and on the 14th, the Secretary of the Treasury
reported the plan for the maintenance of the pubhc credit,
upon which was formed the American Funding System.
The discussion of this project occupied the greater part of
a long and arduous meeting of Congress. The national
legislature comprised a large portion of the prominent cha
racters ofthe country ; the friends and opponents of fede
ral principles were almost equally balanced, and every
subject was discussed with direct reference to its bearings
on state sovereignty, the great source of the original divi
sion of the two parties. A system so weU calculated to
strengthen and give efficacy to the powers ofthe general
government, naturally called forth the whole weight and
force of both.
The most prominent questions which arose upon the
plan recommended, were the payment of the whole amount,
or the mere market value of the government paper, the dis-

32 FIRST ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 2.
crimination between original and present holders, the as
sumption ofthe State debts, and the terms as to the period
of payment and rate of interest, of the general debt thus
proposed to be estabhshed.
The two last were the most ardently controverted. That
of assumption in particular, was several times lost or car
ried, as circumstances favored its opponents or its friends ;
and finaUy passed by a majority of two votes only. Its suc
cess was in some degree owing to another measure of the
session, the change of the seat of government.
The funding of the State debts was supposed materiaUy
to benefit the northern states, in which was the active ca
pital of the country ; and a more southern residence was
considered by some as a countervailing advantage. A com
promise having been effected between the advocates of
PhUadelphia and those of the Potomac, a biU passed fix
ing the former as the temporary, and the latter as the per
manent location, and sufficient votes were thereupon thrown
in favor of assumption to make the project a law.
The House during the first Congress, contained under
the constitutional ratio, but sixty-five members. How near
ly opinion was balanced, may be judged from the vote on
this question.
Among other important public measures of this session,
may be noticed those directing the enumeration of the
inhabitants of the United States ; establishing a uniform
rule of naturalization ; providing the means of intercourse
with foreign nations, and for holding treaties and regulat
ing trade and intercourse with the Indians.
The foUowing letters refer to the subjects discussed dur
ing the session. The strong declarations of opinion in the
letters ofthe elder Wolcott, respecting the relations which
should exist between the general and state governments,
wUl be found curious, as opposed to the views of the dele
gates from Connecticut in the Federal Convention. It was
to the representatives ofthe smaU- states, and to Sherman

1790.] OF WASHINGTON. 33
and EUsworth, perhaps more than to any others, that what
of independence in the states was preserved is due.

FROM OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Litchfield, Dec. 23d, 1789.
Sir, Your favour ofthe 2d inst. by Mr. Stanley has been received. The rise of
public credit which you mention, is perhaps as good a criterion as can be derived
from any one circumstance, ofthe degree of confidence which is put in the new
government. The government will, I believe, have a permanent establishment,
although it may perhaps for some time find itself embarrassed by the claims of the
local jurisdictions, somewhat similar to what has been experienced from the ex
tensive feudal claims in the early ages of the European Governments. To render
the operation of the national government easy, and extensively beneficial, the
states must be considered as corporations only, and their laws strictly municipal- ^
If that shall be effected, the arrangement of government may be very happy. To
effectuate this, an absorption of the state debts into the national mass might be
of much advantage ; but this I suspect will not be done till the state creditors shall
clearly perceive their advantage in having them placed there, and till the nation
al government shall render the local payments more difficult than they are, by
extending their objects of taxation. I sincerely wish it was not in the power of
any particular state to do any thing which might affect commerce, and therefore
that it was not in their power to enforce any excise whatever. Nothing but the
most mistaken policy could induce this state to wish for a continuation of this, as
every neighbouring one which shall adopt a similar measure, will derive much
profit thereby from the labour of our people, in the same manner as they before did
by the impost. Indeed such a general excise as our law contemplates, connected
with the national imposts is peculiarly burdensome upon commerce in this state ;
but as I beheve the trading interests are about to combine to oppose it, and as
those who have been most in favour of the excise are such men as have always
believed that " vox populi, vox est Dei," they will therefore give it up the next
session. The commotions in France will, I apprehend, have a long and extensive opera
tion, and may probably enoughinvolve in their consequences within a few years,
a dismemberment of the greater part of the American Continent from the
European powers ; at the least such will likely be the duration and effect of the
civil commotions in Europe, that many people of large property in that country,
will wish to deposit their money in the American funds, in case they shall be
well estabhshed. If this shall so happen, which I cannot consider as an impro
bable event, money will be loaned upon our funds as low as it is in any part
of the universe. This circumstance together with the difficulty to provide for
the payment of a large interest on our domestic debt, and the circumstances in
which that debt exists in the hands of the creditors, wiU from principles of justice,
prudence and policy, prevent, I apprehend, any plan being adopted at any timo

34 FIRST ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 2.
which will provide for the payment of a larger interest than three per cent. Per
haps so large an interest will not at present be either politick or practicable to
provide for. But however this is, I hope it wiU never be judged necessary to pay
a higher interest than what I have mentioned upon the domestic debt, and that if
more shaU be required by the creditors, that it will be in the power of Congress
to pay them off. During the administration of Grenville, I think it was, that it
was made optionable for the English national creditors to receive three per cent.
instead of three and one half, or be paid off; they assented to three per cent. I
hope in the course of a few years our funds will be of equal credit. It will be
found that if the calculation shall be to raise a fund sufficient to pay six per cent.
in specie on the domestick debt, that the greater part of the people of these states
will not think it just, but very unreasonable, and will therefore be much dissatis
fied with the new government ; which might be highly dangerous to its existence.
A dissolution of tliis government would involve in its consequences almost
every species of human misery. Yours with much regard. OLIVER WOLCOTT.

FROM CHAUNCEY GOODRICH. Hartford, January 2d, 1790.
Dear Sir,
There has been this week a respectable meeting of the Convention of Mer
chants at Middletown, who have united in a petition to our legislature for a repeal
of the Excise Laws, and if that should not eventually prove successful to forward
one to Congress on the subject of commerce, that it may be embraced in one
general system. No other pohtical subject engrosses the public attention except
the assumption ofthe state debt. Men of sense, unshackled with office, who are
the only ones who speak their opinions till the pubhc opinion is formed, express
themselves pleased with the plan. I believe, however, the time is almost past
that men of abihty will prize personal character above honors. The zeal for the
general government does not lessen, and its enemies will not be able to make any
ferment about the salaries, either to the prejudice of the government or the
individuals who administer it. We all hope that Congress will devise some wise
arrangement of the public debt, which perhaps will try the popularity as well as
the strength of your new house the most of anything.
You ought to know that the young wiseacre ofthe treasury quondam, some
times wags the tongue against you in your absence, and has once more attempted
to influence the election of the Lt. Governor, but with as much address as before.
He attempted to persuade one of our members of the Merchant Convention that
your father was the author of the Excise Law, but was so unfortunate as to ad
dress himself to one of them who knew much better, and what was worse for him,
knew him also. He is too despicable for resentment.
The election for the council will, from present appearances, be favourable to the
best folks in the nomination for new members. Your successor in office appears
with dignity in his department ; as to your circle of friends, they are as much so
as ever, and as much so to one another. We keep up the story of Mr. Trum-

1790.] OF WASHINGTON. 35
bull's being representative. He is a violent enemy to the Excise, receives at his
levee the merchants, drafts warm petitions, attends town meetings, has got a
dozen of us appointed trustees of the grammar school, not forgetting the parsons
of the city, and of West-Division. With him at our head we are busy in cherishing
the interests ofthe rising generation and piety, which will atone for a large quan
tity of invisible sin.
Instead of a political club we have this winter a lawyers' club ; at which we
talk away scientifically ; and eat and drink voraciously. This letter has pro
ceeded thus far from great to smaU things, from larger communities to small ones,
and now descends down in progression to my own cell, where now is in the
main, health, peace and plenty. We are a sober, well regulated family. Ac
cept our love for yourself and Betsey, for we do love you both, and are always
your best friends. CHAUNCEY GOODRICH.

TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
New York Jan. 10th, 1790.
Congress are now convened, and the accounts from the different parts of the
Union are favourable. The accession of North Carolina has blasted the last
hopes of the anti-federalists. All that now remains is to arrange our affairs
wisely — perhaps nothing very difficult will occur except with respect to the pubhc
debt. The ideas on this subject, suggested in your letter, are such as will have
great weight. On the rate of interest different opinions will be entertained, it
will be fixed at three or four per cent. — probably three per cent wiU be established,
though I believe four per cent, will be recommended, which will be the best pro
position to come from the Secretary.
TO CHAUNCEY GOODRICH. New York Jan. 23d, 1800.'
Your favour of the 10th has been received, * » * » I send you
as an apology for not writing, and also for your amusement, a copy ofthe Secre
tary's report, and as I have no other, I will thank you, when you shall have perus
ed it, to send it imder cover to Litchfield.
The general ideas of the system meet with approbation. Some gentlemen
suppose three per cent, interest would content the public creditors. The great
question will be about the funds, and ui case the state debts shall be assumed, it
is certain that the objects of revenue will be extended much farther than will be
possible under the local arrangements. If the present session shall adopt prudent
measures, and those measures shall not be opposed in the country, our govern
ment will succeed. We have, in my opinion, arrived at the crisis of affairs ; and
wish I did not think that there is reason to be concerned for the event.

36 FIRST ADMINISTRATION [Chap; 2.

FROM OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Litchfield, Jan. 98, 1790.
Sir, By accounts Rhode Island will soon adopt the Constitution, which every sen
sible man in that state ought to wish for, if it was only to give stability to their
own local police. When this shall be effected, we may consider the National
Government, as I trust, fixed upon an immoveable basis. But what will be its
real complexion, wiU probably depend more upon the conduct of the present ses
sion of Congress, than upon the last, or any subsequent one. As I have an entire
confidence in the Executive and deliberative branches of government, I have but
little doubt but that it vrill be conducted wisely, and at the same • time am well
convinced of my own inability to know how so complicated a subject ought to
be regulated. This much I will venture a conjecture upon, that the efficiency of
this government will essentially depend upon the system of their finances, and
the regulation of their militia, both of which therefore, I suppose, they wiU extend
as far as the principles ofthe Constitution will admit, and consequently endeavour
to include ultimately the State debts in the system, and render the militia as de
pendent as the case will admit, upon the general Executive. The State goverti-
ments ought most certainly to exist for local purposes, indeed they are the essen
tial principles ofthe National Government ; but let us not from them derive any
of the miseries of the old European feudal government. The article relative to
the militia is not very clear to my apprehension, but I believe it ought to receive
a strict construction for national purposes, as it is the primary principle of nation
al defence, and a more general ground of ambition than any other. I hope at
least that no officer will be appointed by popular election, which is not othervrise
done, than according to the quantity of grog which is given. I have long been
persuaded, that this State has suffered much in every respect by this mode of ap
pointment. I think that the militia should be made as much a national object,
as circumstances will admit.
I wish that the Members of Congress may not covet a momentary popularity,
instead of doing their duty. They are upon anew and unexperienced piece of
business, but they wiU succeed in it if they do not defeat themselves. Some, at
least unless they are different men from what have heretofore attended Congress,
will be absolutely governed by all the ignorance and prejudices of their constitu
ents. You vrill remember that I never re-draft any letters which I write to you ;
you will therefore regard them only as the momentary effiisions of my mind.
Some abstracts ofthe report of the Secretary of Finance have been published.
We shall have the whole I suppose before long. The public have great reason
to confide in his abilities. All that any one can possibly possess, cannot be more
than will be sufficient to execute so complicated a trust. He will wish to give
Congress an opportunity to descant upon the subject of finance, to be better able
to judge of what is practicable. Yours with much regard,
OLIVER WOLCOTT.

1790.] OF WASHINGTON. 37
TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
New York, Feb. 1st, 1790.
I enclosed to Mr. Goodrich last week, a copy of the Secretai7's Report on the
affairs of the Treasury, with a request that it might be transmitted to you. Lest
he may have failed, I now send another copy. The plan meets with as much
approbation as could have been expected. Some suppose the rate of interest is
too high ; others suppose that it is so low that the public creditors will not sub
scribe ; many apprehend that it will tend to a consolidation ofthe government.
On the whole I think the plan will be found to combine as many interests and
reconcile as many prejudices, as any that could be devised, and that it will be
adopted without any substantial variation.
Congress appears to be going on smoothly ; the opposition to the government
is diminished, and if the people will in practice submit to what in theory they
have admitted to be proper, all will be well.
My situation is as agreeable as possible, considering the unreasonable accu
mulation of business thrown upon me. If I get through with it, it will operate to
my advantage. I am treated very fairly by all the officers of the department,
and have been noticed by all the principal gentlemen in the public service.
The favours I have received I am very happy to mention to you, as I am certain
that they have been bestowed upon me under the auspices of your reputation.
I have reason to believe that when we shall keep house by ourselves, you could
spend a few weeks here very happily with many gentlemen vrith whom you
have been well acquainted during the war ; and I flatter myself that you will be
persuaded to accept the invitation.
FROM CHAUNCEY GOODRICH. Hartford, February 3d, 1790.
Dear Sir,
I received your letter inclosing the Secretary's Report, which I have forward
ed to your father. I am much obHged to you for this favour. The report has
been reprinted in this town and is sought for with much avidity, but has not been
sufficiently read for a public opinion to be formed about it. So far as I can col-
'¦ lect the sentiments of your acquaintance, they are favourable to the system'
We hope the government will improve the present season of its popularity to
establish a more permanent foundation than what it now rests on. Its only stable
support will be a well regulated treasury, and I am sure that the best friends ofthe
government will not only be disappointed but dissatisfied, if the present session of
Congress passes without a good arrangement of the finances. The public creditors
will esteem themselves honourably used, in case the Secretary's ideas be carried
into effect ; and even if they are not so advantageous, I do not imagine it would
occasion any discontent to be regarded. Perhaps without the active influence
VOL. I. 4

38 FIRST ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 2.
of the creditors the government could not have been formed, and any well
grounded dissatisfaction on their part wUl certainly make its movements dull and
languid, if not worse. * * » I am, dear sir, your affectionate
friend. CHAUNCEY GOODRICH.

FROM OLIVER WOLCOTT, S£n.
Litchfield, Feb, 8th, 1790,
Sir, Your favor ofthe 1st instant with the report of the Secretary ofthe Treasury
has been received. We were happy to hear that you enjoy health, which I
have been much concerned that you would be deprived of, in transacting that
farrago of business which has been assigned to you. You have had too much
advice to attend to yourself, to need any repetition of it. It must give yoU
much pleasure to be treated with the candor you mention by the gentlemen of
the department with which you are specially connected. The gentleman at the
head of the department, with whom I am most acquainted, I have always known
to be a man of strict integrity and honor. The ComptroUer and Treasurer I am
a perfect stranger to.
Your Idnd invitation to visit you after you shaU have taken a house, I shall
if circumstances admit, gladly accept of, though I think I shall see you here first,
Mr. Goodrich sent me the Secretary's Report. I have not had much time to
examine it, and consider myself as a very improper judge ofthe compUcated and
most relative subject of finance. The Secretary must have given it a very deep
reflection, and I think his reasoning upon the impracticabUity of making any
discrimination among the domestic creditors, entirely conclusive. The debt can
only be contemplated upon the general principles upon which it exists. It is
necessary to do justice as far as possible upon the whole view of the subject ; to
consider how far taxation can be extended, so as to include a provision for the
individual state debts, without being repugnant to their general sense of what
is proper, thereby disinclining them to yield these debts to the control of Congress,
and to subject themselves to such a taxation for their payment as Congress shall
ordain ; to provide a pecuniary sinking fund without which the whole system
wiU be liable to be deranged by every accident ; to consider whether if our inter
est shaU be raised higher than money is loaned by the Dutch Government it will
not, especially as the balance of trade is always against us, (and if the debt shall
also be made irredeemable,) in a few years be principally and permanentiy owned
in Europe ; and consequently occasion a larger draft of cash from the country than
its infant condition wiU admit. It wUl also, I imagine, be a matter of much con
sideration, whether the debt ought not to be founded upon a pecuniary provision
alone, and the western territory be made use of occasionally, merely as a sinking
fund, as a more unrestrained liberty would be preserved in locatmg and setthng
the western country. The future peace and happiness of the United States gen
erally, and the western territory in particular, wiU much depend in what manner
the same shaU be settled and governed. By the report I find that the supposed

1790.] OF WASHINGTON. 39
punctilio of national honour, relative to a literal payment is abandoned as being
what the creditors have no right injustice to expect, and what an attention to the
essential interests of our country wUl not admit of This idea being relinquished,
as I believe it ought to be, we ought to consider how this aggregate and heteroge
neous debt ought to be treated. National reputation is undoubtedly of the last im
portance. This must be supported by an apparent and determined effort to do
substantial justice ; by an unequivocal punctuality of payment in the manner and
time proposed ; by being always in a condition to provide against untoward acci
dents, and by a firm union among ourselves. But the question still vriU be, at
what rate would you fix the interest 1 My own sohtary reflections, unassisted by
advice, and with but little information, induce me to answer this question. At
the lowest rate at which money is loaned to any government in Europe , and inde
pendent of any provisional land payment. Nothing prevents our credit from be
ing as good as any of theirs, and our government, I trust, is more secure than any,
as I consider the internal commotions in Europe but as just begun. They will,
therefore, in a short time induce a deposite, (if that can be supposed to be best)
in our funds rather than in their own, and I am fuUy convinced it wiU place the
domestick debt in as advantageous a situation as the aggregate ofthe pubhc cred
itors have any reason, upon the most punctiUous principle to expect. It vrill con
duce, as I apprehend, to preserve union and stabUity among ourselves, and it will
not extend the pecuniary provisions beyond the powex of the state to make pay
ment and provide for a sinking fund, which I consider as essential to our safety.
This interest, I therefore imagine, ought to be either at three or about three per
cent. If the creditors shaU not accept of a reasonable provision, which I beheve but
very few, if any, will decline ; it wUl be fully in the power of Congress to purchase
in stock by their sinking fund sufficient to indemnify tbem upon such a contin
gency. You wUl present my compliments to Mr.^Usworth who has been so complai
sant as to send me the Secretary of the Treasury's Report. He has asked my
opinion upon the subject of it. I had rather, indeed, he should have asked any
other service of me. My opinion could be but of little aid to his own. But he is
entitled to an acknowledgement of his letter, which I shaU take some other op
portunity to answer. Yours with the kindest affection, OLIVER WOLCOTT.

TO NATHAN STRONG. New York, February, 1790.
Congress are proceeding in their deliberations on the Secretary's report. The
northern States seem generally to favor the plan. In Virgmia and some other
states, there is a determined and stubborn opposition. They fear a consoHdation
ofthe government ; and also that if their state debts are assumed, aUthe securities
will be purchased by foreigners, and by their neighbors. They say that the sys
tem of raising revenues by imposts operates unequally, they being the greatest

40 FIRST ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 2.
consumers ; that to remedy this inequaUty by a land tax, wiU make such esta
blishments necessary as wiU render the general government formidable ; that
though the assumption wiU be a temporary relief, by causing the revenues to be
expended where they are collected, yet in the end it wiU operate to them like a
foreign debt, as they know the disposition of their people wiU be to seU every
thing which will produce money. These arguments have weight upon the prin
ciples ofthe gentlemen who urge them, but the contrary ideas, by being founded
upon the most undeniable principles of general policy, wUl gain ground and ob-
vtain a majority in the United States. The worst circumstance attending our
affairs, arises from the great variety of prejudices and manners in the United
States. If they shall not shortly be assimilated, I fear that disagreeable conse
quences will ensue.
From the late discussions in Congress, one favorable argument may be drawn,
to quiet the fears of those politicians who apprehend danger from the rigid princi
ples of an aristocratical policy. It is certain that a sufficient degree of the tri-
bunitian spirit prevaUs in the pubhc councUs. The same men who warmly advo
cated the cause of the public creditors, who pressed the states with heavy requisi
tions for money, and who contended for an efficient government, when Congress
had no power, except to discuss propositions, and declare the obligations of mo
rality ; now when they are called upon to put in practice the tenets they have
maintained, are found to be oppressed with the same fears, which have been the
subjects of ridicule and contempt in less respectable characters.
^ The exemplification of these truths in our leading men, proves your system of
philosophy to be well founded, which supposes that men love virtue in the ab
stract, but hate to exercise it, and that superior information has but Httle tendency
to correct the infirmities of human nature.
I firmly beheve that the United States will never appoint more respectable men
to posts in Congress, than the present, and yet the observation made by a states
man to his son, is in many instances deplorably verified, " Nescis, mi fUi, parva
cum sapientia regitur mundus."
The foUowing letter contains the method of official ac
counting, devised with reference to the debt.

TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY.
New York, March 1st, 1790.
Sir, In consequence of the permission wliich you have given, I take the liberty to
suggest a plan for keeping the accounts oi the funded debt, and for regulating the
payment of interest ; which I now submit to your consideration.
Let one commissioner be appointed in each state, or in convenient districts of
the Union, vrith instructions to take up and cancel the certificates now in circula
tion, and to ascertain the interest thereon to the day which may be fixed for com
mencing busmess under the new system. For the sums go ascertained by the

1790.] OF Washington. 41
commissioners, let credits be passed in their books, and certificates be given, trans
ferable at the office from whence they issued.
Let the several credits on the books of the treasury be examined, and the inter
est in like manner, and when this is done let a warrant issue to the Commission
er for New York, to credit the sums which may be due to individuals on the
settlement ofthe books ofthe treasury, in accounts to be opened in his office.
Let a general account of funded debt be opened in the books ofthe treasury, to
be debited with all the sums settled to the credit of individuals by the Commis
sioners, and to be balanced by accounts to be opened with the books of each com
missioner. The old certificates taken up by the commissioners, and the accounts
on which the settlements are made, being returned to the treasury, wUl afford
vouchers to support their accounts.
The result of this plan wUl be, that the whole amount of the funded debt wUl
be known from one account, and the amount of credits to individuals on the books
of each commissioner from the subordinate accounts, and as the interest on the
whole debt wUl commence from one period, the necessary estimates may be m&de
with precision.
As the aggregate sum of the credits to individuals, on the books of each com
missioner will be known, the commissioners may be permitted to make transfers
-of any credits on their books, under such regulations, as may be easily devised —
and to facUitate the alienation of stock, transfers from the books of one commis
sioner to those of another, may be made by warrants from the Secretary of the
Treasury. This mode will preserve complete information at the treasury of the
state of the accounts, and will afford sufficient data to controul the interest ac
counts of the commissioners.
To enable the commissioners to keep regular accounts, and discharge the inter
est punctually, I would propose that the transfer books be closed for fourteen days,
before the interest becomes payable — and in that time let the commissioners
draw out compleat lists of the credits then existing, on which let them compute
the interest which may be due to the several creditors, and prepare the receipts,
ready to be signed, as the claimants shall appear.
If the accounts are properly kept, the interest which will appear to be due,
wUl agree vrith an interest for the like time, computed on the gross amount of
each commissioner's credit in the books of the treasury, to cover which interest
let one warrant issue to be accounted for in the following manner.
Let the commissioners report a Ust of aU the credits existing on their books,
when the transfers are closed in each quarter, and let them transmit monthly
statements ofthe payments which may be made.
To prevent the inconveniences resulting from unsettled accounts and accumu
lated balances, let the interest books remain in the commissioner's hands only
one year after the interest becomes payable ; let them then be transmitted to the
treasury ; the receipts unsigned wUl agree vrith the balances of cash on hand,
for wliich let the commissioners be debited as fiinds advanced for the payment of
fiiture interest.
Let the interest books remain open at the treasury one other year, and let the
balances which then remain unclaimed revert to the public.
4*

42 FIRST ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 2.
This plan will relieve the treasury from many minute details, to the execution
of which the offices are not adequate, it wiU simphfy aU calculations of the pub-
He debt, it vriU prevent forgeries, it will preserve an effectual check on the ex
penditure of pubhc money, and wUl tend to distribute the public debts in propor
tion to the revenues coUected in the different parts ofthe United States.
These being the great objects to be attended to, in a plan of this nature, I am
induced to beheve that the leading ideas now suggested, may be usefiilly adopt
ed. I have the honor to be with the most perfect respect, sir, your obedient
servant.

FROM CHAUNCEY GOODRICH. Hartford, March 23, 1790.
Dear Sir,
I certainly have the most reason to regret your want of leisure to write to your
friends ; for were it not for that ambition of yours, of doing every thing better than
other folks, and more than any body else, J might claim from you to know what
wise men think, which I believe cannot always be found out from what they say
and do, and also know your own feehngs and reflexions, in which I am reaUy
more interested than in political systems, or the noisy clamour of Congress. I do
not however mean or wish to make our correspondence a burden — ^write when busi
ness, or more necessary relaxation from it does not prevent.
The public mind is more awake to the present measures before Congress, than
disposed to censure the past. No spirit of electioneering prevaUs so far as my
information extends ; the farmers are well pleased with the high price of com,
&c., and half of them are so great fools as to believe, that the President has or
dered Englishmen, French and Algerines, to come and give the high price for
which grain is now selling. They wont quarrel I presume, this season, about any
tiling. We shall make a strong effort to make Mr. TrumbuU deputy, and probably a
successful one. I am much obliged by your invitation to visit you in New York,
and mean to do it in the course of the summer.
I fear that Mr. Reeve will come to this town, for though I do not care very
greatly about it on my own account, I am persuaded that it will be much to his
prejudice. The practice of law has become but a smaU object in this county,
compared with what it has been.
Col. Wadsworth gave us a very sensible satisfaction, by the account he has
given of the high estimation in which you are held by Mr. Hamilton and the pub
lic. I could easUy beheve it, for I knew you would deserve it. I am, my dear
sir, your friend, CHAUNCEY GOODRICH.
The opinions expressed in the foUowing letter respect
ing the objects of a funding system, it should be observed,

1790.] OF WASHINGTON. 43
were widely different from Mr. Hamilton's, and from those
which the writer himself afterwards entertained.

TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
New York, March 27, 1790.
* » * *
Congress are proceeding slowly, but I hope surely, in their deUberations. A me
morial from the Quakers respecting the condition ofthe Africans, has unfortunate
ly occasioned considerable animation of debate. That busmess has now subsided
without any thing being accomplished. ^
What system wUl be adopted with respect to the public debt, cannot be calcu
lated on at this time. Nothing has been done except to pass a few votes, recognis
ing the obhgation of the public. The opposition to what has been done proves
that great obstacles are yet to be surmounted. Such have been the ill conse
quences of depreciation, that all the arguments in favor of every opinion are plau
sible and equivocal.
I can consider a funding system as important, in no other respect than as an
engine of government. The only question is what that engine shall be. The
influence of a clergy, nobUity and armies, are and ought to be out ofthe question
in this country ; but unless some active principle ofthe human mind can be inter
ested in support of the government, no civU establishments can be formed, which
wUl not appear like useless and expensive pageants, and by their' unpopularity
weaken the government which they are intended to support. Perhaps the great
desideratum is to contrive business to be executed, which shall appear to be im
portant, if it be not so in reality, and at the same time have this business of a
kind which shaU not depress the spirit, or check the industry of the country.
Duties on most of the articles imported, ought to be imposed from political con
siderations, even though the money were to be buried. If the money is paid in
such a manner as to interest the people in the government, and at the same time
not corrupt their integrity, the circulation of a revenue answers a good purpose.
All taxes answer some good purposes. The propriety of imposing them can be
estimated ordy by the circumstances which attend them.
For these reasons I think the State debts ought to be assumed, as without
the assumption the political purposes which I have enumerated, cannot be attain-!
ed. This wiU indeed increase the debt of the United States, to a degree which'
wUl be very inconvenient. The taxes necessary to pay the interest will be bur
densome, and they will appear to be just, only to those who believe that the good
attained is more important than the evil which is suffered.
The rate of interest in my opinion ought to be as low as will answer the pub
lic expectation, and content the public creditors. On this point the ablest men
have expressed different sentiments. The gentlemen from the northern States
suppose the rates proposed too high. The southern gentlemen think them too
low. The opinions of those who are most accustomed to perfoi-m their promises,
are perhaps of most weight.

44 FIRST ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 2.
One great evU wiU at aU events attend a funding syste;n ; the debt wUl be alie
nated to foreigners, as long as the exchange is against this country. This wiU
take place in the same degree, let the rate of interest be fixed as it may, provided
the fiinds are considered as sure. Foreigners buy for the sake of the annuity, and
from a confidence in the resources of the country. The only question which they
ask is, what is the value of an annuity for a given sum, payable in America. We
cannot check their speculations except by lessening their confidence in our punc
tuality. Though [ write in this manner I am here no poHtician. I feel no interest and
take no part in any debates. The business in which I am engaged engrosses my
attention, and though it is tedious at present, I shall soon reduce it within limits.
I have reason to believe, that I have hitherto given satisfaction. The expenses
of living here will be greater than I had imagined. I mean however to save
something, and indulge the fond, but perhaps vain hope of living in the country.

FROM CHAUNCEY GOODRICH. Hartford, March 28, 1790.
Dear Sir, » * * «
Before I received your letter, I had placed an impHcit kind of confidence in the
present plan of finance before Congress, and supposed that it must be founded on
sufficient funds. For if that fails, the whole must fail, unless some good Genius
shall do better with patching than is commonly the case. I have since attended
to it, but without any conversation with any of our poUticians. It certainly is de
fective in this respect, that it does not embrace direct taxes in some way. Per
haps the idea would be unpopular in some parts of the Union ; I beheve the good
sense of the people would adopt it here, without much complaint. The present
popularity of the government is not the principle on which it is to depend, but it
is to be used as the means to obtain real power, which is by a system of finance
sure, extensive and permanent. Exorbitant taxes are always odious, moderate
ones which go to the property of every individual, is perhaps one of the best cir
cumstances of respectabUity. A man ought to feel the force of government, to
reverence it. Without a land tax our wealthiest farmers wUl pay but little.
External taxation unprotected by a navy, must always be in jeopardy. Nor is
it safe to leave the Union without any arrangements for direct, as it wiU take
years to devise the plan, and put it into operation, and public credit vriU sink
when most wanted. The system of finance certainly ought to be a complete
whole, and the laws of revenue to embrace the whole circle of the great revenue
objects, were it only to have such revenue laws in existence for future use.
Nothing but such a plan can ever link together, and consolidate all parts of an
unconnected and extensive continent.
•' ¦ But this is like Phormio's prating to Hannibal about war ; and so with our best
wishes for yourself and famUy, that now are and soon wiU be. I once more sub
scribe myself your very affectionate friend, C. GOODRICH.

1790.1 OF WASHINGTON. 45

Sir,

FROM OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Litchfield, April 23d, 1790.

* * « »
I have been happy to learn by a variety of information, that your conduct in
your department is very acceptable to the officers of government ; this indeed is
no more than what I expected. Your zeal in the execution of your office, ought
(as probably I too frequently observe to you,) to be consistent with a proper at
tention to your health, and I am glad to know that you expect to have it reduced
to a less oppressive condition. The superintending a business which requires
fifteen clerks to execute, must be extremely arduous.
Your observations respecting the pubUc debts as essential to the existence of
the national government, are undoubtedly just, — there certainly cannot at present
exist any other cement. The assumption of the State debts is as necessary, and
indeed more s6, for the existence of the national government, than those of any
other description ; if the state governments are to provide for their payment,
these creditors will for ever oppose all national provisions, as being inconsistent
with their interest which ; circumstances, together with the habits and pride of
the local jurisdictions, wiU render the states very refractory. A rejection to pro
vide for the State debts, which it seems has been done by a committee of Con
gress, if persisted in, I consider as an overthrow of the national government. I
perceive an idea has been given out, that all national pecuniary provisions can be
made which are necessary, even including the State debts, without a direct taxa
tion. I think, with all my ignorance of the subject, that it would be very strange
if it could be effected without a land tax, but if it can, I hope it will never be at
tempted, for unless there shall be a direct taxation which shall affect every man
of property, the people in general in this country will not have the least appre
hension ofthe existence of a national government, and consequently have no re
gard for it A direct taxation (as odd as it may seem,) is essentiaUy necessary to
induce a people to love their government.
Besides, if this mode of tax is not introduced upon the first establishment of
government, and with the influence of all the public creditors, it is not lUtely it
can be hereafter adopted, but with the greatest public disturbance. I should
think that the general government would be looking forward to the establishment
of a navy, to give themselves respectability, protection, and to preserve the peace
of the States, I wish myself that Congress would prefer the white people of this
country to the blacks. After they have taken care of the former, they may
amuse themselves with the other people. The African trade is a scandalous one ;
but let us take care of ourselves first. * » » * Yours,
OLIVER WOLCOTT.

46 FIRST ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 2.
TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
New Yore, April 14th, 1790.
The question of assuming the state debts has been taken in committee of the
whole, and lost by a majority of two votes. The question vriU be revived, as it
is of too much importance to be lost finally, if it shaU be possible to carry it.
I much fear that the various opinions with respect to the public debt wUl not
soon be reconciled, and that the popularity of the government will be diminished
by what shaU be adopted. If the Southern states were prepared for the operation
of systematic measures, aU would be weU ; this is far from bemg the case ; many
very respectable characters entertain pohtical opinions wliich would be with us
thought very whimsical, and the general complexion of their sentiments can be
but iU reconcUed with the plans which have been proposed.

New York, May 8th, 1790.
* * » *
Congress go on with more zeal than usual in business, and begin to make pro
gress. They wiU probably adopt the principles of the Secretary's report, except
with respect to the state debts. Whether they are to be assumed, will depend on
the verdict of pubUc opinion, which will I think, be finaUy in favour of the
measure. The affairs of this country are so generaUy prosperous, that public management
must be very bad to render the people very unhappy. It seems as though all the
events in Europe were concurring for the benefit of America. By the last vessel
from France, we learn that Mr. Necker had stated a deficiency in the revenue of
this year of nearly three hundred miUion Uvres ; that the national assembly had
begun to emit paper money, and that aU public measures indicated the weak
ness, foUy and turbulence of the democratioal government. It is said that, such
is the prevalence ofthe new ideas, that there is Httle prospect of a re-establish
ment ofthe government ; the nobiHty, clergy and army are destroyed, and the
name and figure of an " aristocrat " renders a man's life unsafe, Perhaps some
of these stories are magnified, but there remains no doubt that the affairs ofthe
nation are ruined for some time.
In consequence of the biU of rights agreed to by the national assembly, an as
sociation has been formed for setthng a colony in the western country of the
United States. About one hundred Frenchmen have arrived with the national
cockade in their hats, fully convinced that it is one of their natural rights to go
into the woods of America and cut down trees for a living. I believe that my
friend Barlow has been the principal agent in forming this association, and if it
fihaU prove successful, it wjU be a great event and profitable for him.

1790.1 OF WASHINGTON. 47

New York, May 22d, 1790.
Congress are debating a bill for funding the public debt, exclusive of the state
debts, of which I despair of a settlement. There is, however, a strong current
to be opposed, and the success of any measures may be considered as dubious.
I am not certain that the gentlemen who embarrass this subject, are not as honest
men as those who are endeavouring to establish some system. The truth is, that
the government of most of the states were so entirely prostrated at several peri
ods during the war, that it is impossible to arrive at any considerable certainty in
adjusting die mutual claims of the states. It is also the case that desultory regu
lations, and knavish and weak persons who have been empowered to estabUsh
debts against the public, have increased our burdens very improperly. The
avidity of speculators has also excited a resentment which, though not strictly ra
tional, is in a great degree excusable.
These circumstances create different sentiments, both with respect to the jus
tice of the debt and the obligations of government to discharge it, and as a pohti
cal tie of union the arguments which recommend a funding system to one party
disgrace it in the opinions of the other.
The people of this country do not appear to me to harmonize in sentiment on
governmental subjects ; they have the same general interests, but when the details
of systems are examined, and the operation of particular laws discussed, almost
insuperable difficulties are presented.
The President has been exceedingly unweU ; had the fears of those acquainted
with his situation been verified, the consequences woidd have been alarming.
What is most wanted here is stability and political knowledge. There are men
of great abilities and of extensive science ; but they are in some instances prone
to indulge their minds in fanciful theories of repubUcan Hberty. Some few mis
take cunning for wisdom.
The office which I hold is the most burdensome under the government, but 1
shaU execute it in the best manner which I can. What degree of success I may
expect, is entirely uncertain.

TO HIS MOTHER. New York, May 31, 1790
« * * *
We are now conveniently situated in a very healthy and convenient part of the
town, and expect to live more at ease than we have done, and shaU be happy to
see such of our friends as wiU visit us. From my brother we have received a
promise which we expect he wiU shortly fiilfil with good faith. I have nothing
new to inform you, not even in the worid of politics, of which you can wish to
be informed, except that the House of Representatives have this day resolved to
remove to PhUadelphia. This event is uidifferent to me, except as it wiU require
me to remove farther from my friends. It cannot, however, be a matter of great

48 FIRST ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 2.
consequence even m this respect, as I can hear from them as frequenfly as at this
place, and whenever lean visit them at all, the difference of the journey wUl not
be considerable. I often think of you and my friends, and regret that my fortune
in life compels me to live from them— a hope, which is perhaps vain, is frequently
indulged that some incident wUl enable me to return, with a prospect of business
which wiU support me. In all events, it wiU be my constant prayer that you and
they may live in health and prosperity.

TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen. July 4th, 1790.
» » * *
With respect to pubHc business in the country, I can form no definite calculation.
Congress are stiU disputing whether they shaU fimd the debt. The assumption of
the state debts this session is an improbable event. Direct taxes are the poUtical
abhorrence of the day, and I believe that a majority cannot be induced to vote for
anything resembling an excise. Thus, it seems, aU the revenues are expected to
be derived from duties on importations. » * *
I vrish it was in my power to give you a pleasing account of the state of our
public affairs. Nothing is yet done, nor can I determine from the votes in Congress
what any one wishes or expects to do. The question respecting the state debts
is not given up. Continual negociations are making with regard to it. The
question of residence is also continually entangling every measure which is pro
posed, and a party which is gained by one proposition, is frequently lost by the
resentment which another party can excite by bringing up some other question.
There are in Congress all the varieties of opinion that can be imagined. Some
beheve that the public debt has qualities that are most sacred. These insist that
nothing shall be done which does not imply the greatest veneration for the pubhc
creditors ; others imagine that their claims are principaUy founded in accident or
fraud, and wish to disavow the obligations of the late government. In the mean
between these two extremes, the truth probably lies ; and if anything is completed,
the result wiU be a proposal for a new loan of the public debt, at about four per
cent, interest With respect to residence, I think we shall finaUy settle in Phila
delphia, where' the consequences stated in your letter vrill be perceived. Some
indications of a spirit too imperious have appeared. Indeed, all the disputes of
this session may, in my opinion, be traced to the rival claims for pre-eminence
between Massachusetts and Virginia, New York and Pennsylvania. These
states have very important interests at stake, which cannot easily be reconciled,
and the consciousness which they have of their weight in the government, pre
vents them from exercising aU the moderation which our present circumstances
require.

1790.J OF WASHINGTON. 49
TO FREDERICK WOLCOTT. New York, July 20, 1790.
« » * *
The comptroller is unable to attend constantly to the business of his office,
which renders my attention somewhat more necessary.
It is not strange that the people of the country should feel disappointment at
the delays of Congress. You may, however, be assured that a great majority are
honestly attempting to serve the public. They disagree, it is true, as to the
manner in which this is to be effected, and this is to be imputed, in a great
measure, to the real difficulties which attend the subjects of their deliberation.
The business of the residence is settled. We are to remove before the 1st of
December to Philadelphia, and if we Hve so long, in ten years, to the Indian
place with the long name on the Potowmac*
The great question is now respecting the interest. Our friend, Mr. EUsworth,
in the Senate, has been of opinion that it was not expedient to attempt to fund
the public debt at a higher rate of interest than four per cent. That this sum,
punctually paid, would answer the expectations of the creditors, the requirements
of justice, and would better secure the public honor than a promise of a higher
provision, which would, under the circumstances of this country, be attended with
greater risque of failure.
He has also been dissatisfied with the Secretaiy's proposal of leaving one-third
of the debt unfunded for ten years, as this measure would tend to encourage
speculations, and would leave, after ten years, a great burden upon the country,
with little advantage to the creditors, who would probably alienate their demands
to foreigners, who would purchase that part of the debt at a low rate.
These opinions have been supported by him vrith all that boldness and reason
wliich give him a predominant influence in the Senate. He has, however, been
warmly opposed, and a compromise, it is said, has been made to fund the principal
of the domestic debt in the following manner :
For every $100 principal, 66 2-3 to be funded presently at 6 per cent., and
26 88-100 after ten years at the same rate. The indents and aU arrearages of
interest, which amount to about one-third of the debt, to be funded at three per
cent. This, it is said, wUl give about 4s. 3 per cent, interest for the entire debt.
A resolution has passed the Senate for funding the state debts at the same rate
as the continental debt ; but aU these things may, and probably will assume a
different modification before the session is completed.
The House have passed an additional impost act, by which the duties are
increased about 33 1-3 per cent. This has not yet passed the Senate.
These are the principal matters of which I am able to inform you at this time,
as the post will leave the town directly. * » « t
" Conococheague.
VOL. 1. 6

60 FffiST ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 2.
TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
New York, July 27th, 1790.
Yesterday, the question for assuming the state debts was carried in the House
by a majority of six votes. Both Houses having agreed on this question, it wUl
probably be carried into effect.
No biU for ways and means has been settied ; the House have passed a bUl for
extending the impost. It is said that some considerable alterations wiU be made
in the Senate. If they should propose what has been called an excise, a long
debate will probably ensue, and if they agree to the bUl of the House, they risk
much upon the pacific temper of the merchants and the vigUance of pubhc
officers. I think it is unfortunate that they have so limited themselves with
respect to a revenue system.
The House have disagreed to the amendments ofthe Senate to the funding biU,
by raising interest to four per cent., and engaging to fund the full remaining third
of the principal of the debt after seven years, instead of ten years, as was pro
posed by the Senate. On this question, the Senate have not yet decided. The
system for funding the public debt is, in my opinion, too intricate, and the part
which is to be funded, at a future time, will nourish improper speculations, per
petuate the ideas of depreciation, and wUl be transferred to foreigners at a low
value. The country will be charged with a heavy debt, and wiU receive but a
smaU consideration. # » »
TO MRS. WOLCOTT, New York, July 29th, 1790.
1 am here in the old way, as grave, though I hope not quite so whimsical as a
bachelor. Our good neighbours and Mr. Langdon have much sport at my
expense, which I would not mention except that, in my opinion, their jokes afford
an indirect compliment to me and you as good people who have an affection for
each othrir. 1 shall come and see you as soon as possible, though the precise time
is uncertain. Mr. Eveleigh has been very unwell ; he wUl be obliged to go into
the country for the recovery of his healtt, and this renders my attention here
rather more necessary than usual.
Tell all friends who enquire about politics, that the Congress begin to proceed
with success ; that they have assumed the state debts, and done a variety of good
things to pacify the people who censure them. You must also make apologies to
aU of them for my neghgence in writing, and mention your reasons for beheving
that I remember them vrith sincere affection. New York, August 8th, 1790.
' Another motion has been made in Congress for continuing in this city. It has
faUed, so that our removal may be considered as certain. If I can gain a good

1790.] OF WASHINGTON. 51
opportunity, I shall go to Philadelphia for the purpose of engaging a house. I
am not pleased with this plan of removing, especiaUy as it wiU occasion an
expense which I cannot weU support. I mean to Hve with as much economy as
possible, and if, after all, I get into gaol, I shaU expect Congress will redeem
me. At any rate, I will not feel anxiety vrith respect to matters which I cannot
control. It is expected that Congress will adjourn on Tuesday or Wednesday, at which
time I will write you again. Mr. Eveleigh has gone to New Lebanon Springs
for his health. This renders it difficult for me to set any precise time to come
and see you. You need not feel any concern on my account ; my health is very
good, and the business which has been most fatiguing to me is completed. I live
the Hfe of a sober bachelor, and the servants are very regular and attentive. AU
is as well as can be whUe you are absent, and the thoughts which I indulge of the
happiness you enjoy with our friends render me tolerably contented.

On the eleventh of August, Congress adjourned to meet
at Philadelphia on the first Monday of December.
As an account of the financial history of the country
during a subsequent period will form a part of this work,
it wiU be deemed necessary to state briefly, in passing, the
principal features of Mr. Hamilton's administration.
The funding system, the leading measure of this session,
was, in fact, the basis of aU that foUowed ; and to effect
its object in the payment of the national debt, many of the
others were chiefly intended as means. Of the origin of
that debt, of the reasons for giviag it the form which it now
received, and the arguments advanced by its author and
advocates in their support, it would, of course, be improper
here to speak ; but a sketch of the plan on which the debt
was consolidated, and put in a condition to be discharged,
is essential for the purpose of future reference.
The act passed in consequence of Hamilton's recom
mendations, differed in many of its detaUs from the system
as proposed by him, but in its general outline was the same.
It is sufficient to notice that actually adopted.
The debt of the United States, coUectively, was, at this
time, distinguishable into two kinds^-the foreign and
domestic debt.

52 FIRST ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 2.
The foreign debt consisted of
Principal, bearing an interest of4 and 5per cent  $10,070,307 00
Arrears of interest to Dec. 31, 1789,  1,640,071 62
$11,710,378 62
The domestic debt was subdivided into fiquidated and
unliquidated, principal and interest :
Principal of the Hquidated, bearing 6per cent. interest,  $27,383,917 74
Arrears of interest to Dec. 31, 1790,  13,030,168 20
40,414,085 94
Unliquidated, estunated at  2,000,000 00
Making in aU  $54,124,464 56
The debts of the individual states were moreover estimated,
principal and interest, at about  $25,000,000 00
The mode adopted in the act for systematizing the
whole was as follows :
The foreigii debt was, at all events, to be paid according
to its terms, and provision was made, in the first place, by
appropriating the revenue derived from foreign duties on
imported goods, and on the tonnage of vessels, to the
payment of interest and principal ; six hundred thousand
doUars per annum being first deducted for the support of
government. The President was likewise authorised to
borrow a sum not exceeding $12,000,000, reimbursable in
15 years, to pay off the arrears of interest and the instal
ments already due, and if the change could be made on
advantageous terms, to pay off the principal.
The domestic debt of the Union and the state debts
were funded. The former existed in various shapes. To
provide for it, a loan was authorized to be opened at the trea
sury and at loan offices estabhshed in each state, for its fiiU
amount. Subscriptions to this loan were receivable in the
evidences both ofthe principal and of the interest of the old
debt at par, and in continental money, at the rate of one
hundred doUars in biUs to one in specie. Subscribers of the
j)rincipal received two-thirds of the amount in six per cent.

1790.] OF WASHINGTON. 53
Stock, bearing a present interest ; and to induce creditors to
subscribe by rendering this stock a desirable investment in
point of permanency, the government were not to pay more
than two per cent, per annum on account of the principal.
For the remaining third, six per cent, stock was also issued,
but the interest was not to commence untU after the year
1800. Subscribers on account of arrears of interest received
certificates of three per cent, stock to the whole amount,
redeemable at any time. JNon-sub scribing were aUowed
the same interest as subscribing creditors for the year 1791,
on renewing and hquidating their certificates to specie
value. The debts of the individual states were assumed and
funded in this wise :
A third loan was authorised of $21,500,000, the amount
assumed, receivable in the principal and interest of the
certificates or notes issued by the states for general or parti
cular defence, prior to January 1st, 1790. This gross
amount was apportioned among the states, and it was
provided that in case of an excess being subscribed over
the ratio of any one state, that a proportionate allowance
only be made. The interest to the end of 1791 was to
become principal. The stock issued for the debts thus
assumed, bore interest in a manner somewhat different
from that of the domestic debt. Four-ninths bore six per
cent, interest, to commence with the year 1792, one-third
three per cent., and the balance, two-ninths, bore six per
cent, after 1800. Where the whole amount to which a
state was entitled, was not subscribed, interest on the
balance was paid to the state in trust for the creditors.
Each state was made indebted to the United States for the
amount subscribed and the sums thus paid.
The sums derived from the revenue laws and remaining
after the before mentioned appropriation, were pledged for
the payment of interest on the stocks thus created. The
faith ofthe United States was fikewise pledged to provide
5*

54 FIRST ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 2.
further revenues if necessary, and the proceeds ofthe pubhc
lands were devoted to the discharge of the principal of this
debt. The gross amounts of the several kinds of debt as thus
constituted, ultimately differed somewhat from the original
estimates. The amount existing on the 1st of January,
1791, was generaUy adopted by the federalists as the basis
of calculation, and wUl be hereafter given.
It yet remained to settle the accounts between the United
States and the respective states, in order to equalize their
expenditures during the war. By a subsequent act of this
session, three commissioners were appointed to examine
the claims exhibited and determine on those accrued for
general or particular defence. They were to debit the
states with advances made to them and interest thereon to
the beginning of the year 1790, and to credit them with
disbursements and advances, with interest to the same
period, and, having struck a balance, to apportion the
aggregate of all the balances. The difference between
the apportionments and the respective balances to be
carried in a new account to their debit or credit, as the
case might be. This apportionment was to be made
according to the ratio of representation as ascertained by
the first census. The states having balances to their
credit were entitled to have them funded in the same
manner as the rest of the domestic debt.
The national debt having thus obtained a tangible form,
measures were brought forward to provide for its payment;
they were, of course, progressive, and some years elapsed
before the system was completed. Congress, at the first
session, had commenced by laying duties on imports, and
new acts were passed at the present, imposing a duty on
the tonnage of vessels ; altering and extending the objects
of the former duties, and providing for their more efficient
coUection. As it was desirable that the burden of the
debt should be removed within the time to which the mere

1790.] OF WASHINGTON. 55
reimbursements, at the rate of two per cent, per annum, '
would extend it, the nucleus of a sinking fand was
created by the appropriation of the revenue for the current
year, after deducting previous appropriations, to its pur
chase at its then low value. The purchases were to be
made under the direction of the President of the Senate,
the Chief Justice, the Secretaries of State and of the
Treasury and the Attorney General, acting with the
assent of the President. The President was also autho
rized to borrow $2,000,000 for the same purpose, and the
interest accruing on the stock which should be thus bought
in, was to be apphed to repay the loan. The proceeds ofthe
public lands when sold, had before been pledged to the
discharge of the debt.
The measures for the restoration of pubhc credit thus
commenced, had the most happy effect upon the country.
Increased confidence in the resources and good faith ofthe
nation begot increased activity, and its consequent effects
were seen every where, in the revival of agriculture and
commerce ; general prosperity bid fair soon to succeed
the apathy and depression which existed under the con
federacy. The foreign relations of the United States at this time,
it may be mentioned, were on the contrary far from satis
factory. France and Holland were the only nations with
which a favorable state of affairs existed. Great Britain
had no minister in this country, and, since the return of
Mr. Adams, none had been appointed to that court from
the United States. During this summer, some informal
attempts were made, but fruitlessly, by Mr. Morris, who
was commissioned as agent for that purpose, to arrange
the difficulties arising out ofthe non-execution ofthe treaty
of peace. Mr. Carmichael had been sent, in April, as
charg6 to Spain ; but his eftbrts to adjust the points of
controversy with that country, respecting the boundary
and the navigation of the Mississippi, were attended with

56 FIRST ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 2.
the hke fate. A treaty with the Creek nation of Indians
was effected by Col. WUlett — an object heretofore defeated
by the authorities of the adjoining Spanish colonies. At
tempts made to effect a similar one with the tribes north
of the Ohio faUed, as it was supposed, through the influ
ence of the British, and an expedition against them, under
Gen. Harmar, met with a defeat.
TO MRS. WOLCOTT. New York, August 26th, 1790.
Ifind it but a dull business to live alone, especially since Congress have adjourned.
The difference which this, and the removals of the citizens into the coimtry has
made in the appearance of the city, is much greater than I could have imagined.
I have heard or seen, I know not which, the advice which you sent to Miss M.
and Miss W., to inform you how I behave. Miss M. has gone into the country
and Miss W. cannot give you much information. I know more than both of
them respecting the matter, and if I did not fear that this letter would fail of a
direct conveyance, would give you a history of all my proceedings. In general
I have behaved weU, but to enumerate my good actions would savour of vanity,
for which reason I am prevented from affording a great part of the history of
my conduct ; I do not think that what has been amiss ought to be published to
the world, which is as good a reason why the remaining part ought not to be
committed to writing.
As I know you cannot have done any thing which is not praiseworthy, and
as the ladies are permitted by custom to compliment themselves, it wiU be per
fectly proper, and will be a satisfaction to me to know how you have behaved,
which I doubt not you wiU be good enough to inform me. I suppose the reason
that I have not heard from Litchfield, has been that my friends supposed me to
be from the city. It is a sore disappointment that I have not, but Mr. Eveleigh's
sickness, and the labour necessary to prepare to execute the acts passed the last
session have absolutely prevented. At no future period vriU my business be so
burdensome as it has been, and in one or two years it will be easy. The busi
ness of the loan office, mentioned by you, is not worth accepting, it will be bur
densome and the expenses wUl for some time consume the whole salary. Be
sides, Mr. Imlay's claims were such that it would have been dishonourable to
have attempted to interfere with them.
TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
New York, Sept. 6th, 1790.
I have for some time been anxiously expecting to proceed on a journey to my
friends ; but the absence and sickness of the comptroUer, and the indispensable

1790.] OF WASHINGTON. 57
necessity of making the necessary arrangements for executing the funding sys
tem have hitherto prevented. I have been to PhUadelphia to procure a house,
and have succeeded, though with some difficulty. I am to pay the excessive
rent of one hundred pounds, which if known would probably divert some of the
envy which my old acquaintances feel on account of the " high salary " which is
given me. The Philadelphians teU me to keep up my spirits, that rents wiU be
lower. I believe they wiU be so in another year, but the expenses of living and
removing, wiU for this year exhaust my earnings.
The revenue of this country under the old act has answered the most sanguine
expectations. I hope no disappointment vrill happen with respect to the new
system. The funding biU is by far more complex than it ought to be in my
opinion, but the inconveniences will in a great measure rest upon the executive
officers ofthe revenue department whose labours wiU be greatly increased."

TO MRS. WOLCOTT. New York, Sept. 7th, 1790.
I have at length been to PhUadelphia, and with much difficulty have procured
a house in Third Street, which is a reputable part of the city. The rent is one
hundred pounds, which is excessive, being near double what would have been
exacted before the question of residence was determined. If the rent was more
reasonable I should be contented for the ensuing year, after which a better choice
and lower rents are to be expected.
Philadelphia is a large and elegant city. It did not however, strike me with
all the astonishment which the citizens predicted. Like the rest of mankind the
Philadelphians judge favourably of their city and themselves, and their represen
tations are to be admitted with some deductions.
You know all the important business of the last session remained unfinished
until the last days— .among others the funding bill of which so much has been said.
This bill is to take effect on the first day of O.tober, and all the plans and ar
rangements for executing the system must be made in season. These regulations
are of the utmost importance to the public, and the reputation of all concerned
in framing them is interested in them. On account of the absence of the Comp
troller, considerable business of this nature has devolved on me, and though I
wish much to see you and the little boy, yet I cannot at this time be spared without
injury to the public business and missing an opportunity favourable to my views.
' This system, as has been mentioned Mr. Hamilton's plan, and lost much of its
in the text, was altered in the law from simplicity.

5S FIRST ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 2
TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
New York, Sept. 14th, 1790.
* * * *
We have no news, the country is, I beheve, pretty quiet. Some contentions
respecting the new elections exist, but they are matters of course. It wUl be
several years before we shaU know certainly, whether the new constitution wUl
answer the purpose. I think it wUl, as measures have succeeded hitherto ac
cording to the most sanguine expectations of its best friends. We want men of
political experience in Congress, and to administer the government, but where
the general affairs of society are prosperous, it must be a very bad administration
which overturns a government. New York, Sept. 21st, 1790.
* * * »
I have no special news to communicate except that a story prevaUs here, and
is credited, that Spain has rehnquished the right of navigation ofthe Mississippi
to the United States. If this is true, we shall soon receive notice of it from the
P resident. There seems to be no certainty with respect to the negociations between Spain
and Great Britain. It has ever been my opinion that the dispute would be set
tled amicably.
The rage for abolishing monarchy is extending through Europe. Late ac
counts from Hungary inform us that violent commotions prevail in that kingdom.
If the French do not carry their innovations too far, it is probable that there will
be a general revolution in favour of liberty in most of the European governments.
The present time is one when the greatest complaints are to be expected against
the government of this country, as the new elections are approaching ; notwith
standing which, no alarming uneasiness appears to prevail. The Northern States
are somewhat unhappy with respect to high salaries and pensions, the middle
states are vexed at the assumption of the state debts, and the southern planters
are execrating the poHtics of the Quakers. These things wiU not however much
effect the government.
Pennsylvania has just begun to discuss the merits of the candidates for the im
portant office of governor. Either Gen. Mifflin or Gen. St. Clair vriU succeed.
Much abuse and recrimination has happened. From what Utile I have heard
and seen, the merits of the candidates are pretty equal and the language of fac
tion with respect to both is probably more just than commonly happens on such
occasions.

1790.] OF WASHINGTON. 59
TO MRS. WOLCOTT. New York, Oct. 3d, 1790.
* * * «
I live here exactly like an owl, in one month more I should become one,
indeed I would not live such another month as the last for any thing which I can
expect to obtain by common fortune. My health though not confirmed is mend
ing. I take the bark and bathe every morning, by which you will know that I
am recovering. I have sent off a part of my office papers and furniture ; and
have got our glasses packed and cases made for the ot'ner furniture, the rest of
the business can be done in a short time when I am otherwise ready.
You can hardly conceive the plague which it is to move the offices in a pro
per manner. I shall however have that business principally done by the clerks.
TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Philadelphia, Nov. 24, 1790.
I have the pleasure to inform you that we have safely arrived in this city. I
have yet seen but little of it, but trust that I shall grow reconciled to my situa
tion. The expenses of living wiU not be quite so great as I expected, though I
shall not be able to save much, if any thing from niy salary. The house which
I live in is a very good one, and in a very airy and reputable part of the city.
The country is generally very quiet. Virginia has voted that the assumption
ofthe State debts was unconstitutional ; but I have been informed that they have
refused to provide funds for their own debt, therefore their creditors must soon
subscribe. It is fortunate that there can be no successful opposition to this mea
sure , without an open rebellion against the laws. The opinion of the legislature
is not of much importance.
If the general government get money, aU wiU go on well. A short time will
now put the government to a trial of its efficiency. * # *

Congress, pursuant to adjournment, met again on the first
Monday of December, at the city of Philadelphia ; the
business ofthe most urgent importance was an additional
provision for the support of pubhc credit, resolutions passed
at the last session, had required of the Secretary further
plans for this object, and they were now furnished.
At the close of the year 1790, there was a considerable
surplus of revenue beyond the objects of expenditure, which
had required a provision for that period, no interest being
payable on the funded debt during this year, and the

60 FIRST ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 2.
amount had been apphed under the act of the last session
to the purchase of debts.
Sufficient provision already existed for the payment of
interest on the" foreign debt, and for the chief part of that
on the old domestic debt. Additional revenue was now
required for the deficiency in this latter, and for the inter
est on the assumed debt, which would commence with the
year 1792. For this purpose the Secretary recommended
a further duty on foreign distilled spirits, and a new duty
on those of domestic manufacture. A biU founded upon
the recommendations of this report, was accordingly in
troduced, and though strongly opposed by the southern
and western members, which latter represented the dis
tricts most affected by it, at length became a law.
Having thus obtained the means of discharging the na
tional obligations, it remained to devise the most proper
and efficient mode of applying them to the contemplated
object. As the best instrument for the collection of the im
port duties, and for the safe keeping and transmission of
the public monies, the Secretary recommended a National
Bank, and submitted a plan for its estabhshment. In Feb
ruary an act \vas passed in accordance with his report
incorporating the Bank of the United States.
The charter of this institution was limited to twenty years.
The capital was $10,000,000, of which $2,000,000 were
subscribed on behalf of the government, and it was re
stricted to six percent, interest on its loans. The subscrip
tions of individuals were payable, one fourth in gold and
silver, and three-fourths in the sis per cent, stocks, bearing
a present interest, or in three per cents., at one half their
nominal value.
The subscription on the part of the government was to
be paid out of monies borrowed under previous acts, the
government borrowing again the fuU amount from the bank,
to be reimbursed in ten annual instalments with interest.
No future loans exceeding one hundred thousand dol-

1791.] OF WASHINGTON. 61
lars, were to be made to the United States, except by au
thority of law. The bank was authorized to estabhsh
offices of discount and deposit in the several States, and
its notes were made receivable in payment of dues to the
government. It was authorised to sell the stock of the
United States, but not to become a purchaser.
The creation of a national bank marked, in the opinion
of Judge Marshall, an era in the organization of our politi
cal sects. The lapse of half a century has since seen the
same institution more than once a monument of their con
tests, alternately re-created and destroyed by its first ene
mies ; and the question is not yet settled whether men or
principles have changed.
Another measure recommended by Mr. Hamilton, was
the establishment of a mint, and the creation of a national
currency. The subject was discussed at length in all its
bearings, and the project of the office, as well a;s the num
ber and value of the coins suggested. The length of the
debates on the subjects above-mentioned, prevented any
further action on this than the passage of a joint resolu
tion towards the end of the session, ordering the mint to
be established, under such regulations as should be there
after directed by law, and authorizing the President in the
meantime to engage the principal artist, and procure the
necessary apparatus.
Among the more important acts, were the admission
into the Union, of the new States of Kentucky and Ver
mont ; the former to take effect in June, 1792, the latter
in March, 1791. Each state was allowed two representa
tives until the next apportionment.
An additional regiment of infantry was ordered to be
raised, and future provision made for the protection of the
frontiers, in consequence of the defeat of Gen. Harmar.
VOL. I. 6

62 FIRST ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 2.
TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Philadelphia, Jan. 1, 1791.
• » * *
Congress appear to be in good humour, and are proceeding to complete the.
fiscal arrangements of the country, which wiU doubtiess be substantiaUy such as
are proposed by the Secretary of the Treasury. The credit of this country is
rising at home and "abroad, and so far as I hear, there prevaUs a general senti
ment that our affairs are in a prosperous way.
I have not yet made many acquaintances in this city ; the manners of the peo
ple here are more reserved than in New York. I shaU not however want a suf
ficiently respectable and extensive society of friends. In point of compensation
for services, I have the vanity to think myself not placed upon a proper scale.
If it shaU be the opinion of others, this matter wUl be redressed. At any rate, I
can Hve on less than most of my comrades in business, and therefore may safely
calculate that their wants will not be inconsistent with my interests.
» * * *
Philadelphia, February 12, 1791.
« » * *
A bUl for imposing duties on ardent spirits imported, and distiUed in this coun
try, is almost settled. Its operation in the northern States will not be perceived
to be different from that of the act for collecting the customs. A few additional
officers to watch the distUleries, will be aU that are created by the act, except
one general inspector for each State, whom the President is authorized to ap
point from the officers of the customs, in cases where it shall be judged expedi
ent. In the appointment of the inspectors for the States, the appointments are
to be made with the consent of the Senate ; the sub-inspectors, and the limits
within which they are to operate, wiU be designated and defined by the Presi
dent. The bank bill has been closed, and has been formed according to the plan
suggested by the Secretary of the Treasury.
I think that no new business of consequence will be attempted the present
session. The indications of the public sentiment with respect to the new government,
are very equivocal. The northern States, and the commercial and monied peo
ple, are zealously attached to it. The state executives and officers cannot be
considered as good friends ; many of them are designing enemies.
This State, though very officious in obtruding their opinions, will have but lit-
tie influence. The power and respectability which persons not acquainted with
with their affairs attribute to them, is ideal. A great portion ofthe members are
ignorant men ; they are coUected from aU nations under heaven ; many have
smarted under the scourges of European tyranny, and act under the influences of
old prejudices and habits, though their present condition is entirely different from
any which they formeriy experienced. Zeal for liberty, the principles of which
they do not understand, and envy of abilities and industry which they cannot

1791.] OF WASHINGTON. 63
emulate, induce thern to raise objections to every measure of government. If
they were a compact, uniform body of people, governed by the same passions and
sympathies, and had their present disposition to advise, they would be formida
ble ; but the desultory projects of Quakers, Tories, anti-feds, Germans and Irish
men, who mutually despise and hate each other, will be insufficient to overcome
the great and substantial influence of property and reason in this State.
lam unable to form any opinion as to the real condition of the southern States.
Were the representatives ofthe northern country to express the same sentiments,
and oppose the projects of government with the same vehemence, I should ima
gine that the people were on the eve of a rebellion. But this is so far from being
the case, that there is every reason to beUeve, that the revenue is as punctually
collected there as in any part ofthe United States.
The new act which they call an excise wiU put them upon their mettle, as a
considerable number of officers will be necessary to operate aU over the country.
It is said that there are over three thousand small distUleries in Pennsylvania only ;
they equally abound in Virginia and Carolina. » « *
Philadelphli, March 5, 1791.
I have delayed to answer your letter till this time, as the revenue bUl was un
settled, and as it was uncertain what arrangements would be made respecting
the collection.
The bill has passed, with a provision that one supervisor of the revenue shall
be appointed in each State, vrith such a number of inspectors as the President
ahaU judge necessary.
The business of the session has ended tolerably well ; some arrangement which
is partly secret, has been made with respect to an Indian expedition, which is to
be commenced by General St. Clair.
Doctor Johnson has resigned his seat in the Senate, as the office was inconsist
ent with that of President of the University.
Congress have been pleased to increase my salary for the ensuing year to 1900
doUars. It wUl not after that time be diminished. They have also aUowed me
a frank, which will enable me to send you letters and newspapers occasionaUy.
» IS * »
The first Congress under the Constitution terminated
on the third of March.

CHAPTER III.
SECOND CONGRESS  FIRST AND SECOND SESSIONS.
TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Philadelphia, March 28th, 1791.

The business in which I am engaged continues to be arduous. That part
which has arisen under the present government, is under tolerable arrangement ;
I shaU probably be able to render my situation more endurable. I have been
well treated since I have been here. Frequent enquiries are made after you, and
many gentlemen have expressed their vrishes to see you here. I need not add
that such an event would render us very happy.
The President has set out on a tour for the southern States. This wiU serve
to conciliate the affections of the people, though he wUl not be received with all
that cordiaHty, or those zealous acclamations which attended his journey to New
England. The people of this State are very proud of their city, their wealth and their
supposed knowledge. I have seen many of their principal men, and discover
nothing that tempts me to idolatry. I must see and examine more closely be
fore I say much, but I do not expect that a more intimate acquaintance wiU fur
nish me with any self-humiHating sensations.
TO THE SAME. Philadelphia.
* * * *
Mr. Eveleigh, the late Comptroller of the Treasury, is dead. No appointment
has, or can be made until inteUigence is received from the President, who is now
in the southern States. There vrill be much competition for the office ; who wUl
be successful I cannot say. I have full reason to beUeve, that the Secretary of
the Treasury wishes that it may fall to me ; which is some satisfaction, as he is
a man of distinguished talents, and has had the best opportunity to judge of my
qualifications.

1791.] FIRST ADMINISTRATION„ErC. 65
On this occurrence Hamilton addressed the following let
ter to the President, recommending Wolcott to the vacant
office, and he accordingly received the appointment.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.
Philadelphia, April 17, 1791.
You will probably recollect, that previous to your departure from this place,
anticipating the event which has taken place, with regard to the death of Mr.
Eveleigh, I took the liberty to mention to you that Mr. Wolcott, the present
auditor, would be in every respect worthy of your consideration, as his successor
in office.
Now that the event has happened, a concern as anxious as it was natural, for
the success of the department, united with a sentiment of justice towards Mr.
Wolcott, leads me to a repetition of that idea. This gentleman's conduct in the
station he now fills, has been that of an exceUent officer. It has not only been
good, but distinguished. It has combined aU the requisites which can be desired ;
moderation with firmness, liberality with exactness, indefatigable industry vrith
an accurate and sound discernment, a thorough knowledge of business, and a re
markable spirit of order and arrangem'ent. Indeed I ought to say, that I owe
very much of whatever success may have attended the merely executive opera
tions of the department to Mr. Wolcott ; and I do not fear to commit myself,
when I add that he possesses in an eminent degree, all the qualifications desira
ble in a Comptroller of the Treasury — that it is scarcely possible to find a man in
the United States, more competent to the duties of that station than himself — few
who could be equally so. It may truly be said of him, that he is a man of rare
merit, and I have good evidence that he has been viewed in this light by the
members of Congress extensively, from different quarters of the Union, and is so
considered by aU that part of the public who have had opportunities of witnessing
his conduct.
The immediate relation too, which his present situation bears to that of Comp
troller, is a strong argument in his favour. Though a regular gradation of office
is not admissible in a strict sense, in regard to offices of a civil nature, and is
wholly inapplicable to those of the first rank, (such as the heads ofthe great exe
cutive departments,) yet a certain regard to the relation which one situation bears
to another, is consonant with the natural ideas of justice, and is recommended
by powerful considerations of policy. The expectation of promotion in civil as
in mUitary life, is a great stimulus to virtuous exertion, while examples of unre
warded exertion, supported by talent and qualification, are proportionable dis
couragements. Where they do not produce resignations, they leave men dissatis
fied, and a dissatisfied man seldom does his duty well.
In a government like ours, where pecuniary compensations are moderate, the
principle of gradual advancement as a reward for good conduct, is perhaps
more necessary to be attended to, than in others where offices are more lucrative .
6*

66 FIRST ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 3.
By due attention to it, it wUl operate as a mean to secure respectable men for
offices of inferior emolument and consequence.
In addition to the rest, Mr. Wolcott's experience in this particular hne pleads
powerfuUy in his favour. This experience may be dated back to his office of
ComptroUer of the State of Connecticut, and has been perfected by practice in his
present place .
A questionmay perhaps, sir, arise in your mind, whether some inconvenience may
not attend his removal from his present office. I am of opinion that no sensible
inconvenience wiU be felt on this score, smce it wUl be easy for him as Comptrol
ler, who is the immediate superior of the auditor, to form any man of business for
the office he wUl leave, in a short period of time. More inconvenience would be
felt by the introduction of a Comptroller not in the immediate train of the business.
Besides this, it may be observed, that a degree of inconvenience on this score
cannot be deemed an obstacle, but upon the principle which would bar the pro
gress of merit from one station to another.
On this point of inconvenience a reflection occurs, which I think I ought not
to suppress. Mr. Wolcott is a man of sensibUity, not unconscious of his own
value, and he doubtiess must beUeve that he has pretensions from situation to the
office. Should another be appointed and he resign, the derangement of the de
partment would truly be distressing to the public service.
In suggesting thus particularly the reasons, which in my mind operate in favour
of Mr. Wolcott, I am influenced by information that other characters will be
brought to your view by weighty advocates, and as I think it more than possible
that Mr. Wolcott may not be mentioned to you by any other person than myself,
I feel it a duty arising out of my situation in the department, to bear my fiiU and
explicit testimony to his worth, confident that he will justify by every kind of
substantial merit any mark of your approbation which he may receive.
I trust sir, that in thus freely disclosing my sentiments to you, you wiU be per
suaded that I only yield to the suggestions of an honest zeal for the public good,
and of a firm conviction, that the prosperity of the department under my particu
lar care, (one so interesting to the aggregate movements ofthe government,) will
be best promoted by transferring the present auditor to the office of ComptroUer
ofthe Treasury. I have the honour to remain, vrith the truest and most respect
ful attachment, sir, your most obedient, &c., ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
FROM CHAUNCEY GOODRICH. Haktford, July 2, 1791.
Dear Sir,
We have received the news of your new appointment, though you have not
been kind enough to write us on the subject, and let us know how you feel on
having one cubit more added to your stature. We impute it to modesty, which
is the prevaUing trait of character among courtiers, that your pen has been sUent.
Be assured, however, that we rejoice in this instance of your good fortune, and
the more so ; as we know, and every body believes, you richly deserve it. We

1791.] OF WASHINGTON. 67
vrish you more ease than you have had in your business, and really imagine you
have laid up reputation enough, or, as the prompter says, have so well got your
name up that you may be a little more idle. We are affected at the news of your
little boy's Ulness, but are encouraged from your letter to Mr. Mosely, that we
shall hear from you soon of his entire recovery. All your friends here are well.
We set off to-morrow morning on a visit to Litchfield.
Are you yet determined about the sale of your house ; when you are, let me
know it. Present our best love to Betsy. I am always your friend,
CHAUNCEY GOODRICH.

FROM OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Litchfield, July 4th, 1791.
Sir, I have been informed by the public prints that the President has been pleased
to appoint you the Comptroller of the Treasury. This mark of approbation and
confidence is higlily honorable to yourself, and will have, I doubt not, a constant
influence upon you to persist in that undeviating course of integrity, which, I am
happy to believe, has procured you that trust which is really more confidential
than any other. Let us ever act, conscious that we are always under the inspec
tion of the Almighty, and that He justly requires of all his creatures that they
use the powers which He has given them, for the purposes for which they were
bestowed. I suppose that this morning you are putting on your best coat, decently to
celebrate the anniversary of American Independence — an event which seems to
become more and more important, and which fully justifies the struggle which
we made to obtain it. This country has already much more than recovered all
the damage, or real inconvenience, which resulted from the war. WTiat a mis
fortune must it have been to us, to have been connected with a power which is
continually either making, or sending an enemy in every part ofthe globe.
O. WOLCOTT.
The bank created during the late session was organized
during the summer of 1791. A question of importance
arose respecting its operation, upon which much difference
of opinion existed. This was, whether its action should
be confined to Philadelphia and radiate from thence, or
should be (under the permissory clause of its charter)
extended to other cities, by branches or departments.
Upon this subject Wolcott was consulted. His opinion
recommended the latter course, and a majority of the
stockholders assenting it was adopted, on a plan suggested
by him. The capital reserved in Philadelphia was

68 FIRST ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 3.
$4,700,000, and eight branches were estabhshed in prin
cipal cities of the Union. The whole capital was sub
scribed, and four thousand more shares apphed for than
were allowed by law, in two hours after the opening of
the books.
Wolcott was offered the Presidency #f the bank, with
an ample salary, which he decfined ; " preferring the pubhc
service, and beheving that such a station would be deemed
unsuitable for a young man without property."
It is to be noticed, that the constitutionality of estabhsh-
ing branches elsewhere than at the seat of government, as
distinct from the general question, was not mooted at the
time. The discovery of this point was reserved for a more
enlightened age. TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Philadelphia, August 31, 1791.

No Auditor has been appointed. Public opinion, which must be attended to,
wUl obhge the President to fill that office with a Southern character. Notwith
standing the talk about salaries, a competent man can hardly be found from that
country who will think of serring for such a compensation. Good abilities com
mand high prices at market. It is my wish that the office may yet continue
vacant, rather than be supplied with a common character. I had rather suffer
temporary fatigue than the eternal vexation which wUl be my fortune unless the
Auditor is a man of talents.

Philadelphia, Oct. 14, 1791.
« » * *
My business is, and wUlfor some time be, burdensome ; no Auditor has been
yet appointed. As the President is now in Virginia, he will have an opportunity
to select a proper character.
The affairs of the United States are apparently prosperous. Pennsylvania is
the most factious of any, and here nothing is to be feared. The wild men of the
back country will not have perseverance to oppose the steady uniform pressure of
law, and must finaUy submit.
The present session of Congress wUl be an important one, both as it wiU indi
cate the public sentiment with respect to past measures, and vriU be the proper
occasion to perfect and complete the unfinished systems ofthe former Congress.

1791.] OF WASHINGTON. 69
From this time a statesman wiU be able to judge what is the natural bias and
inclination of the powers of government. The struggle between states and the
United States vriU now be perceived. 1
There is a good deal of theory in the administration of this government, and '
on the whole, their theories are of a very tolerable kind. If whims which are
incapable of demonstration, do not set some respectable characters at variance,
and thereby produce disgrace to themselves and injury to the public, it wUl be
more owing to their good fortune than' their prudence.
The principles of dissension exist, but the principles are the merest trifles.
Mr. A. and Mr. J. seem much disposed to quarrel on the questions whether liberty
can be maintained in a country which aUows citizens to be distinguished by the
additions, Mr., Esquire and Deacon ; and whether Tom Paine or Edmund Burke
are the greatest fools. Whether one or the other of these positions be true, is of
no consequence, except to the persons who dispute and the public, who are some
times inflamed vrithout reason.

The second Congress opened its first session on the
29th of October. Jonathan Trumbull, of Connecticut, was
chosen Speaker of the House.
The domestic affairs of the country, though prosperous
to an unexpected degree, so far as the condition of the
people were concerned, were still in a state far from settled.
As the measures of the government ripened into a system,
the opposition became more concentrated and more active.
The assumption of the state debts had created a strong
feefing at the South, and the legislatures of Virginia and
North Carofina were open in its condemnation; Pennsyl
vania had protested against the internal revenue ; the Bank
was every where unpopular among the anti-federalists ;
in the West, the hostUity of the Indians kept the whole
border in a ferment.
Abroad, no change had yet taken place in the re
lations of the country. The French revolution, which
was destined at no distant period so intimately to affect
their peace, was progressing with rapid strides. In Sep
tember, the new constitution was adopted and sworn to,
and in the foUowing month the Legislative Assembly
opened. With England, our relations had not improved ;
she, however, sent a minister plenipotentiary in the person

70 FIRST ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 3.
of Mr. George Hammond, who was recognized in October.
M. de Ternant had, in August, succeeded the Count de
Moustiers as Minister from France. The United States
had opened negociations with the newEmperor of Morocco,
for the purpose of obtaining a recognition ofthe treaty with
his father.
Early in December, the report on the encouragement of
domestic manufactures— a document among the most
justly celebrated of Mr. Hamilton's productions — ^was laid
before Congress. The estimates for the service of the
year 1792 were presented in January. The Secretary-
calculated the receipts at $3,700,000, and the total ex
penditures, including the interest on the debt, at about
$3,688,000 ; another report made at the same time, stated
the condition of the new loans ofthe debt. A large pro
portion, both of the domestic and of the assumed debt,
had been already subscribed and the sinking fund now
amounted to over $1,000,000. Mr. Hamilton recommend
ed an extension ofthe time limited in the act, for the sub
scription of the loans, and urged that the fund should be
placed on a permanent basis. The suggestions were in a
great measure adopted.
Many important laws were enacted during this session,
of which that apportioning the representatives among the
different states according to the first census, may be men
tioned as the most prominent. This enumeration ascer
tained the total number of inhabitants at a little short of
four miUions. The ratio finaUy adopted was that of one
representative for every 33,000, giving 105 as the fiiture
number of members.
Further progress was made in arranging the domestic
affairs ofthe country by the passage of acts, regulating the
fisheries, estabhshing the mint and the post-office, provid
ing a uniform mihtia and prescribing the occasions of
caUing it into service, and increasing the regular army.

1792.] OF WASHINGTON. 71
The defeat of Gen. St. Clair, who had succeeded Gen.
Harmar in the conduct of the Indian war, rendered the
last measure necessary ; and upon a report ofthe Secretary
at war, a biU was brought in for the purpose. Upon the
question of employing regulars or mihtia, the two parties
were divided ; the anti-federahsts favoring the latter mode
of defence as in their, opinion more consistent with the in
stitutions of the country ; the federalists supporting the
former as the less expensive, and only effectual mode of
putting an end to the war. The result of two cam
paigns it might be supposed had demonstrated in a suffi
cient manner the value ofthe democratic mode of warfare.
The bill however passed, and it became necessary to seek
the means of defraying the additional expense, the former
estimates not having contemplated this emergency. A
fresh debate arose on the question of referring the ways and
means to the Secretary of the Treasury, in which the in
creasing hostility to his system was manifested ; but the
opposition failed here also, and the reference was made.
Mr. Hamilton recommended additional duties on certain
imported articles in preference to a loan, or to the sale of
the bank stock owned by the government, and a bill passed
in pursuance.
Congress adjourned on the 8th of May. During the ses
sion the nominations of Thomas Pinckney as Minister
Plenipotentiary to England, and of Gouverneur Morris to
the French Court had been made, and confirmed by the
Senate. WiUiam Short was also appointed Minister Res
ident at the Hague ; and in this spring commissioned,
together with Mr. Carmichael, to effect a treaty with Spain.
In the summer, negociations were opened by John Paul
Jones, with the Dey of Algiers. Col. David Humphreys
had been appointed in the spring of 1791, Minister Resident
to Portugal, and the poficy of opening an intercourse with
the European States had thus been extended.

72 FIRST ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 3.
TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen. January 30th, 1792.
* * * *
The public affairs of our country continue to be prosperous, and though some
considerable discontent prevails, there is nothing to excite much concern. The
sudden accumulation of wealth in the hands of individuals has introduced a ma
nia which has led in some instances to an ostentatious display, calculated to
excite envy and to recaU the unfortunate circumstances under which the evi
dences of the pubUc debt were alienated, to recollection. This as was to be ex
pected, has induced mad speculations on the part of the fortunate, and ebul
litions of discontent from those who have been disappointed. The maUgnity of
one party and the pride ofthe other wUl probably be cured by a few bankruptcies
which may daUy be expected, I had almost said, desired.
In Congress there is not much important business to be done. The Indian
war, at present, is the subject of deUberation. The result, doubtless, wUl be to
prosecute it, and when all circumstances are considered, it wiU be found necessa
ry that this should be the case. It is from an attention to present circumstances,
and not by attempting to undo what has been done, and deploring past errors
that tranquiUity is to be expected. The present war is not to be attributed to the
present government, but is the result of former treaties for purchasing lands, and
from a sparse settlement consequent thereon ; against which measures I have
heard you formerly express an opinion. The mode of conducting the war, is a
subject which requires much consideration, and that mode is best which will pro
duce peace with the least expense of blood and treasure. The inveteracy of the
Indians is proved, the extent of our frontiers is well known, and hence results the
opinion that it will be cheaper to chastise the Indians at home than to maintain
numberless posts on the Ohio. The people wUl, I hope, believe that no intention
al prolongation ofthe war is to be suspected ; the rest must be matter of opinion,
and no demonstration of what in fact is best, is attainable.
The law for imposing duties on domestic distUled spirits has met with much
opposition in the back parts of Pennsylvania, but the opposition is said to be
diminishing. The more the structure and powers ofthe present government are considered
the more certain it is that it is not calculated to bear much of a load ; it rests on
the public approbation. It has however a fair chance of continuing while it is
esteemed by the best part of the community. Who can say that this vriU not be
found sufficient for our exigencies for a long period, and untU artificial support, if
that is necessary from the wickedness of human nature, can be attained.
Mr. Harrison has accepted his office and is now in this city. I find him to be
an excellent character and an acquisition to the department. From this time I
hope my business will be less burdensome.

1792.] OF WASHINGTON. 73
TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen. February 14th, 1792.
Since my last, nothing material has occurred. The legislature have under con
sideration a bill for providing for the defence of the frontiers ; the bUl has passed
the House of Representatives and is now before the Senate. A diversity of opin
ion prevails as to the mode of making provisions ; some suppose that it should be
trusted entirely to the people of the frontiers to make predatory incursions to
harass and destroy the Indians ; others suppose that a sufficient force should be
raised to take post in the country, in some commanding situation, and by means
of the post to overawe the Indians, to reduce them to a treaty, and then by sup
porting a few small posts, prevent those unjust acts of force on the part of whites
and Indians which have brought us into this trouble. The first mode has some
thing in it which has a popular aspect ; but to judge of the question properly, it is
necessary to know that the western people are a violent and unjust race in many
respects, unrestrained by law or considerations of public policy ; that to trust the
defence to them they must be armed and paid at an immense expense ; that their
incursions into the Indian country will be for very short periods, that theii' suc
cess, if at aU successful, will be very partial ; and that they will have no motive
to put an end to the war, but rather to prolong it. The better opinion on this
subject perhaps, is to take such measures as shaU bring about a permanent peace,
by the most active operations in the first instance, and to secure it by such ar
rangements as shaU insure justice to the Indians from our people. If these ob
jects can be reconciled with tfie plan of producing more order in the future set
tlement of that country, it may save us much trouble and prove beneficial to
society. There is a progress in our affairs towards improvement. It would, however,
be much more rapid were the administrators of the government more united.
Mr. J. appears to have shown rather too much of a disposition to cultivate vulgar
prejudices ; accordingly he wUl become popular in ale houses, and wiU do much
mischief to his country by exciting apprehensions that the government wUl ope
rate unfavourably.
The Enghsh have had a drubbing in India, which it is supposed will render
their Asiatic dominions, precarious possessions. If a derangement should hap
pen to their affairs, a considerable revolution in government wUl be the probable
consequence. In one of your letters you mention an offer which I have had of other busi
ness ; possibly the thing to which you aUude might have been obtained, but I
opposed the idea from consideration that the place would be expensive and pos
sibly insecure. I am sensible of the influence of wealth in the affairs of this
world, and did not on the whole choose to devote myself to the property of rich
, men, which I imagine would have been the consequence of allying myself with
that class of men without property to support and defend myself At present I
have reason to think my services are satisfactory to the public, and I hope they
wiU take care of me. If they do not I shall try to take care of myself.
VOL. I. 7

74 FIRST ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 3,
FROM OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Litchfield, Feb. 19th, 1792.
Sir, Your letter ofthe 30th ult. with its enclosure has been received. * »
Whatever were the primary causes of the Indian war, no peace is to be expected
with them, till they have received a pretty deep impression by a mihtary opera
tion. A defensive war would doubtiess be as ineffectual as it would be expensive.
Whenever a treaty shall be made with them, the augmentation of territoiy will
not, I hope, be an object of attention. I cannot but very much apprehend that
the vehemence of this war is supported by the British officers, or at least by the
British fur dealers. Indeed, it is long since that I have not had the least confi
dence in the honour or justice of the British government, or nation. Their
pride, ferocious manners and keen avarice, induce them to carry what they
call commerce, by military force, into all parts ofthe world. Insolence and a rage
for plunder are the characteristics of the nation. No sense of morals has the
least influence upon their conduct. Foreigners withdrawing their money from
their fiinds, and placing them in the funds of the United States, not only excites
their envy, but induces them to heap upon us all possible expense, with a riew to
derange our finances, and by every other means endeavour to shake the pubhc
confidence in government.
The public finances are the anchor ofthe United States ; if they should again
be confused, the political vessel would suffer the most violent concussions. The
complexity of their original arrangements, and the rapid rise of the pubhc securi
ties have , it is true, caused many of the ignorant and incautious holders to view
the unrivalled opulence of certain people, of low cunning and an ostentatious dis
play of grandeur, with pretty pungent dislike ; but uneasiness of this kind is al
most entirely confined to large commercial towns. In the country these instances
are but few, and their sudden wealth contrasted with their yesterday's business,
continues them still the objects of contempt. I trust that our government is
neither so popular nor unwise, as to render it impressible in a dangerous degree,
either by foreign influence, or by the sinister means of domestic flatteiy and base
insinuation. I am too ignorant not to beheve, but that the late sudden extension ofbanking
business, after foreigners shall not only discontinue placing money in our funds,
but shall call for their interest, wiU be productive of some reaUy disastrous con
sequences. But I care very littie how this shaU le, if our national finances are
kept in perfect order.
Upon public matters I will let my pen run on as it has done, in a desultory
manner, only to make this observation relative to the Indian war, that in the
ordinary course of events, every thing wiU depend upon the character of the
principal officers who shaU conduct it. If the command shah be given to such
men as conducted the two last armaments, nothing but the most disastrous con
sequences are to be expected. I am happy to know that the President did not
originaUy place those men on the frontier.
' 0. WOLCOTT.

1792.] OF WASHINGTON. 75
FROM OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Litchfield, March 3d, 1792.
Sir, 
Your favour of the 14th ult. has been received. There is a buzz in the air,
that a stipulation is proposed by the English, so as to give us a settiement in the
West Indies. I trust that we shall not voluntarily bind ourselves to our good be
haviour to that nation, till we have a naval power equal to theirs.
I know not that the English have the least shadow of pretence for holding the
ports on the western waters. TUl they are confined within their limits, peace with
the western Indians wUl be precarious. Upon our western disasters, I find that
some ofthe Tory motive which I thought had been extinguished, discovers itself,
together with foreign influence, the ill nature of pride ungratified, disappoint
ed ambition, and an envy which seeks gratification in calumniating public men
and public measures. To give effect to those good dispositions, all the ignorance,
prejudice and avarice of mankind are called upon for aid, but it wiU be of no pur
pose. We have yet too strong a bias to support and establish a government,
• which almost every farmer, merchant and mechanic says, has brought us in
money sufficient, gives us security, imposes no sensible burden, and has alle
viated us from the state debts which heretofore oppressed us. People I believe in
the northern states, generaUy feel veiy easy, except some ambitious, unprincipled
men, who for want of merit or other means, wish to excite pubUc discontent in
order to gratify their pride ; and as to those men, I believe they will be generaUy
disappointed in their pursuits. The white savages upon the western frontier,
must if necessary be governed in the same manner as the black ones are, or ought
to be. OLIV. WOLCOTT.
TO FREDERICK WOLCOTT, Philadelphia, AprU 6th, 1792.
* * « *
We have no news but what you get regularly. Congress have proceeded but
slowly ; the most important business of the session remains unfinished. It is how
ever expected that the session will end in all April. There is some faction and
diversity of opinion with lus as every where else, but I hope the affairs of our
country wiU prosper.
We shall make you a visit in the ensuing summer ; when I hope for a short time
to feel as formerly, free from the vexations and toUs of a busy life. Col. TaU-
madge is here, and will tell you when he returns how I live. I am more plain and
certainly work harder than most Quakers. I shaU not without some misfortune
befals me, be in debt, but I shall never be rich. I hope to do some good, and to
steer through the maze without injuring others, and with sufficient phUosophy to
be inattentive to small disappointments.

76 FIRST ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 3.
You know not how much I love you and some of my Connecticut friends. I
pray that I may never love them less, as a reflection on the past pleasures of their
society is my chief amusement. * « * *

TO JEDEDIAH MORSE. Philadelphia, May 6, 1792.
I received in season your letter of Dec. 20th, and request you to excuse my
neglect in replying to it before this time. The continued throng of business in
which I have been engaged, has left me no leisure till lately, to comply with your
wishes, and the work is already so perfect, that I am certain it can receive but
little improvement from any observations which I can make.
So far as your observations have been made upon the settled parts ofthe United
States, they are founded on, and supported by the general testimony of the pub
lic. With the exception of some remarks upon the southern states, particularly
upon the North Carolinians, who complain that you have not praised them ac
cording to their merits, your descriptions have been satisfactory to the inter
ested parties. I have no data for determining whether our southern brethren
complain with reason, and sincerely wish that they had produced some public in
dications, that society was not in a rude state in the southern and western settle
ments. In describing the unsettled northern regions, I perceive Carver is cited as an
authority. I know not whom you can take for a guide, more consistently with
the present state of public opinion, and yet I suspect but little credit is due to the
book published in his name. By information which I have obtained respecting
Carver, I am satisfied that his book was compUed under very inauspicious circum
stances. He doubtiess resided a number of years in the western country, but
was an ignorant man, utterly incapable of writing such a book. When in Eng
land he was in needy circumstances, and he applied to the government, stating
that he had made important discoveries, for which he was entitied to receive
compensation. His notes were inspected by a board, who pronounced them to
be unimportant. A sum of money was however given him, more in charity to
relieve his wants than as a reward for important services. When his money was
expended he renewed his application, but was refused. He then abused the ad
ministration for having obtained of him his work, without having paid a proper
compensation. To silence his clamor, the notes which had been deposited with
the officers of the government were restored, which were soon after pawned by
Carver with a bookseller. There is reason to suspect, that the book styled Car
ver's Travels, is a mere compilation from otiier books and common reports, sup
ported by some new remarks which Carver may possibly have made. It will
therefore in my judgment be most safe for the future reputation of your book, that
but little credit be given to Carver's Travels, except where his accounts are 'sup
ported by some collateral authority.
As the best aid which I can furnish towards your work, I transmit two Ten
nessee documents. These tables are curious and are worth preserving. I have

\
1792.] OF WASHINGTON. 77
some expectations of being able to complete in season some additional tables. If
I do they shall be transmitted.
With the most sincere wishes for your complete success, and that your labors
may be as profitable for yourself, as they are honourable to your country, I am, &c.

The tendency to a distinct organization of parties, the
existence of which has been already noticed, was stiU
more decisively shown during the past session. As the
fiscal system of Mr. Hamilton graduaUy unfolded itself,
the opposition, alarmed at its necessary consequence in
strengthening the federal powers of the Union, became
more strenuous in their exertions to defeat it. In the finan
cial, more than in any other department of legislation,
was this influence visible, for by its means preeminently
could the interests of men be attracted to, and bound up
in that of the general government ; and as the citizen came
to regard himself as one of a nation, in the same propor
tion the local gave way to the central attachment. The
causes which made the sovereignty ofthe states so vital in
importance, the power ofthe Union so dreaded in its anti
cipated effects, will be hereafter a subject of mention.
It is now sufficient to follow their workings.
Of all the measures heretofore adopted, the assumption
ofthe State debts gave the deepest stab to the hopes ofthe
anti-federalists. It was no argument to their minds that
these debts actually existed, were contracted for common
defence, that they ought in equity to be paid by the whole,
and that means of payment could more easily be found by
the union than by conflicting, and often inadequate provi
sions of single states. They saw but this — that the power
ful body of creditors would thenceforward look to the Union,
and not to its members for payment.
The blow had been followed up. Duties were laid on
imported goods. The merchant from that time owed his
monies to the United States, and paid them to her officers.
7*

78 FIRST ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 3.
Internal taxes were imposed ; the returns were made to a
coUector of the general government. A Bank was estab
hshed ; the paper which passed current from Vermont to
Georgia was of federal origin. A mint was erected;
the arms of the states were not stamped upon its coin.
Protection was recommended to American manufactures ;
it was the Union that alone could do all this. Commerce
was encouraged ; it was the marine of the United States.
Every successive act by which some powerful interest
was touched, brought the influence of that interest in favor
of its source. The power of the State was diminished,
because its citizens looked elsewhere than to its legislature
¦¦for the most important objects of attention.
Against Mr. Hamilton as the author of a system which
produced these results, the personal enmity of the opposi
tion had been heretofore chiefly directed ; and by constant
opposition to all references to him, they had endeavored
to defeat his influence.
Hitherto a majority had supported the administration ;
the attention of the anti-federalists was now directed to a
more concerted plan of opposition. A leader had already
presented himself in the person of the Secretary of State.
Known to have been originaUy, although guardedly, hostile
to the constitution, and particularly to that portion of it
which gave it the means of an existence independent of
the will of the States ; an enemy to the financial system
of the federalists, and an antagonist to its principal
author ; possessing, from his place in the cabinet and the
character of his abifities, the greatest advantage in thwart
ing the measures of Hamilton; representing Virginia,
which was the stronghold of his party, and weU disposed
trom private ambition to place himself in the road to the
Presidency ; he had wUfingly seized, or rather suffered
himself to be placed, in the post of chief of the opposition.
The illness of the President in 1790 had directed the
attention of his party to the possibihty of a speedy succes-

1792.1 OF WASHINGTON. 79
sion, and against Mr. Adams as a probable rival it now
turned its arms. As yet. General Washington could not
be attacked with safety.
To break down the hopes of the Vice President ; to hold
up Mr. Jefferson to pubhc view as the destined successor
of Washington ; to keep ahve or awaken a distrust of
federal measures ; a press suggested itself as a necessary
instrument. Its conductor was found in Phihp Freneau,
the superintendent of a paper printed in New York, who
was induced by a clerkship in Mr. Jefferson's department,
to remove to Philadelphia for the purpose.
The National Gazette was commenced in October,
1791, and during its short lived existence was notorious
for its scandalous falsehood and misrepresentation, its
fulsome adoration of Mr. Jefferson, and its gross abuse of
leading federal men. Against Mr. Adams particularly,
who, from his inoffensive position as Vice President, it
might have been supposed, would have escaped unnoticed,
it was, as a future possible President, incessant in its
vituperation. The threats of resistance which had been made to the
law imposing taxes on domestic spirits, were, during this
summer, fiilfiUed in the western part of Pennsylvania,
where a dangerous spirit of sedition was manifested.
The conduct of the leaders in this movement, and the
political use made of it, sufficiently pointed out its object.
These will be hereafter recurred to in narrating the events
of 1794. TO MICHAEL J. STONE.Philadelphia, June 9th, 1792.
» * * *
Since we parted I have been plodding on in the old track, and have not in any
way altered except that I am one year older. I read, write and think as much
as is consistent with a due attention to the duties of a burdensome office, and am
contented with my situation, though it is far less inviting than a country life to
one of ray disposition. » * * I know but little of what is

80 FIRST ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 3.
going forward in the pohtical worid, and wish that I knew less, or that the invi
tations to acquire information were more aUuring. An unfortunate jealousy is
too apparent in some of the most influential characters in our country. The
consequence is, that questions are not so calmly discussed, characters are not so
fairly estimated, and the people are not so perfectly avaUed of the talents which
have been selected for their use, as every honest and patriotic man must desire.
Time alone can discover whether these evils proceed from permanent or tempo
rary causes. It is ardently to be desired that experience may evince that the
interests of the great divisions of the United States are reconcilable with each
other. Nothing that has fallen under my observation wUl warrant those gloomy fore
bodings or those austere remarks which are constantly indulged. Particular
measures may have been injudiciously adopted, individual men may have been
improperly influenced by zeal or avarice, but the prevailing sense of the people,
and of the public men, has, as I firmly believe, been favorably inclined to pubhc
order and the security of equal rights. The number who can possibly be actuated
by other wishes, is too inconsiderable, and their efforts too feeble to justify any
serious alarm.
In addition to the security which must result from established habits, from the
aUodial tenure of real property and from the checks upon ambition, which are
created by the civil divisions of our country ; wise men wUl infer a sure guaranty
for pubhc liberty from the temper and genius of the times. There can be no
doubt that the governments of the old world wiU soon undergo a general change.
The structure of civU societies will probably be different, but under aU, social
liberty will be vmequivocally secured. In America, there is no public evU to
redress. Knowledge and phUosophy have excluded priestcraft ; a love of leisure
and a general, if not universal, passion for acquiring property, have extinguished
every sentiment on which the mihtary character can be erected ; under what cir
cumstances can a distinction of civil orders be made ? Surely under none that
imagination can contemplate as existing, or likely to exist, in this country.
Where, then, is the danger to public liberty ? Was any people ever enslaved, or
even abridged of their rights, except by priests, by soldiers or by nobles ?

TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Philadelphia, Oct. 8th, 1792.
* » * *
We have no news. The election in this state is not over, and will be a con
tested one — ^both parties are confident of their success. It is, however, said that
the President's proclamation, and an apprehension that zeal for liberty may be
carried too far, as has been deplorably the case in France, wiU have an effect in
favor of temperate men at the ensuing election.
I understand that Mr. Burr wUl be the candidate in opposition to Mr. Adams
as Vice President, and that he will be powerfiiUy supported. It may be weU to
think of this when the choice of electors is made, at least so far that it be not

1792.] OF WASHINGTON. 81
taken for granted that Mr. Adams wiU have an unanimous vote. All the votes"
of New England will probably be necessary to secure his election, and should be
given in his favor if the people are satisfied with his conduct and wish his re
appointment. An arrival yesterday from Ostend, brought intelligence that M. Fayette, with
several officers, were taken by the Austrians as they were reconnoitering the
enemy. It seems that some suspicions prevailed that Fayette was taken prisoner
with his own consent. It is bad for the French either way. The poor Poles
are vanquished, and the hopes of all good men, in respect to their revolution,
blasted.

TO THE SAME.
PmLADELPHIA, Oct. 16, 1792.
Ik * # *
We are all weU, and have no news that can certainly be relied on ; but a letter
has been received in town, from Charleston, which mentions an arrival fi-om
France as late as the second of September, stating that the Queen and 5000 people
of Paris had been murdered, that the King was missing, and the Duke of Bruns
wick within 30 miles of Paris, with his army. Perhaps this is not true, and yet ,
considering the wretched state of the nation, it is not very improbable. The
cause of the revolution appears to be in greater danger than I ever supposed it
would be, and this has been, in a great degree, occasioned by the violence of the
Jacobin faction.
In this country, electioneering is the great business of the politicians. The
votes have been taken in this state, and from what has been heard, there is a
prospect of a good representation. The Vice President, it is said, wiU be opposed.
I will thank you to inform me who the electors will be from Connecticut.

The President's speech at the opening of the session
in November, 1792, after noticing several other subjects of
domestic importance, stated his opinion that the condition
of the national finances was now sufficiently matured to
enable Congress to enter upon a systematic and effectual
arrangement for the regular redemption of the pubhc debt,
and urged its adoption. A resolution recognizing the
expediency of the measure, and caUing upon the Secretary
ofthe Treasury to report a plan for the purpose, after a
debate, in which the expediency was denied and the re
ference opposed, finally passed. Every possible delay
was, however, interposed — the anti-federafists hoping that

82 FIRST ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 3.
at the next Congress a majority would be found in then:
favor. The report was made, but before any action could
be taken upon it, charges of misapplication and misappro
priation of the public funds were preferred against Mr.
Hamilton. These charges were refuted by him in three
successive and very able reports, and all imputations upon
his character were satisfactorily removed ; but the accord
ance of certain apphcations with the laws authorizing
them, being disputed, resolutions were brought forward,
censuring his conduct. Further enquiries foUowed for
information as to the management of the office, and the
whole of the session was thus spent in sifting the conduct
of the Secretary. To the deep mortification of his enemies,
they resulted only in establishing the wisdom and honesty
of his administration — a circumstance which no wise
diminished the personal animosity shown towards him in
the debates and the partizan press. These enquiries as
regarded the treasury, exceedingly increased the duties
of the officers, and to Wolcott especially they became
most arduous, as the data on which the answers were
made were all prepared by him.
The investigation served one purpose of the opposition ;
it prevented any question being taken on the report. It
seems somewhat anomalous that a party which had
charged the administration with the wish to perpetuate
the debt, should thus have thwarted its measures to
discharge it, and an explanation of the fact can only be
found in a fixed determination to break down the Secre
tary. The conduct of the federalists on this occasion was
honorable to them, and manifested their confidence in Mr.
Hamilton. The resolutions of enquiry were suffered to
pass without debate.

1792.] OF WASHINGTON. S3
TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen. Phila., Nov. 21, 1792.
» » * *
A strenuous attempt has been made by the Virginians to prevent a reference
of a question of finance to the Secretary of the Treasury ; they, however, failed
of success. On this point there appears to be the most obstinate opposition. The
amount of the argument against references is, that the right of originating money
biUs exists with the House of Representatives, that this right is incommunicable,
and that the opinion of the Secretary of the Treasury has such weight with the
House as to destroy the independence of a majority of the members, who, they
say, from the necessity of the case, must and wUl be determined by his advice. It
is to Httle purpose that reasoning is attempted against prejudices of this kind ;
men who recur to such arguments betray great ignorance of business and of
human nature. They believe — ^what is impossible, that fifty or sixty men can
unite their mutual exertions on one subject, so as to produce a plan or write sys
tematically ; and they Hkewise must beUeve, that because a proposition is fairly
demonstrated so as to force a conriction upon the mind, it ought, on that account,
to be distrusted ; thus torturing the only causes of belief into reasons for incre
dulity, and extolling a man's talents for the sake of exciting a distrust of his
judgment. It is the exclusive privilege of the modern pMlosophers to be more absurd, the
more their faculties are employed, and to arrive at ignorance by more intense
application of thought, than would be necessary to render them useful, wise and
learned. The President's determination, expressed in his speech, to support the laws,
has given much satisfaction ; the opposition is now confined to a small part of
this state, and will soon cease.
The electors for Pennsylvania are now known, and it is said that aU the votes
except one, or at most two, will be for the present possessors of the offices of Pre
sident and Vice President. I hope that it will not be the disgrace of Connecticut
that the choice will be in the least affected by the insidious contrivances which
have been practised. It is now understood that a systematical effort has been
made in every state, wliich has been conducted with great address and secrecy.
The plan ready is to elect George Clinton, and where a direct interest cannot be
made in his favor, it is intended to diminish the votes for Mr. Adams. I think it
is likely, unless some attention is given to the subject, that votes wUl be soHcited
for such men as Mr. Hancock, &c., &c. Not that they expect that any other
effect wiU be produced than s. plurality in favor of the real candidate.
I do not know but that there is as Utile trouble arising from intrigue in this
country as can ever be expected, wlule man continues what he has ever been.
The general affairs of the country are, I am persuaded, prosperous, and if there
are any considerable abuses, they have not come to ray knowledge. Some of our
Southern friends appear to be uneasy, but I am not satisfied that they are wiser or
honester men than those who are supporting the plans in operation.

84 FIRST ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 3 .
We have no news from France, except what has come to your knowledge by the
papers. What wiU be the result ofthe scene of confusion and carnage which has
commenced, cannot be conjectured. Nothing, perhaps, is certain, except that
France must have a government, and that their present attempts to establish one
of the repubUcan kind must give way for the present.

FROM OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Middletown, Dec. 5, 1792.
Sir, I am here, and have attended, with aU the other electors ofthe state, the elec
tion of President and Vice President of the United States, and am happy to be
able to inform you that upon counting their votes, they were united in their choice
of President Washington and Vice President Adams. In this election, they were
very cordial, and impressed with the deepest conviction of the propriety of con
tinuing those officers in their present stations. The efforts which have been
made to affect the election of the Vice President, I sincerely wish and trust, may
be found ineffectual. I am certain that no choice could be more improper than
that of George Clinton. I have a vile opinion ofthe man, and beUeve nothing
but the grossest ignorance, or the most nefarious designs, could have proposed
such a candidate. The enemies of Mr. Adams are mistaken if they conceive
that George Chnton can ever engage a vote in this state. His friends in New
York wish to give him an honorable retreat from the resentment of the majority
of the people of the state ; those who think unworthily of him, wish to remove
him from the state government. It is melancholy to think that a government
which has been found so beneficial in its operations, should be so soon attacked by
a set of ambitious, partial and selfish men. » * jn haste.
OLIVER WOLCOTT.
TO FREDERICK WOLCOTT. Philadelphia, Dec. 15th, 1792.
* * * «
You have heard the votes of New England for President and Vice President.
In New York, all for Clinton ; Pennsylvania, one for Clinton, the rest for Adams ;
Delaware, aU for Adams ; Maryland, aU for Adams, except two who did not at
tend and lost their votes. The state was agreed in favour of Adams. Virginia, all
for Clinton ; North CaroHna and Kentucky, not known yet, but will be for Clin
ton ; South Carolina, divided about equally, as is expected ; Georgia will be for
Chnton. Mr. Adams has a good majority, and the division against him is
occasioned by faction and misrepresentations, which wiU give way on a better
understanding ofthe state of things.
Nothing new has happened here. I think Congress is something more placid
than at the last session. We are waiting impatiently for news fi-om France.
Our Jacobins are indecisive wliile the fate of their brethren is in suspense. By »

^^93.] OF WASHINGTON. 85
strange kind of reasoning, some suppose the liberties of America depend on the
light of cutting throats in France. When the Duke of Brunswick is beat, which
he probably wiU be, we shall hear the cry against tyranny and aristocracy re
newed in this country. It is strange that we cannot be contented with our lot,
which is certainly a good one, but must raise disquiets out of the quarrels of other
nations. Instead of imitating the French, we should wish them the same situa
tion with ourselves,
I am well and in good spirits, though I work hard and hope I perform my duty.
I am not ambitious. The office I hold is as good as an office can be. It is
suited to my talents, and I wish for nothing more. This you do not believe, but
it is because you are plagued with a passion which has become extinct in my
bosom. * « * *

TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen. Phila., Jan. S7, 1793.
» * « »
Congress has completed but littie business, and considerable divisions have
existed. It is most evidently the intention of the opposition to the present sys
tem, that but little shall be done. The next Congress, they calculate, wUl be
more favorable to their views.
The papers printed here indicate a settled determination in a certain party to de
stroy the popularity of the leading men of our country ; even the President's charac
ter no longer remains inviolable. Several virulent papers have been printed by
Freneau. The pretences for the attack are the reserved manners of the President
(which are said to proceed from an affectation of royalty) and his not having
interested himself in support of the late demand of the army. The real difficulty,
I imagine, is the great debts due in the southern states to the British ; when they
are paid or rendered desperate, many difficulties wUl vanish.
A variety of requisitions have been made upon the treasury for information, cal -
culated to excite suspicions of mal-administration. Every thing wiU, however,
tiirn out properly. Phila., Feb. 8th, 1793.
I presume GUes' motions and speech have been seen by you, in which he has
intimated that the Treasury Department have cabbaged several millions of the
public money, for which they cannot account. Though I have no conception
that this was seriously believed by any, it became indispensable that a complete
disclosure of our pecuniary affairs should be made to Congress and the public ;
fiill scope to an enquiry has been, therefore, invited. The labor which this has
occasioned has been great, but it will, I presume, answer a good purpose. The
effect cannot be indifferent ; either the public confidence wiU be promoted or
destroyed. My opinion is sufficiently known when I declare that the scrutiny
has given me pleasure. I enclose you the first report of the Secretary on the
VOL. I. 8

86 FIRST ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 3.
subject. The statements which are referred to are not yet printed ; you wiU, how
ever, perceive a refutation of the most important of the surmises which was
hazarded. The affairs of this country appear to be verging to some important crisis. The
opposition to the measures which have been adopted, conduct as if they were
influenced by something more than rivalry and personal ambition. Prejudices
are excited and passions enlisted into their party which are ahke hostUe to every
system of government, and such as cannot faU to impede business and render the
pubhc service insupportable. The best solution which I can give of this disquiet
is the pressure of the foreign debts due from the Virginia planters ; these, they
imagined, had been thro-wn off. The effect of the treaty and of the constitution
is to make them responsible ; at least, this is believed, though no decision of this
question has been made by the national judiciary. The prospect of poverty and
dependence to the Scotch merchants is what they cannot view with patience.
They seem determined to weaken the pubhc force, so as to render the recovery of
these debts impossible. On the merits of this question I form no opinion, but a
strict, impartial and vigorous exercise of the constitutional authority, I deem
indispensable to the repose of the country. No rational attempt to support the
existing systems ought to be omitted. The experiment of a imion with the
southern states ought to be now made conclusively ; if it shaU prove unsuccessful
we ought to part like good friends, but the separation ought to be eternal. The
inevitable danger, loss of property, interruption of industry, and painful anxiety,
which are inseparable from revolutions, forbid the repetition of another experiment.
The papers printed here contain much insufferable cant about aristocracy — this
political vice is supposed to prevaU in New England, but especially in Connecticut !
Much pains -will doubtless be exerted to convince the people that they are unhappy.
I wish to be informed whether any impression is or can be made upon them — the
weak side of that people, if they have any, is to be suspicious that they are cheated.
WiU it be possible for the Southern people to make the opinion prevaU % Of
several things they may be confident, viz : that the noisy declairaers are, most of
them, unworthy of confidence ; that their pubhc affairs never were more honestly
conducted ; and, lastly, that no people on earth ever reahzed, equaUy with them
selves, that Hberty and equaUty for which the world is now contending. If they
maintain their present manners and character, I have no doubt that the first moment
of candid and impartial reflection \riU attribute to them the first rank in society—
that their institutions will serve as models for free nations and themes for phUo-
sophical and political discussion. The man who attempts to disturb their tran
quillity at this time, is the worst enemy of his country and society.
It has been given out that Jefferson will resign his office next March, smce
which a Mirabeau has addressed him with much adulation, and stated how much
the republican interests in this country -wUl suffer from his retirement. Time
wiU show whether this is a trick to gain a few compliments.

1793.] OF WASHINGTON. 87
FROM CHAUNCEY GOODRICH. Hartford, February 9, 1793.
Dear Sir,
I can easily imagine you have not leisure to write to your friends at present, as
you find full employment for your time in accounting for the milHons of cash that
some of you in the Treasury Department have slUy put away in your money
vaults. I had before imagined that the only reward you would ever receive for
your hard services, would be the honor of serving the Union with abUity and
fidelity. But Mr. Giles, it seems, means to pay you off in solid coin ; it is better
to receive it from an enemy than not at all. I generally find those pay me best
who love me least. However, let it come from what quarter it will, I am glad
you have so much cash, and as there is no difference between being a rogue and
honest, you may as well keep it, and go snacks in the prize.
The government still retains its popularity in Connecticut among all our bipeds.
We rejoice in the victories of the French, but believe we shall wait tUl they get
through the scrape before we get drunk in honour of their exploits. Our citizesses
qiute execrate their new name, and are determined neither to marry nor be given
in marriage, and those who now are so, as well as those who are not, not to have
any female chUdren tiU the term is exploded. They will have no objection to
being called biped in common with men, if it can be clearly shown that term
denotes nothing above the foot or ankle, but as it comes so near, they are suspi
cious of mischief
Your friend Hopkins, for three weeks past, looks as affrighted as if he had been
plunged into the wolf's den after Put.'s ghost. Mr. Trumbull enjoys his health
better than when you was here. All your friends are well ; we live quite happily.
I have as much business as I love to do, though I don't get so much money as I
want to spend. * * Give my best love to sister Betsy. I am,
with the most cordial wishes for your happiness, your friend,
CHAUNCEY GOODRICH,
FROM CHAUNCEY GOODRICH. Hartford, Feb. 17, 1793.
Dear Sir,
I received your letter of the 8th instant, enclosing the Secretary's Report, with
a great deal of satisfaction, for by some means or another, I am become as much
interested in the prosperity of that really worthy man, as in the fate of an old
friend. Giles' motion and speech made no impression in this quarter, not even
on the most ignorant ; we had no other anxiety about the business, only that Mr.
HamUton might seasonably administer to him the merited chastisement. He
has now for his recompense to feel at least the confiision of detected rascality,
whatever he may of remorse. One excellence of the chastisement is that it quickly
follows the offence.
It is certainly a sign of the downfaU of the party, that they become so impu
dent and inconsiderate in their attacks, and aim their shafts at so many. Among

88 FIRST ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 3.
other instances of their foUy, it is not the least to think they can gull people in
New England by their noisy clamour. It may do with their untaught back
country people at their huskings, but our comraon folks know their true charac
ter, which is buUyism — a Yankee wont be bulUed by any body.
We shaU attend carefully to your papers, and I have no doubt remain firm.
Our greatest danger is from the contagion of levelism ; what folly is it that has
set the world agog to be all equal to French barbers. It must have its run, and
the anti-feds -wUl catch at it to aid their mischievous purposes. I believe it is not
best to let it pass without remark, and before long the authors of entire equahty
will shew the world the danger of their -wUd rant. We treat their Boston notions
with derision, and the name of citizen and citess, are only epithets of fiin and joke.
Is there any danger of a change of measures from the increased representation 1
If not, the government is safe, for federal measures -wiU gain strength from oppo
sition ; a noisy set of discontented demagogues make arant, and it seems as if
they were about breaking up the foundations, but the great body of men of
property move slowly, but move -with sure success. * * t
I am your sincere fnend,
CHAUNCEY GOODRICH.

CHAPTER IV.

SUMMER AND FALL OF 1793.
The second Congress ofthe United States expired with
the third of March. On the fourth, Washington was the
second time inaugurated President.
TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Philadelphia, March 9th, 1793.
# * ife #
The last winter has required every exertion which I could make. To enable
the public to judge of the attack upon the Treasury, a great variety of docu
ments have been produced which could not be made out -without much attention,
and the bestowment of considerable extra time. This has rendered it difficult for
me to write as often as I wished. My business has somewhat fallen in arrear,
and I shall be busy for some time to bring it up.
Now the trouble is nearly over I am glad it has been suffered ; the advantages
to the public, and the chance of the plots of a party being better understood than
they would have been otherwise, affords a compleat compensation for what is
past. TO FREDERICK WOLCOTT. Philadelphia, March 9 th, 1793.
I received your letter of the 5th instant, and though the information therein
contained is somewhat more encouraging than when my father wrote last, I
cannot but feel the most extreme solicitation as to the issue of my mother's illness.
The probability doubtless is, that we must soon feel the pang of separation from
a parent, whose kindness and affection to us, and whose -virtues and respectable
example -will demand a perpetual homage to her memory. When we shall be
called to motum the afflicting bereavement, it will become us to reflect that she
arrived to the usual period of human Hfe and that in every situation she was
8*

90 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 4.
justly esteemed and honoured. Sincere ought to be our gratitude that such has
been the tenor of her life as to render death no evil to her, and as to be a source
of consolation for a loss ordained to be inevitable.
I have been exceedingly engaged this winter, which has prevented me from
writing to my friends as often as I otherwise should have done. You have
doubtless heard of the attack ofthe Virginians upon the Treasury. The result
has been such as the merits of the case required. Every thing has been fiiUy
explained, much to the honor of Col. HamUton and to the great chagrin of his
adversaries. I enclose the journals of the house on this subject.

TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Philadelphia, March 20th, 1793.
» * « *
I enclose a paper which contains an account of the fate of poor Louis. Mel
ancholy has been the reverse of fortune for him who was once the " Protector of
the rights of Mankind" but lately a murderer and traitor. The extremes of
power and wretchedness, of splendour and abasement, of extravagant applause and
unmerited censure which have checquered the life of this unfortunate man, prove
the fickleness of pubUc opinion and the instabUity of greatness. It remains to
see the result of the great experiment which the French are attempting.
FROM CHAUNCEY GOODRICH. Hartford, March 24, 1793.
Dear Sir,
I acknowledge the receipt of your letters of the 4th and 20th instant. The
event of the death of Lotus which the last communicated, is a wanton act of
barbarity, disgraceful even to a Parisian mob, and threatens the success of Re
publicanism in France. One serviceable purpose however, it may be expected to
answer in this country, to check the passions of those who wish to embroil us in
a desperate cause, and unhinge our government. The gratitude due to Louis
and his Queen for their protection of America has been lost in the glare of the
revolution, but will be revived with redoubled energy.
In reading the debates on Mr. Giles' resolutions against the Secretary, I find
a consequence given to them by his friends they don't merit ; they were the ebuUi-
tions of mere party spite, and every body was convinced of it, as soon as they
appeared ; they deserved no other attention but that examination the constitution
required, and sUent, indignant contempt. I have not in a single instance known
a person express any other feelings about them. Debate and eloquence migit
be necessary to counteract their venom in the Southern States, but there could
be no other occasion for it.
We shaU continue in New England, attached to the government as long as we
derive so many blessings from it. And it may be expected the southern people

1793.] OF WASHINGTON. 91
-wiU oppose it, tiU it accommodates itself to a state of negro-hood, debt, luxury
and gambling ; they must be radicaUy mended before they wiU love a good gov
ernment. * * * * I am your friend,
CHAUNCEY GOODRICH.

FROM OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Litchfield, March25th, 1793.
Sir, * * » »
The attack made upon the Secretary ofthe Treasury, is, I believe, with us held
in universal detestation. People observe and feel that since the institution of
the new government, such has been its benign operation, that the covintry from
a state of the greatest despondency and almost total relaxation of aU industry,
has obtained opulence and ease, and that every nerve of enterprise and industry
is excited, and an entire confidence is placed in the public administration. The
fiscal department possesses its full share of this favourable pubhc opinion. To
introduce such an attack at the close of a session, and when it was very impro
bable that the Secretary could within so short a period furnish the necessary doc
uments, and after this, with the utmost exertion had been effected, then for
GUes and his junto to move a postponement of a decision, was, as Mercer ex
pressed himself with a different relation, such a piece of baseness as would have
disgraced the council of Pandemonium. It appears to me e-vident that there are
a set of men in Congress, who from pride, ignorance, ambition or interest, or all
of them, mean to make a steady exertion materiaUy to derange the present sys
tem of government. The pedagogue who is at the head of one of the departments
is prominent in this business. Our confidence and expectations must be princi
pally placed upon the stability of the Executive.
Why Congress refuses to admit any provision for the payment of the balance
which shall be found due to the particular states, I cannot imagine. The liqui
dation of these accounts is left absolutely with the commissioners and a govern
mental promise to pay the balances.
Why have stocks lately fallen so considerably 7 Is it o-wing to a want of con
fidence in government, the foreign demand for specie, or an accumulation of
banks 1 This question, you weU know, is a matter of curiosity only.
I felt a heart-felt sorrow at the murder of Louis, as I believe it may properly
be called ; an event it is true which might be expected, for whenever a people
go so far as to imprison their prince, they wiU never again trust him, but wiU
destroy him. France, whether they shaU be successful against the numerous
foes which they shaU have to contend -with, or not, have every thing to suffer
before their affairs get settled. I hope that the President -will continuaUy super
intend the conduct of the Secretary of State, so as not to suffer by his indiscretion
these states to be involved in the vortex of European politics. I did not know
that your friend Barlow had been such a visionary till I had seen his amendments
to the French Constitution, Youi-s, &c., OLIVER WOLCOTT.

92 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 4.
TO FREDERICK WOLCOTT. Philadelphia, 1793.
* * * *
I have been and shaU be very busy. The Treasury department have a sturdy
and difficult part to manage in this day of bustle and inquiry.
Enclosed you will receive a newspaper which contains a sketch of the new
constitution of France. Please to present it to ray father with my best respects.
You -will in this outUne see that the poor Frenchmen have much to suffer be
fore they settle their affairs. An executive with seven heads, a judiciary chosen
by the people at large, and a right, reserved to each citizen to propose new or the
repeal of existing laws, will produce more friction than can easily be overcome.
Yet in this country are men sworn to praise this plan in derogation of our own
constitution. May God preserve it from the effects of such fanaticism.

The past year had been an eventful one to Europe. A
new act in the pohtical drama now acting in France, had
opened ; monarchy had been abolished and the nation
proclaimed a repubhc ; Louis XVI. had faUen by the
guiUotine ; the convention had successively declared war
against England, Holland and Spain ; the horrors of the
revolution had commenced in earnest, and its baleful in
fluence was not to be confined to the old world.
The interest excited in America by the commencement
of the French revolution, had increased with its progres
sive stages, and rose to enthusiasm on the final overthrow
of the monarchy. The affection of the nation to its an
cient ally became devotion when France assumed the
name and form of a repubhc.
It was thought that a brand snatched from our own al
tars had hghted the fire of liberty upon the wrecks of an
cient tyranny ; the old world was following the example
of the new ; a political miUennium had commenced,
whose empire would be universal, and the armies of
France, spreading over Europe, were haUed as the pio
neers of its advent. That this opinion should obtain
widely, was natural. Few men knew as yet the direc-

1793.] OF WASHINGTON. 93
tion which had already been given to the struggle, and
how little it resembled in principle the war of indepen
dence. Fewer, stUl, seem to have possessed the wisdom
to perceive in the character of the French themselves,
their essential unfitness for self-government, or that a peo
ple bred up without knowledge of their rights or experi
ence in the exercise of them, could not at once attain that
knowledge or that experience. But when the feehngs or
the passions of a nation are enhsted, there is as httle exer
cise of reflection as in the like case of an individual, and not
much more tolerance. And accordingly it happened that
the body of the American people, not only entertained no
doubt of the genuineness or the ultimate success of French
repubhcanism, but, moreover, viewed all doubts in others
as treason to the cause itself, arising from a love of mon
archy." It was in the ranks of the federal party that those were
chiefly found who were obnoxious to this charge. The
foresight of its leaders early predicted the elements of
speedy dissolution in the iU-balanced scheme of the con
vention ; nor were their forebodings dissipated by the vio
lent death of the king and the fearfiil scenes which fol
lowed it. They, too, had procured the introduction into
our constitution of the features in which that now adopted
by the French differed from it most essentially, and it was
through their influence that what of strength and efficiency
the government possessed, had been given to it.
The present, therefore, afforded an opportunity too
tempting to be neglected, for the anti-federahsts to destroy
alike the citadel and its defenders. Adroitly harping
upon the catch-word of monarchism, they succeeded in
converting the national bias into the instrument of party.
Newspapers and pamphlets teemed with invectives, in
which the federahsts were charged with the design of in-
»V. Marsh, chap. v. 317.

94 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 4.
troducing a government similar to that of England into
America, and the senate, the judicial and executive de
partments, were pointed out as at once the proofs and the
instruments of the intended change. The French consti
tution was celebrated as the perfection of democracy, and
the people incited to fraternize with a nation as blood
thirsty and profligate in freedom, as they had been corrupt
and slavish in loyalty.
Thus was the w-ay opened by faction at home, for the
introduction of intrigue from abroad, and it was not long
before the advantage was seized.
The French republic, desirous of an aUy in the wars in
which she had engaged with aU Europe, speedUy turned
her attention to the United States, as the one which, from
situation, from extent of commerce and natural producr
tions, as weU as from friendship, would prove the most
serviceable and the most manageable.
The late government, from fear that the United States
would become too powerful and too independent of the
protection of France, had thwarted all her attempts at
treaty-making with the European powers, prevented her
acquiring the navigation of the Mississippi and other com
mercial advantages, and sedulously fostered the coolness
with England. By treaty, too, it had reserved very im
portant privileges, by which its influence could be main
tained and extended, of which the consular convention
entered into in 1788, between Montmorin and Jefferson,
formed a striking example. Those who now directed the
repubhc, were no less clear-sighted in employing, than the
ministers of Louis had been in preserving their oppor
tunities. In April of this year, the news of the declaration of war
by France, against Great Britain and HoUand, arrived in
the United States, and with it, M. Genet, a new minister.
The time and place of his arrival were as judiciously se
lected, as the envoy himself had been. The news of the

1793.] OF WASHINGTON. 95
war coming at the same time, increased to an extraordi
nary degree the excitement already existing in favor of
France, and disposed a large portion of the nation to an
actual co-operation with their ally against its enemy.
Landing at Charleston, a seaport distant from the capi
tal, the envoy had a full opportunity of ascertaining the
temper of the people before presenting hunself to their
government. Sanguine in his temperament, of 'uncon-
troUed passions, excited to a degree of insanity by the
new-born ideas which raged in France, possessed of the
wildest dreams of national glory and aggrandizement, in
a word, the very incarnation of Jacobinism, he was the
fittest brand which the assembly could have selected to
hurl into the magazine of pohrical strife. His reception
was weU fitted to encourage him. Public authorities and
private citizens vied with each other in glorifying the repre
sentative pf European democracy. On aU sides he be
held the disposition he desired, and he did not delay in
profiting by it. Vessels were at once fitted out and armed,
men were enlisted, and commissions issued under his au
thority to cruise against the enemies of France. The con
suls, in accordance with a decree of the French national
convention, erected themselves into courts of admiralty,
and proceeded to exercise their "privileges and immuni
ties" by trying and condemning, in American ports, prizes
captured from a nation with whom America was at peace.
M. Genet's progress to, and his reception at Philadel
phia, were marked with the same evidences of popular
infatuation and of diplomatic arrogance. That aU grati
tude toward the faUen dynasty might be extinguished, in
presenting his letters to the President, this " representative
of our aUy" presented also the proofs of the views enter
tained by Vergennes and Montmorin toward the United
States ; official documents, manifesting " in plain terms
the sohcitude of France and Spain to exclude the United
States from the Mississippi ; their jealousies of the grow-

96 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 4.
ing power and ambition of this country ; and the wish of
France, expressed while the question was pending, that the
constitution might not be adopted, as it suited France that
the United States should remain in their present state, be
cause if they should acquire the consistency of which they
were susceptible, they would soon acquire a force or a
power which they would be very rep-dy to abuse."*
If republican France thus saw fit to expose the Machia-
velism of the monarchy, it was only that under cover of
this frankness she might exercise a still more treacherous
influence herself The object of the new government was
to draw the United States into the war against Great Bri
tain. The instructions of her envoy pointed out to him, in
case the government should be found unmanageable, the
same policy here which proved so successful in Europe —
the severance of the people from their constituted authori
ties. The conduct of Genet, and the disposition manifested to
support him in it, rendered necessary the immediate inter
position of the government to prevent the continuance of a
course which must have resulted, not only in an irreparable
breach of neutrahty, but what would prove more disas
trous, in a surrender of the independence of the country.
The new position in which the United States were placed
by this first occurrence of a general war in Europe, and
by the sudden and violent change in the form of govern
ment of the French nation, rendered necessary the digestion
of a permanent system of policy in regard to external
relations. This was settled and estabhshed after mature
consideration. The proclamation of neutrahty thereupon
was issued on the 22d of April, and instructions were
somewhat later sent to the coUectors of ports to prevent
vessels from arming in favor of either of the beUigerents.
The history of Genet's mission has been fiiUy detailed
• Genet's Instructions, published Dec, 1793. V. Marsh., 336, note.

1793.] OF WASHINGTON. 97
by Marshall, but a reference to these events has been
deemed necessary, as their consequences long continued
to operate, and as others wUl hereafter be narrated which
took their origin from this direction of party spirit. To
oppose its baneful influence was, throughout the remainder
of this and the whole of the succeeding administration,
the constant and most difficult task of the federahsts. To
warn the nation against its consequences, their ablest pens
were exerted and their most brilliant eloquence awakened.
It was the theme ofthe essays of Hamilton, the orations of
Ames, and the last great charge of Washington.
The arrival of Genet was the signal for the organization
in America of the Jacobin societies, whose machinations,
during the succeeding year, were so injurious to its tran
quiUity. Their views of universal reformation, and their
assumed dictation to government, were warmly supported
by the swarms of foreigners who were now pouring into
the United States ; and as extremes meet, the subjects of
monarchies furnished the best materials for repubhcans.'
Those who had never known fiberty were the most fitted
not only to enjoy, but to teach it. Now was the very-
carnival of democracy. It was to such a state of affairs
that the words of Montesquieu applied with a singular
force. "The corruption of each government," he says,
" begins with that of the principles. The principle
of democracy is corrupted not 6nly when the spirit of
equahty is extinct, but likewise when they fall into a
spirit of extreme equality, and when each citizen would
fain be upon a level with those he has chosen to com
mand him. Then the people, incapable of bearing the
very power they have delegated, want to manage every
thing themselves, to debate for the senate, to execute
for the magistrate, and to decide for the judges. Where
this is the case, virtue can no longer subsist in the repubhc."
As the Executive was found to be impracticable. Genet,
in accordance with his instructions, turned to the people,,
VOL. I. 9

98 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 4.
His letters to the department of state, written for the
purpose of pubhcation, and immediately sent to the Jaco
bin papers, breathed defiance and insult to the govern
ment, sympathy and affection for the oppressed and injur
ed nation. Pursuing his design of involving the country
in the war, he persisted, notwithstanding remonstrance and
prohibition, in arming vessels and making captures in the
waters of the United States ; his consuls following his ex
ample, openly disobeyed and resisted the laws. Expedi
tions were fitted out for mihtary operation against Florida
and Louisiana, and, as if the usurpation of the rights of
sovereignty were not sufficient, a direct appeal from the
President to the people was threatened. In all this he
was not merely supported, but stimulated by the opposi
tion. The clubs warmly espoused his cause, the anti-
federal papers vindicated every new outrage, calumnies
and abuse were heaped upon the administration from every
quarter, and the menaced appeal was boldly invited. Yet
these were the men who charged upon the Federalists a
subserviency to foreign influence.
As it became manifest that a speedy termination must
be put to this conduct, it was unanimously resolved by
the cabinet, that Genet's recal should be required of his
government, and a letter to that effect was written to Mr.
Morris on the 16th of August, which recapitulated at length
the offences of the minister. On the 18th of September,
M. Genet addressed the Secretary of State, less in his
own defence than in abuse of the President, and for the
first time in their correspondence, of Mr. Jefferson himself.
It had been not a httle remarkable that during this period
of high excitement, the Secretary of State, who it was sup
posed had concurred with the rest of the cabinet in the
proclamation of neutrahty, and most ofthe other measures
actuaUy adopted in reference to this new aspect of affairs,
who had been the organ of aU official correspondence with
him, should not only have retained undiminished his

1793.] OF WASHINGTON. 99
popularity with the opponents of those measures, but have
hitherto escaped censure from the minister himself Under
the circumstances therefore, it is not wonderful that sus
picions of hisduphcity were entertained; and such suspi
cions were not hkely to be removed by Genet's charge,
that he had used to him " an official language, and a lan
guage confidential ;" that he '"' made him beheve he was
his friend," and " initiated him into mysteries which had
influenced his hatred against aU those who aspired to ab
solute power" — in short, that he had been alike treacher
ous to his country and to his ally ; that he had instigated
Genet in his outrages, and abandoned him when he had
reaped their advantage.

TO NOAH WEBSTER. Philadelphia, May 90, 1793.
I have received your letter with the pamphlet, with the perusal of which I have
been highly gratified. I must set you a task for writing another, on a subject
more useful, important and honourable to our particular country, than any which
can be the subject of human contemplation. I mean a philosophical, historical
^and political view of the manners, customs and institutions of New England. I
wish the nature and effect of the civil and religious corporations to be consider
ed, as they respect the order, information and social condition of the people ; also
as they afford a guaranty for republican systems, as they tend to restrain danger
ous ambition, &c. I have not time now to explain myself fully, but I believe
you understand me, as I think we have conversed on the subject. If you wUl
undertake the work, I will thank you to make a brief, or argument of the
subject, and send it to me, that I may suggest any additional ideas. A book
of this kind, well written, is of the utmost consequence to explain to the people
their situation, and to prevent them from adopting any novelties in this age of
theory and nonsense. It is my sober opinion, that the hopes of mankind as they
respect the eventual success of the republican system, depend chiefly on the con
duct of the people of New England.; Since I have left that country, I have be
come an enthusiast, if not a fanatic, with respect to the customs of the northern
States. I send you a copy of some late papers, not that I wish to con-rince you
that the treasury have been honest, but as they contain some details which may
be of use to you in your speculations.

100 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 4.
TO FREDERICK WOLCOTT. Phila., May 20th, 1793.
* * * *
We are here considerably plagued with French politics. A party most intol
erably demand, that the French shaU be panegyrized and extolled for every thing
which they have done, and that other nations shall be censured and revUed. Citi
zen Genet, the new minister, issuecf commissions to privateers at Charleston,
which have captured several prizes. A British ship has been captured at anchor
in the bay of Delaware. These infractions of our neutrality wiU, I presume, be
censured by the government ; they must be restrained in future, or this country
wiU inevitably be dragged into the war, to the utter ruin of our affairs. It is
painfiil to think that we have any such fools and rogues, as are disposed to bring
on discussions, and excite parties, tending to irritate foreign nations and expose
the public peace. There is no man in this country, I hope, who does not wish that
the French should enjoy a free governraent. Many justly doubt whether their
present raeasures tend to secure to them this great blessing ; but in my opinion
we ought not to discuss this subject too pubUcly. It is a matter -with which we
have nothing to do. We should preserve our own peace, and set an example of
moderation to the world. It is certain that there is nothingfor us to imitate on
either side ofthe question. The despotic system of conquest and partition, and
the French system of fraternizing, are equally oppressive and villainous. A friend
of order, freedom and happiness, must equally hate the King of Prussia, the Em
press of Russia, the German tyrants, and those infernal robbers, Marat, Egalit^
and Robespierre, who murder and destroy under the deluding pretences of being
the friends of liberty and equality. The benevolent mind must contemplafe the
scenes of devastation occasioned by both parties, with the extremest anguish, and
can find no solace but in the expectation that a just God -will destroy both factions.
It must be the case that the confusions in Europe will continue for a long time.
I therefore view the situation of this country as critical. May every patriot finally
determine, that in all events it shaU not be involved. Phila., June 11, 1793.
I have perfectly recovered from my indisposition, and wish that I could indulge
myself on your hill in eating strawberries, and breathing the pure air of freedom.
This cannot be permitted for the present ; I must remain busily employed this
summer. Until the present stonn is blown over, it is necessary that aU the sea
men should stay with the ship.
You good people of New England ought to be proud of your situation. 'WhUe
the world is contending for and against liberty and equality, you can enjoy the
blessings of peace, security and independence, and if you but preserve the old
manners and institutions of your country, you wiU have the consolation of extend
ing the happiness which they bestow, to every part of America. You may be
assured that the success of the repubUcan system in a great measure, depends on
the conduct of the people of New England. * * »

1793.] OF WASHINGTON. 101
TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Philadelphia, June 11, 1793.
I have received your favour of the 31st ultimo, and was happy to be informed
ofthe general prosperity and satisfaction which prevails in the State of Connecti
cut. It would be much increased if the people could compare their situation'
with that of any other. New England is the only truly republican country oh
earth, and the final success of the repubUcan system depends upon their firmness,
moderation and virtue. If the present storm in Europe is of short continuance,
we shall avoid any trouble. If it continues long, especially attended with success
to the exterminating spirit of the French, I tremble for the existence of all civi
lized societies. If this country suffers from no other cause, it wUl be embarrassed
with obstinate and dangerous factions. At present, Europe is agitated with the
most violent convulsions. Poland and France in different ways exhibit frightful
examples of human misery. Several other governments appear to have no other
option than to sink under the iron sceptre of despotism, or be depopulated by the
poniards of enthusiastic demagogues. A wretched alternative for millions of
peaceable and -virtuous citizens.
FROM OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
LiTCHFrELD, June 17th, 1793.
Sir, * * * *
I have examined the statement of the Secretary of the Treasury which you
sent me, and although I am not able to judge of this business in the detail, yet
the energetic reasons which he has assigned for his own conduct, cannot, I be
lieve, fail of making the most convincing impressions, and fix his adversaries in a
state of despondence. I never had the least doubt, both as to the abUities and
rectitude of Mr. HamUton. Indeed a man raust be uncommonly stupid, not to
know that the national fiscal department must be conducted not only with regard
to every species of property within the United States, but to the whole system of
commerce, and whatever has the name of property, which can have any connec
tion with this country. The man who can take so comprehensive a view, un
aided by any former national experience, as to be able to establish a system of pub
lic credit after it was by abuse of all public faith and confidence nearly annihilated,
so as within the short term of four years fully to restore and establish it upon a
stable basis, and by his provident care to guard against aU contingencies which
might do it an injury, and by the same operation raise a people from the most
torpid indolence and despondency, to a state ofthe most vigorous enterprise, in
dustry and cheerfulness, and increase the value of property within the same
period one third more than it before was, (which I believe has been the case
within this state, notwithstanding our vast emigrations) he who can effect all
this without imposing a sensible burden upon any one, or deranging one useful
occupation or business, must possess talents and industry and a species of intui
tion, which vriU ever insure him respect and the highest esteem from aU but such
9*

102 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 4,
only as are infected by that basest and vilest of human affections, envy. In this
state I never heard any one speak of Mr. Hamilton but in terms of respect, and
the same of the officers of his department. I shaU furnish a number of gentie-
men in this part of the state with the reading of the fiscal statement which you
sent me, for although we are very quiet and confiding in the rectitude of the na
tional administration ; yet there are some who wish to have it otherwise (or I am
•mistaken) if they dare make the attempt — at present they dare not.
I have observed that gentlemen who have been for some time in Philadelphia,
seem to have very disagreeable apprehensions lest there should be some subver
sion of the national government. This I can raore easUy account for, as I never
was six months in Philadelphia during the war, but what I had different appre
hensions, and those very disagreeable ones, relative to the state of the Union, from
what I had upon my return there after a few months absence ; and I always found
that to be the case in regard to every other member of Congress. Indeed if they
had not been frequentiy supplied with fresh hands, the condition of the members
would have been intolerable. You will always judge right if you believe that the
vast body of the people who live north and back of that place, are of emphatically
different character from those who compose that factious, ignorant and turbulent
town. I believe that there is not one in fifty in New England but what will sup
port the present government, (in which computation I include Vermont, and also
reckon Parson Niles and some hysterical poUticians in Boston) and I believe that
there is not more than one in twenty north ofthe Delaware ; Maryland, if I mis
take not, wUl do the same. If at any future period our southern friends shall incUne
to dissolve the Union, they must count upon the Potomac and the Ohio, as the
line of division. This part of the Union will not adopt the French ideas of juris
prudence. I believe before the year 1800, Congress will be very wiUing to go
to Conogochegue, or any other place, so as they can leave PhUadelphia ; not but
that one half of the bustle and turbulence of that town is a mere matter of affec
tation and pride, and more owing to habitual security than any serious wish to
obtain what they seem to aim at.
The French are in a state of extreme delirium and extreme wretchedness. They
wUl suffer all the miseries which war can inffict, and in its consequences, proba
bly, famine and the pestilence. The avowed designs ofthe late European Con
gress to give France a king, will occasion serious reflection in the minds of mil
lions of the Old World. The combinations of lungs to maintain despotism
through Europe, is a question which will, within no distant period, be further
discussed in the old world.
When I sat down to wnte, I did not think of scribbling so long a letter, but
you will take it as ii is My kindest regards to your wife and yourself
OLIVER WOLCOTT.
TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Philadelphia, July 11, 1793.
Nothing material has lately occurred, except the destniction of the populous
and opulent settlement of Cape Frangois, which is mentioned in the enclosed pa-

1793.] OF WASHINGTON. 103
pers. It is said that this to-wn was as large as New York, and more populous.
All the whites who did not escape on board the vessels are supposed to have been
exterminated, and the same destruction wiU probably extend to Port au Prince
and the other towns in the French part of Saint Domingo. American property
to a great amount has been lost, besides the loss of a valuable market. The
wretched remains of the whites are daUy falling in here, and into the Chesapeake,
most of whom are in a deplorable state of poverty, and for whose subsistence im
mediate provision vrill be necessary.
It is not known that anything important had happened in Europe, tiU about
the beginning of May, at which tim'e some considerable actions had happened,
the result of which has been but incorrectiy detailed. The acquittal of Marat
is viewed by many here as the prelude to some new disorders in Paris. -The af
fairs of our own country are prosperous, but I tremble for the consequences of the
party-spirit which begins to appear. There seems to be some danger that French
and English factions will disturb our tranquiUity. A large privateer has actuaUy
fitted out from Philadelphia, under the French minister's directions, and sailed
down the river. No satisfactory promise can be obtained that she -will not pro
ceed to sea. This, of course, has occasioned much dispute, and parties appear to
be forming. It is a time for the exercise of firmness and moderation on the part
of all good citizens.

TO NOAH WEBSTER. Philadelphia, Aug. 10, 1793.
I perused your favor of the 5th instant, with sincere pleasure. The contents
and enclosure shall be used to promote the purpose you mention. It raust be
very consoling to the President to know that the measures which he has adopted
at this interesting crisis are approved by the discerning republicans of the coun
try. The sentiments of the people of Connecticut, you may be assured, are as
much regarded as any that can be offered. The city address was exactly to the
purpose, and will have a good effect here. It was fortunate that it contained an
intimation that you would resist a foreign influence. I expect soon to have the
pleasure of transmitting an answer.
You are, I presume, informed of the audacious conduct of a foreign minister,
if not, certain papers which have been published in New York by Citizen Will-
cocks, wiU convey a tolerable idea of it, though the offence has been incomparably
more aggravated than he has represented. On this occasion I hope to see the
proud and indignant spirit of our country awakened. Let it be known that we
can distinguish between an individual and a cause ; that we are competent to
manage our own concerns, and that a foreign influence will not be permitted.;
As this is the first attempt of the kind which has been made, it is important that
it should have such an issue as will render another improbable. Imagination
cannot conceive a more wretched scene than this country would exhibit, if fac
tion should arrange us under various interfering foreign interests ; every species
of villainy and corruption would be triumphant ; even the hell of despotism

104 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 4.
would be a refuge from such a situation. It is fortunate that great abUities are
rarely united to great depravity. In the present instance, America is to be con
gratulated that she can obtain from the presumption and vanity of Citizen Genet,
what she had a right to claim from his justice. By foolishly attempting to dic
tate, his personal consequence will be annihilated, and the country left calmly to
fulfil its engagements, and at the same time avoid the horrors of war and inter
nal disturbance. On this, as on all trying occasions, the friends of true liberty
look to New England for protection. On your firmness and stabUity of charac
ter, the fortunes of this country in a great measure depend.
Though I have no objections that what I have now stated should be known to
our particular friends, yet you will be pleased to consider this letter as chiefly
confidential. It wiU, however, be proper that the people should understand it to
be a real fact that M. Genet has insulted the government and behaved very im
prudently. The consequences of a foreign influence in popular governments,'
may be elucidated from the history of ancient Greece and raodem Italy, as well
as frora their more recent effects on the governments of Sweden and Poland.

FROM DR. LEMUEL HOPKINS. Hartford, Aug. 21, 1793.
My Dear Friend,
When you wrote me, the severe trial of some of the heads of departments was
a recent event. You gave your opinion in favour of the several officers who
conduct them having discharged their trust with zeal and foresight, even without
excepting the war department which was then the most unpopular. I am glad
to find that the public is now of the same opinion, and particularly that Col.
Hamilton has been rather benefited than hurt by the loud clamor of the southern
junto. Indeed, I could never bring myself to fear that they could eventually
hurt the treasury department, and as to their being able to render the President
unpopular, I am surprised that they should be so stupid, however chagrined and
wrong-headed they might be, as to think it worth attempting. I am sure it re
quires no uncommon knowledge of men and measures to foresee, that in spite of
all the fog of newspaper scribbling, the accessory aid of French politics, and the
several difficulties of making our new government walk alone, the attachment
of the people to him would decidedly appear whenever an event like that of his
proclamation and the abuse which that drew upon him should occasion them to
utter their sentiments. The leaders of that junto seem not only to think them
selves " Legion," individuaUy, but that each of their party is so too. I have no
doubt but French gold has been scattered in some of our cities. It may have
stimulated many a pen, and have made several presses groan in the anti-federal
cause. Genet, too, may have thought that he was to be the great aposfle of
genuine liberty and equality to these states. That he could easUy denounce the
President by an " appeal" from his judgment on any considerable matter, and
that the mob would fall on and effect his -wishes ; but they have to learn that
money must be scattered among the whole body of the people ; that a man bred
in France must long study our character before he fully knows how widely we

1793.] OF WASHINGTON. 10-5
differ from Frenchmen. All this, and much more must they learn, before they
can make us adopt Jacobin politics, as a people. The southern democrats ap
pear in newspapers, in speeches in Congress, &c., to come much nearer effecting
their measures than is really the case. It never was, nor can be, that the meas
ures of such men should be popular in New England. There is no such thing
as knowing such a people as the New Englanders, so as to calculate crooked poli
tics to their taste, without living among them from early youth. Harangues, ever
so well peppered with " well bom," " monocrats," " aristocrats," " heU of mon- ¦
archy," &c. &c., are so far from really affecting anything in these parts, that
whenever the still thinking part of the community can be brought to manifest
their minds on any measures of consequence, they will at once drown a din of
complaining politics which of itself would seem formidable. The more a man is
among all sorts of people, the more fully will he learn the unmeasured difference
there is between the sentiment of newspapers, replete 'with local politics, and the
opinions of an enlightened people in the peaceable and successful pursuit of
wealth and happiness. I find more and more, that a busy set of wrongheads
can at pleasure, stir up for a time, any sentiments they please in cities, and that
there is a great aptitude in most men to consider cities as worlds, or at least as
the manufactories of sentiments for whole countries, and much of this may be
true in the old world ; but in New England the contrary is, and ever wUl be
true as long as our schools, presses and town corporations last. The prompt,
highflying addresses of Genet, the bankrupts ofthe ancient dominion who would
still keep up the splendid exterior of their European ancestors, the insinuating
acts of French ministers which, often outweighed in the end the martial roar of
the British lion — all these, equaUy with the tag rag and bobtail of cities, must
give way to such a new order of things as exists in the Northern States. It will
take the nations, successively, a long time to find out what the matter is, and
whenever they come to find out, 'tis too late. This was the case ever with
mother Britain, wUl be more highly so with France, and so on of the rest.
Dear friend, farewell. L. HOPKINS.

FROM THEODORE SEDGWICK. Stockbeidse, 26th Aug., 1793.
My Dear Sir,
I believe I shall not impose on you an unpleasing task by subjecting you to the
trouble of reading the inclosed. The sentiments it expresses were very popular
here. Mr.  , you know, is elected. His conduct may be the result of the
manner in which he is received at PhUadelphia. He now, I am told, professes
himself federal. Neglect wiU not, I hope, make him otherwise. I wish it may
be in my power to attend the next session, though at present it is doubtful. Mrs.
Sedgwick, I have reason to hope, is recovering. Should my hope not be disap
pointed, I shaU attend my duty in Congress ; but should her present deplorable
state be continued, it wUl not be in my power.

106 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 4.
Pray, is the report of the commissioners on the public accounts a secret 1 If
not, you wUl gratify me greatiy by informing me of the result. The people here
are contented and happy. The few efforts which are made to disturb the public
tranquillity have hitherto been ineffectual. Present my respects, and, if you will
permit it, my affectionate regards to Mrs. Wolcott, and be assured that I am, dear
sir, with much esteem, your most ob't serv't and sincere friend,
" THEODORE SEDGWICK.

FROM TIMOTHY DWIGHT. 1793.
Dear Sir,
AUow me, without detailing apologies for my apparent negligence in so long
delaying this letter, to thank you, -with much affection, for the uniform sincerity
and hospitality which I found at your house. Assure Mrs. Wolcott of the gratefiil
sense I shaU ever entertain of the very polite and friendly manner in which she
rendered my residence there peculiarly agreeable, and of my best wishes for your
united happiness. Should your affairs allow, you would add much to our little
circle of enjoyments by giving us a -risit in your next Connecticut tour. Mrs.
Dwight, I need not teU you, very sincerely joins with me in evei-y wish of this
nature. I was, on many accounts, greatly pleased -with my journey to PhUadel
phia. The industry, thrift, and improvements of that city would be gratifying to
a person much less interested in things of this nature. But nothing gave me a
more sincere satisfaction than the present establishment of your prison. The
state of Connecticut has gone no small length towards meliorating the condition
of criminals, but is whoUy eclipsed by the wisdom and humanity conspicuous in
the treatment of these unhappy creatures I find in Philadelphia. To see a col
lection of people convicted of high trespasses against society and moral obligation
after such con-viction, orderly, peaceable, industrious, pleased with attending
religious worship, and with reading the bible and other rehgious books ; to see
them all fed and clad by their own industry, instructed and reformed in sentiments
and conduct, uttering neither profane nor indecent expressions, and without the
use of severity, either in word or action, induced from the influence of a regular
train of benevolent and equitable treatment, to prepare for readmission to the
esteem and blessing of civilized society, and finaUy to see them obtaining such
a privilege, is more than I ever expected, sanguine as I have generally been in
the belief of practical improvement in social well being. In this great and difficult
branch of such improvement, your fellow citizens have set an example to the
whole human race, and from the success which has foUowed their efforts have
encouragement to extend stiU further the same generous views of amending the
character and condition of man.
I beg you to present my respectfd compliments to Mr. Lowndes, and to teU
him I shall always remember with peculiar pleasure the interview I had with
him, and that, in my opinion at least, he and his brethren, the Friends, in Phila
delphia, merit the utmost respect and good wUl of all the friends of mankind, for
their many generous and well directed exertions in the cause of humanity. All

1793.] OF WASHINGTON. 107
persons of understanding, and indeed aU others, throughout New England, wholly
approve of the President's timely and judicious proclamation, and of the various
measures by which he has endeavoured to preserve a strict neutrahty to
wards the belligerent powers on the part of the United States. When his
communications to the Governor of this state were read before the legislature, at
their last session, they were received with a high and universal approbation.
Nor was the decision manifested by the President less approved than the nature
of his communications. Here a government without energy is laughed at, even
by those whom the public would most suspect of a tendency to licentiousness.
The effects of the general government on industry, morals, and happiness, are too
great not to be clearly seen by the most careless observer, and too pleasing not to
be strenuously retained by the most h«nnble possessor. Hence every attempt to
weaken its measures is considered with jealousy and dislike. The late very im
pertinent attaclis on the first magistrate, are viewed with a general and marked
indignation. Freneau, your printer, linguist, &ic., is regarded here as a mere
incendiary, or rather as a despicable tool of bigger incendiaries, and his paper as
a public nuisance. HappUy for the communily, all the writers on this side of the
question, whose productions I have seen, take effectual pains to disappoint them
selves. ¦ For the violence of their prejudices, the weakness of their arguments,
and the indecency of their sentiments, alike counteract the mischievousness of
their designs. Mr.  is elected for the county of Hampshire. You are high
in his esteem, and, I am told by good authority, can do much towards setting
him right. A word, &c.
Our season is fine and fruitful, and is a beautiful symbol of general prosperity.
Were we fairly freed from Indian troubles, we should have nothing to regret. A
war with Great Britain, we, at least, in New England, wiU not enter into.
Sooner would ninety-nine out of a hundred of our inhabitants separate from the
Union, than plunge themselves into such an abyss of misery. Greenfield Hill is
at present in a dormant state, and must continue so until October — other unex
pected business having demanded my attention. With sentiments of sincere
respect and affection, I am, dear sir, &c., your friend and servant,
TIMOTHY DWIQHT.
Some of the following letters refer to the first mafignant
fever in PhUadelphia. Its effects were extremely fatal ;
the officers of government were dispersed, and Washington
even dehberated upon the propriety of convening Congress
elsewhere. The abatement of the fever, however, ren
dered unnecessary a measure not beheved to be in strict
accordance with the constitution. Provision for such a
contingency was made by an act of the succeeding session.

lOS SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 4.
TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Phila., Aug. 30, 1793.

I have lately been vexed at reading the papers in this city, which have excited
a general alarm in respect to a putrid fever now prevailing here. The effects
already experienced in our markets are disagreeable. The alarm ofthe citizens
and their friends in the country, has, to my judgment, been injudiciously excited.
As I know the report will reach you much exaggerated, I think it necessary to
state the facts as they have come to my knowledge. It is true that a malignant
putrid fever has appeared in some parts of Water street, wliich is, partiy frora
necessity and partiy from carelessness, exceedingly filthy. It was brought from
the West Indies, or has been produced by putrid coffee which was exposed on
one of the wharves ; it Is not settled, however, which was its true origin. The
disorder has not yet been treated with much success, and individuals who become
infected in Water street have spread it into other parts. It seems, however, to
be chiefly restricted to those who live in confined places, or who have by accident
or imprudence received the contagion. Those who are temperate, who hve
cleanly and generously, have hitherto escaped, and though the citizens are much
alarmed and though the consequences cannot be foreseen, I feel no apprehension
of danger, and wish my friends neither to beheve nor be concerned at the reports
which are and wiU be circulated.

TO THEODORE SEDGWICK. Phila., Sept. 5th, 1793.
I have been favored with your letter of August 28th, and have received much
pleasure from perusing my friend Lee's oration. The late manifestations of the
public sentiment in regard to certain interesting questions, are highly honorable
to our country, and will serve to rescue repubUcanism from that opprobrium
which the demoniacs of France have cast upon it. They also prove that there
is a fand of good sense in this country, upon which those who administer the
public affairs may safely rely ; that the giddy politicks of our great towns are not
to be regarded ; in fine, that we have no Paris— the centre of vice, folly and fac
tion — to dictate public opinions, and overawe those who execute the laws. The
people of this country are too wise to suffer either kings or clubs to rule over
them. There has, however, been a time during the present summer which justified
a degree of apprehension; as men of all ages have been subject to epidemical
phrenzies, it could not certainly be foretold that the exertions which were made to
delude would prove unsuccessfiil. The danger is now past, and much credit is
due to the correct and manly conduct of the people.
The intimation in respect to your new member wiU be attended to. We were
formeriy intimately acquainted, and I had reason, from what then appeared, to
value his frienship. It will be a matter of course that it be renewed, if he should

1793.] OF WASHINGTON. 109
manifest a disposition on his part, which I can have no reason to doubt. The
report of the commissioners is not made public. I have spoken to the Secretary on
the subject, and I beheve that he wUl soon communicate it to the State executives.
Permit me to sympathize in your affliction on account of Mrs. Sedgwick's in
disposition, and to express earnest hopes for her speedy recovery. A maUgnant
fever has raged in this place for several weeks, which has greatiy alarmed the
citizens, and induced numbers to fly into the country. My situation, of necessity,
confines me here. I have yet been weU, and hope to continue so.
Late arrivals from Europe have informed us of the wretched situation of things
in France, which seem to be progressing from bad to worse. There is danger
that famine and its attendant pestUence, wUl complete the ruin of that devoted
country. A constitution has been published ; but it only proves that the conven
tion are either fools or under -violent restraints, for no body of men, however
peaceable, could possibly execute it for a single month. France must be con
sidered as ruined for the present age ; perhaps other najions may be involved in a
similar destruction.

TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen. Phila., Sept. 6, 1793.
I wrote you a line, a few days since, respecting a fever which prevaUs in this
city. It still continues, though its malignity is said to have in some degree
abated. Great numbers have left the city, and all the viUages in the vicinity are
fuU. My business is in such a situation, that if the danger shaU increase I shall
be able in about ten days to spend a fortnight in the country, or go on to New
York. At present, it is impossible ; nor do I think it at all necessai-y, as my
house is both airy and in a quarter where the disease has not yet appeared. I
mention these things to prevent any unnecessary anxiety about us. We are yet
well, and hope to continue so.
We have no news except what you have by this time probably heard. Conde
is taken ; the Austrians, &c., are slowly progressing against France, though it is
said the combined armies begin to want forage. In France, every thing is as bad
as possible ; civil war rages, famine and her attendant, pestilence, may be soon
expected to complete the ruin of that devoted country. The cool, cruel poUcy of
the British has destroyed the French West Indies by means of their internal
factions. Our commissioners have not been able to effect a meeting with the Indians,
unless by stipulating for the Ohio as the boundary. The war, therefore, wiU be
renewed. This was, doubtless, in a great measure owing to British influence.
The Spaniards are suspected of similar management with the Southern Indians.
On these points, however, I do not wish my name mentioned, though the facts
ought to be known. The effect they ought to produce on the people, should be
to make them watchful in respect to foreign interest, and firm and united in sup
port of their own. The world is enviotis of the prosperity of the United States,
VOL. I. 10

110 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 4.
and the European governments have been too long in habits of injustice not to
injure us. I wish we could agree to be united, and to hate and despise them as
they aU deserve.

Phila., Sept. 12, 1793.
I have judged it best to remove Mrs. Wolcott, her little sister, and a part of our
domestics, into the country, where I shall soon foUow them. « * »
The apprehensions of the citizens cannot be increased ; business is in a great
measure abandoned ; the true character of man is disclosed, and he shows him
self a weak, timid, desponding and selfish being. One half of the risques which
are incurred in the gratification of idle curiosity, or in the practice of the most
• degrading fanaticism, would administer relief to numbers who perish without
notice or the least assistance from their friends. The Africans are said not to
be affected, and, much to their honour, they have zealously contributed every aid
in their power. Sunday and Monday of this week have proved the most mortal ;
since, the disorder is said to have abated. It is very certain that it is communi.'
cated only by contact, or by specific contagion. The fever has not, except in one
or two instances, appeared in the quarter where I live, and my situation is as
favourable as almost any in the city. When I leave the city, I expect not to be
permitted to return — the alarm of the country being so great as to restrain much
intercourse. If you should not hear from me, you will not, therefore, be alarmed.
Col. HamUton lives about two miles out of the city, and by entering the house of
a sick person caught the fever. He was violentiy attacked ; but by a proper treat-
. ment, which few have had the good fortune to experience, he is believed to be out
of danger. I am the better satisfied with being in to-wn, as, by information from his
servants, I can render him some services without risque to myself. I have every
motive to induce caution, and feel no apprehension. I hope none wUl be expe
rienced by my friends, as it can render me no service.
Smith's House, hear Phila,, Oct. 10th, 1793.
I have heard nothing from you for some time ; but this I impute to an mtimation
in one of my letters that I was about to leave Philadelphia, or to the miscarriage
of some that were subsequentiy written. The dreadfiil sickness m the city con
tinues to occupy our chief attention. Its ravages are extending, -with added
circumstances of terror and distress ; many now die without attendance. The
kind attentions, the tears of condolence and sympathy, which alleviate pain and
in some degree, reconcile the dying to their fate, are frequently omitted by the
nearest friends and relatives. When generously bestowed, they are too often the
price of life. * * * »
Unless the disease shaU speedily abate, it wiU be utteriy impracticable to attend
to the public business in Pennsylvania. In any event, the disorder which
commerce wiU experience in this quarter, must be considered as a national
misfortune.

1739.] OF WASHINGTON. Ill

Smith's House, Oct. 17, 1793.
Since I wrote last, we have had some rain and cool weather. The effects are
already very beneficial ; the mortaUty has greatly abated, and but few, compara
tively, are taken sick. May God grant a speedy rehef from the dreadful scourge
with which we have been afflicted. * » » *
Perhaps the New York papers may faU in your way, in which is contained an
address of A. G. Fraimcis to the people, containing an attack upon the Secretary
of the Treasury and insinuations which may affect me. You may be assured
and may assert on my credit, if the subject is mentioned, that Frauncis is a villain —
that his claim is a fraudulent one — that the whole affair proceeds from party
enmity and disappointed avarice — and that when the matter is understood, as it
-wiU be, by the public, it -will appear that the Treasmy have conducted with pro
priety, and that they have the merit, if performing a duty can be caUed merit, of
resisting a deHberate fiaud upon the public.
FROM THE PRESIDENT. Mount Veenon, 14th Oct., 1793.
Sir, Lest my last letter to Col. Hamilton should have met some mischance, I send
a duplicate and request your care of it — the necessity for the heads of departments
assembling by the first of next month, becoming more and more apparent. Phi
ladelphia or vicinity is appointed for this purpose, where I shall be myself.
Let me know I pray you, whether the malady with which PhUadelplua is af
flicted, has extended to Germantown or neighbourhood. In a word, I would
thank you for precise information on this head, for I have not been able to get
any. A letter requiring this of the Attorney General is, I presume, stUl lying in
the post office, as I have received no acknowledgment of it, although written and
sent from this, the 30th of last month.
On the supposition that the fever in Philadelphia -will not have entirely ceased,
and the city sufficiently purified by the first of December, for Congress to assem
ble therein, what conveniencies would Germantown afford for this purpose?
thereby superseding the necessity of removing the public offices to a more distant
part. If this also should be conceived an unsafe, or an improper place, what
other is contemplated for the residence of Congress next session 1 Such infor
mation of the prevailing sense of those who are best acquainted with the true
situation of things in and about PhUadelphia, would be very satisfactory to me,
as our accounts here are so vague and contradictory, that we know not what to
rely on.
The report is, that Mr. WUling, President of the Bank, Mr. John Ross, Mr. Jona
than Sergeant, Mr. Howell, Col. Franks, and many others of our acquaintances
have fallen victims to the prevailing maUgnant fever ; that near 4000 have died,
and that the disorder rages more violently than ever. Are these things true 1 I

112 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 4.

hope you and Mrs. Wolcott keep your health. With esteem and regard, I am, sir,
your very humble servant, GO: WASHINGTON.

TO THE PRESIDENT. Smith's House, Oct. 20, 1793.
On the evening of the 17th, I had the honour of receiving your letter of the
14th instant, and have lost no time in obtaining the best information in my power
onlhe several questions therein stated.
The malady -with which the city is affected, has been progressive from the
time of your departure, untU Monday the 14th instant, at which time it had ex
tended nearly through the city. Several small remissions have been observed
during that period, aU of which were confined to cool days when the -wind was
in the western quarter ; whenever the wind had shifted towards the south, the
number of the sick and the mortaUty have invariably increased. On Monday
there was a slight fall of rain, which was succeeded by cool days and several
frosty nights ; the mortality of course diminished, and but few comparatively feU
sick ; the last days have been more warm, and the unfavourable eftects are at
present increasing.
From repeated observations, it may be certainly inferred, that the cause ofthe
malady still exists ; that its activity is increased by heat, and diminished by cold,
and the city will not be purified and rendered safe untU after heavy rains or severe
frosts. It was lately Dr. Rush's opinion, that the disorder was more violent and
more fatal, than at the time of its first appearance in the city. Nothing certain
is kno-wn ofthe number of -victims ; for some time information on this point was
carefiiUy concealed, but from data which cannot be very erroneous, I judge that
more than 4000 persons have died.
Mr. WUling was for some tune sick, but has recovered ; Mr. John Ross has
resided in the country, and is I presume weU. Mr. Sergeant and Col. Franks
are dead ; several gentiemen of the name of HoweU have faUen victims, and
among them a relation of Mr. Rawle, who was much esteemed. The account
ant of the war department has been indisposed, but he has recovered, and is now
in the country.
There is no point on which the pubHc opinion is more unsettled, than in re
spect to the degree of danger which attends any given position in the vicinity of
PhUadelphia. It is certain that some gentlemen of good sense, and those not
deficient in firmness on ordinary occasions, have removed from the villages and
estates in the neighborhood of the city, to more interior situations ; a greater
number who have not removed remain at home completely insulated from
society. I have regulariy obtamed information of the state of the city and the neigh
bouring places, and it is my opinion, that the disorder is generaUy, if not solely
communicated by contagion, that its ravages have been confined to no age, sex.

1793.] OF WASHINGTON. 113
or temperament, and that it has affected those classes of citizens most extensive
ly, who have been most exposed to intercourse -vrith each other. Six clerics in
the treasury department, seven persons employed by the coUectors of the cus
toms, several clerks in the different banks, and three persons in the post office,
have fallen victims. Several others have been affected who have recovered, being
in the, whole a very great proportion of all those who have been exposed. A
number of persons belonging to, or residing in the country, have contracted the
disorder by occasional visits to the city. Mr. Powell doubtless lost his life in
consequence of a humane visit to his house in town, to provide for the accommo
dation of a favourite servant ; the malady moreover appears to be contagious by
being constantiy observed to extend and diverge from infected places ; though it
is now spread nearly through the city, yet there are some neighbourhoods in
which it has not yet appeared.
There has all along been a considaiable diversity of opinion in respect to the
cause, nature, and manner of communicating the malady. Some have supposed
that it was generated in the city — certain facts however have been recently stated
to me, by men of indisputable honour, which leave no doubt in my mind that it
was introduced by an American vessel, with French passengers and property from
Hispaniola ; it has also been asserted on respectable authority, that there has
been no instance ofthe disorder being communicated to any person who has resid
ed out of the city. I must however however admit, that of the numbers who
have died in the -rillages and places adjacent to the city, I have known of no in
stance where the person affected had not visited the city. If the observation
should be found true in the latitude it has been made, it wiU miUtate with the
opinion I have advanced, and go far to prove that a residence near the city,
admitting the malady to continue, would be safe.
The Philadelphians will not abandon their present expectation, that the city
wiU be purified and safe before the meeting of Congress, without painful reluct
ance. In that event, it would be their wish, and that of the people adjacent, that
Congress should convene as near as possible to the city. Lancaster, Wilmington
and Germantown have been mentioned. It is supposed that the latter place
would under all circumstances, afford the best accommodations. I have made
fuU enquiry, and entertain no doubt that the town is free from contagion ; it is
certain that at present, not an individual is affected with the prevaUmg malady.
I have conversed with a magistrate of the town, and am informed by him and
other persons, that if events render it necessary, every exertion wUl be made to
accommodate Congress and the public offices. The school house with the ad
joining buUdings, may in my opinion, at a small expense, be altered and fitted up
so as to afford tolerable accommodations for the two houses of Congress, and
their immediate officers.
I have caUed at the house of the Attorney General, near Germantown, and
was informed that he was at Lancaster, but was expected soon to return. It was
suggested that your letter had been received, and that measures had been taken
for engaging a house, but the result was not known.
Col. HamUton is in New Jersey on his way to this place. I shaU therefore
retain the letter for him. General Knox is, I presume, at Boston ; to which place
10*

114 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 4.
I shaU address the letter transmitted to me by Mr. Dandridge, which has just been
received.

FROM CHAUNCEY GOODRICH. New Haven, Oct. 30, 1793.
My Dear Sir,
I have received much satisfaction from a short acquaintance vrith Mr. Smith
and Mr. Irwine ; the latter went the last week for Boston, the former has for seve
ral days been a steady attendant on the Legislature, and I hope, though he has
witnessed many uncouth things, yet on the whole he wiU not receive unfavourable
impressions of Connecticut. The Assembly wUl close their. sessions to-morrow ;
the only things we have done of consequence for you to know, are the appoint
ment of Mr. Mitchell to be Senator, and a' resolution to forward an amendment
of the Constitution, in respect to the suability of a State ; on the last question
there is a great unanimity of sentiment. It will be a happy circumstance if irri
tative measures, which are not immediately necessary, can be avoided ; most dan
ger is to be apprehended from the judiciary ; the people are in good humour.
I should have been gratffied by your father's election into the House ; some of his
friends imagined it not best for him, and most were scrupulous of alteration as to
the first two officers of government, so that on the election he did not find any
considerable support. I forgot to mention, Mr. Ingersoll declines a seat in Con
gress, and a new nomination is directed to take place the 4th of Nov., and the
choice of two representatives in Congress, the 25th ; the candiates are Mr. James
Davenport, Joshua Coit and Zephaniah Swift ; we have not any certain means of
calculation of the event. Among other biUs we have passed, one is a resolve for
appropriating the avails of our western territory to the societies of aU denomina
tions for the support of their clergy and schools. This biU occasions some heat,
and probably wiU more. I was con-rinced so many combinations, in respect to
the money we may at some fiiture period have for this land [would take place]
that an appropriation to any general object could not hereafter be expected, and
none pleased me better than the two above mentioned.
We feel an interest to have Congress sit in New York, if there be a necessity
of quitting Philadelphia, we -wish no such necessity may exist, and that the sick
ness may continue to abate. I am most affectionately your friend,
CHAUNCEY GOODRICH.
TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Falls of Schuylkill, Oct. 21st, 1793.
» * » *
The state of the public business is such as to require immediate attention, and
is so circumstanced that it cannot be neglected. What -wUl be our situation for
the winter is uncertain. The President has summoned the heads of departments
to meet at Germantown, on the 1st of November, when something wiU be deter-

1793.] OF WASHINGTON. 115
mined. Perhaps then I may stand in need of your kind offer for Mrs. Wolcott,
in case we cannot meet in PhUadelphia. I shaU inform you of what is concluded
on, and what may be necessary in respect to ourselves in consequence.

Philadelphia, Nov. 10, 1793.
I have received your favour ofthe 28th, and am happy to inform you that the
sickness has ceased, and that I have removed to town. The few convalescent
patients who remain cannot I think endanger the general health.
* * * *
I should be glad to know what sober men think and expect, in regard to the
French minister. By a letter to the contributors for the St. Domingo sufferers,
it seems that he is engaging people in this country in the pubhc service of France.
This insolence is insufferable, and I fear it wUl do us harm unless it is properly
noticed. AU depends in such cases upon the public sentiment, and it is interest
ing to be weU informed on the subject.

CHAPTER V.

THIRD CONGRESS  FIRST SESSION.
The anti-federahsts had, by aid ofthe influences above
detailed, obtained for the first time a majority of the house.
Mr. Muhlenberg, who had been Speaker during the first
Congress, was elected by ten votes over the federal can
didate, Mr. Sedgwick. The Senate was about equaUy
divided, the casting vote of the Vice-President generaUy
deciding the more important questions.
The policy to be pursued by the federal government
in regard to the new condition of affairs in Europe, had
been settled during the summer upon broad and well-
considered principles ; but the preservation of its peace
is not always in the power of a nation, and the condition
of our foreign relations, owing to the conduct of other
governments, was critical. No settlement had been ef
fected of the vexed questions with Great Britain arising
from the treaty of peace ; no commercial arrangements
had been concluded ; the impressment of our seamen
continued ; the negociations between the Secretary of
State and her Minister had produced nothing but uxita-
tion ; in addition, she was suspected of exciting the hos
tility of the northern Indians, and of fomenting the diffi
culties with Spain. The French repubhc, besides in
triguing through her Minister to draw the United States
into the war, had, ia direct contravention of her treaty,
authorized the arrest of neutral vessels laden with ene
mies' goods, or with provisions destined for an enemy's

1793.] SECOND ADMINISTRATION, ETC. 117
port, and Great Britain had retorted with a simUar order.
Systematic depredations under both, had commenced on
our trade. The Spanish government resisted our claims
to the navigation of the Mississippi, and, emboldened by
its alhance with England, assumed an attitude of dicta
tion and defiance towards the United States. Through
its agency, the tribes of the southern frontier menaced
with devastation that extremity of the country.
To add to these sources of difficulty, the Algerines had
commenced anew an active warfare upon our commerce
in the Mediterranean, and had consigned the crews of the
captured vessels to slavery. In this. Great Britain was
likewise suspected of bearing a part. On the conclusion
of a peace between Algiers and her aUy, Portugal, she
had withdrawn a fleet which had for some time restrained
the depredations of the corsairs, and the capture of our
vessels which foUowed as a consequence, was looked
upon as a motive. The suspicion, though probably un
just, had much weight in the then doubtful position of the
two countries.
The internal peace of the Union was scarcely less pre
carious than its foreign relations. The insidious conduct
of France had been calculated to throw the odium of her
own acts upon the poficy of the federal government. Its
partisans in the west attributed to the administration the
vexations which former French intrigues had entailed
upon them. Expeditions under the authority of Genet,
were preparing to obtain by force, those advantages
which, while Spain was an aUy of France, they had uni
ted in denying to America, and which were now to be
conquered by American arms, not for herself but for oth
ers ; the discontent at the revenue laws was ripening into
resistance in Pennsylvania ; the Jacobin clubs were every
where busy in creating sedition. Under this state of things
Congress met, and its complexion was little calculated to
excite confidence or hope. Washington, in his speech,

118 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 5.
which was delivered on the 3d of December, referred to
the events of the summer, and urged that immediate pro
vision be made for the protection of the country. A mes
sage of the 5th, transmitted the documents relative both
to France and England.
In discussing the answer to the speech, no open attempt
was made to justify the conduct of the French Minister or
to censure the measures of the President. " An attack
on the administration," says Chief-Justice Marshall, " could
be placed on no ground more disadvantageous than on its
controversy with M. Genet ;" and the subsequent course
of the opposition showed that this was at least the main
cause of their forbearance. In aU the debates of the
session, an extraordinary sensitiveness for the honor of
France was exhibited. Every imputation upon her prin
ciples or conduct was visited with an unaccountable
promptness of indignation ; a disposition to sacrifice even
the best interests of America to her wishes, showed itself
to a degree that would have seemed the height of roman
tic gratitude to those who knew not its motive ; the anti-
federalists appeared to have forgotten that they had a
country of their own, so wrapped were they in sohcitude
for the welfare of the new repubhc. The federahsts
were overwhelmed with reproaches and charges of at
tachment to England ; the causes of complaint against
Great Britain were made the daily topic of excited de
nunciation ;• while the flagrant violations of treaty, and the
open depredations upon our commerce by France, were
passed over in silence, or treated as the natural results of
the conduct of her enemies. Yet the government which
thus enhsted the sympathies of the people, and was thus
defended by their representatives, was that of Robes
pierre ; it was the Reign of Terror which formed to the
anti- federalists the beau ideal of a republic ! And men
here, patriots and repubhcans by excellence, were found
daring enough to hold up this Juggernaut to pubhc wor-

l'^93-] OF WASHINGTON. 119
ship, and with the same ease with which they had trans
ferred their idolatry from Louis XVI. to his executioners,
that pubhc now bowed down to their murderers, to Robes
pierre and the revolutionary tribunal.
The prmcipal topic of the session was Mr. Jefferson's
report upon " the privileges, and restrictions on the com
merce of the United States, in foreign countries." This
document had been called for so early as February, 1791,
at a time when the state of Europe and the relations of
the United States were essentiaUy different, when no vsrar
existed between France and Great Britain, no negocia
tions were pending between the latter country and our
own, and no aggressions had been made by the former
upon our domestic peace. When, after the lapse of near
ly three years, it was at length produced, such egregious
errors were detected that a supplementary report became
necessary. Accuracy, had not, indeed, been its object.
The report was designed to support a system of discrimi
nating duties, in which the importation of French, was to
be encouraged at the expense of British products and
manufactures. It had been, in every line, studiously
framed to misrepresent the commercial regulations of
Great Britain, and to color favorably those of France ; to
add to the feehng in favor of the one, and to increase the
hostility against the other. It was kept back until an op
portunity offered of using it with effect, and this session,
convened amidst unparaUeled exciternent, when national
sympathy and national hatred were at their, utmost height,
was deemed a fitting occasion. It is worth remarking that
Mr. Jefferson, in this last act of his secretaryship, besides
distorting facts, advocated a principle which, in com
mon with his adherents at the south, he had hitherto re
pudiated, that of protection to manufactures by means of
duties. His object in maintaining this pohcy at present,
was unquestionably the same which dictated his system
of discriminating duties. Thus, although a protective

120 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 5.
tariff, when simply for the interest of American manufac
turers, had been opposed; protection, when favoring party
views, could be readily supported. There has been a fa
vorite maxim of Mr. Jefferson's followers, that "principles
never change." The more correct reading would seem
to have been, that " circumstances alter cases." The
principles of Mr. Jefferson's report were embodied in a
series of resolutions introduced by Mr. Madison. Upon
these ensued a debate, which continued with intervals
through a great part of the session, and in which, the
strength and recklessness of the French party were alike
shown. The proposed system, however, eventuaUy faUed
of adoption.
Soon after the presentation of his report, Mr. Jefferson
resigned his office. He was succeeded, on the 2d of Jan
uary, by Mr. Randolph ; and WiUiam Bradford, of Penn
sylvania, was, on the 27th, appointed Attorney-General
in place of the latter. Touching the appointment of Mr.
Randolph, a circumstance i§ narrated in Jefferson's "Ana"
which is interesting in connection with the subsequent
history of that officer. Washington had consulted Jeffer
son as to his successor. He says : " I asked him whether
some person could not take my office ad interim, till he
should make an appointment ; as Mr. Randolph for in
stance. 'Yes,' says he, 'but then you would raise the
expectation of keeping it, and I do not know that he is
fit for it, nor what is thought of Mr. Randolph.' I avoided
noticing the last observation, and he put the question to
me directly. I then told him I went into society so little
as to be unable to answer it. I knew that the embar
rassments in his private affairs had obliged him to
USE expedients which had injured him with the mer
chants AND shopkeepers, AND AFFECTED HIS CHARAC
TER FOR INDEPENDENCE ; THAT THESE EMBARRASSMENTS
WERE SERIOUS, AND NOT LIKELY TO CEASE SOON."*
" Vf. Jeff. Wri., 494, " Ana."

1793.] OF WASHINGTON. 121
Somewhat in contrast with this delicacy was his can
dor m respect to the merits of another person named. It
appears that Washington had Wolcott in view among the
persons upon whom the office of Secretary of State might
be conferred. Mr. Jefferson says "He asked me what
sort of a man Mr. Wolcott was. I told him I knew noth
ing of him myself I had heard him characterized as a
cunning man." ^ Judging from his subsequent appoint
ment to a more responsible office, this hearsay slander
had not much weight with Washington. Nothing could
in fact be more unjust. The last quality of Wolcott's
mind was " cunning."
An extract from a paper, written by the latter some
years after, gives the reverse of the picture in his opinion
of Mr. Jefferson.

" The flexibility of Mr. Jefferson's principles, and his intimate acquaintance
with the factious chiefs and instigators of the French Revolution, designated him
as the leader of a party at an early period ; and it is but just to admit that until
his elevation to the Presidency, few men ever practised the arts of political chi
canery with greater address and perseverance. The articles of confederation had
become altogether inefficient, and Mr. Jefferson in common with most of his
countrymen admitted the necessity of invigorating the ties of national union.
He however disapproved of several important provisions ofthe constitution pro
posed in 1787, but at the same time accompanied his opposition -with such
circumstances of doubt and equivocation, as exempted him from the then unpop
ular imputations of be'ing an anti-federaUst. In the office of Secretary of State
he was distinguished for an attention to all those trifles which attend the minds
of half learned, dreaming politicians and superficial scholars ; and by those acts
became the idol of the whole class of vain impostors in every branch of science.
Knovring the nature and objects of that tremendous explosion, the materials for
which he had assisted in preparing in France, he easily acquired a reputation for
great wisdom and foresight by predicting the general course of events. Being
perfectly acquainted -with the seducing theory by which the revolution was to be
recommended to the people of all countries, he was enabled to take a stand as
one of the eariiest converts to the doctrine of liberty and equahty, and to exhibit
himself as the most skilful apologist for the crimes and errors by which this doc
trine was to be established. He stimulated the prejudices of the French Minister,
Genet, against his colleagues in the American Cabinet, and after he had been
• " Ana." 4. Jeff. Wri. 494.
VOL. I. 11

122 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Ceap. 5.
seduced into intemperate measures, this too sanguine instrument of his intrigu
ing ambition was sacrificed without scruple. By a nice distinction between
men and principles which Genet had made to justify his own opposition to
Washington, Mr. Jefferson at once acquired a considerable portion of confi
dence with the grave and reflecting part of the community, without losing the
support of the French Government ; and though he acquired by this conduct the
character of " an accommodating Trimmer," with the personal friends of the
French Minister ; " yet with the mass of the community Mr. Jefferson appeared
with the double recommendation of being the ardent admirer of French princi
ples, and the skilful opponent of an unpopular individual.
In his discussion with Mr, Hammond, the Envoy of Great Britain, Mr. Jeffer
son manifested the same duplicity of character. After discovering that Mr.
Hammond had no powers to conclude a treaty of commerce, the want of this au
thority he treated as an evidence of imfriendly sentiments on the part of his
nation ; and as would seem probable vrith a view of increasing the supposed irri
tation, Mr. Jefferson proposed to Mr. Hammond an exchange of notes in which
the mutual complaints of the two countries against each other should be speci
fically detaUed. A more notable expedient for fomenting a quarrel could not
have been devised, and the event justified the expectation which might have been
formed. Mr. Jefferson negotiated a quarrel with great address with Mr. Ham
mond ; and after having caused dissensions in the cabinet, having blown every
spark of discontent into a flame, having embroiled his country in controversies
with two powerful nations, and made liimself the central point of every faction;
he then (to adopt the memorable words of Fauchet) " prudently retired ;" learing
the difficiUties he had created, to be composed and adjusted by his successors."
The probability of a war with England was increased
during the winter, not only by the violent hostility ofthe
opposition, but by the conduct of that power itself; and it
became evident that the defensive preparations recom
mended by the President were absolutely necessary.
Measures for this purpose were accordingly introduced,
and let it be remembered, by the so caUed British party.
From the federalists originated the embargo, the navy,
the additional troops, and the provincial army. In aU
these measures they were encountered by the majority of
the opposition. The conduct of the anti-federahsts was
indeed extraordinary. While on one hand they opposed
to the utmost, the estabhshment of a smaU naval force for
the suppression of the Algerine cruisers, and recommend-
» Gov. Clinton, whose daughter Genet married.

1794.; OF WASHINGTON. 123
ed in lieu thereof the purchase of peace with those
pirates — on the other they passed every measure which
could plunge the country into a war with the most power
ful maritime nation in the world ; and the principal
weapons with which they proposed to coerce her, were
commercial restrictions, non-intercourse and the seques
tration ofthe debts due to her subjects. It is seldom that
a course of conduct is without its motive, and the debts
owed by the South, and particularly by Virginia, furnish
a clue to many obscure points in our political history. To
them more than to any other cause, was owing the stead
fast opposition manifested to any settlement ofthe difficul
ties with Great Britain. Every subterfuge which legisla
tion could devise had been resorted to, to avoid their pay
ment, and as from these evasions much of the difficulty
with that power was owing, so now an escape from them
was sought in the continuance of the quarrel. Virginia,
which governed the opposition, had no commerce. It
was not upon her that the losses of a maritime war would
fall, nor were the seamen who had been captured by the
corsairs her citizens. A navy, or an embargo did not, there
fore, further her interests, and although the seizures under
the British provision laws, and the annoyances of British
commercial regulations, afforded to her as to the feder
alists, a ground for indignation, she uttered no similar com
plaints against greater outrages on the part of France. It
was not the crimes, but the cruninal that she condemned.
Never indeed did the character ofthe two parties contrast
more strongly or more favorably to the federahsts, than
during this period. While their opponents thwarted every
measure of defence against a catastrophe which they
seemed determined to bring about, the friends of the ad
ministration were laboring to avert the war, and making
preparations to meet it if unavoidable.

124 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 5.
FROM JEDEDIAH MORSE. Charleston, Dec. 16, 1793.
My Dear Sir,
Since I had the pleasure of seeing you in PhUadelphia, that city has been the
theatre of scenes of undescribable distress. I have been extremely soHcitous for
your and Mrs. Wolcott's safety, as weU as for that of other friends, and I most
sincerely rejoice with you in your preservation, and the restoration of health,
happiness and business to the city. I hope the calamity -wiU not prove so inju
rious as was once expected. Good Dr. Sproat is among the dead. Have the
congregation suppHed his place ? The present is considered here as the
most interesting period. The issue of General Wayne's expedition, of Genet's
threatened prosecution of Messrs. Jay and King, of the President's re
quest to have him recalled, of the combined attempts of Britain, Spain, Algiers,
&c., to ruin our commerce, of the powerful and increasing operation against
France ; are events of great expectation. The body of the people repose great
confidence in the wisdom of the President, of Congress, and of the heads of depart
ments. The President's speech meets with much approbation. It is worthy of
himself. We have some grumbletonians among us, who, when the French are -ric-
¦ torious, speak loud and saucy, but when they meet with a check, sing smaU. They
form a sort of pohtical thermometer, by which we can pretty accurately determine
what, in their opinion, is the state of French poHtics. The French cause has no
enemies here — their conduct, many. There are some who undistinguishingly and
undoubtedly approve both, and most bitterly denoimce as aristocrats aU who do
not think as they do. This party, which is not numerous, nor as respectable as
it is numerous, are about forming a democratic club, which, I think, they caU the
" Massachusetts Constitutional Society." I don't know their design, but suppose
they consider themselves as the guardians of the rights of men, and overseers of
of the President, Congress and you gentlemen, the heads of the principal depart
ments of state, to see that you don't infringe on the constitution. They don't
like nor see through your borrowing so much money in HoUand. They are very
suspicious about money matters.
A society held for the information and advice of foreigners who come to settle
among us (of whom there have been many this last summer and fall) is about to
be established. Some of our leading men met last evening for the purpose, and
have appointed a committee to prepare a constitution. It wiU be a benevolent
and usefiil society. I am now engaged with Mr. Webster, of New York, in the
compilation of a Gazetteer of America. Dr. WUliamson was pubUshing an ac
count of the territory south of the Ohio when I was in PhUadelphia, with a map \
Carey was printing it. I wish to know whether it is published, to have a copy of
it if it is, to forward to England, to a correspondent there, by a vessel goingfrom
Boston the beginning of January. WUl you do me the favor to enquire of Carey
whether it be published, and forward me one or two copies. I should like one to
keep. I wiU see you compensated. If I mistake not, I am now doing what you
gave me leave to do, or I don't know that I should have intruded on your valua
ble time, which is occupied in such important concerns. Pray, is Carey going on

1794.1 OF WASHINGTON. 125
with his Geography 1 I was told lately that he had given it up. Have you had
an account of Kentucky in a series of letters. If you have, what is your opinion
of the work 1 May it be relied on ? By the way, I have not heard whether Mr.
HamUton has received the Geographies I sent him last summer. I hope they did
not miscarry. We are all weU. With best respects to Mrs. Wolcott, I beheve
that I am, in truth. Dr. Sir, your friend and servant, J. MORSE.

TO JEDEDIAH MORSE. Philadelphia, Dec. 30, 1793.
The most important question which promises to engage the attention of Con
gress is, whether they will enter into a system of commercial discrimination
between the trade carried on to different foreign countries. Mr. Jefferson's report
which you will see in the papers, contains the outline of what will be said on one
side of the question. Many facts necessary to a judgment on this subject, vrill
probably hereafter come before the public. This is a leading and important
measure. If adopted, which, by the way, it wUl not be, it would lead this country
into aU the mazes of European politics. The favours granted to one power would
disgust another, the consequences to our commerce could not be calculated, and
would depend much on our comparative force and influence abroad. If this is a
good project, it must be postponed until the affairs of Europe have acquired some
settled policy. For the present, we must try to be just and impartial to all the
world, at least until we receive such injuries as render it proper to declare war.
Though a Connecticut man in religious opinions, I declare war against all half
way covenants in politics. It is a fortunate circumstance that this country pos
sesses resources by which the Algerines can be easily managed. I take it for
granted that something decisive will be done on this subject. The present state
of things in Europe cannot continue long. Any resiilt will contribute to our
security. My hopes are stronger than my beUef respecting a favourable issue.
TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen. Phila., Jan. 2d, 1794.
I am to acknowledge your favour of the 9th December, which was seasonably
received. Since the meeting of Congress, I have been unusuaUy engaged— to
repair the derangement which the public business suffered during the late
sickness. It is not easy to form any estimate of what the new members wiU think of the
pubUo business. We are to presume that many of them vrill endeavour to be
candid and impartial. Others come impressed with violent and inveterate preju
dices, and most of them must be uninformed of many interesting particidars.
There is too much of a disposition to meddle with foreign affairs, and to love and
hate nations without reason. The Algerine business has excited much resent
ment against the British. I fear it wUl not have precisely the effect which I
11*

126 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 5.
could vrish ; if the consequence had been to make us love our country the better,
and to make all parties desirous of strengthening our resources ; if it tended to
convince us that foreign nations will disregard justice frequently, and generosity
constantly, when in competition with their interests, we might derive advantage
from the misfortune ; but great wiU be the mischief if it shall induce a more inti
mate connection vrith foreign nations and dependence on them for support. The
great effort appears to be to enter into a system of discrimination in our foreign
commercial connections, favourable to France and unfavourable to England.
The outHnes of the plan appear in Mr. Jefferson's report. This is a leading
measure, and if adopted, will engage us completely in the mazes of treaties and
commercial politics, by which we must suffer whUe we remain the weaker power.
May God grant that this country may never become a satellite of Europe, or have
any special inducements to enter into other treaties than such as manifest ex
pressions of amity to all, and leave us the entire power of consulting our own
interests. I send you certain documents on the questions with Genet, and wiU transmit
the rest as soon as they are printed ; they will explain the insolent conduct which
has been pursued, and the difficult and dangerous situation of our affairs.
FROM OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Litchfield, Jan. 13, 1794.
Sir, Your fa-aour of the 2d instant, with its enclosures, has been received. TiU I
had read this correspondence, I had not imagined that the French Minister had
given the go-vemment trouble to the extent which I find he has done. The inso
lence and injustice with which we are treated by the warring nations, I think,
ought to induce government, not only to provide for its internal defence, but seri
ously to begin ,to establish an efficient naval force — to effect which, the objects of
.taxation must be extended, and I imagine that a land tax -wiU become necessary.
The Americans are the objects of the envy and jealousy of the mercantUe powers
of Europe, on whose justice or moderation no rehance can be had. No benefit
can be hoped for by partial commercial treaties, as respects our commercial secu
rity, but the contrary ; and no treaty, I beheve, ought to be adopted but upon the
general principles of amity, and the most obvious and permanent reciprocity. If,
in the event of things, other treaties shaU become indispensably necessary, their
duration ought to be limited ; the shorter the better. I think that the Enghsh
and Spaniards wUl endeavour to get possession of St. Domingo and Martinique,
and hold them to indemnify themselves for the expenses of the war. If these are
their views, it wiU account for some of their conduct, and should the event take
place, it wUl be important and consequential relative to America. America must
have a navy sufficient to make it respectable in the American seas ; we can
never be secure without it. European powers have too much commercial property
on this side ofthe Atlantic not to respect a power which, in this way, can make
a deep impression upon them. There are none of them to be trusted ; but the
Spaniards less so than either the English or French. * *
OLIVER WOLCOTT.

1794.1, OF WASHINGTON. 127
TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Philadelphia, Jan. 18, 1794.
The reason why I do not write oftener is, as you suppose, o-wing to the per- ¦
petual crowd of business during the session of Congress. The calls for informa
tion, as they are styled, keep the public officers in constant employment. If we
found that our labors contributed to " inform," there would be a satisfaction in
complying with the reiterated demands wliich are made ; but when they appear
intended to perplex, or excite suspicion, and thus lay the foundation for new in
quiries, you wiU readily beUeve that compliance must be irksome. It wUl be a
long time, I hope, before the friends of the government will relinquish the task
of defence. Patience and perseverance, with a good cause, must finally prevail
over the unrelenting persecution of the Virginia party.
The great project of the session appears to be an attempt to establish commer
cial discriminations, unfavourable to Britain and favourable to France. The Vir
ginians, in general, hate the English because they owe them money ; they love
the French from consanguinity of character. Hence we must trade, not simply
with a view to profit, but to display certain romantic affections and gratify re
sentments. The knowing ones have other reasons, and of a nature rather to be
thought than spoken of The people may be certain that aU the cant about
" aristocracy," " interested measures," and " tendency to monarchial plans,"
means something very different from what is pretended ; they are now honestly
served, and I hope they wUl continue to enjoy that good fortune. Genet is
proved to have issued commissions in South Carolina for raising 5,000 men to
operate against the Spaniards. The only excuse made, is, that no mUitary acts
were to be performed in the United States. The troops were to march out of
our territory, and this, it is contended, would constitute an act of expatriation.

FROM CHAUNCEY GOODRICH. HAKTFORn, Feb, 10, 1794.
My Dear Sir, » * * «
PoHtics are with you ; and from what you write and what we read, they keep
their old character of waywardness. If we let them have their way, they wont
do quite so bad as we fear, and never so weU as they might. For it is true that
the vrisest man can't do all the good he meditates, perhaps littie raore than dis
concert rogues and sometimes lead Sans Culottes right, and rogues can seldom
do all the mischief they intend, though more than half the time they wiU gull
the Sans Culottes and have them on their side. We have an early account of
the matter, in Satan's manoeuvres in Paradise, which infidels may quarrel -with
as long as they please, the gray-headed politician will see too natural not to be
true. Mr. Madison's propositions are insidious ; the end designed by them -will
not be effected. I think we may predict, the agricultural interest -wUl neither be

128 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 5.
dragged or cajoled into a war. Cities are subject to sudden passions, and the
dupes of design ; but the body of our country is under the influence of cautious
and reflecting men, interspersed in aU quarters. However favorable a regard
most express for the national cause of France, separate from the excesses of its
rulers, no one avows an inclination for war.
Has not the government something to fear from its northern officers becoming
jaded out, or wiU they stay in place to disobhge their enemies, as well as firom
patriotism? Who is to be Attorney-General"? How are parties in Congress as
to the treasury system, &c. 1 I remain your affectionate friend,
CHAUNCEY GOODRICH.

FROM ELIZUR GOODRICH. New Haven, Feb. 25, 1794.
Dear Sir,
The bearer hereof, Mr. EH Whitney, a young gentleman who has occasional
ly resided in my famUy for some years past, is on a journey to Philadelphia, to
lodge a model and receive a patent for a machine, which he has invented for
cleansing cotton from its seeds. The invention I conceive does much honour to
its author, and promises profit to him and utility to his country, especiaUy to the
southern States. As I know you to be the friend of improvement, and imagining
that should business permit you to view the model, you wUl be pleased with
the invention, and the neatness and ingenuity wherewith it is reduced to prac
tice, I have requested him to exhibit it to you, previous to lodging it -with the
Secretary of State. Mr. Whitney graduated at Yale College, Sept. 1792, sus
tained a very fair reputation in the academic studies, and is perhaps inferior to
none in an acquaintance with the mechanic powers, and those branches of natu
ral philosophy which are appHcable to the commerce and manufactures of our
country. To theory he happily unites talents to reduce it to practice ; a circum
stance which is rarely found in our young gentlemen of collegiate education.
Surpassing the exactest workman of my acquaintance in wood, brass and iron, he
is his o-wn master workman in these respective branches, and resorts to himself
to reduce his theories to experiment and practice. His designs are to obtain pa
tents in England and other foreign parts, and for that purpose he hopes to avaU
himself of a rule, which Mr. Jefferson informed him was established in the office
of the Secretary of State, viz. . that the models lodged in pursuance of the act of
Congress, were not Hable to pubUo inspection. He wUl however cheerfuUy ex
hibit his model, and explain its principles to you, and such patrons of useful inven
tions as you may wish to introduce, as I have informed him that you feel too
strongly interested in the inventions of this country, to suffer any thing to escape
you, whereby a foreigner could rob the authors of their prospects of profits. I
have the pleasure to inform you that I and mine are in health and happiness.
Mrs. Goodrich joins me in suitable respects to Mrs. Wolcott, and I am -with
esteem and friendship, your humble servant, ELIZUR GOODRICH.

1794.] OF WASHINGTON. 129
TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Phila., March 2d, 1794.
In the present situation of our public affairs, we have continual applications
from Congress, in relation to facts for supporting or invalidating the arguments
of conflicting parties. The trouble occasioned by this state of things is almost
infinite, but it will be cheerfully bestowed, in case it tends in any degree Insecure
this country from participating in the most desolating war which ever disgraced
the human species. I believe if the country continues firm and steady, we shall
avoid actual war, though the mercantUe interest must suffer great loss. If how
ever the spirit which governs too many in our great towns and some popular lead
ers, becomes prevalent, the honour and liberty of our country -«-iU be sacrificed.
The dreadful examples in France have now secured even the worst governments
in Europe from innovations at this time, and though the French cannot, and wUl
not be conquered by their enemies ; yet every thing respectable in society will be
destroyed by the pressure of the most implacable and sanguinary despotism that
was ever erected. This state of things renders the British and other governments
less careful to treat us with justice, and the more wilUng that we should disgrace
our principles by falling into disorders. They well know that our external force
is nothing, and that external injuries will produce internal factions which we
cannot manage.
There is too much reason to fear that a considerable force has moved from Ken
tucky against New Orleans. Such an event would greatly perplex the govern
ment. It is certain that Genet sent his commissions, and that a large body of
men have been engaged. A cruel return to the United States for the expense
which has been incurred on their account. There is but one way for us to avoid
troubles of the most serious nature, and that is, to determine that we -will not go
to war. If commerce cannot be pursued, we must discontinue it, but this wUl
not be necessary if we are prudent.
A committee of fifteen members are investigating the state ofthe treasury de
partment. Some of the members are enemies to the Secretary, but he is an hon
est and able man, and as every thing in relation to his official conduct is capable
of a sohd defence, no injury can be infficted. It wiU occasion us some hard work,
but this we are used to, and do not mind.
TO FREDERICK WOLCOTT. Phila., March 3d, 1794.

You gentlemen of the country instead of thinking that you know less, ought to
be sensible that you know more of every thing useful and desirable to be known,
than those who live in cities, which are for the most part the seats of vanity,
ignorance and -rice. Of this be certain, that when the country becomes possess
ed of the same spirit and character which is prominent in most of our great towns.

130 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 5.
the happiness and liberty of our country wiU be terminated. This is not spleen
of mine, for I have met with nothing special to excite disgust. Ask Mr. Tracy
or Mr. Swift when they return, and they wUl teU you as I do. The people of
Connecticut at this time enjoy the best state of society, and are the most happy
community under heaven. They have the reputation of being in this situation ;
they have therefore the strongest motives for maintaining their present character.
Be assured that their representation in Congress is considered as the most re
spectable in the United States, having no scape goat, and no character destitute
of respectable talents. The only effect which this information is intended to pro
duce, is contentment with what passes in this imperfect state. By knowing what
is the best we are to expect, we naturally become satisfied. It is not natural but
artificial eril, which is the chief cause of our anxiety.

FROM CHAUNCEY GOODRICH. Hartfokd, March 10th, 1794.
My Dear Sir,
We are become quite solicitous about the measures of government, for now
our legislators have grown from the pigmy size of continental politicians into the
enormous stature oflordsof a world, we daily feel ourselves increasing in our
bulk, and now begin to extend our thoughts far and near, and throw about sys
tems as we were wont to do foot balls. As yet it rests onlyin speculations ; we
don't act, not even in resolves democratic, or boast panegyrical or condemnatory.
It is doubtful whether we shall attain to that perfection of grace, seeing our cities
are so small in extent and numbers, and so many of them. One of them did, it
is true, lately become a little intoxicated ; but on sleeping, has, I understand,
regained a more sober state, and it is hoped will in future be circumspect.
The sympathy or connection between nations is greater than heretofore. I
had imagined, and it seems almost impossible to keep ourselves from being in-
gulphed in the foUies and excesses of Europe — one part of it cajoling us, and the
other irritating our spirits by the most impolitic and mad acts. After all I think
the sober reason of our country wUl have so much self government, as not to
risque its tranquillity or happiness, tUl the extremest necessity requires it. I presume
the party who espouse measures to the contrary, are inconsiderable in comparison
to the whole. A distinction is to be made between an attachment to the cause
of the French, and a serious determination to embroil ourselves. When a party
have a measure to carry, they cover it over a while and gUd it with some
specious appearance, and make such a clamor, it seems as if the world were at
their heels. Men of reflection give them their humour, but when they come to
act, it is with an invincible force. Minorities frequentiy plume themselves on
being most in numbers, and to their shame, find only a few left who have gone
too far to retreat. A question so interesting as the peace of America, must be
ultimately decided by the voice of the people ; and yet they heartily deprecate .
a war. Should Congress commit the peace of this country, it would not be long
before they woul4 hear the expressions of a very general resentment and be
obliged to change their measures.

1794.] OF WASHINGTON. 131
It is natural to expect the Sans Culottish spirit should in a degree infect people
and contaminate public measures, and a nice and dehcate regard is necessary
on the part of government to Check or restrain its excesses. There are moments
when government does well not to go retrograde, or even to hold itself in exist
ence ; and the question then does not seem to be, how much good can be done,
but how much evil can be prevented.
I have no doubt unwearied endeavours are used through the Union to embitter
the public mind and sow jealousies of the government, and with partial success ;
some such are found here, but as yet I don't obsefve any discontent to be regarded .
Our sober good folks regret the want of union in Gongresg, and think it strange
they divide so uniformly on almost all questions ; they say. General Washing
ton will at last set thein right ; they yet look up to him more than they do to the
Almighty, for they think he is nearer to them, and have no doubt of his ability
and will to do them good.
If we mean to succeed as a Republic, and we have had too much good from
one to give up the idea, I believe we must devise some better way than now in
practice, as to our relations to foreign nations and negociations. A set of diplo-
matiques scattered over a republic, is a kind of Beelzebub with his family in the
midst of republicans ; they operate directly on the public mind, and that is the
will of our government ; but if we must have a corps of such creatures of our
own abroad, and of theirs here, we ought as soon as possible to learn our people,
they are an enemy in disguise of friends, who are come to corrupt with their gold,
terrify by threats, cajole, and above all, work through our public presses their ovra
schemes. If it be neeessary we ought to be told, it is considered an evil among the works
of God ; and though no man among us may touch the person, because he has at
tributes of majesty and nations in every nerve, yet we ought 'to know, that mis
chiefs like Hydras are constantly springing out, and that it is our duty to destroy
them instantly on sight. One more Genet in this country will make us sick of
diplomatiques. If we want to do any business abroad, give some good fellow a
letter of attorney and let him do it. This borders on the democratic, and is most
likely only the ravings of an uncourtiy wretch. Every body says, we ought to
have as little to do with Europe, except in the single article of commerce, as pos
sible. Yet we want treaties, ambassadors, navies, etc., and all because we would
not be connected with them. An old Quaker would not do so ; he would keep
the peace by minding his own business, and letting other folks alone, and if he
was struck on one cheek he would turn the other, and though he would not exhi
bit much true spirit he would live in peace, and not die in debt. * *
Yours, CHAUNCEY GOODRICH.

FROM OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Litchfield, March 17, 1794.
Sir, Your letter ofthe 2d instant, enclosing one to your brother, has been received.
Although it is very agreeable to receive letters from you, yet in the present op
pression of your business, I do not expect you will find time to write often. The

132 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 5.
same men who are pursuing other measures, destructive of the interest and honor
of their country, have for a long time been persecuting the Secretary ofthe Trea
sury, hoping that they may either find some error in his conduct, or be able to
give the alarm of suspicion or harass him so far as to induce him to resign his
office ; but I trust they -wUl be disappointed in their nefarious designs.
» » I find that I have been entirely disappointed as to what
would be the decided prevalent conduct of the present Congress. There are not
only some very artful, designing and ambitious men amongst them, and some
such are always to be found in every popular assembly, but there certainly must
be a most undue proportion of members destitute of ordinary understanding ;
otherwise the honor of these States would not be prostituted in the manner in
which it is. Do not these men know, that by their ridiculous altercations and
divisions about matters in which America has no interest, and by enhsting them
selves under the banner of foreign ministers they only render their country the
proper object of insult ! Is it possible for any nation, the most unenlightened, to
have the least respect for such a government ? If these people are determined to
go to war, it ought to be against those who have insulted them the most and
are the least able to annoy them, and these certainly are the French, who have
more grossly violated the laws of nations than any other, (and that under the ac
cumulated guilt of breaking a solemn compact) and by a most insidious attempt
have been practising to draw us into a war, contrary to their public professions —
and the same conduct, under some other specious appearance, will continue to be
practised by them. Genet is too abhorred a vUlain to have his name mentioned
by any man of the least honor or -rirtue. I trust that the French will not get
possession of New Orleans. There is no nation in the universe whose neighbor
hood we ought equally to detest. I am clear in this opinion, that in the present
delirium of the European nations, which, I believe, cannot last long, and in the
present state of America, she ought not to go to war upon any event, unless in
sulted in her harbors or upon her coast, and we ought to be in some condition to
guard against such an abuse. The nations who have warred upon France must
perceive that all attempts to reduce them will be unavailing. It is not best that
they should succeed, and they cannot gratify their resentment so effectually as
by letting the French alone, and in their anarchy to suffer the savage, murderous
disposition of that people to recoil upon themselves.
Individual characters in the present Congress are justly esteemed by us, among
which number, I am happy to know that the gentiemen from this state are
ranked, but the collective character was never so low asat present; and Ibelieve
there are few men with us of information, but place confidence in the wisdom
and stability of the Executive, and wish not to see the least cession of his consti
tutional powers, which it has been attempted to induce, and that he exercise in
the most plenary manner every power which he is vested with, and not suffer any
act of Congress to pass but what obtains, from clear conviction, his most entire
approbation. In the exercise of such authority, I am well persuaded, he will be
supported by the people of America. And no other influence ought ever to be
adduced from the opinions of the mobs of our capitals, but that they are, and for
ever wUl be, repugnant to the sober and prevalent sense of the people of these
States. OLIVER WOLCOTT.

1794.] OF WASHINGTON. 133
TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Philadelphia, April 14th, 1794.
* » » •
This last winter has been to me the most anxious of my life ; the perplexity of
business has increased artificiaUy by the enquiry into the state ofthe department,
and the critical state of our public affairs has rendered the time unpleasant. I
presume that the enquiry is nearly over, and that the result will be satisfactory.
I am certain it wiU be so, if truth and candour have any influence on the decision.
The committee, or at least a majority of them, would on party principles be dis
posed to censure the Treasury ; but I believe that but few will be disposed to disre-
gard)truth and evidence in their report. If the people ofthe United States knew how
perversely their business was managed by a faction, how zealously some were
endeavouring to engage us in war, how every measure tending to place the coun
try in a state of defence, or to promote a friendly explanation with those who
injure us, was embarrassed and prevented ; I am certain that their resentments
could not be repressed. It is not to be denied, that since Great Britain has been
at war with France a foreign influence has been visible. The motives are too
many and probably too disgraceful to be detailed ; the aboUtion of certain debts,
the ruin of the public credit, and a degradation of the government may however
be mentioned, as they are understood to be avowed objects with many. To
accomplish these purposes, a conduct has prevailed in our great towns generally,
and in some of the southern states, which could not fail to excite the suspicions
and resentment of Great Britain and Spain ; these causes, with an unfortunate
deviation from neutrality in ono instance, and the great extent to which a con
traband or masked trade has been carried on from some parts into this quarter,
have tended to give colour to intrigue which those powers were otherwise dis
posed to commit. It may be added, that the British Minister* is a weak, vain
and imprudent character, very much in the company and under the influence of
sour and prejudiced tories, who wish to see the country disgraced. The conse
quence of which is, that we suffer real injuries which we no otherwise resent than
by puerile declamations, and by propositions which can have no other effect than
to disuiute and to disgrace the country. This state of things is precisely what a
party wish should continue ; they therefore oppose all measures which would
produce an an explanation, and at the same time obstruct aU arrangements for
either offensive or defensive operations. The state of irritation which is thus
kept up, the loss of property and consequent risk of the pubHc credit which is pro
duced, subserves this grand design of an intimate coalition with France, founded
on the weakness and degradation of this country. It is a more humUiating con
sideration to perceive how devoted many are to the banners of a foreign leader,
and painfiil to reflect on the dreadful consequences which may ensue from a war
undertaken with such views and designs. For my part, I do not hesitate to
declare that I had rather know that the United States were to be erased from exiaf-
» Mr. Hammond.
VOL. I. 12

134 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap, 5.
ence than infected with the French principles, or under the influence of any
foreign nation whatever. A bold and very honorable course of conduct has been
adopted by most of the members from New England ; and, in the opinion of all
reflecting men here, if the country is so fortunate as to avoid war, it must be by
their exertions in restraining the violence of faction. Instead of sequestering
debts, inhibiting the importation of British manufactures, partial commercial
arrangements and weak indulgences to France ; the real friends to this country
are endeavouring to secure the harbours, to increase the public force and revenues,
and to call for » faU explanation of the designs of Great Bntain towards us.
Some of these measures have obtained fully, others partially, but all have been
violently opposed. Nothing very wrong has yet been done, though much has
been attempted ; on the whole, the session has reflected no honor upon the
government or the country. Weakness, passion and suspicion have been leading
characteristics in the public proceedings ; the only salutary reflection which it can
have produced is, that the tone of the government must be braced, not weakened,
if the people do not mean to be cheated out of their liberties by an inoperative
administration. I am happy to believe that this true impression has been received
by the northern gentlemen, who are Indeed the only men in Congress (-with some
few exceptions)competent to judge ofthe subject.
Lest you suppose that I have too severely criminated the opposition and war
party in Congress, I send you a paper containing the late votes ofthe Democratic
Society in Philadelphia ; all the charges which I have imputed are to be found in
this paper. It is here well known that these popular societies speak the senti
ments of Certain demagogues, and that the clubs consist of hot-headed, ignorant
or wicked men, devoted entirely to the views of France.
I think I may assure you that the embarrassments of this country have, in a
great measure, been the fruit of designing politicians that war may be yet avoided,
by negotiation, but that every exertion wUl be made to lead this country into
measures of which war is to be the consequence.
OLIVER ELLSWORTH TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Philadelphia, Ap. 5, 1794.
Dear Sir,
I thank you for your letter, received some time since, and for your opinion of
Mr. Madison's propositions. Probably you do not mistake in supposing them to
be insidious and incapable of producing any other effect than mischief They
have not, however yet passed, and I trust wiU not.
The debts of the South, which were doubtless among the causes of the late
revolution, have ever since operated to obstruct its benefits.by opposing compulsive
energy of govprnment, generating mist and irritation between this country and
Great Britain, and, of course, giving a baleful ascendancy to French influence.
Under these auspices, an extensive combination of the wicked and the weak has
been arranged for some time past, and wUl probably continue its efforts to disturb
the peace of this country so long as the European contest contmues in its
present state of dubiety. Some precipitate measures are now contemplating in

1794.] OF WASHINGTON. 135
Congress, but I hope in a few days we shaU see the business turned into a channel
of negotiation, and a respectable special envoy sent to London, on the subject of
commercial spoHations. A negociation of this kind, with proper interior arrange
ments to give it weight, would, I presume, save us from war.
I do most sincerely sympathize vrith you in the afflicting state of your famUy,
and am, dear sir, with every sentunent of esteem, your ob't humble serv't,
OLIVER ELLSWORTH.

OLIVER ELLSWORTH TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Philadelphia, April 16, 1794.
Dear Sir,
In a late letter I suggested to you the idea of turning our grievances into a
channel of negociation. I now venture to assure you that Mr. Jay wUl be sent
as special envoy to the Court of London, with such powers and instructions as
probably will produce the desired effect. His nomination wUl come forward
this day or to-morrow. He is now here, and has this moment informed me of
his determination to accept the appointment if it shaU be made. This, sir, will
be a mortifying movement to those who have endeavoured by every possible
means to prevent a reconciliation between this country and Great Britain. The
British instructions of the eighth January which I sent you, begin to operate
favourably in the West Indies. The embargo I trust, wiU not be continued
beyond the thirty days for which it was laid. It ought not to have been laid at
all. * * With much respect and esteem, I am, dear sir, yot.
obedient humble servant, OLIVER ELLSWORTH.
TO NOAH WEBSTER. Philadelphia, May 3d, 1794.
I acknowledge your favour of the 20th of April with the enclosed pamphlet,
which I have perused with much satisfaction. It is precisely the thing which I
have long wished to be published, and will eminently serve to fix the pubhc
opinion on national principles, and to tranquillize those passions which have
threatened the peace of this country. Whether the governments of Europe have
arrived at that maturity in wickedness, which renders it necessary on physical
and moral principles that the people should revert to barbarism, I pretend not to
determine. That all governments of the degree of vigor of those of Europe,
which have cultivated the arts, sciences and commerce, terminate in this way,
is certain from universal experience and the known principles of human nature.
I do not therefore expect a speedy return of tranquillity. I am certain that the
modern French principles are inconsistent with the present state of society in
Europe. If the French succeed in their resistance, they wUl do more, and over
turn every government, except perhaps those in the north of Europe, The de
struction will moreover be signal and complete, and wiU equaUy involve the re
finements which have contributed to improve and adorn, or degrade and debase

136 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 5.
human nature. The reason is obvious ; the mUd pMlosophic and the insolent
oppressor, wiU from habit and interest oppose radical changes, and wUl therefore
be indiscriminatingly proscribed as the enemies of reformation. If the French
are subdued, Europe will be crushed under the despotism of tyrants. The people
must either expect the tranquillity which prevails where liberty is extinct, and aU
the energies ofthe human mind are subdued, or the crimes and desolation which
mark the exit and formation of empires. There is no alternative ; Europe must
be what Asia now is, or must witness a repetition of those horrors which subverted
the Roman empire.
During this interesting period, the duty of an American citizen is ob-rious ; we
ought carefuUy to guard against any deterioration of our principles, to reject all
novelties and innovations, to respect ourselves, to offend none, to be prepared for
defence against invasions and intrigues, and above all, to come to an absolute de
termination, that we wiU on no account become a party in the war. From the
moment that we engage in war, I consider every thing as unsafe ; we cannot in
that case proceed regularly, without changing the whole machinery of our govern
ment. If the war is conducted on desultory predatory principles, the United
States will become the resort of profligate ruffians from every country, who wUl
corrupt us, and render it impossible to maintain our present government. With
these principles you wUl believe that I read the book you sent me with pleasure,
and with a sincere wish that it may produce the good effects for which it is
calculated.

TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen. May 3d, 1794.
I received your letter announcing the intelligence of my mother's death.
Though this event has been for some time expected, yet it was not the less ago
nizing to me, who have been deprived of a parent who possessed and well
deserved my most perfect affection, gratitude and respect. It is however (fa such
melancholy occasions that the dignity of virtue and the consolations of religion,
appear most conspicuous ; and happy it is, for us that in the life and death of our
mother they have been fully illustrated. To live with honour and respect, to die
lamented, and confidentiy to expect a happy futurity, is to attain every good
aUowed to humanity. In all these particulars our departed parent was eminentiy
distinguished. Congress have completed but Httle of the important business before them. I
wish I could bring my mind to believe, that no danger attended this country.
The passions of many are so violent, and such the real diversity of riews and
interests, that the prospect of tranquiUity and permanency in our pubhc pohcy
has much diminished. The fortunes of America and ihe destiny of repubUcan
ism, depend on the stabiUty of the northern States. We must have a govern
ment, and this is the last that can be settled in the United States, by the general
consent of the present members. There is much to be apprehended from the
great numbers of violent men who emigrate to this country from every part of

1794.] OF WASHINGTON. 137
Europe. Our people here and at the southward, are much cheated by their false
professions and their intrigues, and there is real danger of some violent explosion.
I expect that the session wUl continue nearly through the present month.
Several interesting questions are depending, which wUl require the exertions of all
the sober characters belonging to Congress.
Some of the events of this winter will now require a short
review. During the last autumn it had been ascertained
that a plan was on foot for organizing an expedition in
Kentucky against New Orleans, and that several French
agents commissioned by IVTr. Genet, had actually com--
menced operations. IVTeasures were immediately taken
to prevent their further progress. In the winter another
project was discovered of attacking the Floridas by a force
from Georgia, which was defeated by the vigilance ofthe
Legislature of South Carolina. The detection of these
schemes rendered necessary the adoption of decisive mea
sures towards their author, and he was only saved from
actual dismission by the news of his recall.
The withholding ofthe navigation of the JVTississippi was
a serious injury to the settlers of the country west of the
AUeghanies, and had been the subject of continued dis
satisfaction among them. Notwithstanding that the gov
ernment had urgently pressed this matter in its negocia
tions with Spain, their discontent was extended to the
administration, and was evidently fostered by the same
hands that had nursed sedition in Pennsylvania, and for
the same purposes. The occasion was seized by the
French as a fitting one for forwarding their own views ;
the excitement was dexterously fanned into a flame, and
the possession ofthe river was connected with visions of
conquest, and even of a separate national existence. An
angry remonstrance sent to the President and to Congress
at this session, by some citizens of Kentucky, concluded
a demand of their rights by obscure hints of a dismem
berment, in case they were not obtained. The governor
of that state himself, declined on most extraordinaiy
12*

138 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 5 .
grounds, the exercise of his authority in preventing the
meditated attack. This spirit was maintained for some
time in the western country, and reference wiU be here
after made to other occasions on which it showed itself.
M. Joseph Fauchet, as the ostensible IMinister, with
M.M. La Forest and Petry, under the respective titles of
Consul-General and Consul for Pennsylvania, as his asso
ciates, was sent to succeed M. Genet, and reached this
country in February. The latter, for good reasons of his
own, remained in this country ; his failure might, under
Robespierre, have cost him his head ; the instructions un
der which he had acted, which he published as a justifi
cation of his proceedings, in disclosing the designs of his
own government, reflected little credit on the party by
whose aid he so nearly succeeded in carrying them into
effect. Early in April, while the preparations for the expected
war were in progress, and before the decision on the va
rious commercial propositions, news arrived of the revo
cation, by the British government, of the instructions of
the 6th November, and of some concihatory explanations
from Lord GrenviUe. The opportunity offered for the
amicable adjustment of the existing difficulties with that
nation, was at once improved by the President, and on the
16th April, Chief Justice Jay was nominated Envoy Ex
traordinary to the British Court.
As the proclamation of neutrahty, and, indeed, every
measure, not only for the preservation of peace, but of the
dignity and sovereignty of the nation, every assertion of
its rights against the demands of France, in fine, every
act of whatsoever nature or kind originating from the Pre
sident or the federal party, had become the subject of op
position, of gross personal abuse and falsehood from the
Jacobin press, it cannot be expected that this nomination
should have escaped the same fate. In fact, hardly a
measure of Washington's whole administration incurred

1794.] OF WASHINGTON. 139
more censure, it may be said, more vilification. In Con
gress, the greatest efforts were made by the opposition to
defeat the objects of the mission by the adoption of hos
tile measures.
About the same time, Mr. Morris was, at the request of
the government, recalled from France and, with some
hesitation, Mr. Monroe appointed in his place. This
nomination was confirmed on the 28th of May. It was
imagined that his known principles on the subject of the
French revolution, would obtain for him a greater degree
of confidence from the government and the better ensure
the success of his mission. The result, however, showed
the error of such a reliance. The objects of a mission to
France were now become of vital importance. Her sur
reptitious attempts to draw this country into the war, had
been but a part of the injuries committed by her. The
long-continued and distressing embargo on the vessels in
the port of Bordeaux, illegal captures by French shipS of
war and privateers, the seizure and forced sales of car
goes and their appropriation to pubfic use without pay
ment, the non-performance of contracts made by the
agents of the government for supplies, the oppressions
exercised by their courts of admiralty, the taking all for
eign trade from individuals into the hands of government,
successive orders and decrees contrary to treaty stipula
tions, were fast making up a catalogue of wrongs against
our self-styled ally, that far over-shadowed those which
had so justly excited public indignation against Great
Britain. Unless these could be redressed — war, submis
sion to the wUl of France, or national disgrace and pri
vate ruin must follow.
Mr. John Quincy Adams was, in the month of May,
commissioned Minister Resident at the Hague.
The adjournment took place on the ninth of June.
The majority obtained by the anti-federafists in the House
of Representatives had at last enabled them to effect the

140 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 5.
desired object of preventing references to Mr. Hamilton
on the measures pertaining to his department. Fresh
enquiries had been instituted into his conduct and a com
mittee of fifteen, of which a majority were members of
the opposition, appointed to investigate it. Their report
was made on the 22d of May. " The result," says Mar-
shaU, "was the more honourable to the Secretary because
it was conducted by those who were not his friends."
Notwithstanding their minority, the federalists were
generally successful in preserving the principles of their
own pohcy as regarded both the affairs of state and of
finance. Acts were passed providing for the fortification
of the principal forts ; for raising a corps of artiUerists and
engineers ; directing a detachment from the militia and
for obtaining a supply of arms ; and authorizing the Pre
sident to lay an embargo.' While these defensive mea
sures were thus adopted in case of a necessity of war,
those introduced by the opposite party tending to produce
it, were, including the discriminating duties of Mr. Madi
son, defeated. Circumstances during this session aided
the federalists in obtaining these successes, but the abihty
of the leaders contributed not a httle to the end.
There was one act resisted to the last by the anti-fed
erahsts, and finally carried by a bare majority in the
House, and in the Senate by the casting vote of the Vice
President, of which the justice and propriety were so ob
vious, that a faction bent on war at all events, and for any
cause, could alone have opposed it. It was the biU " in
addition to the act for punishing certain crimes against the
United States." This biU prohibited the exercise within
the territories ofthe United States, of those acts of sover
eignty which M. Genet had arrogated. It rendered penal
the taking arms against neutral powers, levying war
against their territories, fitting out vessels for the purpose
' The embargo was laid March 26th, and continued to May 25th, 1794.

1794.] OF WASHINGTON. 141
of privateering on their commerce, or selling their prizes
in our ports.
For the purpose of meeting the expenses arising from
the present situation of affairs, additional funds were re
quisite. A loan of one miUion was authorized for the
exigencies of public service, another ofthe same sum for
purchasing a treaty with the Algerines and ransoming the
captives in their possession. This course was advocated
by the anti-federalists in preference to a navy, as less ex
pensive and in accordance with the usages of much more
powerful nations. The few frigates which were provi
sionally permitted to be built were to be discontinued on
the conclusion of peace. As additional revenue was ab
solutely nesessary, the committee of ways and means were
directed to report the sources from which it could be ob
tained. The debates on the report manifested a wide dif
ference of opinion between the two parties upon this point.
The anti- federalists proposed raising the whole sum re
quired by additional imports on imported goods, and by a
direct tax on real estate. The motive for urging this latter
tax was unquestionably that, as the most unpopular, it
would result in the speedy breaking down of their rivals,
and when in after years it became necessary in view of
apprehended war to impose such a tax, it was used as a
means to this end, and Mr. Jefferson's administration
rested much of their claim to popularity upon its abolition.
It was now however ad^^ocated by his adherents.
The federalists on the contrary proposed an extension
ofthe objects of internal taxation, and succeeded so far as
to procure its imposition upon carriages for the conveyance
of persons, on hcenses for retailing wines and liquors, on
sugar refined, and snuff manufactured within the United
States, and on sales of property at auction. Some addi
tional duties were likewise laid on imports.
During the session the Commissioners appointed in
1790, to examine and adjust the accounts of the several

142 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 5.
States with the United States, made their final report.
Balances were found due to Massachusetts, Connecticut,
New Hampshire, Rhode Island, New Jersey, South Caro
lina and Georgia. The others were debtor states. For
these amounts stocks were issued of the kind and in the
proportions contemplated by the act of 1790, and provision
was now made for the payment ofthe interest thereon.
The legislature of Connecticut at their May session com
missioned Wolcott and Mr. EUsworth, or either of them,
to loan to the United States the balance thus found due.
They had some years previously acted as commissioners
on the part of the state in the settlement of these accounts.

CHAPTER VI,

SUMMER AND FALL OF 1794.
' FROM COL. JOHN TRUMBULL.
Falmouth, June 8th, 1794.
Dear Sir,
I have the pleasure to acquaint you that Mr. Jay landed this afternoon in toler
able health, though much fatigued with the passage. The British April packet
arrived only yesterday with the account of his appointment. He wUl proceed to
London unmediately. This is not, perhaps, a place for correct inteUigence, but
I am told by some respectable people that the disposition here is favourable to his
object. It is also said that Portugal has renewed the war with the Algerines.
An attempt has also begun in Poland at an emancipation from the division of
last year, and is so far successful. The French conduct the war in Flanders this
spring as they did on the Rhine last year. No week, and few days pass without
a battie. The loss of men is great on both sides, but neither has as yet gained
any decisive advantage. I am truly your friend and servant. JNO. TRUMBULL.
London, June 23d, 1794.
Dear Sir,
I wrote you a few lines from Falmouth by the packet of the 9 th, to say that
Mr. Jay was arrived and weU. He has now been in town a week, and so far as
can be judged from the conversation of merchants concerned in the American
affairs, there is reason to hope a favourable issue to his mission ; but how it may
end we must not be too sanguine. Your friend Barlow was by the last accounts
at Hamburgh ; what doing I know not. He had found it necessary to quit
France. It will by no means answer for liim to come to this country, and unless
his opinions and principles change, I hope he wUl not find his way to America.
If he should, exert yourself to convert him from the error of his ways. The-v\-ar
goes on -with miabated violence. The papers will teU you of the terrible naval
battie, than which, few more obstinate or bloody are recorded in British History.
Both fleets are expected to be at sea soon, and wUl probably meet again — the
British to complete, the French to retrieve the glory of the day. The French
have decidedly the advantage on the frontiers of Spain and Italy. They lose
ground on the Rhine ; and in Flanders, after many obstinate confficts, neither

144 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 6.
party has gained much. Ypres is now besiet-ed by the French and several un
successful attempts have been made by Count Clairfait for its rehef It can hold
out but few days, and if it faU, all the coast of Flanders is laid open ; for it was
a measure of the Emperor Joseph to dismantle most of the fortified towns of this
quarter, and Ypres is now the only one of any strength. Serious apprehensions
are entertained for Ostend, and Lord Moira's troops, which have been lying at the
Isle of Wight, are said to be ordered thither to reinforce the garrison. They
saUed yesterday. My only hope is that all parties wiU see the inutUity ofthe
war by which none appears to gain, and of the which the great consequence is
the immense waste of human blood, happiness and treasure. The government
of France has had another change of hands, and Danton, who was once omnipo
tent, has in his turn come to the gniUotine. How long Robespierre will main
tain bis present dictatorial power is very uncertain. A scarcity, but not a want of
bread has been experienced in some parts of France. Serious inconvenience
has no where been felt from this source, and now that the potatoes (which are
cultivated even in the once royal gardens of Paris) are well grown, the harvesj
beginning in the south, and the fleet from the Chesapeake arrived, it appears to
me that all hopes and^ears on this point must be put asleep. How little is the
prospect of conquest by the allies, is allowed by most men ; how littie the pros
pect of good and truly free government in France must be obvious to aU. May
we preserve the blessings of good government and peace which we possess.
Yours truly, J. TRUMBULL.

The summer of 1794 was signalized by the insurrec
tion in the western counties of Pennsylvania ; an event
which had its origin, indeed, in the dissatisfaction at the
law of 1791, imposing a duty on spirits distilled within
the United States, but which assumed its formidable as
pect chiefly from other causes. The influences which
produced this result, were of a nature sufficiently charac
teristic of the state of party spirit to justify particular
notice. An excise, however necessary, is easily rendered un
popular, and the present one was in Pennsylvania per
haps the more so, from the former existence of a similar
tax under the state government. In the western district,
moreover, where an immense amount of whiskey was dis
tilled, the population, scattered thinly over a frontier coun
try, was composed in great part of foreigners, many of
whom were of a wild and lawless character, and httle

1794.] OF WASHINGTON. 145
disposed to submit to even the taxation necessary for the
public support. Popular opposition to the tax commenced
there almost simultaneously with the passage of the law
imposing it, and was at first manifested by attempts to
discourage the accepting of offices thereby created.
As measures to carry the latter into operation progressed,
stronger means were adopted to counteract them ; meet
ings were held in different places, and the tenor of the
speeches and resolutions were calculated to excite pubhc
odium against the officers, and to foster a spirit of sedi
tion ; associations were formed, county committees regu
larly organized, and handbUls of a most inflammatory
character were everywhere circulated. The consequences
of these proceedings followed, in successive and barba
rous outrages upon the revenue officers — whipping, tarring
and branding. Congress, desirous of avoiding all just ob
jections, during the session of 1791-1792 revised the
law, moderating the duties and doing av/ay with its more
obnoxious features. The general opposition in conse
quence subsided in great measure, and it is probable that
the same result would gradually have been attained in
the western counties, had not the local discontent been,
here in particular, fostered by party-spirit. Exertions had
been made by the enemies of the government to turn the
excitement to pohtical advantage, and by couphng cen
sures of other measures with declamation against the ex
cise law, the disaffection was rendered more general and
at the same time the spirit of violence was increased. Re
newed outrages followed ; the malcontents proceeded to
intimidate the well-disposed among the inhabitants ; the
distillers were prevented from entering their stills, and
destruction was threatened to the property of those who
permitted offices of inspection to be opened on their pre
mises. The office in one county was actually suppressed.
The evidences of a systematic plan of opposition became
daily more evident, and men were found connected with
VOL. I. 13

146 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 6,
the movement, the influence of whose example was cal
culated to produce in such a state of affairs the most dan
gerous result.
The meeting held at Pittsburgh on the 22d of August,
1792, "of sundry inhabitants of the western counties of
Pennsylvania," was an example. The Chairman of that
meeting was Col. John Canon, .a man of conspicuous
standing in the district ; the Secretary was Mr. Gallatin,
a prominent member ofthe State Legislature ; Mr. Smihe,
another member, Mr. Edward Cook, an Associate Judge,
Col. James Marshal, the Rev. David PhiUips, David Brad
ford, Esq., and other persons of note or influence were
present. The excise law being taken under considera
tion, and as appears by the minutes " fully debated," was
referred to a committee consisting of Messrs. Bradford,
Marshal, GaUatin, Lisle, and PhUhps, to prepare "a
draught of resolutions expressing the sense of the meet
ing on the subject of said law." The report was made
the next day, and " being twice read and debated by
paragraphs, was unanimously adopted." The foUowing
was the preamble :
" Strongly impressed with a sense of the fatal conse
quences that must attend an excise ; convinced that a tax
upon liquors which are the common drink of a nation ope
rates in proportion to the number and not to the wealth
of a people, and of course is unjust in itself and oppres
sive upon the poor ; taught by the experience of other
countries that internal taxes upon consumption, from their
very nature never can effectuaUy be carried into operation
without vesting the officers appointed to coUect them with
powers most dangerous to the civU rights of freemen, and
must, in the end, destroy the hberties of every country in
which they are introduced ; feehng that the late excise
law of Congress, from the present circumstances of our
agricukure, our want of markets, and the scarcity of a
circulating nsedium, wUl bring unmediate distress and

1794.] OF WASHINGTON. 147
ruin on the western country ; we think it our duty to per
sist in our remonstrances to Congress, and in every
OTHEK LEGAL MEASURE THAT MAY OBSTRUCT THE OPERA
TION OF THE LAW, Until We are able to procure its total
repeal." This idea of obstructing the operation of a law by le
gal measures was original with the committee ; but their
opinions of the way in which it would be obstructed,
were probably derived from experience, and were pointed
out with some distinctness in the resolutions which fol
lowed. A committee of five was appointed to draw up a re-
muustrance to Congress, stating the objections to the law
and praying its repeal, and " in order that their measures
might be carried on with regularity and concert," twenty-
one persons were appointed committees of correspondence
for the counties of Washington, Fayette and AUeghany,
whose duty it should be "to correspond together, and
with such committee as shaU be appointed for the same
purpose in the county of Westmoreland, or with any com
mittees of a similar nature that shaU be appointed in other
parts of the United States ; and also, if found necessary,
to call together either general meetings of the people in
their respective counties or conferences of the several
committees." They concluded :
" And whereas some men may be found among us, so
far lost to every sense of virtue and feeling for the dis
tresses of this country as to accept offices for the collec
tion of the duty :
" Resolved, therefore, that in future we will consider
such persons as unworthy of our friendship ; have no in
tercourse or dealings with them ; withdraw from them
every assistance, and withhold all the comforts of life
which depend upon those duties which as men and fel
low-citizens we owe to each other, and upon all occasions
treat them with that contempt they deserve ; and that it

148 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 5.
be, and it is hereby most earnestly recommended to the
people at large, to foUow the same line of conduct to
wards them."
These resolutions were by order pubfished in the Pitts
burgh Gazette. The extent and direction given to the
spirit of disaffection, may be judged from the following
extract :
GEORGE CLYMER TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY.
October 10, 1792.

The survey includes in it five counties — Washington, Fayette, Westmoreland,
Alleghany and Bedford. The temper and disposition of the first four of these
counties with respect to the excise, may be understood generally from what I have
already written ; but there are shades of difference between them to be remarked,
proceeding from the character and views of individuals who have obtained influ
ence among the people.
Washington — This county is the most repugnant to the law, and furnishes the
most examples of violence. Bradford, a lawyer who prosecutes in the state courts
under the Attorney General, and Marshall, once county lieutenant, now register,
are the great leaders. The justices of the peace and clergy also, are among the
most outrageous.
Fayette — Scarce more moderate than the former, tho' occasion has not min
istered to as many acts of violence. Smilie and Gallatin, both members of the
Assembly, are the professed leaders.
Westmoreland — Engaged in the general opposition ; though the father of all
the disturbances of the western country, has, to save his own character, given it
in this county a particular direction. He has, accordingly, kept his people of
Westmoreland out of combinations and committees, thinking it more advisable to
hand a petition round the county, to be signed individually. An officer, however,
has no better treatment here than in the other counties.
Alleghany — Has taken no decided part. It has proceeded to no violence, yet
is afraid to run counter to the general spirit. I do not know any professed leader
of opposition, nor yet any one of sufficient courage to advocate the law. Conse-
quentiy, though an officer should have nothing to fear from combination, yet he
would not be protected from individual insult.
It may seem strange, that among so numerous a people as inhabit these coun
ties, none are to be found wUling to support the government of the United States-
In truth, the whole mass under Findley and SmUie, being once thoroughly cor
rupted and disaffected to it, would now at best, the excise out of the question, be
but perfectiy indifferent to it. Individuals there are, undoubtedly, who think
rightly ; but aU their men of distinction are either sordid shopkeepers, crafty

1793.] OF WASHINGTON. 149
lawyers, or candidates for office, not inclined to make personal sacrifices to truth
or honor. There is, besides, no small reason to suspect an infusion of state
jealousy. It may be said, too, in general, that the duties of citizenship are but
poorly understood or regarded, where the moral sense is so generaUy depraved
as it is in this country, by the intemperate use of the favorite drink. He must be
inattentive, indeed, who does not make this observation. * *

A proclamation against unlawful combinations was
issued by the President in September, 1792, and legal
measures adopted against the dehnquents and the rioters.
The first was disregarded ; the distance of the federal
courts from the refractory counties prevented any success
ful enforcement of the law by civil process, and the extent
of the combination secured impunity to violence. Further
legislative measures were introduced at the succeeding
sessions of Congress to suit the exigencies of the occasion,
but in the meantime the law continued to be disobeyed —
the few distillers who complied with it were plundered,
and their property burnt or destroyed. The house of the
collector of Fayette and Westmoreland was, in November,
1793, entered at night by an armed party, headed, it was
believed, by the son of Mr. Smihe, and the officer forced,
at the perU of his life, to give up his commission and
books. Such had been the situation ofthe western survey when
Genet arrived in America, and to this part of the country
were the machinations of his offspring, the Jacobin socie
ties, at once directed, not only as a field where their
operations against the administration might be carried on
with success, but as an avenue to the west, through which
other intended movements must proceed. And, now, in
the summer of 1794, thefr "first ripe fruits," as Washington
termed them, broke out in open rebeUion. Throughout
the spring, disturbances had been alarmingly frequent,
and it became evident that the disaffection was spreading
widely. Occurrences at the west had already given birth
to the suspicion that some connection existed between the
13*

150 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 6.
late movements in that quarter and the insurrectionary^
spirit in western Pennsylvania, which was the natural
entrance to the Ohio valley. The patience of government,
after many efforts to appease the malcontents, being
exhausted, and justice requiring that protection should be
given to the officers and to the weU disposed citizens who
had suffered abuse, it was resolved to proceed decisively
with prosecutions. Accordingly, in July, a number of
writs were issued, and the marshal despatched to make
service of them. While engaged in Alleghany county on
this duty, he was fired upon. The next day, the house
of the inspector. General Neville, in the vicinity of Pitts
burg, was attacked, but the rioters were, for the moment,
repulsed. Protection was in vain demanded from the
civU authorities and the officers of the mihtia. They
answered that, in consequence of the general combination,
none could be afforded. On the 17th, the house was again
attacked by a larger force, and, although defended by a
detachment from the garrison at Pittsburgh, was taken
and burnt. The marshal and inspector were obhged to
escape from Pittsburgh by night. The effect of this trans
action was electrical. The whole of the western part of
Pennsylvania was at once in a blaze, and the excitement
extended into Virginia. Liberty poles were erected,
seditious handbiUs circulated, and armed meetings held;
aU occupation, even the course of law, was suspended; in
a word, the country was in a state of rebelhon.
An outbreak so violent had been alike unforeseen and
undesired by those of the original instigators, whose ob
ject had only extended to the pohtical embarrassment of
the government. An armed insurrection (at this time at
least) they had not calculated upon, and those who had
expected to rule the storm, became themselves alarmed
at its fury. The attitude now assumed by the President,
undoubtedly had its effect in deciding their course. These
with others, who although opposed to the excise law, had

1794.] OF WASHINGTON. 151
never dreamed of more than a proper expression of their
opinions, and the exercise of their influence in effecting its
repeal, saw the necessity of immediate interposition. The
class of men too, who had expected a simultaneous move
ment in the country west of the Alleghany range, by
which a separation frt)m the confederacy would have been
brought about, and an independent government instituted,
finding their plans thwarted by want of concert, desired a
pacification until they should further ripen. But there
were some not so disposed. Leaders were soon found
wiUing to proceed to extremities, men of desperate for
tunes, who perhaps feared that they were already too deep
ly committed for retreat, and perceived their only safety
in general insurrection. A few days after the burning of
the inspector's house, the mails were seized, under the
direction it is said, of Bradford, that the names of those
friendly to the government might be detected. A large
meeting of the militia, summoned by order from the four
counties, was then held at Braddock's field, from whence
they marched to Pittsburgh, and were only prevented
from the most desperate measures, by the address of a
few, who pretending to act with them, contrived to avert
any further outrage than the burning of a barn, and the
banishment of the individuals, whose letters had contain
ed information. This was followed on the 11th of August
by a general convention, held at Parkinson's feri-y, at
which 260 delegates, some of them from Virginia, were
present, and a much greater number of spectators. An
open, armed resistance ofthe government was here bold
ly advocated, and a committee of safety proposed "to call
out the resources of the northern counties, to repel any
attempts against the rights of the citizens, or the body of
the people." This counsel, desperate as it was, would
have prevailed, but for the employment of means simUar
to those which had parried the intended objects of the
Braddock's .field meeting. The inhabitants generally

152 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 6.
were disposed to violence, the leaders were reckless, and
by inflammatory harangues had worked up the temper of
their followers to their utmost wishes ; the delegates gene
rally were of the same mind. But there were among the
latter several men of talents, and possessed of the confi
dence ofthe people, of personal popularity, well known to
have been among the early opponents of the law, and coin
ciding in political views with the majority of the insur
gents, who had perceived that the influence which had
stimulated sedition, must now be used to avert its effects.
Their task was a difficult one. It is always easier to
excite than to moderate the passions of a mob, and it was
requisite to keep up the semblance of a concurrence in the
wildest designs of the insurgents, in order to preserve the
power to prevent their execution. Thus while their ad
dress was exerted iii favor of order, the pretended coun
tenance of these delegates, in fact, gave apparent weight
to the rebellion itself. They encountered also the double
risk, that their motives would be discovered by the peo
ple, and that they would not be appreciated elsewhere.
The efforts of these gentlemen .however were successful
in preventing the immediate declaration of hostUities, and
in the meantime there was an intervention from another
quarter. As soon as it was discovered that neither the
civil force, nor the local mUitia, could be depended on for
the maintenance of order, that the property, and even the
lives of those who were willing to obey the law were not
safe ; that force was now absolutely requisite, harsher
measures were adopted. On the 7th of August a requisi
tion was sent to the governors of Pennsylvania and the
adjoining states, for quotas of mihtia, and a proclamation
issued to the insurgents, requiring their immediate disper
sion. In order however, that no effort should be left un
tried to avert bloodshed, commissioners were dispatched
both by the President and Governor Mifflin, offering a
general amnesty, on condition of a peaceable submission.

1794.] OF WASHINGTON. 153
These commissioners arrived during the meeting of the
convention ; a communication was opened with them by
the individuals before mentioned, committees were ap
pointed, and an adjournment of the convention brought
about, during which matters should be arranged. The
heads of the insurgents, however, began to suspect the
drift of their proceedings, and had nearly succeeded in
thwarting them. A general acceptance of the amnesty
was prevented within the prescribed time, the insurrec
tionary spirit still continued at its height, the well dispos
ed were awed by threats, and it was perceived that the
actual march of the army, which was now collected,
could alone effectually restore quiet. Accordingly on the
twenty-fifth of September, it was ordered to proceed ; the
direction being left by the President with Mr. Hamilton,
wlio fiilfille.fi his task -with ability and moderation. The
flight of the principal leader removed the great obstacle
to a pacification, and a general submission followed the
arrival of the militia. A number of arrests were made, a
few obscure persons convicted (all however subsequent
ly pardoned) and a small body of troops left during the
winter as a precautionary measure.
Thus was terminated a rebellion, which at one time
threatened the most disastrous consequences to the nation ;
one to which foreign intrigue had supplied a stimulus,
and party spirit had given strength ; an insurrection
which had a far deeper than its apparent motive, springs
of action that were not then fully ascertained. The pub
lished writings of Washington show the part which the
Jacobin societies had played in furthering it ; its secret
history however was written by another hand — that of
the French minister. Mr. Jefferson in his letters took great
pains to ridicule the force employed in its suppression, as
grossly disproportioned to the object ; but other members
of the same party, leading men, who had accompanied
the army into Pennsylvania, were of opinion that a less

154 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. G.
force would have been inadequate. Mr. Jefferson's
opinions on the subject of insurrections, are however known
to have been pecuhar. Of Shay's rebelhon in Massachu
setts, he had said, " God forbid we should even be twenty
years without such a rebellion. The people cannot be all
and always well informed. The part which is wrong
wiU be discontented in proportion to the importance of
the facts they misconceive. If they remain quiet under
such misconceptions, it is a lethargy, the forerunner of
death to the public liberty. We have had thirteen states
independent for eleven years. There has been one rebel
lion. That comes to one rebeUion in a century and a half
for each state. What country before ever existed a cen
tury and a half without a rebeUion ? And what country
can preserve its liberties, if its rulers are not warned from
time to time, that the people preserve the spirit of resist
ance ? Let them take arms. The remedy is to set them
right as to facts, pardon and pacify them. What signify
a few lives lost in a century or two ? The tree of liberty
must be refreshed from time to time, with the blood of
patriots and of tyrants. It is its natural manure." With
out commenting on the accuracy of his arithmetic, or the
tendency of his principles, it is sufficient to observe that
tyranny on the one side, and patriotism on the other,- are
not necessarily the causes, or the concomitants of rebel
lion. That Jefferson did not look with greater reproba
tion upon the insurrection of Pennsylvania, than on that of
Massachusetts, was shrewdly suspected at the time, and
the tenor of his correspondence has not removed the
grounds of the imputation. Very differently did the fede
ralists view the merits of treason. The language of one
of them, uttered on the same occasion as the sentiment
just quoted of Mr. Jefferson, conveys their, and according
to historical experience, the more accurate theory of rebel
lion in republics. " The crime of levying war against
the state," saidMr. Ames, "is attended with particular ag-

1794.] OF WASHINGTON. 155
gravations and dangers in this country. Our government
has no armed force ; it subsists by the supposed approba
tion of the majority ; the first murmurs of sedition excite
doubts of that approbation ; timid, credulous and ambi
tious men concur to magnify the danger. In such a gov
ernment the danger is real as soon as it is dreaded. No
sooner is the standard of rebellion displayed, than men of
desperate principles and fortunes resort to it ; the pillars
of government are shaken, the edifice totters from its cen
tre, the foot of a child may overthrow it, the hands of
giants cannot rebuild it."
It is worth while to notice in illustration of the fact, that
public characters sometimes regard differently the dan
gers of rebellion against their own rule, and those the ten
dency or design of which is to elevate them, that Mr. Jef
ferson, a few years after thought the design of Mr. Burr,
whatever it was, of sufficient importance to apply to Con
gress for a suspension of the habeas corpus act, and this
too, when the whole force of Burr did not exceed one hun
dred men, and General Wilkinson was on the spot with a
body of regular troops.
Mr. Hamilton having been directed to attend the army
in person, committed to Wolcott the management ofthe
department during his absence, as acting Secretary ofthe
Treasury. FROM THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY.
TuEASuaY Department, 29th September, 1794.
Sir, Being about to leave the seat of government for a few weeks, to accompany
the army in its march against the western insurgents of Pennsylvania, I com
mit to you during my absence the management of those matters which are
reserved to my superintendance, under the constitution and regulations of the
department, especially the receipts and expenditures of money, and I rely upon
your diligence and zeal that nothing wiU suffer during my absence.
With regard to remissions and mitigations of penalties and forfeitures, it wUl
be best to avoid acting in any case in which particular inconvenience wUl not
arise from delay, as there is not time to explain the principles which have gov-

156 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 6.
erned in the past, and the course of pohcy may, without such explanation, be
innovated upon, so as to occasion something like inconsistency. But in urgent
cases you wiU act, consultmg the most recent precedents in srniUar cases. To
preserve the usual forms, I have signed and left in my office a large number of
blank warrants of the different kinds which issue. Inclosed is a letter to the
President and Directors of the Bank of New York. If they agree to the loan
you -wiU conclude it. You wUl find in the office a power from the President for
the purpose. It -wiU be regular m any contract which may be made to pursue
the terms of the power as to parties. With great consideration and esteem, I am
sir, your obedient servant. A. HAMILTON.

TO FREDERICK WOLCOTT. Philadelphia, July 26th, 1794.
» * » *
Every letter must have some poHtics ; mine shall inform you of an insurrection
in the western parts of Pennsylvania against the revenue laws. The Irishmen
in that quarter have at length proceeded to great extremities. The houses, bams,
granaries &c., of General NevUle, Inspector for the Western SuiTey, have been
burned and several persons have been kiUed. The Marshal is supposed to be a
prisoner and every circumstance indicates that we must have a contest with
these madmen. Nothing can be more ungrateful and wicked than their con
duct. The expense of the western war chiefly on their account and of other
disaffected persons, is nearly two millions per annum. Notwithstanding which
attempts are constantly made to involve this country with the Six Nations,
Great Britain and the Spaniards, every indignity and insult is offered to those
who are charged with the prfclic business and with aU this the people absolutely
refuse to pay one shiUing towards the pubhc service. These men are so hcen-
tious and so vain of their consequence that they consider the blood and treasure
ofthe United States as their property. They arrogantly demand the public pro
tection, and at the same time refiise to perform any of their duties to society. I
trust however, that they wiU be chastised or rejected from the union. The latter
will not however be aUowed without a vigorous contest. Tell Mr. Tracy of this
news, and that the mischief is done by the constituents -of his friends Smihe and
Findley. TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Philadelphia, July 27th, 1794.
» » * »
The late inteUigence from the westirn quarter of Pennsylvania is of a dissa-
greeable nature. It seems that there is a pretty general combination of the peo
ple to oppose the Revenue Laws. A valuable property of General NeviUe, the
Inspector has been burnt, as also the distiUery of a man who was disposed to

1794.] OF WASHINGTON. 157
submit to the law. The Marshal of the United States has also been compeUed
to desist from executing the law. It is pretty evident that this government is not
the best calculated to meet such opposition ; yet it must be done or the authority
of the laws will be universaUy contemned.
The conduct of these people is most unreasonable, but it is a specimen of what f
we are to expect from European emigrants. Pennsylvania need not be envied
her Irishmen ; they wUl hasten the period for regulations to which they are most /
averse.

Philadelphia, August 16th, 1794.
This day I received a letter from Mr. Trumbull, Secretary to our Minister, Mr.
Jay, dated June 23d, by which, and by a gentleman who brought the letter, I am
informed that as far as can be judged from the conversation of merchants interested
in American affairs, there was reason to hope a favourable issue to his mission
The minister is said to have assured the merchants that they may safely prosecute
trade with this country, and that the British government are desirous of continu
ing on good terms with us.
A better pledge than the declaration of the minister, may perhaps be found in
the late brilliant success of the French in Flanders, who are said to have made
themselves masters of Ypres, the only strong city in that quarter, with a garrison
of 7000 men. The Count Clairfait in vain attempted to relieve this place, and
after several bloody contests has retired to Ghent. By this, Ostend and Bruges are
laid open to the power ofthe French, and hardly any expectation remains that the
allies will be able to retain any of their conquests in Flanders. These successes have
been owing to a. great increase of the French armies by new levies from the
second requisition. On the Rhine the French have lost ground, though not in an
important degree.
The Poles are making a powerfiil diversion to the northward and opening a
new scene of carnage, in which there is some reason to believe the Danes,
Swedes, Turks and Russians wiU participate. On the frontiers of Italy and
Spain the French are victorious. It is even asserted that Turin has faUen into
their hands. The Chesapeake fleet, of which various reports have been publish
ed, is known to have arrived safe.
In our own country every thing appears tolerably quiet, except in the western
quarter of Pennsylvania, where the insurgents are proceeding to destroy the pro
perty and banish aU those who are weU disposed towards the laws. The views
of these men cannot be certainly known as yet. A convention was to meet yes
terday, but even if their dehberations are known generally, some particulars may
be concealed. I have no doubt that this insurrection proceeds from a faction
which has long been aiming to shake the measures ofthe government, and though
most men wiU reprobate the outrages which have been committed, many wiU
endeavour to prevent the spirit of insurrection from being humbled. I hope the
business wUl terminate weU ; at any rate it wUl afford an opportunity for reflect
ing men to form a true judgment of the ground upon which our affairs stand, and
a true knowledge on this subject wUl not a Httle contribute to the pubHc security
VOL. I. 14

158 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 6.
You have seen that the President wiU caU out the mUitia. Indeed, I have no
doubt that if necessary, the whole force ofthe country will be employed.

FROM COL. JOHN TRUMBULL. London, August 20th, 1794.
Dear Sir,
I have received not a line from you since my arrival, although, if my memory
be correct, you promised me that favor. I have viTitten to you twice before this.
Another great change in men has taken place in Paris. Robespierre and his
friends have fallen on the same scaffold to which he had led so many others. A
change of measures was expected by people here, but none takes place ; the peo
ple and the armies seem not to lose their confidence in the convention, bad as
many think them ; and no disturbance that we hear as yet, has taken place in any
quarter. The armies of the allies are in every place unsuccessful. Within a few
days, Treves is taken by the French, after defeating the army of Austrians who
protected it. This lays open the Rhine, and will oblige the Prince de Cobourg
to fall back from Maestricht, in which case that place is the next to fall, and
Holland wiU be exposed. Poland, although not in a fair way to succeed for
themselves, have operated a most important diversion for the French. The fleets
of the Baltic begin now to excite some speculation. Our affairs have not a worse
aspect than some time since, yet not so good as to induce me to repeat less
earnestly than I have always done, the necessity of preparing with energy for the
worst. Remember me to the little woman and to the Httle littie one. I am
faithfuUy yours, JNO. TRUMBULL.
FROM OLIVER ELLSWORTH. Windsor, Aug. 24, 1794.
Dear Sir,
I received your interesting letter of the 12th two days since. The use of mili
tary force agahist the insurgents, I believe to be indispensable, and a measure in
which the Executive may rely on the approbation and steady support of Connec
ticut and of New England generaUy. As to a caU on the mUitia of this state, it
certainly should not take place, unless it appears that a force deemed adequate
cannot be obtained nearer. And, indeed, I should think it best to make one
experiment vrith such ofthe miUtia of Pennsylvania and the adjoining states that
have been called on, as shall be turned out ; and if it should prove unsuccessful,
to depend ultimately on a force to be differently organized, and officered and
raised by enlistment for a longer time than the present mUitia can well be kept
from home. Men enough could, doubtiess, soon be raised in this way, on reason
able terms, in the eastern quarter, if not elsewhere, to do the work as it ought to
be done. The intervention of a legislative act might be necessary, and the way, I
think, would be prepared for passing it.
. Should the Executive, however, who seldom mistakes, and as we believe, never.

1794.] OF WASHINGTON. 159
judge it expedient to caU for a detachment ofthe Connecticut mUitia, a caU a few
weeks hence would be less inconvenient for them than at present ; but littie time
would be necessary to prepare. As to compensation— the soul of patriotism—
they have been accustomed, as you know, to as much pay, or the assurance of it
as their time was supposed to be worth — the privates about $40 per month,
which they would the more expect in a tour that they should conceive not to be
property their own, but to result from the dehnquency of others. This assurance,
if it cannot be seasonably given by government, it might perhaps be expedient
and practicable to obtain from a few individuals. There would, I trust, be found
here, no objection to the nature of the service, nor any want of fideUty.
You may make so much use of my letter as your discretion shall dictate.
Pray, keep me well informed of this rebeUion, which I hope to see brought to a
good issue. And teU me as much as you may of what Mr. Jay writes — I think
the two subjects are related. I am, dear sir, &c. OLIV. ELLSWORTH.

TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Phila., Sept. 23d, 1794.
I have received your favor of Sept. 1, which I should have answered had I
not been exceedingly busy and had I not supposed that the papers contained
good information of the progress of affairs.
The attempt of the commissioners to pacify the insurgents has essentially feUed
in respect to its main object. The measure, has, however, had good effects in
this quarter, by silencing the adherents of the rebels, and by dividing their party
in the western country. The advantage in the last respect is not, however, of
great consequence, and is purchased at some expense. All the great rogues whc( \
began the mischief have submitted, and become partizans of government. Find
ley, Smilie, Gallatin, &c., are of this class. The principles of justice and pohcy '
required that these men should be hanged ; but as they have deserted their party,
the punishment will fall upon persons less criminal and influential.
The disaffection to coercive measures has been, for a short period of time,
somewhat alarming ; but all danger is now over. The men of property and in
fluence have awaked, and the mihtary spirit is now sufficiently active. Several
bodies of horse and infantry have marched from this city, composed of the principal
citizens. The same is the case from New Jersey, Maryland and Virginia.
We beheve, though no official accounts have been received, that General Wayne
has obtained a decisive victory over the Indians. If our accounts are accurate,
we shall have little more trouble from the Indian war.
The last advices from Mr. Jay announce nothing conclusive. A change which
had taken place in the administration, and the pressing events of the war, had
occasioned a momentary pause in the negotiation. Nothing to discourage our
expectations of a favorable result had happened ; on the contrary, general appear
ances were flattering. It appears, however, that we ought not to be sanguine.
The prospect of peace in Europe is said to be as remote as ever.

160 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 6.
Philadelphia, Oct. 25th, 1794.
I have the pleasure to acknowledge your letter of the 18th, and I am happy
to find so good an evidence of the stabUity and good sense of the people of Con
necticut as they have given in their late election. PubHc appointments, espe
cially to Congress, wUl require great sacrifices by men who are in business, but
they must not be declined in the present critical state of our country. The force
which has marched, is abundantiy sufficient to reduce the insurgents, but every
step which has been taken evinces the necessity of the measures adopted. It is
an unfortunate fact, but it is true, that the politics of this state are very unsound.
Europe is hastening to ruin ; the Dutch wiU probably resign themselves to their
fate without any great struggle. This I hear in a way which I credit. Ex
change was, by the last ad-rices, about 16 per cent, in favour of London against
Amsterdam — a proof of extreme terror and dejection in the people of property.
We have reason to fear that the French have reversed the plan of commercial
depredation. Several of our vessels trading to the British dominions have been
captured and carried into France. We must, however, persist in the idea that
we wUl not engage in the war. Mr. Jay's mission -wiU probably issue favoura
bly, but it is not safe to encourage sanguine expectations.

Philadelphia, Oct. 31, 1794.
I have received your favour of October 27. The result of the nomination is
a pretty good proof of the present stability of the State. The next election wUl,
I think, confirm the present magistracy in their places. Notwithstanding I am
confident the sense and virtue of the people afford present grounds for confidence,
yet it is certain that the next age wUl materially differ from the present. The
fiiel for an explosion is doubtless prepared ; our public happiness must of neces
sity be exposed to the risque attending great revolutions of manners and opinions.
Whatever may be said by faction and malevolence at present, the wise of future
times wiU cite the characters of the present age as the best examples of repubU
can virtue.
Col. HamUton is with the mUitia army and will not return in some weeks. I
am of course uncommonly busy.

FROM JOEL BARLOW. Hamburgh, Nov. 6, 1 794.
My Dear Friend,
I have been very happy in receiving your favor of the 9tii June, which came
to France by Mr. Monroe. Your other, by Mr. Trumbull, I received and an
swered in September. I am much rejoiced at the description you give of the
state of society in America, and the great prosperity which has foUowed the es
tablishment of the present government. The men of information, in aU places
that I have visited, consider that country as the happiest in the world. The nu-

1794.] OF WASHINGTON. 161
merous emigrations from those parts of Europe where America is best known,
and the strain of contentment and exultation in which the emigrants describe
their situation, have great influence in confirming this opinion. I have no doubt
but that the state of society and the principles and administration of the govern
ment, are such in that country as to furnish a great and useful example to the
world. Neither do I doubt that the event of the French revolution wiU be such
as to offer us much for imitation in our turn. I do not mean that a revolution,
or anything Vike it, will be necessary with us, but that many principles for the
general ^difiusion of information, the preservation and improvement of morals,
and the encouragement of such a degree of equahty in the condition of men as
tends to their dignity and happiness, wiU certainly be established by them and
will be equally necessary for us. I know that you and some of my other friends,
whose friendship is dear to me, and whose opinions I value almost as much as
truth itself, consider my head as turned with these ideas. Perhaps it is, and per
haps it vrill be set right when I come among you ; but had you seen and felt
what I have, I am confident you would have been of my opinion.
I find that you and some others express an expectation that I should attempt
something like a history of the French revolution. I really did not intend it.
I considered that as it would be -written by so many others, and in a manner
much more agreeable to the generality of readers than that in which I should
treat it, it would be better for me, as well as for the world, that I should be si
lent. But I am not sure of being able to adhere to this resolution. It is an
event of such an extraordinary nature, as scarcely to stand a chance of being
treated impartially by its fi-iends or enemies. Though I cannot call myself an
indifferent spectator, I might, perhaps, be able to trace the causes of things -«rith
more coolness than some others who have attempted or wUl attempt it. Give
my best respects to Tracy, Gilbert, TrumbuU, and other friends with you. God
bless you, JOEL BARLOW.

At this time, and during the whole of Wolcott's resi
dence in Philadelphia, his situation, though involving la
borious duties, was in a high degree dehghtfiil. A so
ciety at that time existed there, marked by every charac
teristic which could recommend it to one of a cultivate^
mind and social disposition, embracing much of the ge
nius, the worth, and no little of the wit and beauty of the
country, and cemented by mutual confidence and conge-
niafity of opinions and pursuits. Of this society, two
members of Wolcott's family, his younger sister and his
wife, were themselves no inconspicuous ornaments. The
former, married to the Hon. Chauncey Goodrich, was dis-
14*

162 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 6.
tinguished for her personal beauty and briUiant conversa
tion ; Mrs. Wolcott, with less beauty, had stOl a counte
nance of much lovehness, and manners graceful and dig
nified. To the most feminine gentleness of disposition,
she added sound sense, and that kind of cultivation which
is acquired in intercourse with thinkers. Both belonged
to a class of women of whom Connecticut could then
boast many, whose minds were formed, and habits of re
flection directed by men ; and without coming within the
category of female politicians, they had been almost from
childhood famihar with questions of pubhc and general
interest. An anecdote of Mr. Tracy, whose sarcasms
were of old dreaded ahke in the Senate chamber and
the drawing-room, has been preserved, commemorative
at once of Mrs. Wolcott's attraction and his own pecuhar
wit. Mr. Liston, who succeeded Mr. Hammond as Bri
tish Minister at Philadelphia, and who was thoroughly
English in his ideas, on some occasion remarked to him —
" Your countrywoman, Mrs. Wolcott, would be admfred
even at St. James'." " Sfr," retorted the Senator from
Connecticut, " she is admired even on Litchfield HiU !"
The late Hon. Joseph Hopkinson, himself one of the
brightest ornaments of that circle, in a letter speaking of
Wolcott's associates, says : " During his residence in
PhUadelphia, the division of pohtical parties in their so
cial intercourse was more decided than it has ever been
since. His associates, therefore, were almost exclusively
with the federal members of the administration and of
Congress, together with families residing in the city, of
the same pohtics, which then certainly constituted the
best society of the city. In his parlor, of an evening,
you would meet more or less company of that description.
Leading members of the Senate and House of Represen
tatives, especially from New England, were habituaUy
there, and sometimes at my house. When I mention
such names as EUsworth, Ames, Griswold, Goodrich,

1794.] OF WASHINGTON. 163
Tracy, &c., you may imagine what a rich and inteUectual
society it was. I will not say that we have no such men
now, but I don't know where they are."
In the same letter occur these remarks upon Wolcott's
private character : " Mr. Wolcott was a man of cheerful
and even a playful disposition. His conversation was in
teresting and earnest, but gay, unless the occasion was
unfit for gaiety. He enjoyed a good joke from himself or
another, and his laugh was hearty and frequent. He de
lighted in the discussion of literary subjects and the works
of distinguished authors, and was particularly fond of
poetry. Indeed, I understood that in his younger days
he was a poet. He had a good taste in literature with
one exception, about which we often disputed, and in
which his New England attachments or prejudices con
trolled his judgment. He had an excessive admiration
of Dr. Dwight's ' Conquest of Canaan.' His domestic
life was most exemplary ; his greatest happiness was in
his family, with the friends who congregated there. His
devotion to the business and duties of his office was se
vere and unremitting. He posessed, in a high degree, a
very rare qualification — the capacity for continued hard
work, and was in everything systematic and orderly.
His attachments to his friends were strong and lasting,
never taxing them with unreasonable exactions or sub
jecting them to unpleasant caprices. He was open and
direct in all his dealings, without duplicity or intrigue in
anything ; his sincerity was sure, he deceived nobody."

CHAPTER VII.

third congress  SECOND SESSION.
During the summer. Gen. Wayne, who had been
appointed to command the army in the northwest, had
obtained a decisive victory over the Indians on the
Miamis, and had ravaged their county. The effect of
this advantage was to put an end to the war in that
quarter. The negociations abroad had proceeded with various
successes, but without any definite conclusion. Mr. Mon
roe arrived in France in the month of July, a few days
after the execution of Robespierre, and thus described the
condition of things in that country : " On my arrival here,
I found our affairs, as it was known before I sailed, in the
worst possible situation. The treaty between the two
republics was violated ; our commerce was harrassed in
every quarter and in every article — even that of tobacco
not excepted ; our seamen often abused, generally im
prisoned and treated in other respects like the subjects of
the powers at war with them." The new change of
rulers did not change the poficy of France abroad, or the
character of the revolution at home. That revolution was
described with equal justice and point, when Ames termed
it "a despotism of the mob or mihtary from the first,
hypocrisy of morals to the last." Its objects were the
same at every stage — the system of rapine, aggression
and insult was pursued by each successive administra
tion, and to their infamy it must be said, that each was

1794.] SECOND ADMINISTRATION, ETC. 165
in its turn justified and defended by the anti-federahsts of
America. No outrage on the part of France could rouse
the indignation, even the remonstrance of those whose
patriotic fervor thought that war alone could atone for the
offences of Great Britain, and that a trea.ty with her, how
ever satisfactory, was beneath the dignity of a repubhc.
The death of Robespierre had, however, one good effect —
it involved the downfaU of his supporters, the Jacobin
societies, and that ofthe parasitical clubs of America fol
lowed as a consequence. In regard to Great Britain, it
was understood that Mr. Jay was making progress in
negociating a treaty which would settle most, if not aU of
the points of controversy. A favorable opportunity offer
ing, Mr. Thomas Pinckney was, soon after the opening of
the session, detached to the Spanish court as envoy extra
ordinary, to conclude a treaty with that government. The
prospects of peace were thus generally improving, not-
v/ithstanding the temper of the opposition. Mr. John
Quincy Adams had been commissioned Minister Resident
to the United Netherlands in May, and was now confirmed.
The speech was delivered on the j^9th of November.
The President detailed at some length the history of the
opposition to the laws in Pennsylvania, and the measures
finaUy adopted to enforce submission, aUuding to the
Jacobin clubs as having been instrumental in fomenting
the insurrection. A reform in the militia laws, the neces
sity of which had been shown by the events ofthe summer,
and the adoption of a definitive plan for the redemption
of the national debt, were recommended. On the 15th of
December, a committee, of which Mr. Smith of South
Carohna was chairman, reported a plan for this purpose.
The report stated that the surplus of existing revenues,
beyond the probable expenditures of 1795 and the suc
ceeding years, would enable the legislature to commence
during that year, and to continue thereafter, the payment
of that portion of the public debt which the government

1 66 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 7.
had a right to redeem. An appropriation was recom
mended out ofthe revenues of 1795 of a sum not exceeding
$600,000, to be applied to the payment of two doUars on
every hundred of the six per cent, stock, bearing a then
present interest ; an extension of the duties which were
merely temporary to the year 1801, and the making pro
visions for the sale of lands in the western territory. On
the 21st of January, the Secretary of the Treasury trans
mitted a plan for the support of public credit, based on
the actual revenues, and on the 2d of February, one
for the IMPROVEMENT OF THE REVENUE. The first
report reviewed all the previous legislation upon the
subject of pubhc credit, considering it under the three
heads of the revenues which had been estabhshed,
the provisions for fiinding the debt and payment of interest
upon it, and for reimbursing and extinguishing the principal.
After exhibiting a summary of results, the foUowing pro
positions 'were submitted, which appeared necessary to
complete the financial system, accompanied by a com
mentary on each, viz : — provisions with regard to the yet
unsubscribed debt of the United States ; for taking on a
loan, the unbarred new emission bUls of credit ; for convert
ing, the whole of the foreign into domestic debt ; for ren
dering permanent the temporary duties on imports and
pledging them to the sinking fund ; additional provisions
for reimbursing and redeeming the pubhc debt ; giving
power to the» commissioners of the sinking fund to borrow
in anticipation of appropriated revenues ; continuing and
appropriating the internal revenues ; creating a surplus
fund ; consolidating the revenue pledged to the redemp
tion of the debt and with the consent of the creditors ;
abohshing priorities of appropriation ; and calhng in the
outstanding loan office and final settlement certificates
and indents of interest.
The report on the improvement of the revenue entered
at large into the consideration ofthe objects and principles

1795.] OF WASHINGTON.

167

of taxation generally, and the alterations required in the
existing laws. Its leading idea was a change from ad
valorem to specific duties.
These justly celebrated reports were the last official
communications of Mr. Hamilton. His resignation had
been for some time intended, but was delayed by various
circumstances. The investigations into his conduct had
concluded in a triumphant vindication ; he had brought
forward the final measures of his system, and he at length
found an opportunity for the retirement he had long
coveted. He resigned on the last day of January, and
Wolcott was appointed his successor by commission
dated February 2d. General Knox had already resigned
and had been succeeded by Col. Pickering. The original
cabinet was thus entirely changed and now consisted of
Edmund Randolph, Secretary of State, Oliver Wol
cott, Jr., ofthe Treasury, Timothy Pickering, of War,
and William Bradford, Attorney General.
The preceeding pages have presented a bare notice of
the principal features of Mr. Hamilton's fiscal system. A
more extended account would have been out of place,
and even here any retrospect, or comment might be con
sidered impertinent. To other hands are left the history
ofthe debt ; of its management to the time when the first
secretary retired, and the defence, if such be longer neces
sary, of his measures. From this period however, the
financial history of the country becomes a matter indis
pensably connected with the object of this work. The
system devised by Mr. Hamilton had now it is true been
developed, and had subsequent measures been always
subsidiary to it, had no extraneous causes interfered
with its course, had the same views been consistently
observed by the legislature and measures in pursurance
adopted, the results under his successor would prove of
easy and brief statement. But an uninterrupted course
of measures was not to be expected when parties differed

108 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 7.
SO widely in pohcy and when extraneous events were
daily occuring, additionally to endanger its success. To
mark the degree in which the end was pursued or neglect
ed, the causes which delayed the extinction of the debt
or embarrassed the fulfihnent of the national obligations
and the administration ofthe finances, detaUs at length
of the principal transactions in the department wiU be
necessary. To the right comprehension of these, a gen
eral statement of its condition at this period is given.
The original foreign debt had been due to the governments
of France and Spain, and to individuals in Holland. The
Spanish debt, which was insignificant, had been extin
guished in 1793. This and the payments made to France,
previous to 1796, amounting in the whole to $8,262,000,
were discharged with monies borrowed in Holland.
With a smaU balance due to France, the Dutch debt now
constituted the whole ofthe foreign debt.
The great mass of domestic debt, including the assum
ed debt and the balances due the creditor states, had
now been subscribed, and the unfunded debt was thus
reduced to a comparatively small sum. With this dimi
nution, the funded debt, consisting of the six per cent.,
deferred and three per cent, stocks, of course increased.
The amounts of these different species of debt as they ex
isted on the 1st January, 1795, were according to Mr.
Hamilton's report as follows :
DEBT OF THE UNITED STATES, JANUARY 1, 1795.
FoREiSN Debt, including the instalments to be paid out of
the proceeds offoreign loans irt the course ofthe year - f 14,599,129 35
Funded Domestic Debt, viz :
First, arising from original domestic debt, subscribed to loan
proposed by funding act :
Stock bearing present interest of 6 per ct. $17,912,138 01
" " a fiiture interest of 6 per ct. 8,538,228 97
" " an interest of 3 percent. - 2,275 347 55

1795.] OF WASHINGTON. 169
Second, arising from state debts assumed :
Stock bearing present interest of 6 per cent. 7,908,374 19
Stock bearing a future interest of 6 per cent. 3,940,608 96
Stock bearing interest of 3 per cent. 5,994,1 15 70
Third, arising from balances to creditor states :
Stock bearing a present interest of 6 per cent. 2,345,056 OQ
Stock bearing a future interest of 6 per cent. 1,172,528 00
Stock bearing an interest of3 per cent. 703,516 80

1,789,914 18

Unsubscribed Debt, -riz :
Principal, exclusive of loan oSice certificates
bearing interest on nominal value, 1,072,583 40-
Interest thereupon, including indents, 452,826 74
Principal of loan oflnice certificates bearing in
terest on nominal sum, 27,935 00
Interest thereupon, 7,830 00

1,561,175 14

Total of amounts above stated, $76,950,218 67
Besides the above proper debt, there were also out
standing the amounts of certain loans obtained from time
to time, all from the Bank of the United States, except
one sum borrowed ofthe Bank of New York. They con
sisted ofthe balance of the purchase money of the bank
stock, temporary loans obtained for specific purposes, and
ordinary loans in anticipation of the revenue.
Portions of these, including the third instalment of the
stock loan, were reimbursed by Mr. Hamilton during the
month of January. The sums outstanding at the 2d of
February amounted to $4,900,000, of which the foUowing
amounts remained at the close of the year.
Domestic Loans, Februabt 2d, 1795, -riz :
Remaining unpaid of two mUlions borrowed under the act incor
porating the Bank of the United States, bearing interest at 6 per
cent, and payable in instalments of two hundred thousand doUars,
on the 31st December in each year, $1,400,000
Remaining unpaid of four hundred thousand doUars, borrowed under
the act of May 2d, 1792, for the protection of the frontiers, bearing
VOL. I. 15

170 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 7.
interest at 5 per cent, and payable in equal instalments, Nov. 1st,
Dec. 1st, and January 1st, 1796, - - 300,000
Under act passed at the beginning ofthe present session, authorizing
a loan of two mUHons at 5 per cent, interest, payable January 1st,
1796, 1,000,000
Under the same act, payable AprU 1st, 1796, 1,000,000
Under the act of March 20th, 1794, making prorision for intercourse
with foreign nations, (the Algerine loan) borrowed at 5 per cent.
of the Bank of New York, payable June 8th, 1796, 200,000

$3,900,000

In addition to these items, was also the sum of five
hundred thousand dollars borrowed of the Bank of the
United States in six per cent, government stock, at its par
value, and remitted to Holland to be sold and apphed to
the payment ofthe instalment of foreign debt falling due
in 1795, which, when apphed, would of course form, to
the amount of the proceeds, a reduction of the foreign
debt. This will be noticed by itself Further additions
to the temporary -debt were made by the acts of this
session, in consequence of demands arising previous to
its commencement, which will be enumerated hereafter.
The amount of funded stocks, as above stated, was,
inclusive of the sums purchased, or redeemed and vested
in the sinking fund, which, of course, were to be deducted
from the true amount of debt due on that" day. These
were as follows :

Statement op Pdkchases of Public Stock.
Six per cent, stock proper, - - $668,700 38
" " " assumed, - - - 212,462 04
Three (' " proper, - - 415,415 66
" " " assumed, ... 99,444 97
Deferred six per cent, proper, .... 752,190 64
" " " assumed, - 119,808 88

Total stock redeemed, . $2568,022 57
As resources counterbalancing the amount of temporary
debt, were the bank shares, the specie in the treasury

1795.] OF WASHINGTON. 171
subject to warrants, and the amount of uncoUected bonds
at the custom houses. In the reports on the debt made
by the Treasury to Congress from time to time, it should
be borne in mind, apparent variations will appear, both
as to the amounts and different species of the debt existing
at the same periods. These arose from the different prin
ciples on which the statements were made to elucidate
different facts, and not from discrepancies in the state
ments themselves. Thus, for the purpose of showing the
amount of interest payable on the several capitals of debt,
the amount of funded stocks is sometimes given inclusive
of that held by the sinking fund belonging to the United
States itself At other times, the same stocks are stated
less the amount redeemed, for the purpose of showing
merely the principal sum to be paid. In the same way,
in stating the amount of debts existing at a particular
period, the stocks are sometimes stated*at the amount
which had actually been subscribed on that day ; at
others, at the amount due at the period which had been
funded up to the day of statement. Again, the debt
remaining due to the bank for the purchase of stock, is
sometimes stated and the value of the stock offset against
it ; at other times, both are omitted ; and the temporary
loans in anticipation of the revenue, are in like manner
mentioned, with the outstanding bonds at the custom
houses opposed to them, or both are passed over ; lastly,
the small debt due to certain foreign officers is sometimes
mentioned, at others neglected as being offset by the
amount of specie in the treasury belonging to the foreign
fund, on which it was an outstanding demand. .All these
variations were perfectly understood. The principles on
which these and other statements were made, will be
from time to time noticed in the course of the work.
The following were the estimated current revenues and
the usual stated expenditures of the United States, not
including on the one hand extraordinary appropriations

172 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 7.
by Congress, nor on the other resources obtained from
foreign and domestic loans, repayments into the treasury,
or -fiinds derived from other uncertain sources. They are
not to be confounded with the estimates for the actual
year, which were somewhat different, being merely
intended to exhibit the ordinary scale of expenditure.
Estimated Current Revenue:
Appropriated. Permanent.
Duties on imports and tonnage, $4,199,791 67
Duties on distiUed spuits, &c., 400,000 00
Fees on patents, - 660 00
Unappropriated.
Postage of letters, 29,722 16
Surplus diridends on bank stock, 62,500 00

-$4,692,673 83

Temporary.
Temporary duties on imports, 1,479,626 91
Excise on snuff, refined sugar, sales at auction,
&c., &c., - 380,000 00 1,859,626 91

Total current revenue, - $6,552,300 74
Estimated CtniRENT Expenditure :
Interest on the foreign debt, - $638,480 58
Interest on domestic funded debt, - - 2,339,241 50
Interest on unfunded debt, -' - 66,031 10
Interest on temporary loans, - 100,000 00
Expenses of ciril government, including foreign intercourse, 475,249 53
Expensesof military land service, 1,511,975 29
Expenses of mihtary naval service, - - 441,508 80
Miscellany, - 109,357 04

Total annual expenditure, $5,681,843 84
A very great adventitious importance had been given to
the treasury department, during the time that Hamilton
fiUed its first office, and one that can rarely if ever recur.
The principles that divided the two parties were more
inseparably connected with the financial, than with any
other acts ofthe government. State sovereignty, or nation
al sovereignty, was bound up in each successive measure ;
the assumption of a debt, the creation of a bank, the

1795.] OF WASHINGTON. 173
imposition of a tax involved questions of infinite pohtical
moment, and it was only when these should be fully estab
lished, that the treasury could take its i^atural level in
point of importance. The erection of a fiscal system in
the face of so violent and powerful opposition, of such
conflicting interests and inveterate prejudices, and of the
obstacles which an imperfect knowledge of our resources,
and erroneous opinions on financial subjects offered ; re
quired a union of qualities rarely found. It had not been
therefore merely as the head of a department, that Hamil
ton's talents were required or exercised. He had brought
the whole of his vast mental resources and political influ
ence to bear upon every fimdamental maxim of govern
ment. On every subject he had been a counseUor, to
whose opinion weight was attached, both by the President
and the nation, and he had become as it were identified
with the principles of the federal party. But during the
six years which had elapsed since the formation of the
new government, most of the relations which were likely
to arise had been discussed and settled, and a general
adherence to those principles could now be expected, at
least during the continuance of that party in power. His
successor therefore would have an easier task. Wolcott
certainly possessed the qualifications requisite for a minister
of finance. He had not, it is true, the briUiant quahties of
genius, but he had a comprehensive and well regulated
mind, a judgment matured and rehable, strong practical
good sense and native shrewdness. He fuUy entered uito
the system devised by his predecessor; he was well
acquainted with the resources of the country, and with the
views and interests of its different sections, thoroughly
versed in the duties of his office, capable of continuous
apphcation, and strictly business-like in his habits. To
this it may be added, that although not deficient in origi-
nahty or boldness, he had no favorite schemes to engraft
on that which was perfect in itself; he had no desire to
15*

174 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Cbap. 7.
obtain a shining reputation, and little ambition, other than
to fill honorably an honorable station.
For the rest he possessed unflinching resolution, and
an integrity of character beyond the power of temptation ;
he could never bend even in appearance from what he
considered right. No idea of expediency, no hope of
attaining a cherished object ever made him swerve from
his path ; he was in every matter of principle stem and
uncompromising. He was far from sanguine, often almost
desponding in his opinions of the prospects of the country,
but he always looked to the people themselves, as the
source from which, if at aU, its welfare and security must
spring. To the institutions and character of New England
he was in particular attached. On them in his view
depended mainly the stability of the Union, and the pre
servation of that which made it of value. He believed
that the greatest danger to which we were exposed arose,
not from the strength but from the weakness ofthe general
government, that the principle of union was not strong
enough to resist the power ofthe states and the tendencies
of the age. The obstacles which had attended the for
mation of a constitution, the perils which had since threat
ened it, the attitude of defiance assumed on more than one
occasion by individual members, the strength and deter
mination of its enemies, and the recklessness with which
they availed themselves of every weapon ; finaUy, the
prevalence which the anarchical principles of French
democracy had obtained, and the difficulty with which
they were resisted, were to his mind convincing evidence
of this fact. But he felt that the danger must be encount
ered not by legislation, not by force, but by reason ; that
attachment to the government must spring from a sense of
its worth, and that upon the attachment ofthe people the
continuance of a free government must ever depend.
Towards Great Britain he entertained a dishke amounting
to hatred ; a sentiment which he had unbibed in boyhood.

1795.] OF WASHINGTON. 175
and which he carried with him to the grave ; but he knew
that the charges of British influence and British predilic-
tions were equally frivolous and absurd, that the imputa
tions of monarchical principles as regarded the federal
party were false ; that the national animosity against
England would prevent the exercise of any such influence,
and that the whole character of our people secured us from
any danger of monarchy. Not so did he think of France
and French influence. He dreaded the effect of the
political theories to which their revolution had given birth,
and the intrigues which for their own purposes they
had extended to this country ; he saw moreover that the
direction which had been given to our national prejudices
by the opposition, was intended simply to carry out their
design of breaking down the general government, and
while he never justified or paUiated the aggressions of
Great Britain, he looked upon France as the country from
which we most needed defence. With these views he
considered that peace with England, if it could be pre
served with honor, was a point of vital importance. The
grounds for war were common to both nations, the objec
tions to a war with either were great. At all events,
negotiation was to be tried to remove the causes of com
plaint, before a resort was had to arms. Such were his
opinions with respect to the government and its policy."
Wolcott brought no addition of political strength into
the cabinet, had this been sought. His employment from
so early a period in subordinate official services, had with
drawn him entirely from those fields of action where men
gain personal popularity ; but he did bring what at that
time was perhaps equally valuable, the entire confidence
of many, who themselves occupied a high and deserved
rank in the public regard. Mr. Hamilton retained, not
withstanding the termination of his own responsibUity, a
deep interest in public affairs, and his correspondence
with Wolcott shows his cordial and ready cooperation in

176 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 7.
removing the difficulties presented by the critical nature
of the times, to the successful administration ofthe national
finances. They are valuable for the soundness of their
political morahty, as well as for the wisdom of their
statesmanship. The other members ofthe cabinet require a brief notice.
Mr. Randolph's professional character and political stand
ing in Virginia, are mentioned with distinction by Chief-
Justice MarshaU, in speakingof the constitution of the first
cabinet. While Attorney General he had on almost every
Qccasion sided with Mr. Jefferson, but without provoking
the same personal feeling. After his appointment as
Secretary of State, when removed from the actual influence
of his predecessor, he appears to have acted with modera
tion upon pohtical questions, and often in harmony with
the federal members of the cabinet, but in almost eveiy
instance some vaciUation, or unsteadiness of purpose
destroyed the effect of his opinions or advice, and he thus
incurred the suspicions of his friends, whUe he faUed in
securing the confidence of their adversaries. He seems
to have considered himself as occupying a neutral, or
independent position, a dangerous one in times of high
party excitement for any man holding a responsible official
station, whose influence is not powerful, whose talents are
nofr commanding, and whose character is not beyond
attack. Thus Mr. Randolph, instead of being of no party,
was of either by turns, and often on the same question.
His inconsistencies were curiously enumerated by Mr.
Jefferson after Randolph's resignation, who thus expresses
the result. " The fact is, he has generaUy given his
principles to one party, and his practice to the other; the
oyster to one and the sheU to the other. Unfortunately
the sheU was generally the lot of his friends, the French
and republicans, and the oyster of their antagonists.
* * Whether his conduct is to be ascribed to a
superior view of things, and adherence to right without

1795.] OF WASHINGTON. 177
regard to party, as he pretends, or an anxiety to trim
between both, those who knew his character and capacity
will decide." *
Col. Pickering had been Postmaster-General since the
organization of that office. His revolutionary services
need no mention. As a cabinet officer, both as Secretary
of War and in the station he afterwards held, he mani
fested great natural abilities and straightforward sense.
He was a man of the sternest uprightness of character
and most inflexible determination. One more honest and
honorable never breathed ; his very faults sprung from
the strength and truth of his feelings. In many promi
nent points he resembled Wolcott, between whom and
himself a close and lasting friendship was ceniented, and
with whom he generally coincided in opinion and pohtical
views. Mr. Bradford had held the offices of Attorney-General
and Judge of the Supreme Court in Pennsylvania, with
honor. He possessed eloquence, abihty and tact; but
his early death prevented his becoming prominent in po
litical life. The elegance of his manners and his gentle
manlike character rendered him personally beloved by
his colleagues.
The foUowing letter shows the modest estimate in
which Wolcott held his own qualifications for the impor
tant office he now filled.
TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen. Phila., Jan. 6, 1795.
Col. Pickering has succeeded General Knox in the War Department, and he
will be found an able and respectable ofiicer. You -will hear of no complaints
of profusion and extravagance even though the expenditure of the department
should increase. Mr. Pickering is a plain man, of personal economy, and the
public will presume that he will be economical as an officer. General Knox has
been unfortimate in some respects, and has not acquired as much reputation as
- Letter to WUUam B. Giles. Jeff. Wri. III. 318.

178 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 7.
he deserves to have done. I hope his services wiU be hereafter appreciated ac
cording to their true merits.
The office of Secretai-y of the Treasury is justiy viewed as of high conse
quence to the public ; it wiU be found a very responsible situation, and no man
can hold it without being opposed and attacked. Other quaHfications than those
which respect skiU and capacity for the mere business of the treasury wiU be
desirable, and in these respects a successor to Col. Hamilton wUl not be found.
A change in the Executive Department, Hke what must happen, wUl therefore
be of importance, and may explain the nature and bias of our government.
I shall take no measures for putting myself in the way of this appointment ; if
it is offered to me I shaU accept it, and I shall certainly conduct the mere busi
ness of the department in an orderly and proper manner. Whatever may be
said or done, I shall suffer no disgrace eventually, unless it shaU be found that
the talents of a poHtician, and a certain address in persuading and informuig in
dividuals and the public on certain conjunctures, are necessary qualifications. In
these matters I shall be understood, if I am appointed, to have no responsibility.
I have arrived at all that degree of advancement to which a man can himself
lay claim — public opinion and the exigencies of the times wUl determine what
is to be my situation hereafter. I mention these things, as it -wUl be natural for
you to feel some concern respecting me ; but that is unnecessary, as I shaU in
any event be properly and fairly treated, and my ease and reputation consulted
as far as I ought to desire.

FROM OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Litchfield, March 26, 1795.
Sir,
* * * Your public services are deservedly, and I believe very univer
saUy respected. The justice, wisdom, and candor of the Executive may be re
lied upon that you -will be treated -with propriety. Your abihty to execute the
office which it is expected you wiU receive, I have no doubt of ; but considering
the querulous and captious disposition which is manifested in the debates of
Congress, it will probably render it necessary that the conduct of our officer of
finance shou'd be such as you suppose must be adopted. The debates upon the
report of the late Secretary of War, discover a pueriUty, as well as peerishness,
which would be a disgrace to schoolboys. This gentleman, during the late war,
had, and I believe very deservedly, the reputation of conducting the affairs of his
department vrith much regularity and economy. The late business of his de
partment has been very perplexing, and in many respects new and necessarily
expensive. His successor wUl be a man of industry and regularity in business,
and probably more fortunate than he has been.
The naturalization bill has, I perceive, made considerable progress, though
much resisted. Such a biU, under proper modifications, doubtless ought to be
adopted ; but wUl, in my opinion, be a very inadequate prorision for our peace
and security in the general wreck, which I beUeve wiU, if not directly, yet by
no distant consequence take effect through aU the Christian dominions of Eu-

1795.] OF WASHINGTON. 179
rope. I think a constitutional pro-rision ought immediately to be made, that
none but the natives of America, except such foreigners as were in this country
before the declaration of independence, and favored its principles, or such as
took an active part in the war in our favor, and have Uved in the country ever
since the peace, ought to be admitted members of the national legislature, or be
appointed to the judiciary or to the head of any of the executive departments.
Such a prorision wiU not only be a check to the emigration of those who wUl
never do us any good, but preserve this country from that political discord which,
even in its present state, is a pubUc scandal. This is not a measure of undue
asperity wherfe names and sounds are the serious subjects of animated discussion
for no other design than to answer the most nefarious purposes.
The democratioal, or as some caU them, the demoniacal societies, which are
evidently the nurseries of sedition, and which I beheve in their institution are
unlawful, as they are formed for the avowed purpose of a general influence and
control upon the measures of government are, I trust, sinking into contempt.
* » * Yours with the kindest regard, OLIVER WOLCOTT.

TO THE PRESIDENT. Phila., Feb. 4th, 1795.
I have been informed through the Secretary of State tha!t you have been
pleased to appoint me to the office of Secretary of the Treasury of the United
States. It is vrith real diffidence that I undertake to discharge the important duties
relative to this appointment ; yet if constant exertions and strict fidelity can com
pensate for such qualifications as I may not possess, I indulge in a hope that my
services will receive your approbation.
But whatever may be the effect of my endeavors in respect to my own repu
tation and the interests confided to my care, I beg leave to assure you that this
distinguished token of confidence -wiU never faU to excite in my breast lively
sentiments of respect and gratitude.
FROM OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Litchfield, February 16th, 1795.
Sir, I am happy to find it announced in the public papers that you are appointed
to the office of Secretary of the Treasury, not only as it is an official honor, but
as it is a public testimonial ofthe merit of your services and your abiUty to exe
cute the trust by those whose judgment wiU be fully confided in. The appoint
ment is more important and confidential than any single trust held under govern
ment, and consequently has the highest responsibihty annexed to it, but I
persuade myself that it wUl be executed by you in such manner as wiU fuUy
erince the propriety of the designation. In transacting very important business

180 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 7.
it is necessary for obtaining success that a man should not despair of his ability
to effect it. In conducting a national fiscal department, it is so far as I have
been informed, in certain public exigencies and upon unforeseen events for the
officer to exercise some discretionary powers, in confidence that his conduct, if
evidentiy directed to public utiUty, wiU obtain approbation, and such conduct
might weU be sanctioned when its consequences have been evidently beneficial.
But the exercise of such discretion is ever attended with much risque, and it
-wiU be pecuHarly so under our government ; when many are seeking to find
grounds for discontent, and where they arenot real, wiU excite such as are im
aginary. In this riew therefore, I think that an officer should never depart from
established rules unless the necessity was most urgent, important and apparent.
Col. Hamilton leaves the office with high reputation in the opinion of those
whose judgment deserves to be respected. His successor can have no higher am
bition than to execute the office in the same honourable manner which he has
done.

FROM COL. JOHN TRUMBULL. London, February 16th, 1795.
Dear Sir,
Your letter of the 8th November came to ray hands some time since, but no
opportunity has occurred of writing, except the packet, until the present, and as
I had nothing particularly interesting to communicate, I have delayed answering
till now. The information which you gave of the state of public opinion, of the
western insurrection and the decline of the self erected societies, was no less
interesting to Mr. Jay than to myself, and we hope that reason, and a disposition
to calculate coolly, advantages and disadvantages, will guide their determination
ofthe merits of what has been done here. But I fear that the spirit of party is
not extinct, but sleeping only, wiU be roused to new and rigorous exertions on
this occasion. The cursed runaway negroes will serve as the basis of new popu
lar clamours, and although their value was never estimated higher than $400,000,
there will be people childish enough to consider this trifle cause sufficient for a
war which cannot cost less than jE5,000,000 a year, and which in the most favor
able event, would leave the proprietors of the people in question, farther from their
money than they were in the beginning. Another ground will be the necessity
of paying debts, this to a true democrat, that is to say, to a gentleman aristo-
democrat, is a most shameful hardship, an insult not to trust to the honor and
morals of their good men and true, in matters of this kind. In short, there are
so many interested, so many ill intentioned, an# so many weak men, that I fear
our labors of peace will meet violent opposition, and hardly survive the storm.
You ask for a clue to the strange events of the day. I have only seen one side
of the question as yet. I shall go on the continent in a few days, and mean to
pass through a part of Germany (where one of my plates is engraving) Switzer
land and France. When I return perhaps I shall be better able to form a just
estimate of events, as weU as causes, and -wiU write you.

1795.] OP WASHINGTON. 181
We understand that Col. HamUton has gone out of office, and presume, tho"
we are not exactiy informed, that you succeed him. Though I wish that the
former part of this report may not be verified, at least tiU after the fate of the
treaty is decided, yet whepever he does go out, I as much hope the office may
go into hands as worthy as those named to us.
Our old friend Barlow, I understand, is at Altona, and means to go out soon,
but I wish he may not only settle his aflairs, which are his motives of delay, but
his brains also, before he goes to America. There is a report ofthe death of
the Empress of Prussia, and ofthe British troops that were driven from HoUand
being in a critical situation, closely pursued by Pichegru. I wUl not vouch for
the truth of either. Your friend and servant, JNO. TRUMBULL.

TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Philadelphia, March 3d, 1795.
I received your letter of February 16th, and am happy in the expressions of
your confidence that I may merit and preserve the public opinion in my favor in
my present situation. I can truly say that I feel a diffidence in undertaking the
task allotted to me ; but this wiU not produce any relaxation of exertions. The
best serrices which I can render will be performed, and in any event I shall feel
no concern that my character as an honest man wUl suffer.
The present session of Congress will terminate in good humour. Several impor-
ant acts have passed, and one appropriating the revenues in trust for the extinc
tion ofthe public debt. The anangements which this measure will produce, and
its eventual consequences, will be highly important, more so than has yet been
perceived. Of course a new topic of discussion has been created. I shall cer
tainly give every possible efficacy to the proposed plan, and if the debt can be
diminished, it wUl be my study to accomplish it.
FROM OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Litchfield, March 16th, 1795. .
* * * The situation in which you are placed is highly important to
the pubhc as well as honourable to yourself ; but I have fiiU confidence that in
case you enjoy health, which you ought to endeavour to preserve, the duties of
it will be honourably discharged and to the good acceptance of the pubhc. At the
same time it wiU be well for you to expect to meet with calumny, which no man
who faithfully does his duty has any reason to hope to escape. The man who
shall so conduct as to enjoy the approbation of his ovm conscience, and the re
spect of the virtuous, the sensible and the good, obtains every thing in Hfe as it
respects his character and peace of mind, wliich he ought to wish for. This sat
isfaction I trust you wUl enjoy and finally a happiness which the world can
neither give nor take from you.
VOL. I. 16

182 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 7.
The thud Congress terminated on the 4th of March,
1795. Besides the loan of $2,000,000, authorized in De
cember in anticipation of the revenues of the ensuing year
(which has been included in a previous statement) and the
authority given by the act of January 8th to reimburse
the instalment of foreign debt, and the third instalment
of the stock loan out of the proceeds of previous foreign
loans, the following new ones were created.
By an act passed February 21, 1795, the Bank of the
United States was authorized to loan the $800,000 re
maining of the Algerine loan, and revenues were desig
nated for its reimbursement. By an act passed March
3d, making provision for the military and naval estab
lishments and the support of government, the President
was authorized to borrow to the extent of the annual
appropriations for those objects. The action under these
authorizations will appear hereafter.
Other acts relative to the treasury were those extending
the time hmited for receiving subscriptions to the public
debt, and estabhshing the office of purveyor of pubhc sup-
phes. The principal measure was, however, that of
March 3d, "making further provision for the support of
public credit and the redemption of the pubhc debt,"
founded on Mr. Hamilton's report. As enacted, it was
by no means so extensive as the plan recommended by
him, and owing partly to this inadequacy, partly to events
occurring abroad, effected much less towards the imme
diate completion of its object than had been contemplated.
The chief features were as foUows.
The commissioners of the sinking fund were authorized
to borrow to the amount of $1,000,000 annuaUy, in antici
pation of the appropriated revenues.
A loan was directed to be opened at the treasury to the
full amount of the foreign debt, for which domestic stock was
to be issued, bearing one half per cent, higher interest than
the original debt, the principal to be reimbursable at will.

1795.] OF WASHINGTON. 183
The temporary duties on imports were made per
manent, and appropriated to the payment of the public
debt. The following additional appropriations were hkewise
made to the fund constituted by the act of 1792, "making
provision for the reduction of the public debt," to which
the name of the sinking fund was now given :
1st. An amount of the imposts and tonnage duties, the
duties on domestic spirits and on stiUs, sufficient, together
with the existing revenues of the fund, to reimburse
annuaUy, commencing on the 1st January, 1796, the two
per cent, on the capital of the six per cent, stock bearing
present interest.
2d. The surplus of the dividends on ths bank stock
owned by the United States, after deducting the interest
on the loan with which it was purchased.
3d. An amount of the above mentioned duties, suffi
cient with the bank dividends, to repay the remaining
annual instalments of the bank loan as they should fall
due, and on the first of January 1802, to recommence the
reimbursement of the two per cent, on the principal of the
deferred stock.
4th. The net proceeds of sales of the public lands in
the western territory.
5th. Monies received into the treasury on account of
debts due the United States by reason of any matter
before the adoption of the constitution.
Lastly. All surpluses of revenue remaining at the end
of any calendar year beyond the amount of appropriation
charged upon it, and not appropriated during the next
session of Congress thereafter.
The proceeds of these, and the sums accruing from
former appropriations, were vested in trust in the Commis
sioners of the sinking fund, and the faith of the United
States was pledged that they should so inviolably remain
until the whole existing debt should be paid. All reim-

184 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 7.
bursements of the principal of the debt, both foreign and
domestic, and the payment of the interest on the 6 per
cent, stock, were thus henceforth to be made under super
intendence of the commissioners, and they were em
powered, as any instalments of principal became due,
to borrow on the credit of the United States sums requisite
for their payment, provided that loans so made should be
redeemable at pleasure, and not bear over 6 per cent.
interest. The act further prescribed the mode of apphcation of
these funds. The last section repealed the hmitations
contained in the several acts laying internal duties, and
extended them to the 1st March, 1801. By other acts,
the time for receiving on loan the domestic debt was
again extended, and some alterations were made in the
revenue laws, pursuant to Mr. Hamilton's recommenda
tions. Several further acts were passed, relating to the im
provement of the revenue and other business connected
with the treasury, which do not require particular mention.
The sum of $1,132,669, was appropriated for the
expenses arising from the v^^hiskey insurrection ; a law
was passed estabhshing a new rule of naturalization,
requiring five years residence, and three years previously
declared intention, as a condition. The President was
authorised to fiU vacancies in the departments, ad interim,
with the provision that such power should not extend
beyond six months. A law was enacted providing for
calling out the mUitia, " to execute the laws of the Union,
suppress insurrections, and repel invasions," and another
fixing the militaiy establishment.
Wolcott's administration was in the outset attended
with some unforeseen embarrassments. The funding bill
it will be remembered, had authorized the President to
borrow to the amount of $12,000,000, to pay the arrears
of interest, and the instalments already due upon the

1795.] OF WASHINGTON. 185
foreign debt, and under this power and the acts providing
for subsequent instalments, the loans already mentioned
had been made from time to time in HoUand. No provi
sion had yet been made for discharging the foreign debt,
other than by a resort to these new loans, and hitherto
there had been no difficulty in obtaining them. It had
however proved extremely inconvenient for the govern
ment to remit to Europe, the sums requisite for the pay
ment of interest and commissions, as there was but little
specie in the country ; as shipments of merchandize were
in many respects objectionable, and at times hazardous ;
and as owing to the deranged state of the exchanges the
ordinary modes were productive of loss. To obviate this,
the conversion of the foreign into domestic debt, had been
authorized by the act just mentioned, in order to make
the interest payable in the United States, and to save future
commissions on re-loans. Every attempt was made by
Wolcott during the spring and summer, to effect the object
contemplated by the act, and so far as regarded the
French debt, with success. The state of affairs in France,
and the advantage of having an active capital in the United
States, for the purchase of provisions and stores, induced
the government, which was in this case the creditor, to
enter into the proposition. The balance of that debt was
ascertained and subscribed to the new loan, and stock
issued accordingly. These stocks were known as the
five and a-half and four and a-half per cents, of 1795, and
amounted respectively to $1,848,900, and $176,000. The
Spanish debt having been already extinguished, the Dutch
now constituted the whole foreign debt. To that country
the efforts ofthe department were accordingly directed.
A more unpropitious aspect of affairs could not have
occurred, than now presented itself there. The war in its
progress had extended to the States, and a revolution in
their government had foUowed ; the European powers,
nearly aU of whom were debtors of Dutch capitalists, had
16*

186 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 7.
faded in their payments; enormous taxes had been
imposed on every species of property ; aU communication
with England had been cut off, and a general and unpre
cedented derangement existed in their finances and
exchange. Besides these exterior embarrassments, a cause
of failure existed in the act itself The inducement of
additional interest was not considered' of sufficient weight
to counterbalance the loss by exchange, the difficulty of
transfer, and above all the redeemable character of the
proposed loan. Under these circumstances the great
object of a general conversion was found unattainable ;
and for the same reason it became impossible punctually
to meet the annual instalment ofthe old loan, which feU
due during the summer. Mr. Hamilton had in January,
as a preferable species of remittance, purchased of the
bank ofthe United States, the sum of $500,000, in six per
cent, stock, which as already mentioned, was sent to the
bankers in Amsterdam for sale, in order that the proceeds
should be applied to the instalment there. In April, the
further sum of $160,000 was purchased, and in like manner
remitted by Wolcott. In this operation it was expected
that the stock would be sold at par, including interest, or
that the instalment would be continued on loan by a new
contract. Both calculations however were disappointed.
In consequence of the state of things existing there, no
re-loans could be made on the proposed terms, and the
stock could not be sold except at a ruinous sacrifice. As
the cause of delay in discharging the instalment was weU
known, and as the interestwas duly paid, the pubhc credit
did not suffer ; but the fact showed the improvidence of
Congress in restricting the commissioners of the sinking
fund, as to the terms of the loan, without providing other
resources. This and other operations of the treasury during the
summer, will be found mentioned in Wolcott's report to
the President, previous to the session following. One

1795.] OF WASHINGTON. 187
subject however — that ofthe temporary loans — requires
explanation in the outset. The loans in anticipation ofthe
revenues had been originaUy recurred to from necessity,
because the government found no revenue existing in
advance, to meet its current expenses, and they were
continued from the impossibility of obtaining at once
adequate resources to reimburse past expenditures, and
advance for the future. No accumulation would however
have occurred, but for the intervention of certain extraor
dinary contingencies. The Indian war had taken place
with its early disasters, and disproportionate expense.
The Algerine negotiation had foUowed, involving a heavy
expenditure for the redemption of captives, and purchase
of future tranquillity ; the whiskey insurrection added its
million and a quarter to the demands on the treasury. For
all these, monies were to be obtained at once, and as the
revenue could not on the instant be extended to meet them,
other loans had necessarily been resorted to, and for greater
convenience were made payable in instalments. Provi
sion was always made for the interest upon them, and as
far as possible for the reimbursement of principal, while
the remaining necessary funds it was intended to provide
by new revenues. The raising of these, however, the
opposition had obstructed ; thus it became necessary to
renew the instalments ofthe temporary loans, which it had
been expected to pay off, and they in connection with the
mere annual anticipations, which however were provided
for, had in the beginning of this year accumulated to the
amount already mentioned. Even during this session
Congress made no provision for the instalment of the
foreign debt, or the stock loan, but a renewal ; and their
provisions for the Algerine and mihtary loans proved
entirely insufficient. The consequence was that the tem
porary debt, by the action of this Congress, was increased
to $6,200,000, and by the negligence ofthe next, the nation
was eventually saddled with a large part of the accumu-

188 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 7.
lation as a permanent debt, nor was sufficient income
provided, untU a federal majority at last stepped in to
retrieve the finances.
With regard to the Algerine loan, a particular
notice is necessary, it having been the subject of violent
attack upon Wolcott. It has been more than once stated
that the anti-federalists strenuously opposed the creation
of a naval force to reduce those pirates to order, preferring
the purchase of peace as more economical. In pursuance
of this resolve ofthe majority, the loan of $1,000,000 had
been directed at the session preceding this last, to redeem
captives and arrest future depredations, but the amount
of $200,000 only, which was borrowed at five per cent, of
the Bank of New York, could be had. The subject, at
the instance of the Secretary of State, was on the 4th of
February laid before Congress in a special message, and
referred to a committee of five — Messrs. Sedgwick,
Madison, Baldwin, Smith, and GUes — the majority being
members of the opposition. Wolcott was, by this com
mittee, desired to ascertain in what manner the proposed
loan could be obtained. He ascertained that the Bank of
the United States, fettered by its previous loans, could
advance no money, but offered the loan in six per cent.
stock. This was reported to the committee in the specific
terms in which the contract was afterwards concluded,
and it was expressly, and on fuU explanation, approved
by them that the amount should be thus borrowed and
the stock remitted to London for sale. The biU authoriz
ing a loan was reported by them to Congress, and passed
without opposition."
The stock was borrowed ; the house of Barings was by
Wolcott designated to the Secretary of State to negociate
sales and remit the proceeds to Gen. Humphreys. Here
his responsibihty ceased, and the subsequent loss, even if
» Vide report of January 28, 1800, " on the condition ofthe Treasury Department."

1795.] OF WASHINGTON. 1 89
not unavoidable, was in no way chargeable to him. Before
the arrival of the stock in England, the market price had
faUen, and it was necessarily sold at a sacrifice. There
was also a further deficiency in the sum which finaUy
reached General Humphreys, which was thus explained
by the bankers : " The great defalcation in the nominal
amount of doUars arises from the remittance being made
in funds which seU at 10 per cent, under par, and the
payments being made in foreign money at a rate very
much above par. That of Leghorn in particular had
advanced 16 or 18 per cent, above what it was not a long
while since." A popular outcry was raised at this trans
action, which extended finaUy to the appropriation itself —
the anti-federalists forgetting, with their usual facihty,
that the latter had been made by a Congress in which
they had a majority, in pursuance of a pohcy of their own,
and that the sacrifice was in consequence of their own
neglect of other provision. The party indignation at the
expense ofthe whiskey insurrection was less extraordinary.
It was a bitter piU for some of them to acquiesce in a
payment for the suppression of their own work.

CHAPTER Vin.

SUMMER OF 1795.
TO JEDEDIAH MORSE.
Philadelphia, March 4, 1795.
* • * *
I have not shown your letter to Col. Hamilton, as it could serve no good pur
pose. I have heard him, however, declare that no such opinions were ever
advanced by him. The reporter is well known, and the story rests on his per
sonal credit.
I have often endeavoured to account for the errors which so extensively circu
late, to the prejudice of public characters and to the great discontent of the com
munity. In many cases they proceed from simple, unmixed malicq ; but not
unfrequently ihey originate in the jealousy of dark and metaphysical minds, who,
having no frankness and candour of their own, wrest and pervert every thing they
hear to the worst possible construction.
We have lived long enough to have witnessed the course of public opinion on
many pohtical and religious topics, and in every case you must have observed that
zeal and orthodoxy, in a vulgar sense, have depended more on the temperament
of the constitution than on moral quahties, or reason, or information. I do not
know one man of sense and information who seriously apprehends any danger
from monarchical opinions, or from any tendency in the government to produce
in any officer or public body a dangerous accumulation of power. Yet there are,
and ever will be, a description of men who are tormented with fears that this wUl
happen. In every village, in the most rude state of society, there are monarchy
men, aristocrats, and democrats. Your informer's imagination was as much dis
quieted during the old confederation on this subject, as at the present moment.
The disorder exists in his o-wn brain and is incurable.
The foUowing letter, notwithstanding its date, was
received only about this time ;

1795.] SECOND ADMINISTRATION, ETC. 191
FROM COL. JOHN TRUMBULL. London, November 20, 1794.
Dear Sir,
I congratulate you on the event of Mr. Jay's negotiations. A treaty of amity,
commerce, and navigation, was signed yesterday by Lord GrenriUe, and one
which, I hope, will put an end to aU misunderstandings between the two nations,
and lay the foundation of fiiture good offices and cordiality. The objects of
mutual justice and mutual benefits are, I think, provided for, in a way equally
honourable and advantageous, and none but those who feel a reluctance to do
justice, have any ground of complaint. I do not, indeed, see what more desirable
terms we could have obtained after a successful war ; and that which would then
have been honourable, must surely be more so when obtained without the waste
of life, morals, and property, which even victory brings -with her. It is no longer
useful to inquire what weight extraneous circumstances may have had in pro
ducing this accommodation ; nor is it wise to conjecture what may, at any former
period, have been the temper of this government towards us ; suffice it to know
that there now exists a very sincere disposition to be upon good terms with us,
which, if fairly met and wisely cultivated by us, will lead on to fortune, fame and
greatness. No point exists in this treaty which can excite the justifiable regret
of any friend of other connections, since it is expressly stipulated that nothing
therein contained shall be construed to invalidate the obligations of any existing
treaty, and we only have the opportunity of being upon good terms with two
great nations instead of one. I hope you will not learn hereafter that any im
prudent warmth of mine has done harm in this business. I have not the vanity
to suppose that I have done any other service in this business than another clerk
would have done, but I think I have done no eril.
Will you have the goodness to forward immediately the enclosed letters ; to
remember me to Mrs. Wolcott, and aU friends, and to believe me, truly, your
friend and servant, JNO. TRUMBULL.
FROM RUFUS KING.
New Yoek, 19th March, 1795.
Dear Sir,
As was to have been expected, various rumours are circulated respecting Mr.
Jay's return to this coimtry. Those who wish his election as Governor of this
State, expect his return early in the spring, certainly before the month of July ;
on the other hand, those who prefer the election of Mr. Yates assert that Mr.
Jay wUl wait to exchange the ratification of the treaty, and in case it should not
be ratified here, that he wUl remain for the purpose of proctu-ing such alterations
as shaU be desired. It is said Mr, Blaney has declared that Mr. Jay told him
that he should remain in England to exchange the ratifications, and there is
reason to beheve that Mr. Blaney has made this declaration ; but it is so con
trary to the letters received from Mr. Jay by his friends here, that it is appro-

192 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 8.
hended Capt. Blaney has been misunderstood, or has misconceived Mr. Jay's
expressions to him.
The foUo-vring are extracts from two letters from Mr. Jay to a friend in this
place : " 21st Nov., 1794.
" The treaty being signed, and therefore my further stay here not being ne
cessary, I exceedingly regret that I cannot immediately return to you ; but the
season is too far advanced. I have not health enough for a wmter's passage."
" 5th December, 1794.
" My former letters wiU inform you, that to avoid the severity of a winter's
passage, I think it adrisable to remain until spring. After the 1st of March, I
think you may suspend -writing to me. I shaU endeavor to leave this in April,
indeed in one of the first spring vessels that rnay offer."
As it is important that Mr. Blaney's declaration shoidd not be employed to
defeat Mr. Jay's election, I ask the favor of you to see Mr. Blaney, and after
showing him these extracts to ascertain from him the fact on this subject.
It is not intended to make any pubhcation on this subject. The information
is sought for to supply the friends of Mr. Jay, who upon the authority of his let
ters have declared his intention to leave England early in the spring. Your an
swer shall be considered as confidential. With sincere esteem, &c.,
RUFUS KING.

TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen. Phila., May 2d, 1795.
' There is so much reason to fear the subversion of the commercial and finan
cial systems of Europe at no remote period, that the consequences of a revulsion
upon this country, deserve attention and more precaution than wiU probably be
taken on our part.
The Mynheers have probably found by this time that their liberty is not a free
gift. As their revolution has been altogether a matter of speculation and envy,
so far as the rich people have been concerned in it, I do not perceive that much
is to be expected from their efforts to establish a national government. I expect
nothing more than a repetition of the same scenes of plunder and requisition
which have desolated Belgium. By the last adrices, we learn that the French
had begun to impose contributions, and that assignats were introducing. The
Russian, Swedish, and Imperial powers had forfeited their credit by the non
payment of interest. The Polish loans had been given up as lost ; the East In
dia Company had failed ; and the prorince of HoUand was considered as bank
rupt. I beheve, therefore, that not a smgle power in Europe, except England,
can make a campaign except by recurring to plunder and requisitions. This
must be the Consequence of the destruction of that system of credit of which
Holland was the centre.
The English appear to be weU united in the prosecution of the war, but a

1795.] OF WASHINGTON. 193
revolution in government on French principles, or despotism under ancient forms
will probably be its consequence. By all I can learn, the French resources are
much impaired, and I do not expect that they will act with their usual vigor the
ensuing summer, as the nation are in arms and wretched without a government,
and without a plan for settling their affairs which can command any degree of
confidence at home or abroad. The peace of Europe must however be con
sidered as remote. 'The equilibrium of society appears to be destroyed, nor will
it be restored in my opinion until after many vibrations.
Wherever there exists the pabulum for the fire of equahty and fraternity, I ex
pect to see its effects ; and in the degree in which countries are commercial and
populous they appear to me exposed to desolation. Italy, the West Indies, and
South America, are probably much exposed, though from different causes and
in different degrees. It is one of the chief sources of satisfaction to me, that my
friends are in less danger than any people of the world. We must expect some
nonsense even in the northern states, when all the rest of the world is raving
mad ; but I presume we are not to expect a subversion of ancient principles, at
least in the present age. There has been rather too much flattery and adulation
in some of our public measures, by which nations are as easily made vain and
conceited as individuals. I hope, however, that we shall suffer no permanent
injury. If we can escape present dangers, the example of Europe wUI, I am
satisfied, afford us instructive lessons for future conduct.
Congress adjourned on the 3d of March, and on the
7th, the treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation, con
cluded with Great Britain was received. On the 8th, the
Vice-President and a quorum of the Senate were con
vened, and the treaty, with the documents connected
with it, submitted to them.
The original difficulties between the United States and
Great Britain arose from the non-execution of the treaty
of peace, each nation charging the other wjth the first in
fraction. The principal complaints wera, on the one
hand, the non-delivery of the posts held by the latter
within the American lines, and the carrying off of slaves
at the close of the war ; on the other, the interposition by
the states of legal impediments to the recovery of debts
contracted before the war. To these, others had been
since superadded on the part of both countries. It was
obvious that to bring about any real adjustment of present
complaints, the stipulations of the treaty of peace must
be performed, which on our part would require the pay-
VOL. I. 17

194 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 8.
ment of the debts, or at least the removal of all legisla
tive impediments to their coUection, and to the debtors
this necessity was a disagreeable one. Of these debts,
by far the greater part were owed by states south of Penn
sylvania, and one-half of the whole amount of claims af
terwards exhibited, was against Virginia alone. The 4th
article of the treaty of peace, which provided that such
impediments should not be placed in the way of their
coUection, had therefore excited in that state especiaUy,
a strong disgust ; and relying upon the want of compul
sory powers in the confederation, she had passed, from
time to time, ip defiance ofthe treaty, laws which effect
ually prevented its enforcement in that particular ; those
laws the British government had always assigned as a
justification of the non-fulfilment of the stipulations on her
part. The amendments proposed by the Virginia conven
tion to the new constitution, so far as they related to the
powers of the federal government, were chiefly directed
to the abridgment of the judicial authority, and one of
them pointed directly at the subject of these debts. It
was evident that while the jurisdiction over this subject
matter was retained by the state courts, the state could
control the event of the suits. The amendments were
fortunately not adopted ; the judiciaiy power as planned
by the convention, except in one respect, remained undi
minished ; and the dread of its exercise continued to feed
the flame of opposition to the federal constitution and to
the existing administration.
Mr. Jefferson's negociations with Mr. Hammond had
been well calculated to increase the difficulty of adjusting
the questions growing out of the treaty of 1783. In dis
cussing the subject of the debts, in particular, he had re
sorted to a kind of special pleading which by no means
tended to produce a conviction of his own sincerity or
that of his government, and the result had been accord
ingly that no settiement was obtained of any of the sub-

1795.] OF WASHINGTON. 195
jects of dispute. The British government viewing the
United States as soon to be added to the number of their
enemies, continued their system of depredations and
omitted no means of annoyance, even if it fell short of
open hostifities. It is not intended to defend the conduct
of that power ; it was undoubtedly marked by a disre
gard of the laws of nations, by a contempt of justice, by
a violation of the rights of others, which have character
ized her policy towards every nation incapable of defence ;
but it must be admitted that the tone of the diplomatic
correspondence and the course of the opposition in Amer
ica, gave a color to the supposition that ultimate hostifi
ties must follow, and influenced her unjust and unwise
poficy towards a neutral nation.
It was in this state of things that Washington had in
stituted an embassy to make one more and final attempt
at a peaceful termination of disputes. The bare nomina
tion of an envoy had met with fierce opposition. To the
Virginia party the individual selected was himself al
ready obn(^ious, because as one of the negociators of the
treaty of peace he had admitted the article to them so
detestable. It could not be supposed that he would now
deny the obligations which he had then recognized, obh-
gations which to them were the great objections to a
treaty. A war would, in their opinion, bring about a more
satisfactory settlement ofthe claims. A further proof of
their hostile disposition and of its cause, was immediately
manifested. On the 5th of May 1794, Mr. Monroe moved
in the Senate for leave to bring in a bill to suspend the
article, relating to the debts, an act corresponding to the
whole course of his party during that session, entirely in
consistent with any amicable intentions and which, had
it prevaUed, would have effectually defeated the mis
sion, even had it not led to immediate hostifities."
" An attempt, made about this time law exempting real estate from execu-
in the Virginia Legislature, to repeal a tion for debt, failed by a decided majority.

196 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 8.
But there was another and most potent influence at
work. The pacific settlement of the differences with
England would oppose an effectual check to the designs
of France and her diplomatic agents, and emissaries
throughout the Union therefore exerted their influence to
defeat it. They unfortunately found materials easy to
work upon. Besides the interest already spoken of,
there was throughout the country a general, deep seated,
national hatred of Great Britain, burning every where
with an intense, if not a conspicuous flame, for among
the native population there was hardly a fire side which
the war had not desolated, there was scarcely one of
man's estate who had not shared in its hardships as weU
as its glories. The sight of a blackened roof-tree, the
tale of the prison ship, the sugar house, or the county
jail, had their recollections as weU as the musket which
hung over every chimney. And if the memory of these
even had slumbered, there were the later outrages on
her part, repeated violations of the laws recognized
between civilized countries, piratical spofiagons upon
our commerce, impressments of our seamen under a
pretence easily set up when supported by power, the
retention of the western posts, underhanded instigation
of Indian hostihties — to awaken them. There were refu
gees of every class from England scattered over the
land, men who from their crimes or desperate fortunes
had " taken refuge in patriotism," and who burned with
an unnatural vindictiveness towards their former country.
There were the numerous French and other European
emigrants who were devoted to their cause, and besides
these there were all the ordinary components of opposi
tion ; men and classes who were aggrieved or fancied
themselves so' by the operation of various measures, or
were disappointed in ambitious projects ; general mal
contents, who easUy persuaded themselves or were per
suaded that a war would relieve them ; western settlers

1795.] OF WASHINGTON. 197
who wanted the navigation of the Mississippi, and Penn-
sylvanians who wanted the abolition of the excise laws.
Here was a pile of combustibles ready for the torch, and
there were not wanting instruments to apply it. In the
eyes of the federal party, the dangers of a war in such a
conjuncture were infinite and obvious. Abroad, France
was making rapid strides to the universal dominion of
Europe, involving friend and foe in a common ruin, offer
ing to nations the single alternative of subjugation or con
quest. Towards us, her policy was in their view the
same, restrained only by the circumstance of distance,
and intrigue was here accomplishing that which distance
otherwise might have prevented. A war would but add
to the difficulties of our position, while it would take away
its advantages. In our defenceless state it would expose
us to ravage upon land, and would subject our commerce
to general destruction instead of partial depredation. It
would increase the burdens of our national debt, it would
redress none ofthe grievances of which we complained,
and more than all it would lay us open to the deadly
fraternization of France.
The mode adopted by Mr. Jay in conducting his nego
ciations had been marked by simplicity and frankness as
well as by statesmanship, and had for the most part been
successful. In regard to reparation for the captures un
der orders in council, which formed a principal object of
his embassy, a board of commissioners was provided,
who upon investigation, should award compensation for
American vessels and property taken under color of author
ity, deciding " according to the merits of the several
cases and to justice, equity and the laws of nations." No
redress by payment or restitution could be however ob
tained for the negroes carried away, and Mr. Jay was
unwiUing to risk the treaty upon this point. On the part
of the United States the alleged breach of the treaty of
peace in the obstruction of the collection of debts was to
17*

1 98 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 8-
be corrected before the evacuation ofthe posts could be
demanded. A mixed commission was provided on this
subject also ; their authority being extended to captures
by the French of British vessels in the waters of the
United States. The posts were agreed to be evacuated
by the first of June 1796 ; the boundary fines to be set
tled by surveys made by commissioners to be appointed
for the purpose. The West India trade was admitted
only in vessels of seventy tons and under, and upon con
dition that the goods should be imported into the United
States alone ; as a security for the fulfilment of the con
dition, similar articles were not to be exported. As Mr.
Jay's instructions precluded him from forming a treaty
which did not secure at least a qualified trade with these
islands, an article was admitted on these terms, hmited
however to two years after the expiration of the war. A
direct trade was granted to the British East Indies on the
payment of the same duties as the Enghsh themselves,
and a reciprocal commerce agreed upon with the Euro
pean possessions. Contraband articles were specified.
Subsequent articles contained regulations forbidding the
arming of privateers of a third power at war with either,
in the ports ofthe other, and forbidding the sale of their
prizes; granting to ships of war and privateers of either,
hberty to enter and depart with their prizes without ex
amination, and denying an asylum to enemies having
prizes in the ports of the neutral. In respect to the last
provision it was stipulated not to operate contrary to ex
isting treaties ; but the parties agreed that while in amity,
neither would in future make any treaty inconsistent with
these articles. The treaty, excepting some permanent
articles and that relating to the West India trade, was
hmited to twelve years.
The state of parties when the treaty arrived was in
accordance with the wishes of its enemies, and the mere
intelfigence of its reception, even before its contents were

1795.] OF WASHINGTON. 199
divulged, produced a furious outbreak against the admin
istration. Had evidence been wanting before, that the
objections of the opposition were not to the treaty, but to
any treaty with Great Britain, it was to be found here.
While its opponents were busily engaged in shooting in
in the dark, the Senators with httle less acrimony were
discussing its provisions with closed doors, a course which
created much dissatisfaction among the journalists and
their readers, and was assailed as savouring of monarchy.
Democracy however, when ascendant did not alter the
practice. TO FREDERICK WOLCOTT. Phila., May 15th, 1795.
The Senate are in Session. How long they will continue so is uncertain.
Nothing has transpired respecting the treaty.
I send for your perusal, and for my father's, the late papers. The auspicious
change of the French system in Europe wUl please you, though you will perceive
that great and serious dangers yet attend the nations of Europe.
A new French minister has arrived ; his character and views are not yet ascer
tained. There are symptoms, however, of a disposition to conciliate by a reason
able conduct, rather than to influence by means of faction. This is well, and
proves that the affairs of France are acquiring consistency.
TO MRS. WOLCOTT.
Phila., June 25th, 1795.
The Senate have substantiaUy ratified the treaty, though as one point is sus
pended, it may be considered as open. I understand they have determined not
to countenance a publication, though they have reserved the right of conversing
generally about it. Perhaps this -wUl be found equivalent to a pubhcation. At
present, however, it may not be correct to write what it would be contrary to the
rule to print. Mr. Ellsworth, however, has so far experienced your faculty of
keeping state secrets, that I doubt not he wUl teU you every thing that you wish
to know, and you have my consent to teU others anything that he teUs you. This,
I think, is a generous indulgence on my part.
I am in perfect health, and Mr. EUsworth wiU teU you how weU I behave.
Indeed, I think I am rather more steady than usual ; it is certain that I am not
less so. Our friends are as usual. Mrs. Washington enquires after you often,
as also the President and the young ladies.

200 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 8.
FROM ALEXANDER HAMILTON. New York, June 26, 1795.
Dear Sir,
I have direct information, in confidence, that the Minister ofFrance, by a letter
received yesterday, has ordered a. fast sailing vessel for France to be prepared at
this port. No doubt this has connection with the treaty with England. I pre
sume, with the reserve that decorum requires, he is apprised of the contents of
that treaty. This ought, at least, to go so far as to satisfy him that there is
nothing in it inimical to his country, especially as I suppose it to be adopted. It
is well to regard our peace on aU sides as far as shaU consist -with dignity.
Indeed, I am of opinion, on the whole, that aU further mystery, at present, is
unnecessary, and ought to be waived for the satisfaction of the public mind. I
do not think that any scruples of diplomatic decorum are of weight enough to
stand in the way. Yours, A. HAMILTON.
TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Phila., June 27, 1795.
The Senate adjourned yesterday, and I consider myself as at Hberty to give
you the outlmes of our treaty with Great Britain. More particulars wUl be given
soon. The posts are to be evacuated before next June, and in the meantime the
United States may take possession of* and occupy any lands not immediately held
by the British.
The doubtful boundaries in the north-eastern and north-western quarters of the
United States are to be adjusted and settled by commissioners, to be mituaUy
chosen, and according to the spirit and meaning ofthe late treaty of peace.
The British and American dominions are to be free to both nations for aU
purposes of interior commerce, under such regulations as each government shall
prescribe to their respective citizens and subjects.
The demands of American merchants for captures and spoHations, when the
laws do not afford relief, are to be adjusted by commissioners, and the sums
awarded are to be paid by the British government.
The losses of British subjects, in consequence of legal impediments to the exe
cution of the treaty of peace, are to be adjusted by commissionei-s and paid by the
United States.
The treaty is sUent in respect to our claims for negroes.
A trade is secured to the British East Indies on the same terms as are or shall
be aUowed to British subjects, with the Hmitations that we shaU not carry on the
coasting trade of India, and that whatever we export from India shaU be landed
in some part of America.
An article was inserted, which is referred to fiirther negociation, by which we
were aUowed a trade to the British West Indies, in vessels of 70 tons burthen, on

1795.] OF WASHINGTON. 201
the same terms in respect to merchandise and tonnage duties as British subjects,
on condition that British vessels generally were to be allowed simUar privUeges
in our ports, and on condition that we should not export to any foreign country,
sugar, coffee, cocoa, or cotton.
That part of the treaty which respects amity contains mutual stipulations, that
funds and stock shall not be sequestered or taxad even in time of war ; that com
missions for privateering, or engagements for entering into a foreign service, shall
not be permitted ; that the prizes of other nations shaU not be sold in our ports,
&c., &c.
The West India article is an unlucky one, as it contains a prohibition against
the exportation of cotton, which is an increasing production of our own country.
It has, however, been so recently introduced that the effect of the article was
probably overlooked by both of the negotiators. It certainly was by Mr. Jay.
Even in respect to the other articles, the privilege which we now enjoy (and
which we shall probably always enjoy when we are at peace and Europe is
engaged in war) of exporting West India merchandize to foreign countries, is"'
more valuable than the Hmited trade which the British have offered. On these
grounds the article is not admitted by the United States. We certainly cannot
claim an admission into the British islands, and if they wiU not consent to admit
us without requiring more than an equivalent, the object must be renounced.
Popular opinion, both here and in England, has, in my judgment, much overrated
the advantages and disadvantages of the intercourse which we soUcit. It would
not ruin the marine of England, as the British apprehend would be the case if we
were to be gratified, and if we are refiised, we shall not fail to enjoy as much
commerce as is for the true interests of our coimtry. The immense interest in
navigation which we now possess, is defenceless. Any considerable increase
would compel us to become a maritime power, the conquences of which it is easy
to foresee.
I am satisfied vrith what has been done. The interior and frontiers of our
country are secured ; the questions of spoliations and debts are as well arranged
as the subjects would admit. How the balance of receipts and expenditures will
stand, is uncertain ; be the case as it may, we shaU, I hope, leam that there are
two sides to a bargain, and that national engagements cannot be riolated with
imptmity, except by a powerful nation. The policy of Virginia is as foolish as it
is -wicked — at the same time that they refuse to be honest, they endeavour to
depress and restrain the pubhc energies, which -wise rogues would have been
wUling to substitute for integrity.
The Senate have determined not to pubHsh the treaty. There -wUl, however,
be no impropriety in mentioning or sho-vring what I have written respecting it.
FROM DR. LEMUEL HOPKINS. HARTFORn, June 28, 1795.
Dear Sir,
I do not study much the general state of poHtics, yet I have a notion that
there are at all times certain portions of this our globe fi-om whence useful les-

202 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 8.
sons of this sort arise. Such at present are France and the United States, or
ratiier New England ; for the southern states I regard as a chaos of animated
atoms. From the former we are to learn whether Liberty, and her younger
sister, EquaUty, can be taken and quietiy possessed by the rude onset of an ig
norant mass, impelled on by visionary theorists and blood-stained leaders ; from
the latter, whether an uncommon'Klegree of knowledge among a people, attended
with every other advantage can be perpetuated. If it can, good government wUl
be a thing of course. I hope you wUl not meet vrith such embarrassments in of
fice as your predecessor has done ; that in case, however, you should, you will
retire to private life after receiring a like share of calumny and praise.
I was very glad lately to hear from our fiiend Bartow's brother, that Joel got
at Hamburgl;, and carried with him to Paris £2,000 steriing of his o-svn money.
But he is not in America, nor yourself in Hartford. Goodrich is going to Con
gress, and TrumbuU -vrill I fear quit the "visible eternal sphere." What, then,
O Hartford, hast thou for me ! Pleasant, indeed, shalt thou remain, but chiefly
for the joys that are past. Yours sincerely and affectionately, L. HOPKINS.

TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Philadelphia, Jtme 29th, 1795.
I enclose you a paper which contains the substance of the treaty. It is judged
not to be perfectly consistent with decortun and the rules prescribed by custom,
to publish a treaty whUe pending, as this must be yet considered, the ratification
being merely conditional. The curiosity of the public and the impossibUity of
keeping absolute secrecy has induced a compromise, that the treaty may be com
municated informally to the public.
It vrill be seen that the intercourse which we desire -with the British West In
dies cannot be granted by England without much scruple ; even a limited trade,
considering our vicinity and the comparative cheapness of our narigation, would
perhaps extensively affect the colonial system which Britain considers as the
foundation of her maritime power. In the proposed treaty the compensation
required, is, however, perhaps more than we can afford to grant in times when
we are at peace and Europe at war, which, fi-om past experience and from our
pacific policy, may be calculated at one-third of any general period including
both war and peace. The article which respects the intercourse vrith the West
Indians is to be referred to further negociations. If we cannot amicably agree,
the trade to the West Indies must rest on its present footing, as we have no pre
tence to claim a trade with a foreign country contrary to its interest and pohcy.
The other articles of the treaty are founded on obrious considerations, and wUl,
I hope, be satisfactory. The greatest embarrassment which we feel at present
arises from our defenceless situation ; with a commerce spread over every ocean,
and with resources which render intercourse with us desirable by all nations, we
feel, and shaU continue to feel the impressions of foreign rivalry, without being
capable of that fixed and uniform pohcy wliich would result from firm and com-

1795.] OF WASHINGTON. 203
bined ai-rangements in our interior country. There are, however, no public con
victions to be produced by reasonings a priori on subjects of this nature. Expe
rience is the only teacher of nations.
Our information from Europe indicates the greatest distresses from scarcity, es
peciaUy on the continent ; something approaching to a famine is felt from the
Baltic to the Mediterranean. In France the want of bread is extreme, and the
public resources exhausting rapidly if not exhausted. In Holland the discipline
of the French arihies has been perfect, and this has been the only security against
the most tremendous convulsions. The Dutch are in my opinion a ruined peo
ple. What is to be the destiny of France is uncertain, the guillotine has pro
duced such sensations that even the rancour of party has been restrained by hor
ror at the excesses which have been committed. There is, however, no tru6
moderation in the convention ; no faculty for deliberation ; no object to which
the attention of the nation is directed. From the cool persevering poUcy of the
armies, whose valoui;, address and discipline, at present without example, some
thing may be expected, especiaUy as it is known that the armies include most of
the young men of family and education, and appear to have discovered but little
emotion with respect to the interior. To England, France will probably be
found a most dreadful enemy, as the whole nation appears to be animated by the
most vindictive resentment. Perhaps mutual distresses will compel a temporary
compromise between the two nations ; but as France perceives herself to be
ruined in the midst ef her victories, and as she believes, by the perfidy of Eng
land, I imagine that nothing less than the subversion of the British government
-wiU finally satisfy the implacable passions which the present war has engendered.
It is clear that the European system of government has received a wound, and
I cannot see how a commercial nation like Britain can faU of being deeply in
jured by it.
On the 24th of June, by a vote of exactly two-thirds,
the Senate advised the ratffication, " on condition that
there be added to the said treaty, an article, whereby it
shall be agreed to suspend the operation of so much ofthe
12th article, as respects the trade which his said majesty
thereby consents, may be carried on between the United
States and the islands in the West Indies, in the manner
and on the terms and conditions therein specified." "And
the Senate recommend to the President, to proceed with
out delay to further friendly negociations with his Majesty,
on the subject of the said trade, and of the terms and
conditions in question." ,
The President, as is well known, was not entirely satis
fied with the treaty, but he had determined, previous to

204 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 8.
submitting it to the Senate, to ratify it if advised by them.^
Their quahfied approval created several new questions
which it was necessary to determine before the further
negociations recommended by that body could be entered
upon. Mr. Randolph having submitted to him his notes
upon these points, the following circular was on the 29th
addressed to the members of the cabinet.

TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. June 29th, 1795.
Sir, I enclose to you a copy ofthe resolution ofthe Senate, advising that the late
treaty with Great Britain be ratified.
Upon this resolution two questions arise. 1st. Is, or is not that resolution
intended to be the final act ofthe Senate, or do they expect that the new article
which is proposed, shaU be submitted to them before the treaty takes effect ?
2d. Does or does not the constitution permit the President to ratify the treaty,
without submitting the new article, after it shaU be agreed toby the British king,
to the Senate, for their further adrice and consent 1
I wish you to consider this subject as soon as possible, and transmit to me your
opinion in writing, that I may without delay take some defuiite step upon the
treaty. \
GO : WASHINGTON.
To these questions Wolcott repfied as follows :
TO THE PRESIDENT.
Treasury Department, June 30th, 1795.
The Secretary ofthe Treasury, in obedience to the requisition ofthe President
of the United States, respectfully submits his opinion upon the questions arising
from the resolutions passed the Senate, on the 24th of the present month, respect
ing the treaty made with Great Britain.
To the first. That the resolution of the Senate, is a final act of that body, by
which they have expressed in the terms of the constitution, their approbation of
every article in the said proposed treaty, excepting a part of the twelfth article
to which the Senate have not assented ; that in case a form of ratification shaU be
adopted by the President, and be accepted by his Britannic Majesty, recitmg an
article suspending the operation of that part of ' the 12th article to which the
«¦ Vide letter to E.Randolph, July 22d, XL 35, To the same, Oct. 21st, ibid,
1795. Spark's Writings of Washington, p. 85.

1795.] OF WASHINGTON. 205
Senate have not assented ; that the said resolution wiU be fiilly satisfied, and the
proposed treaty wUl become vahd and obligatory upon the contracting parties,
without the further concurrence ofthe Senate.
To the second — that the powers of commencing negociations with foreign
nations, and^of propounding or receiving propositions, which are intended to be.
introduced into treaties with the United States, are by the constitution exclusively
vested in the President ; that in making treaties, the powers of the Senate are
merely deliberative, and that their adrice and consent can be expressed only upon
such propositions as are submitted to their consideration.
It is conceived, however that the Senate are not confined to a general iffirma-
tive, or negative decision, on a proposed treaty embracing distinct propositions ;
but that they may regularly limit their concurrence by such exceptions as they
judge proper.
In deciding upon a proposed treaty which has been subfiiitted to the considera
tion of the Senate, the President is however to regard the entire act as modified
by any exceptions, and may approve or reject the same, as he shall judge proper.
But in case the President shall see fit to approve of " proposed treaty with
the exceptions of the Senate, he may accordingly ratify the same without submit
ting for their further advice and consent, such rescinding clauses or articles, as it
may be necessary to introduce into the treaty, for the mere purpose of giring
effect to the concurrent decisions of the President and Senate.

While these interlocutory questions were stiU under
consideration, intelligence arrived that the British govern
ment had renewed the provision order of June 1793. A
new state of affairs was thus presented, and it became a
serious question, whether during the existence of these
orders the treaty should be ratified at all. The Secretary
of State was against ratffication ; the other members of the
cabinet proposed that the ratification should be sent, accom
panied with a protest against the order ; another project
also suggested was, that the ratffication should be made,
but not exchanged tiU the order was revoked. On these
propositions Washington publicly expressed no opinion,
but reserving the announcement of his decision until his
return from Mt. Vernon, whither business caUed him, he
directed the Secretary of State to prepare instructions and
a remonstrance, which should be submitted to the cabinet
and forwarded to him. This however Mr. Randolph
delayed, and a short time after the President's departure,
VOL. I. 18

206 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 8.
a circumstance, (which wiU be hereafter mentioned)
occurred, which added a new feature to this business.
During the time that the treaty was under discussion in
the Senate, Mr. Adet, appointed by the French govern
ment to succeed Fauchet, arrived. The latter part of Mr.
Fauohet's official existence, it may be noticed, had been
marked by equal arrogance, though with somewhat more
prudence in its expression, than that of his predecessor.
The new minister was destined to show that the insolence
of both could be improved upon." After the decision by
the Senate, a copy ofthe treaty was communicated to Mr.
Adet. He stated in writing to the Secretary of State,
some objections founded on supposed infringements of the
treaty with France. To these Mr. Randolph rephed, as
he supposed satisfactorily. The anxiety with which this
paper was looked for by the people, had induced the Pre
sident to authorize the informal publication of its contents,
but before this was done the seal of secrecy imposed by a
resolution of the Senate, as weU as by respect to the
Executive, was violated by Mr. Stephens T. Mason, a
senator from Virginia, who transmitted an entire copy to
the Aurora, on the 29th of June. If the mere annuncia
tion of a treaty with England had produced such exaspera
tion in the Jacobin party, the knowledge of its contents
was not calculated to aUay it. Its terms when made known,
added to the strength of the opposition, as they offered
something definite to attack. It contained many advan
tageous provisions, yet it did not secure aU that was to be
desfred. It left open several points that were important
to have settled, points which England refiised to concede,
and which, it is worth remarking, the late war with that
power, undertaken for the very purpose of gaining, left
where Jay's treaty left them. It moreover was not con-
» Mr Hammond, the British minister, until the arrival of Mr. Robert Liston
about this time returned home, and Mr. who was shortly after appointed his
Bond remained as Charg* d' Affaires, successor

1795.] OF WASHINGTON. 207
fined to the redress of grievances, which in the opinion of
the opposition should have been its only object, if any, but
extended to commerce and navigation, and terms of amity
with a court, with whom, as repubhcans, we should have
no friendship. Finally, the treaty provided a means of
collecting the unfortunate debts. It cannot be denied,
that in many things it disappointed its friends, nor won
dered at that it should enrage those who had previously
determined to disapprove of it. Torrents of vituperation
were therefore poured forth ; Catos and other great names
of ancient days again appeared upon earth, lamenting the
degeneracy of their country, and showing by statistical
calculations the amount of sacrifices and degradation it
sustained ; inflamed patriots addressed inflammable
crowds in every section of the country ; Boston and the
other cities passed condemnatory resolutions, which were
duly heaped upon the cabinet table. The opposition
however did not stop at words. Many disgraceful scenes
were enacted in the principal cities during the excite
ment of the question; mobs threatened violence to its
supporters ; Mr. Jay was burnt in effigy ; the British
minister was insulted. In New York, Mr. Hamilton was
stoned at a public meeting — members ofthe opposite party,
high in station and influence, standing by without inter
fering. It was fortunate for the country at this crisis that to
a firmness which nothing could shake, to patriotism which
never weighed popularity in the scale of duty, and to dis
cernment which placed in its true light the character of
our pohtical relations, the President united the strongest
hold upon the confidence and affections of the people at
large, which any man perhaps ever justly gained ; for
without it, his judgment in the excited state of the pubhc
mind would not have been respected, and his firmness
Would but have involved himself and his pohcy in ruin.
We cannot look back upon the history of that period and

208 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 8.
upon the reckless conduct of the leaders of opposition,
without participating in the anxiety of wise and virtuous
men in the federal ranks, for the stabUity of our institu
tions and their fears of the trustworthiness of the people.
They had not, as we have had, the experience of those
reactions, those returns of popular sanity which assure us
that there is a national, as weU as an individual virtue,
that sooner or later will correct the errors of the past.
It was natural enough that the mass should have been
ignorant of the true character of the contest which raged
in Europe, and should have kindled with the idea so care
fuUy promulged, that France was advocating their own
great cause ; equally so that gratitude to their ancient al
lies should have increased the interest which a people
always feel, in the advancement of human right. When
we add to these causes of sympathy their just and natu
ral enmity to the great opponent of France ; the fact that
the aggressions of the latter nation upon our commerce,
and the audacious conduct of her ministers were glossed
over, while the policy and motives of our own govern
ment were wholly and wickedly misrepresented ; when
we remember the difficulty of counteracting false impres
sions in the teeth of the means taken to disseminate them ;
we can no longer wonder that our foreign relations were
not generally seen in their true fight. The people were
indeed misled from high impulses, but what shaU be said
of those who deceived them. The leaders of the oppo
sition possessed every information, they had known the
character of the revolution in all its phases, they had
seen the rottenness of its principles, understood the de
signs of the French government, the machinations em
ployed to embroil this countiy in the war, the audacious
insolence of Genet, the studied impertinence of his suc
cessor, the authorized system of piracy by which their
marine was subsisted. There can be no explanation of
their conduct but a determination to gain power at the

1795.] OF WASHINGTON. 209
expense of national honor, by means of foreign influence
acting on domestic dissensions.

TO MRS. WOLCOTT. Philadelphia, July 1st, 1795.
We have seen but Htfle of Mr. Adet. He appears to be a mUd tempered and
well educated man and no Jacobin. He speaks no Enghsh. I imagine he wUl
not be -riolent or troublesome, though there is reason to think that he wUl pro
mote what he deems the interest of his country with much sagacity. Dupont,
who, you know, was here two years since, is the Secretary to the Legation.
Both he and the Minister have handsome wives, and this is a good sign.
The President has appointed a Mr. Davis of Plymouth,* Comptroller, to whom
I have written to eome on and help us. I hope when he arrives to have some
leisure. Philadelphia, July 8th, 1795.
I have been so btisy that I have not had time to write you since the first in
stant. I am, however, well. Last Saturday was our holiday, when, as usual,
we aU put on our best clothes and paid visits of congratulation. The weather
was fine, and everybody happy except a few rascals vi^ho projected a riot. The
sense of the citizens, however, preserved perfect order until about twelve o'clock
at night, when some feUows in the Northern Liberties burned a man of straw of
their own making as an insuU to Mr. Jay, and to show their disapprobation of
the treaty. A good story is fabricated in Oswald's paper, which represents the
city as very gloomy on the 4th of July, and that the effigy was paraded through
the city ; but this is a lie, told for the purpose of deceiving people at a distance.
We have just received la.te news from Europe. The prospect of peace ap
pears to have vanished ; indeed it is probable that the war will become more
general by involving all the northern powers in the contest. A scarcity ap
proaching to a famine is felt everywhere in Europe ; there is great danger of a
real famine in France ; the distress of the aged, infirm, and unprotected in Paris
is extreme, and enough to freeze the blood with horror, yet though there have
been some disturbances they have not been destructive. It is said that the peo-
pie have become generaUy grave and melancholy, and as they know that riots
would only increase their misery they submit to misfortune -with the most heroic
firmness. I have good reason to believe that Mr. M.'s family were, about the
middle of May, at an aUowance of about two ounces of bread per diem to each
person ; flesh and vegetables were more plenty. If such is the situation of a
famUy every way favoured, what must be the distress of the immense numbers
who are defenceless, or obnoxious to popular resentment in such a city as Paris !
' The late Hon. John Davis, U. S. District Judge for Massachusetts.
18*

210 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 8.
FROM FISHER AMES. Dedham, July 9, 1795.
My Dear Sir,
I am sorry to perceive that Boston is in a very inflanimatory state. I -was
there two days ago, and I learnt that theTacobiiis have been successfuHn pre-
judicmg the multitude against the treaty. What is more to be lamented, almost
aU the merchants and steady men are said to feel the prevaUing fever or^to want
courage to resist it. A town-meeting is expected, and if it should be convened,
I expect its proceedings wiU be marked with folly and riolence. I could neither
repress my indignation, nor disguise my contempt for the bhndness and gulhbUity
of the rich men who so readily lend their strength to the party which is thirsting
for the contents of their iron chests. They tremble for Hberty if it is proposed
to give our form of government intrinsic strength, and if it is made to rest on
such men for props they slip away from their burden. It is to be denied the ex
trinsic support which the interests of the half-witted, and, in this instance, out
witted men of property were expected to give, and that steadily. So many feel
dishke of the treaty, and so few dare oppose the popular feeling, that I appre
hend not only mischievous proceedings in town-meeting, but also that the con
tagion wUl spread, especially southward. I am happy to find the town-meeting
is thus far delayed, as every day abates the heat of some and emboldens the
spirits of others. I am not surprised, although I am concerned to see the pro
found ignorance of the subject among those who believe and assert their right to
rejudge the doings of Mr. Jay and the Senate. It makes them peculiarly sus
ceptible of irritation and no less indocUe to fact and argument. The Jacobins,
in fact, have the possession of the ground, and they will not fail to fortify them
selves in their acquisition. The country is yet perfectiy calm, but pains wUl be
taken to inflame it. My hope is, that early attention wiU be paid to the mer
chants of New York and PhUadelphia. Right impressions made in those places,
like a double brick wall, might stop the flame of the Boston resolves, if any
should be passed. It is also important that temperate and masterly vindications
of the treaty should appear in the gazettes. Better, if in a pamphlet.
I am, perhaps, more provoked and discouraged than I should be on the occa
sion. It seemed as if the shining and prosperous period of our government
would be safe and popular. But our federal ship is near foundering in a miU-
pond. The pillars of the temple of Hberty need holding up by hand when the
storm does not blow. lam more and more confirmed in my croakings about our
affairs. The prejudices and passions of the multitude are scarcely more deadly
to public order than the theories of our philosophers. Our nation, I fear, must
be taught as others have been, by danger and suffering ; teaching by book makes
littie unpression. We must learn by great events, by baring the scars of great
wounds to point to, the recoUection of which will secure for an age or two aU
the feelings of the multitude, and most of the reason of our pohticians, on the
side of order and good government. To resume the subject I set out with,^what
can augur worse for our affairs than to see men of wealth, and at least of.repiited
sense, openly acting against the doings of the Executive. That branch is weak

1795.] OF WASHINGTON. 211
in its constitution. If the bullying of parties should make it cowardly also, it
vrill be nothing, it -wiU be worse than nothing, for it will become the tool of par
ty. It is some relief to me to give vent to my vexation by writing this letter.
If that, or any other plea would excuse its prolixity, it wUl be a rehef when I
need such help, for you have head and hands too full to read my dismal forebod
ings, and I declare beforehand, I disclaim aU pretensions to any reply. With
perfect esteem, I am yours sincerely, FISHER AMES.

TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON. Philadelphia, July 10th, 1795.
I have received your several letters dated June 22d, 26th, 30th and the 2d,
current. The new publication of the treaties was a measure not consistent with my
first impressions and expectations. It was not, however, left by the Senate in
the manner you suppose ; this resolution indeed evinces the contrary, and the
executive must, in addition to whatever difficulties would have attended a pub
lication if the Senate had been silent respecting the publication, have appeared
to oppose their sense by an official disclosure. The French minister has been
informed of the contents seasonably. No extraordinary sensibility has been dis
covered by him respecting the treaty. The Spaniards are however, feverish
with respect to the Mississippi article. Between ourselves I have reason to be
lieve that a cession of Louisiana and the Floridas will be required by France as
the price of peace, and I believe they will obtain them. The Spaniards must
comply and the French will offer a guarantee of the remaining Spanish American
dominions. The effect of this measure on our affairs it is easy to foresee.
By late letters from France there is reason to fear that the most destructive
commotions wUl be produced by the scarcity or rather famine in that country.
Mr. M's. family of fourteen persons were aUowed two pounds of bread per diem.
Flour costs forty dollars per barrel in specie. The finances were in a state of
ruin as appears from facts though the conclusion is not admitted. The canton
of Berne has prohibited the exportation of provisions from a fear of famine among
themselves. I am inchned to believe that our friends the Dutch, are irretrieva
bly ruined. A commissioner is known to have gone from Paris to Amsterdam
for money, &c., &c.
I have every reason, short of official information, to believe that the .stock ptur-
chased has arrived. This resource, with the liberty of postponing the instal
ment, the chance of negociating bills on this country, and an arrangement which
I have made by bills on Hamburg and Paris, in the alternative of a faUure at
either place, gives every chance for supporting our credit at this crisis, which
the nature of things will admit. All money negociations except with England,
are and must be hazardous to a certain degree. There is indeed, a French link
in the chain upon which reliance must be had.
The anticipations which you intimate in the case of Mr. F  , I have felt

212 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 8.
with much anxiety. It would astonish you to know how far the capital of this
country has been placed in the power ofFrance by speculations to that country
and the excessive use of credit during the last season. If we have a good crop,
and the ardour of speculation can be checked so as to allow a loss which I know
to be inevitable to fall graduaUy upon us, the merchants wiU struggle through ;
but if we proceed in our present course untU a sudden revulsion takes place, the
consequences may be serious. As yet the revenue comes in as usual, but fiirther
anticipations wUl in the present state of things be attended with difficulty. *
Various opinions obtain respecting the treaty ; but I think people here are
more temperate than in some other places, especiaUy at Baltunore and at the
southward. There is much prejudice which wiU be dispelled and I think that
the country cannot be much excited.

TO JEDEDIAH MORSE. Philadelphli, July 16th, 1795.
The treaty iB the chief topic of conversation with politicians. In some places
the pubhc opinion is uncandid and intemperate ; here I am happy to find that
just opinions are prevailing, though not in such a degree as I could wish. I find
that more was expected than was reasonable or than cotdd be obtained. We
have supposed Britain humble and disposed to make concessions. She supposes
herself the arbitress ofthe ocean and possessing good prospects of being able to
influence the commerce of the world. In making bargains she therefore con
tinues to demand valuable considerations for whatever she grants. What our
merchants want is a free trade to all parts of the world, but when we ask for
commercial privUeges in the British dominions, the question occurs, " what do
you propose to give in exchange V The truth is, Britian is proud and powerful
on that element where she is our rival. We are at present defenceless, with no
inconsiderable portion of pride on our part, for which however, we ought not to
be blamed. It is easy to see the difficulty of affording satisfaction to parties so
circumstanced, and yet a treaty must embrace the interests and consent of both
or perpetual collision and strife must be expected. The treaty is in my opinion
valuable, as it proposes an adjustment of old disputes without contention, and as
it affords a new security for the enjoyment of privdeges which before were had
at the pleasure of either party. In some respects it removes the causes from
which variance and war were most to be feared.
The present is a momentous period to Europe and perhaps to us. The last
advices left it uncertain whether the war would languish through the present
season and end the next winter, or whether its flames would spread more exten
sively. There is color for the belief that Russia, Austria and England, may be
opposed to Sweden, Prussia, Denmark, Holland, France, Spain and perhaps the
Irish. In this case the condition of the human race wiU be deplorable ; nothing
but desolation and famine can be expected, and a most extreme issue to the
contest. The present war has, in every respect been more terrible than any which has

1795.] OF WASHINGTON. 213
been waged in Europe for the last twelve centuries. The most alarming des
truction of useful animals, and all the necessaries oflife have marked its progress.
In France the people are wasting with famine, and I expect to hear that the same
is true in HoUand ; in every country from the Baltic to the Mediterranean the
scarcity and distress is unprecedented in modem times, and yet all parties expect
relief from what must ineritably increase their calamities. It is strange that the
contrast between our situation and that of Europe should not be more impressive
on this country than is the case ; that we should not aU see and acknowledge
the truth. Is it a law of nature that man cannot benefit by the experience of
others ?

.FROM WILLIAM VANS MURRAY.
CAKiBRiDeE, E. S., 19th July, 1795.
Dear Sir,
You were so obliging as to express something like a wish that I should drop
you a line, and as you must naturally wish to know how we feel about the treaty
here, I seize the present moment to ask you how you do, and to say that from aU
I can learn or hear respecting this act, it meets with the concurrence of all men
of reflection. Not much indeed is said upon the subject ; there is so much pros
perity and such high prices for wheat &c., that pubhc objects, unless immediately
relative to individual concerns, rarely attract attention. The rectitude of the
people here and their- confidence in the rectitude and wisdom of the Executive
and the Senate bade them justly to conclude that all is for the best.
The 12th article I see is suspended. So decisive and unanimous a rejection
leaves but little ground to defend its poHcy. Nor can I see the whole of Mr.
Jay's poUcy in the sacrifice of the carrying trade under it. However I have at
tempted to find some rationale upon which he grounded this article. What such
a man does in a wide sphere of contract, must be supported by some plausible,
if not solid hypothesis. It has struck me that he thought if we were let, say for
three years, into a fiiU competition vrith Ireland and their infant. Upper Canada,
we should completely possess ourselves of the West India trade and form inflex
ible habits of dependence upon our supplies, which at the end ofthe term might
lead to better conditions. That in the meantime our consumers here would ob
tain West India articles on more moderate terms, and the remitters who now
remit 50,000,000 of foreign sugars &c., find remittances in the home articles of
export which would unite the carrying trade and export of our own raw materi
als together. That the reverse of this presumes a greater extent of mere carry
ing than is in proportion to the other branches of industry.
In fact, considering the claims of the United States, the counter claims, right
or wrong, of Great Britain, the indisposition of this country to war on these
contested points ; the situation of both countries, the state at present of the com
mercial balance in Europe, and what we have obtained and avoided, it appears
as good as we should probably have obtained after a seven years war. France
in '61 and '62 terminated her war vrith Great Britain as to her " reclaim of
prizes taken from merchants before the declaration of war," upon worse terms.

214 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 8.
as the parties spoUed were sent entirely into the courts of Great Britain for re
dress, nor did France in her preliminary overtures ask for more on that head.
Our tonnage however, a great item, is on a worse footing than it was, and indeed
it was obrious to those who considered Mr. Madison's propositions that when
ever a reversion by treaty took place of the footing of our trade -with Great
Britain and we were placed on the basis of reciprocity we must feel an abate
ment of our advantages. I'am with great respect, &c.
W. V. MURRAY. ¦

FROM OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Litchfield, July 20th, 1795.
Sir, * * * The important articles of the treaty relative to the interior of
the U. States, I believe are well established, viz : respecting the evacuation of
the western posts, damages for impeding the coUection of debts, injuries done to
our commerce, ascertaining our northern points, intercourse with Canada — i
inhibiting confiscation, etc., and Hke-vrise respecting British subjects holding real
property. * * * As to the British carrying off the negroes, they had
good right to do so. They had been previously manumitted by a power compe
tent to effect it, and could not therefore be considered as property, and this with
out recuriring to the old ideas of universal equahty. Congress during the war
invited the European soldiers to desert the British service, and held out to them
an inducement for the purpose ; if this had taken effect, and had the United
States dehvered up the deserters by treaty, it would have been infamous. I
always wondered that Mr. Jefferson should beheve that the former treaty had
any relation to the negroes. Had the British carried off 20,000, instead of 2000,
it would have been weU for America. To admit ships of war o-wned by a nation
at war with one -with whom we have commercial intercourse, to continue ad hbi-
tum in our ports, may embarrass commerce, but this I suppose is aUowed to the
French, and perhaps therefore ought to be admitted.
I can claim but little knowledge of commerce, but to impose any restraint
upon ourselves, as to the manner in which we -wUi carry on our trade with
nations whom the treaty does not immediately respect, as the twelfth article does,
I should conceive is improper, and ought not to be admitted. How far very
specific commercial treaties may be for the interest, or security of America to
adopt, I believe is very questionable. It may be so in Europe ; a country dirided '
Into a great number of distinct commercial jurisdictions, but a great variety of
stipulated objects afford many reasons for despots, on accoimt of their real or
pretended violation. To establish amity with nations and commerce, consistent
vrith their ovra national regulations, is perhaps aU that is necessary for America,
in her remote situation, to exempt herself from embarrassments in her young,
inexperienced, and very gro-wing condition, and whUe Eui-ope is and wUl be
rapidly varying their national condition and character.
The diplomatic system of Europe, has never had but the most feeble effect
when opposed to the riews of interest or ambition. The nation which depends

1795.] OF WASHINGTON. , 215
npon treaty for its security, leans upon a reed. An article which is to be carried
into immediate execution, it may be expected will be performed ; there is such a
thing as individual honesty, but there is no national character. The truth of this
observation has been exemplified in the character of the Executive, and the evi
dent disposition of the people of the United States. Great Britain by entering
into the late treaty, has recognised our national character, which she never
intended to do. She hoped events would give her an opportunity to give Ame
rica a deadly wound. Their administration is rascally, though the nation pos
sesses much commercial honour ; that is they understand their own interests.
The divisions in the Senate were such as were to be expected. The dissen
tients are very glad the treaty is so far agreed to, and in the manner it has been
done, with a rub and a go, as the farmers say. Rather than Hot to have had it
pass, they would have directed Robinson, or some others, to have made out the
necessary compliment. The importance of these men depends upon an immu
table opposition. Unfortunately for them, the people of the United States are
more inteUigent and less vicious than the people of Paris.
I have heard but little said about ahe treaty by our people. There are some
who will believe that we ought to make a treaty just as it shall best suit ourselves ;
but there wiU be no difficulty in Connecticut. Our people are calm and hard at
work. My observations on the subject, I should not think of making to any one
but yourself, and am upon the whole weU satisfied, that the affair stands as it
does. Many very important objects are obtained by it. I beheve the principal
caution which ought to be observed is, not to extend treaties further than what is
dictated by necessity, or other than such as are founded upon the broad basis of
amity oiUy, and to depend upon national interests to effect the rest. * *
Yours, etc., O. WOLCOTT.
FROM COL. JOHN TRUMBULL. London, July 24th, 1795.
Dear Sir,
On my return from France, which was only a few days since, I had the
pleasure to meet here our friend Cabot, and your very acceptable letter of the 3d
of June. We are now expecting every hour the arrival of some one to tell us
what is the fate of Mr. Jay's labours. Few doubts would be entertained of the
event but for the late order of this government for the bringing in of neutral ships
bound to France with provisions. This measure has given great offence to our
people here and on the continent ; and those who wish for a good understand
ing between the two countries dread its operation on your minds, especiaUy
when combined with the very improper conduct of Admiral Murray and your
Bermuda neighbours. I not only hope, but trust, that the impression -wUI
not be so strong as to produce any thing like a rupture, but I sincerely fear that
it -wUl prevent that degree of cordiaHty which was to have been hoped for. The
promises and assurances of those in power here are, that aU possible dispatch
shaU be used in the settlement of claims in these cases, and the utmost Hberality
in payments. But a court of AdmiraUy is in aU countries and cases tedious, and

216 . SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 8.
the forcible arrangement of plans of business offensive ; so that with aU that can
be done, affronts of a deep and lasting nature must in many cases be expected.
You request me to tell you what I have seen. It is not easy, my dear sir, to
describe scenes so immense, so various, and so fluctuating. If therefore I give
you two or three prominent features of the vast whole, you must be satisfied.
The state of cultivation is perhaps one ofthe most interesting points at the pre
sent moment. I have crossed the country from Havre de Grace to Basle through
Paris by one road, and returned by another, and in all the distance I see nothing
that marks a neglect of agriculture, or a want of hands to labour ; on the con
trary, the earth is covered with all the usual variety of crops, all promising abtm-
dance, if the approach of harv'est be warm. Up to the time that I left the coun
try, we had too much rain and cold, which have extended also to this country.
Another circumstance struck me forcibly ; I mean the very few beggars I met
with ; formerly whenever a carriage stopped to change horses it was surrounded
by half a dozen and often by a whole one, of miserable objects who assailed you
in the name of God, and whose appearance bore but too forcible a testimony to
the justice of their fervent apphcations. I have now passed many, very many
post houses without meeting a single mendicant. This and some other obser
vations convince me that the condition of the lowest classes of society is im
proved, perhaps as much as that of the rich is declined ; so that with all the
horrid scenes which have passed, and all the accumulation of wretchedness which
has overwhelmed the upper orders of society, I am disposed to believe that the
sum of human happiness has rather increased than diminished. This to be sure
is no apology for those who have drenched the cities in blood, and we can only
regard them as we would a pestilence, as horrid instruments in the hand of Pro
vidence to scourge, and ultimately to purify the corruption of men. Again, I
have seen the city of Paris exhibit an example of patient fortitude which I did not
expect from such a mass of ignorant and profligate people. I have seen them
week after week receive the miserable pittance of two ounces of bad bread to a
person a day ; and support this privation with fewer instances of riot, impa
tience or murmur than you would have expected from a race ofphUosophers.
From the probable plenty of provisions, from the fortitude which I have seen
the people display when under the pressure of real want, and from the melioration
which has certainly taken place in the condition of the mass of inhabitants, I in
fer that the nation at large is weU disposed and does possess both the powers and
the -will to support the general principle of the revolution ; that is, a right to
choose a form of government for themselves. And although the constitution, of
which I sent you a copy the other day, wUl not come up to our ideas of a good
one, yet I believe it will soon be brought to a trial, be submitted to by the people,
and order and tranquUlity be restored. A necessity wUl probably soon recur, as it
did with us, of changing and improving the machine, but I hope that wiU be ef
fected by them as it was by us without inducing new convulsions. The wietch-
edness which has been the consequence of an eternal succession of factions (and
which is lamented there as much as it is by the rest of mankind) has very much
eradicated those wUd and extravagant ideas of Hberty which for a time prevail
ed, while the pressure of external war, kept up by royal and absolute government.

1795.] OF WASHINGTON. 217
nurses their abhoirenee of the ancient system. I trust they wiU ere long find
that just medium of national freedom which can alone produce and preserve
human happiness.
An attempt is now making on the western coast by a body of emigrants in
conjunction with the Chouans &c., supported by the British fleet ; but it appears
to me that the attempt is as feeble as the dream of an infant. Instead of being
joined by vast bodies of friends, they have already been several times repressed by
the few troops who were in the country, and we are informed that more than an
hundred thousand of the troops of the last campaign are in full march from the
eastern and northern frontier where a sort of armistice seems to have taken place.
Should this effort, as I believe it wiU, end in complete defeat, I shall hope for a
return of peace next winter. France, the victorious, is fatigued and disposed to
peace and moderation, and I see no hope left for her exhausted enemies, but in
her own dissolution, which I do not imagine wUl operate in their favour.
We, I hope, shall continue secure in our distance and our prudence, to be
spectators only of the devastation occasioned by this great political tempest, and
in our prosperity and moderation, give to the world an example of the genuine
fruits of national liberty and a government of laws. Yours truly,
JNO. TRUMBULL.

TO THE PRESIDENT. Philadelphia, July 26th, 1795.
I went to the State House Yard last Saturday for the purpose of observing the
proceedings. There were not, in my opinion, fifteen hundred persons present,
and one half of this number took no part in what was done. The persons who
voted were of the ignorant and violent class of the community. Doctor Shippen
was chairman, and Dallas, Pettit, Swanwick, Muhlenburgh, McClenachan, Bar
ker and Judge McKean, ostensible leaders, who were mounted on a stage. The
latter was introduced late in the meeting, by Dallas and Pettit. A memorial
was read twice, and passed as the sense of the meeting, without opposition or
debate. Hamilton Rowan = was introduced or named by McClenachan, and re
ceived with three cheers. The treaty was thrown to the populace, who placed
it upon a pole ; a company of about three hundred then proceeded to the French
Minister's house , before which some ceremony was performed. The mob then
went before Mr. Hammond's house and burnt the treaty with huzzas and accla
mations ; the same was done before Mr. Bond's and Mr. Bingham's houses.
Some glass was broken by the mob, of Mr. Bingham's house. In aU this farce,
McClenachan is said to have been a leader. The French Minister denied him
self to the mob, and has,I believe, conducted himself with strict propriety. Keen
sensations are e.xcited in the city at this viUainous conduct. I cannot speak with
certainty ofthe opinion of the city as to the treaty, but I am confident that their
» Hamilton Rowan was one of the country. The indecency of his oppear-
United Irishmen, and had but recentiy ance on such an occasion needs no
fled from the persecutions of his own comment,
VOL. I. 19

218 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 8.
feelings are temperate, and that they feel entire confidence in the President, and
wiU support his decision. TO MRS. WOLCOTT. Philadelphia, July 26th, 1795.
On Saturday we had a treaty meeting which the lying Bache calls a general
and numerous meeting. I went to the place for the purpose of making observa
tions in company -with some of the public officers. There might be fifteen hun
dred persons in the yard, but I think not more. About half the number went
from curiosity and took no part. The actors generally were an ignorant mob, of
that class which is most disaffected and riolent. Doctor Shippen was chairman ;
Dallas, Swanwick, Pettit, Muhlenberg, McClenachan, Barker, &c., &c. Poor
old Judge McKean was introduced late in the meeting by DaUas and Pettit.
These chaps were mounted on a stage for the amusement of the company. A
memorial to the President against the treaty was read twice and passed vrithout
opposition or debate. Cheers and swinging of hats were the indications of ap
probation in which the rogues and fools both on and off the stage joined. Blair
McClenachan, I believe, introduced the Irish patriot, Hamilton Rowan, to the
company, at least his name was mentioned and they swung their hats ; even the
poor old judge swung his, I presume, because he expected the honor of soon hav
ing the fellow to hang for some roguery in this country. Old Blair then threw
the treaty to the mob and advised them to " kick it to hell." The mob did what
was perhaps as weU, they put the paper on a pole and proceeded to the French
Minister's house, where they performed some ceremony. The treaty was more
over burned before Mr. Hammond's, Mr. Bond's, and Mr. Bingham's houses.
Some of Mr. Bingham's windows were broken and Viscount NoasiUes somewhat
hurt by attempting to ride over the mob. McClenachan was an actor, as is
said, in this burning farce, accompanied by two or three hundred persons.
The city feels keen sensations at this rascally business, wliich will however do
no harm, except when the affair is misrepresented. A plan is eridently laid to
bum the treaty in aU the great towns and something of the kind will perhaps be
done in the country. The reason ofthe people wUl however prevail.
The French Muiister did not encourage what was done, he is I believe an
amiable and honest man.
The French Minister was not at that time understood.
FROM ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
^ „ New York, July 28, 1795.
Dear Sir,
We have some cause to suspect, though not enough to believe, that our
Jacobins meditate serious mischief to certain individuals. It happens that the
militia of this city from the complexion of its officers in general, cannot be de-

1795.] OF WASHINGTON. 219
pended on, and it wiU be difficult for some time to organize a competent armed
substitute. In this situation our eyes turn as a resource in a sudden emergency,
upon the mUitary now in the forts, but these we are told are under marching
orders. Pray converse confidentiaUy with the Secretary at War, and engage
him to suspend the march. Matters in eight or ten days wUl explain themselves.
How are things truly in Philadelphia ? I have good reason to believe that the
President before he left Philadelphia, had concluded to ratify the treaty accord
ing to the advice of the Senate. Has any thing finaUy been done, or are we
where we were 1 Yours, A. HAMILTON.

TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON. Philadelphia, July 28, 1795.
You see that attempts are made to stir up a flame, and con-vulse the country
respecting the treaty. Though the actors hitherto are known to be a factious
set of men, and their followers generally a contemptible mob, yet from the syste-
¦ matical manner in which they have proceeded, and some curious facts which have
recentiy come to my knowledge, I cannot but suspect foul play by persons not
generaUy suspected.
Every thing is conducted in a mysterious and strange manner, by a certain
character here,' and to my astonishment I am recently told, that John Rutledge
has had a tender of the office of Chief-Justice. By the favour of heaven the
commission is not issued, and now I presume it will not be, but how near ruin
and disgrace has the country been I Cannot you come and attend the Supreme
Court, for a few days the next week '! A bed at my house is at your command.
If you cannot, pray drop me a line.
WiU you reply briefly to a few questions I lately stated, I care not how briefly.
Your ideas upon a system matured essentiaUy by you, wUl enable me to proceed
with less hesitation. Indeed, I need some help. There is no comptroUer here
as yet, and now I have suffered an irreparable loss by the appointment of Mr.
Kane, to be assistant cashier of the bank. Philadelphia, July 30th, 1795.
I have your letter ofthe 28th. I wUl see the Secretary of War this morning,
and you may rely upon it that the movement will be suspended.
The true state of things in this city is, that the treaty was at first unpopular ;
the expectations of vain, sanguine men, who considered this country as all power
ful, and entitled to dictate, were not satisfied. Every engine of faction was suc
cessfully set at work. At present there is more temper and moderation. The
truth begins to prevail. I think we shall have no dangerous riots, but one month
wUl determine the fate of our country, so far as depends on ourselves. The
extreme hazards of foreign war I do not take into account.
» The Secretary of State.

220 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap 8.
I dare not write, and hardly dare think of what I know and believe, respectmg
a certain character, whose situation gives him a decided influence. There has
as yet, nothing more passed between the government and Mr. Hammond, than a
verbal conference, in which the President's opinion respecting the merits of the
treaty has been declared to be like that of the Senate. No written memorial has
passed, nor have any measures as relative to the ratification been adopted. The
ratification of the President has moreover been connected vrith the repeal of some
unkno-wn order, respecting vessels bound vrith prorisions to France, though this
was a condition improperly prescribed in my opinion, yet the circumstance
might have been mentioned in a manner which would not be offensive, and have
assumed the form of a prudent precaution on the part ofthe President. But what
must the British government think of the United States, when they find the treaty
clogged with one condition by the Senate, with another by the President, no
answer given in a precise form after forty days, no minister in that country to
take up negociations proposed by ourselves, the country rising into a flame, their
minister's house insulted by a mob, their flag dragged through the streets as in
Charleston, and burnt before the doors of their consul, a driveUer and a fool
appointed Chief-Justice 1 Can they beUeve that we desire peace 1 I shaU take
immediate measures with two of my colleagues this very day. They are firm
and honest men. We will if possible, to use a French phrase, " save our coun
try." You must not think we have been to blame for the delay. We have
constantly been amused by R., who has said that the President was determined
to ratify. The precise state of the business has never been communicated tUl
within a few days ; the affairs of his department are solely conducted by himself.
Feel no concern, however, for I see a clue which will conduct us through every
labyrinth, except that of war. On that point we must take our chance. It
would be weU if you, or Mr. King or Gov. Jay, could be here some time next
week, provided too much speculation would not be excited.

FROM CHAUNCEY GOODRICH. Haktfokd, July 30, 1795.
Dear Sir,
We promise ourselves faction wUl not gain eventuaUy many proselytes in New
England, fi-om its attack on the treaty. The President's answer toTfieTaddress-
ors is celebrated here among the wisest of his acts, and goes far to check the
arts of gainsayers. Upon the weak and unwary it is Hke a text to a divine from
holy writ, in the cause of truth.
Mr. Bradford's death is much regretted, both on account of his personal worth,
and the loss of a valuable officer and friend of the government ; well fitted to do
good in Pennsylvania, where there is a dearth of such characters. Mr. Ran
dolph's resignation occasions some surprise, but no lamentations ; many of the
warmest advocates for the present measures, are hurt by Mr. Rutledge's appoint
ment, and are unable to account for it, but impute it to want of information of his
hostUity to the government, or some hidden cause which justifies the measure.
We shaU be loth to find faction is to be courted at so great a sacrifice of consist-

1795.] OF WASHINGTON. 221
ency. Mr. Davis is in town on his way to Philadelphia, and I hope you will
find him to be the right man. * * * »
Your friend, CHAUNCEY GOODRICH.

FROM BENJAMIN GOODHUE. Salem, August 1st, 1795.
My Dear Friend,
I cannot refrain while the enemies of our peace and happiness are so peculiarly
busy, to drop you a few lines respecting the state of things in this quarter. The
Boston Jacobins, ready cocked and primed, as soon as the treaty was promulga
ted raised an hue and cry, called hastUy a town meeting, and aided by that spirit
of irritation which exists against Great Britain, without reading the treaty, con
demned it in lots, and such an air of terrorism was assumed, as deterred those
who wish for examination and order in society, either from being present at the
meeting, or if present, opposing their predetermined intentions, and though
they may have received a degree of consolation, from being able to kindle and
propagate the flame in New York and Philadelpliia, yet their mortification must
be as great, at not being able to get either the other great commercial towns in
the state, or the agricultural»interest to be infected with their mania. Indeed,
from my observations, both the merchants and farmers generally approve ofthe
treaty as they become acquainted with it, and I have it from good authority
that it is the case even in Boston with a very large proportion of their merchants,
and is becoming more and more the case, as their passions subside, and the sub
ject is investigated and understood. You may depend on it, that it wUl not be
in the power, either ofthe inconsiderate or the determinately vicious, to shake
the great body, either of the merchants, or the yeomanry of our country, from
their attachment to order, or a reverence for their own government. They feel
the sweets of peace, and it -will not be in the power of the war hawks to change
their sentiments for anarchy or war. Your affectionate, B. GOODHUE.
TO NOAH WEBSTER. Philadelphia, August 1, 1795.
I received your letter of the 30th ultimo, and I thank you for your remarks.
Various causes prevented me from forming any opinion upon the treaty, until
after the rising ofthe Senate. I have since that time carefully examined it, and
compared it with other treaties, and I am satisfied that it is as favourable as could
be obtained, or as we had a right under all circumstances to expect; perhaps
when the nature of our government and the defenceless state of our commerce
are calmly considered, it may be affirmed that it is as favourable as we ought to
wish. It is a much more doubtful point than is commonly imagined, whether it
be for the trae interest of this country to attain what is the object of universal
avidity, a free and unHmited commerce in our o-wn vessels with the world. That
19*

222 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 8.
degree of commerce which is necessary to keep us informed of the demands of
foreign nations, and to prevent them from setting a price both upon what we sell
and what we buy, is indispensable. But I am not clear, that we ought at this
time to wish to scatter our wealth and our citizens over every part of the world,
and thus expose both to the caprice and injustice of even weak nations. The
state of things which we desire cannot be rendered safe -without a powerful na-vy,
and this we do not possess, and cannot soon obtain. It is a solemn trath that
the United States are Ul capable of offensive or exterior exertions ; we can defend
our country, and we can do little more. It would be impoHtic however, at the
present moment, to attack existing prejudices on the subject of commerce. The
vain opinions which now prevaU will be graduaUy renounced. I therefore approve
of the principle on which I find it proposed to defend the treaty, though I beheve
that still stronger ground might be taken, if the people were in a state of mind to
hear offensive, yet interesting truths.
For various reasons which you wUl hereafter know and approve, I -wUl only
say in answer to a part of your letter, that you may feel a perfect confidence and
security in the proceedings of the Executive — do not therefore despond, but con
tinue to enhghten the public and defend the treaty. With respect to the future
fortunes of our country, I can make no conjectures that -wUl be useful to you. A
very short period will discover what we are to expwct. We have every thing to
hope from the virtue and reason of one part ofthe community, and every thing to
fear from the vice and turbulence of another. It is however certain that the
great sections of the United States -wiU not long continue to be agitated as they
have been. We must and shaU come to some explanation with each other.
FROM WILLIAM VANS MURRAY.
CAMBRm&E, E. S., Md., 7th Aug., 1795.
Dear Sir,
About a month since I did myself the pleasure of droppmg a Hne to you, but
as it went by the way of the Baltimore post it may have miscarried. I am anx
ious for a Hne from you as I am sure you would give me some materials upon
the treaty which would help me to sustain attacks that now seem to thicken
every day. They come from such of our citizens as go to and return here from
Baltunore. As to the mass of the people here, the men of sense and men of
property, they wait with firm confidence in the President, that he wUl act for the
best. Yet their bias is agamst some of the articles, particularly the 3d, givuig
the British merchant free entrance and trade among the Indian tribes within the
limits of the United States, and, indeed, the whole here rather lean against the
treaty. They allow, however, with a candour that has always distinguished the
people of this peninsula, that the unpression of dislike may not be found to be
.correct, had they the information necessary to a fair judgment which the Senate
¦had and the President has. The advocates for war, tihough very few, have cer
tainly increased since the discussion has taken place. I never in my life wished
for the benefit of an hour's conversation with you as on this business ; for you
must have grounded reasons flowmg from systems, whereas I can do Httle more

1795.] OF WASHINGTON. 223
than support the thing politically, and talk wide upon what we have probably
avoided. Mr. Hamilton might still do great good by giving the pubhc his
luminous pen. There is an accommodation of facts, public documents, conver
sation, and knowledge, in great capitols and at the seat of government, that
places any great transaction and its relations in a point of light which no indus
try of study in a remote part of country life can ever attain. Faction from
thence shoots its poisoned arrows, and from thence also ought trath to exert its
arm. In this country, unless this light is poured upon us in the most remote places,
the friends of govemment and order wiU stagger about in the dark too frequent
ly. The rallying point must come from those whose station in the government
places an accurate knowledge of the best system in their power.
That the President should be so harrassed by the tumultuous proceedings of
different towns is what every good citizen must lament. I suspect he wUl take
a middle course, unless he has before this time signed the treaty ; that is, send
the business back to negociate time away. Whatever you are pleased to com
municate shall be considered as strictly confidential, and I shall be much obHged
by a few lines. I am, with sincere esteem, &c.,
W. V. MURRAY.

TO BENJAMIN GOODHUE.
Philadelphia, Aug. Bth, 1795.
I have received two letters from you, dated the 1st instant. It gives me the
most sincere pleasure that New England remains firm and composed. If the
extravagances which are fashionable in the other parts of our country were to
extend to the northern states, our liberties would soon be lost.
Circumstances of which I will shortly inform you, prevent me from being ex
plicit as to the present state of the treaty. Rely upon it, however, that aU will
go right, unless events uncontrollable by human foresight occur to blast our
prospects. I have been oppressed with an unsupportable load of business ; but I hope Mr.
Davis wiU soon come on to assist me. I shall engage lodgings for you in season ;
nothing can be done at present. You shall hear from me soon.
FROM ALEXANDER HAMILTON. New York, Aug. 10, 1795.
Dear Sir,
I have received your letter by Saturday's post. The one you enquire about
was received.
I incline very much to the opinion that this -wiU be the proper course of con
duct in reference to the order to seize our vessels -with provisions, riz: to send
to our agent the treaty ratified, as adrised by the Senate, with this instruction —
that if the order for seizing provisions is in force when he receives it, he is to in-

224 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 8.
form the British Minister that he has the treaty ratified, but that he is instructed
not to exchange the ratification tUl that order is rescinded, since the United
States cannot even give an implied sanction lo the principle. At the same time
a remonstrance ought to go from this country, well considered and well digested,
even to a word, to be delivered against the principle of the order. My reasons
for this opinion are summarily these :
1. That in fact we are too much interested in the exemption of provisions from
seizure to give even an implied sanction to the contrary pretension.
2. That the exchange of ratifications pending such an order, would give colour
to an abusive construction of the XVIIIth article of the treaty, as though it
admitted of the seizure of provisions.
3. That this would give cause of umbrage to France, because it would be
more than merely to refrain from resisting by force an innovation injurious to
her, but it would be to give a sanction to it in the midst of a war.
4. It would be thus construed in our country, and would destroy confidence
in the government.
5. It would be scarcely reputable to a nation to conclude a treaty -with a power
to heal past controversies, at the very moment of new and existing violation of
its rights. Yours truly, A. HAMILTON.
If an order had existed and has been rescinded, the remonstrance ought stiU
to be presented after the exchange of ratifications, as a protest against the prin
ciple, &c. TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Philadelphia, August 10, 1795.
The treaty has received a most violent opposition from a certain party in most
of our great towns, but in the southern states the opposition is pretty general.
What the result wiU be of this combination, is somewhat difficult to predict.
As I know that the treaty is the best that could be obtained, and that the true
interests of the United States require that it should go into effect, my conduct
and opinion will in no degree be affected by the clamour which has been excited.
The viUainous artifices by which this ferment has been excited, wiU be soon
unveUed, and I presume that the good sense of the people wiU once more tri
umph over faction. I am, however, almost discouraged with respect to the
southern states ; the effect of the slave system has been such that I fear our gov
ernment wiU never operate with efficacy. Faction, dependence, pride, and tur
bulence, are too general characteristics of the different states, to admit of that
sobriety and order upon which this government is predicated. Indeed, we must
of necessity soon come to a sober explanation with that people and know upon
what we are to depend. It is impossible to continue long in our present state.
I find that it is trae that John Rutiedge has been invited to be Chief- Justice,
but he is not commissioned and I must presume he wiU not be after his late con
duct. The President wiU be here shortly.

1795.] OF WASHINGTON. 225
FROM GEORGE CABOT. Boston, August 13th, 1795.
Dear Sir,
The Chamber of Commerce here has held a meeting on the subject of the
treaty, and vrith a remarkable unanimity approved it. They also passed a vote
reprobating the attempts everywhere made to excite clamour and discontent.
The proceedings are to be transmitted to the President. At Salem the respect
able people are acqiuescent, and many of them approve, but they think it unad-
-risable to act. At Newburyport the principal merchants are also well satisfied,
and some steps have been taken to bring them to express their opinion, but I am
not yet informed of the success. On the whole, it maybe safely pronounced that
the sober and discreet part of even our seaports, and still more of our country
towns, feel a great anxiety lest the treaty should by any means miscarry. It is
with no less chagrin than astonishment that I learn this day that the consumma
tion of the business has been delayed by popular clamour. If delay should ter
minate in refiisal, we are ruined. The present system wiU have finished its
destiny. Yours faithfully, * G. CABOT.
TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON. Philadelphia, Aug. 15, 1795.
The President has decided that the treaty shall be ratified and transmitted for
exchange immediately, and in my opinion he has decided right. I regret that
this was not done long since, as I presume much of the party spirit which has
been excited would have been prevented.
A govemment Hke ours can rarely take a middle course on any point which
interests the public feelings. Delay, for whatever reason, would be constraed
into a dislike of the treaty itself, and this opinion diffusing among the people
would generate the most inveterate factions. Circumstances have happened
tending to excite a distrust of the sincerity of this government in the British
cabinet, which can be no otherwise explained than by a ratification.
FROM OLIVER ELLSWORTH. Windsor, Aug. 15, 1795.
Dear Sir,
I am this moment favoured with your obliging letter of the 8th. If the Presi
dent decides wrong, or does not decide soon, his good fortune wUl forsake him.
N. E. is tolerably quiet, and wiU be more so as the subject becomes more under
stood ; but I am to be responsible only for Connecticut. That E. R. should not
act at aU, ia leas surpriaing than that J. R. ahotdd act like the devil.'- I wait for
» Edward and John Rutledge.

226 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 8.
the unravelling, when more is to be known, and am in the meantime, and at all
times, very sincerely your friend,
OLIVER ELLSWORTH.
You -wiU learn from others that Mrs. Wolcott is well, and that the Connecticut
lands are sold to everybody for 1,200,000 dollars on five years credit, two without
interest.

Windsor, August 20, 1795.
Dear Sir,
Accept my thanks for your letter of the 15th. I am glad the President has
done at last, what I am un-wilhng to believe he ever hesitated about, and the delay
of which has not been vrithout hazard and some mischief The crisis admits
not of the appearance of indecision, and much less, of steering any course but
one. There is less reason to be anxious for the eastern quarter, than there was
some time since. The attempts of a few lawyers, talcing their tone from New
Haven, to agitate this State, has been unsuccessful and must be abandoned.
Rhode Island and Vermont, I apprehend to be out of danger ; tho' my informa
tion is not so full» as might be -wished. The current I believe to be turning in
Massachusetts, tho' you may perhaps hear of some more obscene town meetings.
The declaration of the Boston merchants, and the President's letter to the select
men, are good dampers, and together with able defences now circvUating, mU
produce an effect. As I hear nothing from New Hampshire except the first im
pression at Portsmouth, I infer that Brother Langdon's argument and explanation,
that " 'tis a damned thing made to plague the French," has by repetition, lost its
power. This is all I can tell you about New England ; and I very much wish
you, when you have leisure, to teU me how viralent the opposition is in all the
States south of this, and what effects are to be expected frora it. It is not wholly
owuig to laziness, that nothing more formal has been here wrote on the side of
the treaty. We thought it best only to stand prepared for defence, if an attack
should be here made, which has not yet been the case ; and in the meantime
perhaps, to scrape and squib a little, just to keep the humour the right way, and
to see to the publishing of what is well wrote elsewhere.
With regard to Mr. Rutledge, it certainly was difficult, after he had come, not
to commission him. If the evU is without remedy, we must as in other cases,
make the best of it. Believe not, my dear sir, that I have feelings on this occa
sion which are not common to aU well-disposed friends of the Government
Governor Huntington was here yesterday, on his way to Dartmouth, and loves
peace so weU, that to make sure of it, he wishes we had taken the 12th Article
too. Finding him disposed to take credit, I furnished him with what stock I
could, for retailing.
We are to have the pleasure of Mrs. Wolcott's company next week, to taste a
water-melon ; and when I see her, if at no other time, you certainly wiU be re
membered by. Your friend and humble servant,
OLIV. ELLSWORTH.

1795.] OF WASHINGTON. 227
FROM GEORGE CABOT. Brookline, Aug. 24, 1795.
In answer to your question, it may be said with confidence, that New Eng
land will be calm and steady, and that the National Government will lose nothing
in the present storm, that depends upon her. It is however, a lamentable truth,
that the first impressions upon good men were so erroneous, as to give every en
couragement to faction. This delusion was indeed momentary, and having soon
been dissipated by reason and information, has been succeeded by a greater anx
iety for the success of the negotiation with Britain, than has appeared upon any
other occasion since the establishment of the present govemment. It was in this
state of the public mind, that the President's letter appeared, and gave universal
satisfaction to the true friends of order in aU parts of our country. Even faction
and anarchy have acknowledged the merit of this letter. It is a remarkable
proof of the instabUity, or rather, the versatility of popular opinions, that some
of those men who execrated the twenty senators for advising a ratification on
any terms, are already beginning to censure them for baring cavilled at the 12th
Article, and thus put at hazard such important benefits as the treaty would secure
to this country. I am satisfied if the business should not finaUy be closed, this
sentiment wUl extend very far, and even if all the rest of the treaty should take
effect, if no new agreements can be made on the subject of the 12th Article, and
France should, as she -will whenever able, establish her colony monopoly, we shall
be condemned for refusing this partial benefit.
Mr. Davis will be with you in a day or two after this letter, and can inform
you of every thing passing here. With unfeigned respect and unaffected attach
ment, I remain your faithful friend, GEORGE CABOT.
Brooeiine, August 25th, 1795.
My Dear Sir,
I expect that Mr. Davis wUl set off by to-morrow's stage and be the bearer of
this letter. In addition to what you already know of this gentleman, it must be
grateful to you to be informed, that those persons who are most intimately ac
quainted with his merits, unite in opinion that he will prove a most valuable
acquisition to the government, inasmuch as he possesses every essential quahfica-
tion for the office to which he is appointed, in an eminent degree. The testimony
of this, since my return from Philadelphia has been so abundant, that I could
wish it were mentioned to the President.
I have taken the liberty to assure Mr. Davis, that the inconveniences incidental
to a new situation, would be alleviated by every act of kindness and attention
from you which friendship would suggest, and have no doubt you wiU be com
pensated by the effectual aid and support his labours will afford, after time shaU
have familiarized the duties of his office. Your faithful friend, GEORGE CABOT.

228 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 8.
FROM WILLLA.M VANS MURRAY.
CAMBRmoE, (Md.) 29 Aug., 1795.
Dear Sir,
You have my cordial thanks for your kind and poHte attention to my letters ;
and though I -wished extremely to have a line from you, I was aware of your
engagements. I do not wish to add so much to your occupations as a new cor
respondence would do, nor do I expect it, and I write now merely to thank you
for the past, and at the same time to tell you what will give you pleasure ; that
since my last, a better understanding of the treaty has certainly produced a great
change in the opinions of those who had rashly and without examination, felt a
strong bias against it. We could now get a very strong address upon this sub
ject in favour of the conduct of the Govemment. I have had thoughts of it,
and can only be restrained by a doubt upon the policy of-accustoming the citi
zens to this kind of work. We addressed upon the neutrahty, as did others.
Some time after, when much perverted use was made of this on the club discus
sion last winter, many of our best men in Congress began to doubt the sound
ness of our former policy.
The papers which you so obligingly sent me, I received last night. I had
seen Curtius, to whom I confess myself much indebted for the promptness of his
exceUent remarks, and I had seen the numbers of Camillus. It struck me the
1st and 3d Nos. were by Col. H. Yes Sir, the people were surprised into dis
like. A sober examination of the mutual claims, and the dates of infraction,
have removed most of the objections. A candid examination of the treaties,
from that of Munster to this day, wUl satisfy, and has satisfied most, that our
treaty is as good as Great Britain has given to any other power ; better than she
has given to any other nation, now in practice, and better than we enjoy with
any other nation.
As to the old Dutch principle of free bottoms, free goods, it appears to me not
worth contending for, nor would I give Great Britain £500 to insert it in our treaty.
Mr. Jefferson to my surprise, allowed (to Mr. Hammond) that she had never
granted it except to Holland in 1668 and France in 1786. She had gi-anted it
five times. To Sweden in 1661, to HoUand in 1668, to France in 1677, to
France in 1713, and to France in 1786 ; and yet, according to the history ofthe
principle, neither she, nor France, nor HoUand have ever, in a single case, grati
fied the letter or the spirit of the principle, the moment the casus fadius arose.
He only who credits the expectations of a mUlennium, can be the dupe of an en
gagement that presumes a power of restraint and pure rectitude of conduct,
incompatible with the state of human affairs. Of course it has appeared to my
undiplomatic eyes, (say Mr. Pinckney of S. C. what he please) that this point
which has created great inquietude, is not worth any contention. It is not worth
one month's right of fishing on the Banks, as there has never been any nation
yet that complied with it, not one — and whatever nation agrees to it with us,
does it for some substantial equivalent, and does it delusively.
The President's answer, ^er invoice and by copy, to the Philadelphia addresses,
pleases me extremely. It is dry, husky, and characteristic of that swelling of

1795.] OF WASHINGTON. 229
the throat that always accompanies contempt. We are so late in obtaining
papers, that we have just received the papers of that time. Inclosed, I send you
a little country paper which has a very Hmited circulation once a week about
here. In it I have, as is my custom, paragraphed a Httle to keep us quiet, as you
may see by its marks. I mean next week to ride through the district I repre
sent, and exercise my apostolic powers to the great end of the mission, peace
and confidence. I am with great esteem, &c.
WM. V. MURRAY.

FROM FISHER AMES.
Dedham, Sept. 2d, 1795.
Dear Sir,
I returned yesterday from a tour to Newport. I hope by exercise and the
coolness of the approaching season, to be able to attend Congress. At present,
though lam not sick, I have such puny health as to disqualify me for much exer
tion. As there was a burning in effigy at Newport a short time before my arri
val, I was curious to learn how far it might be deemed an evidence of the anti-
government spirit of the citizens. The account I received was this.
A few young men who had lost property by British captures, were incensed
against the treaty and Mr. Jay, and thought proper to show their resentment by
burning him in effigy ; but not more than a dozen men followed the figure in the
principal streets, where my informants observed them. Troops of boys however,
with fifes and drams, helped to lengthen the line of march. On the whole, no
mob ever drew so few of the inhabitants from mere curiosity, to follow the exhi
bition. On the contrary, the non-attendance of the citizens, may be admitted as
a proof of strong disapprobation of the measure. The anti-treaty men were
ashamed of the business, and considered it as making their weakness as strong
as their violence. It wiU have the effect, by outraging the feelings of those who
abhor aU excesses, to turn the public mind more forcibly than it would otherwise
go, from the views of the seditious. At Providence, the anti-federal party is
very inconsiderable, and I was happy to see in that State, symptoms of a just
pride in their present state, as contrasted with their former turbulence and the
folly of Boston . I made conversation at aU the country taverns, and I think the
yeomanry are yet right. They say the men in the government know best what
to do, and the President will not see the country wronged, much less wrong it
himself As a speculative question, the country foUcs do not pretend to under
stand it, their approbation is not therefore given ; but their dislike of the proceed
ings in the seaports, is extorting it. Some opinions are general and weU estab
lished ; admiration of our Constitution and government, exultation in the happy
effects manifested in the general prosperity, aversion to war and land-taxes, con
fidence in, and almost adoration of the President, and a steady resolution to
support the government. Yet with these right opinions, are sown many wrong
ones which come from the Chronicle, and the parties that uphold that perfidious
gazette. . On the whole, it depends I think, on the spirit and firmness of the gov
ernment itself, to keep the country right. The towns wUl often, perhaps three
VOL. I. 20

230 SECOND ADMINISTRATION ' [Chap. 8.
times out of four, yield to the sudden fury of a party. Some time ago I almost
despaired. The President we were told, had gone to Mount Vemon, leaving the
treaty unratified, and, said Webster's Herald, it wiU not be ratified untU farther
negotiations are made. Had that been the case, the friends of order would have
been in despair. Now the contest Hes between the mobbera and the govemment,
and if there should be no want of spirit, the eventual triumph of the latter may
be expected.
My information respecting the state of opinion in Newport &c., may not merit
much attention, but I have thought it not improper to trouble you vrith it. The mob
men seem resolved to go to extremities, perhaps because their French paymasters
require it of them. Any regular system of government in the U. S. will be an ob
stacle to the success of the unvaried plan of controlling our affairs by means of our
rabble. Therefore we may look for French patronage of the disorganizers here,
whUe they seriously endeavour to set up order in their own country. I have been
highly gratified by your answer to my letter, but I do assure you, I do not ask it of
you to reply to this. I excuse my breaking in upon your hurry of office only in
that way. I hope my countryman, Davis, -will sustain in office, the reputation
he bore out of it. He was ever esteemed a man of genius and worth.
Congress will draw all eyes upon its proceedings. The south glows -with more
than torrid heat, if we may believe their gazettes. But what have we to legis
late upon regarding the treaty ? The clamou'rers wUl originate motions to draw
it into question if they can find support. The Senate must, as usual, puU up
the bridge, and stop the march of the party. Inter nos, I fear Dayton wUl take
fire at the clause which prohibits confiscations. His lead would be foUo\. ed by
others whom Giles & Co. could not otherwise influence. I am with esteem, cor
dially yours, FISHER AMES.
P. S. The President's answer to Boston is greatly extolled, and I believe has
done more towards calming the country, than aU the good pieces published in
Webster and the Sentinel. The resignation of Randolph excites surprise, the
death of Bradford, the Attorney General, as report says, my deep regret.
FROM WILLIAM SMITH.
Charleston, S. C, Sept. 8th, 1795.
Dear Sir,
• » * The news ofthe President's ratification of the treaty has produced
less irritation here than I anticipated from the violent manner in which the sub
ject was first considered. The first thing which gave a check to the popular cur
rent was a pamphlet attributed to me, entitled " A candid examination of the
report of the committee," which by proving that the committee were greatly
misinformed and that [the treaty did not contain so many obnoxious features as
was at first believed, induced a considerable change of sentiment among the
moderate, and prepared their minds to read with attention and candour Camillus
and Curtius. The violent are ashamed to avow their errors, ignorance and pre
judice, but all dispassionate and reasonable men are quiet and tolerably contented

1795.] OF WASHINGTON. 231
with the treaty which I am persuaded will become more agreeable as it is more
understood. The promulgation of Mr. Pinckney's sentiments by his letter to
Mr. Randolph, and Mr. Jay's letter has given great satisfaction to some, and
overwhelmed others with shame and confusion. These last were displeased
vrith Mr. Jay's appointment because it superseded Mr. Pinckney, and they were
resolved beforehand to reprobate this treaty. Neither General Pinckney nor
General Washington,* who were elected on the committee, attended. The first
has behaved with great delicacy and caution, and has said little about the treaty ;
the last has expressed himself pretty well satisfied. Mr. Rutledge is arrived.
His conduct on that occasion must have surprised his friends. I believe he sin
cerely repents it. His brother E. R., stiU remains violent as was to be expected ;
he has a most unconquerable aversion to the British nation, which was not a
little increased by the late election which he foolishly attributed to an influence
from that quarter. With much esteem, cfec,
WM. SMITH.
I have received a letter from Senator Martin, of North Carolina, approving
the treaty as ratified, though he. was one of the virtuous minority.
» WiUiam Washington.

CHAPTER IX.

SUMMER OF 1795, CONTINUED.

In speaking of the considerations attending the course
to be pursued with the British Treaty, a circumstance
has been referred to which was supposed to have had
some influence upon its fate. This was the detection of
part of the private correspondence ofthe late French Min
ister. The mode in which it was obtained may best be
given in the words of Wolcott's own notes.
NOTES RELATIVE TO FAUOHET'S LETTER.
The first circumstance connected with the discovery of M. Fauohet's letter, now
in the possession of the President, in which I was concerned, was an invitation
from Mr. Hammond, the British Minister, to dine with him on Sunday the 26th
day of Jidy, which invitation I accepted. At the time appointed I found the
company to consist of Mr. Hammond's family, Mr. Strickland, an Enghsh gen
tleman, Mr. Thornton the late Secretary to the British legation, and Mr. An
drew AUen, of Philadelphia.
Before dinner Mr. Hammond took me apart and informed me that he had
just received despatches from Lord Grenville, transmitting certain letters from
M. Fauchet to the French govemment, which had been intercepted. The his
tory of these letters as related by Mr. Hammond, was that they were thrown
overboard from a French packet, named the Jean Bart, on the approach of an
Enghsh vessel, but were recovered by an Englishman who plunged into the
water after them.
After dinner Mr. Hammond, in a private room read to me in Enghsh, the
letter, upon which I observed that the information, however new and surprising
to me, was attended with circumstances which could not faU to estabhsh a be
lief that something highly improper had been proposed by Mr. Randolph, and
that I considered the information as highly interesting. At the same time I re
marked that a discovery of such magnitude coiUd not be permitted to remain

1795.] SECOND ADMINISTRATION, ETC. 233
with me, and that it could not be communicated unless I was put in possession
of the document necessary to support my allegations.
After considerable conversation at that time, and at one subsequent interriew,
it was agreed between Mr. Hammond and myself, that the original letter should
be delivered to me, upon condition that I should give to Mr. Hammond a copy
with my attestation of having received the original, and that it was my true and
sincere belief, founded on an acquaintance with M. Fauohet's handwriting, that
the said letter was genuine. With this condition I complied, and accordingly
on the 28th of July I received the letter and certified a copy which had been pre
pared by Mr. Thornton.
On the morning of July 28th, I presented the said letter to the Secretary of
War and informed him of the foregoing circumstances, who approved of the steps
I had taken, and it was agreed by us that, considering the absence of the Presi
dent, the letter ought to be shown to the Attorney General as soon as possible.
On the 29th of July, the Secretary of War and myself visited the Attorney
General at his house .in the country and explained the subject fully. It was then
agreed that a letter should be written to the President, requesting him to return
to Philadelphia. This was done by the Secretary of State on the 31st of July,
in consequence of a special application by the Secretary of War and myself for
that purpose. On Thursday the 11th of August, the President returned to
Philadelphia, and and in the evening of the same day I presented M. Fauohet's
letter, before mentioned, with a translation by the Secretary of War, to him,
narrating the facts before stated.
The despatch, the contents of which were deemed
so important, was dated the 31st October, 1794, addressed
to the commissioners of foreign nations, and entitled,
" Private Correspondence of the Minister on Pohtics, No.
10." It was a key to former despatches, treating of the
insurrection in Pennsylvania, to which MM. Pdtry and
La Forest had been privy. These it appears were con
fined to a bare recital of facts, the minister resei-ving for
his private communications, his comments and certain in
formation of a delicate nature. The source of this infor
mation was the Secretary of State. ' ' The precious con
fessions of Mr. Randolph alone," to quote the words of M.
Fauchet, " throw a satisfactory light upon all that comes
to pass."The light that these confessions shed, not only upon
the character of passing events, but upon his own, wiU be
seen by a review ofthe paper.
20*

234 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 9.
In speaking ofthe causes which had led to the insur
rection in Pennsylvania, M. Fauchet very justly consid
ered them, as lying deeper than the mere question of ex
cise. It was " indubitably connected with a general
explosion, for some time prepared in the public mind ; but
which this local and precipitate eruption would cause to
miscarry, or at least check for a long time." The ele
ments of this explosion he found in " the primitive divi
sions of opinion, as to the political form of the state, and
the hmits ofthe sovereignty of the whole over each state
individually sovereign." " These first divisions," he says,
" of a nature to be destroyed by time, might now have
completely disappeared, if the sj^stem of finances, which
had its birth place in the cradle of the constitution, had
not renewed their vigor under various forms." The dis-
tastefuhiess of the system to some classes is next briefly
sketi^hed, and a tendency to a monarchical division of
orders is charged upon it. Passing over the intermediate
steps in the growth of opposition, he arrives at the situa
tion in Avhich the French revolution had placed things and
parties. And here the first circumstance which struck
M. Fauchet was, that "the anti-federahsts disemban-ass
themselves of an insignificant denomination, and take that
of patriots and republicans. Their adversaries become
aristocrats, notwithstanding their efibrts to preserve the
advantageous illusion of ancient names." The sagacity
ofthe minister forsaw in this movement a great step to
wards their ultimate success, and we in later times have
fikewise had occasion to know that there is something in
names. The opposition did not stop here. They attack
ed the treasurer, and the inquiiy into his conduct, though
fruitless, is noticed as their first victory. " In the mean
time popular societies are formed ; pohtical ideas con
centre themselves." " A concert of declarations and
censures against the government arises, at which the latter
is even itself astonished." " Such," continues the minis-

1795.] OF WASHINGTON. 235
ter, " was the situation of things toward the close of the
last, and at the beginning ofthe present year." He passes
over the discontents produced, they had " been sent at
diflTerent periods and in detail." They however are stated
to have been created by " the imbecihty of the govern
ment towards Great Britain," "the coldness towards the
French Republic," the system of finance, " in a word the
immoral and impolitic modes of taxation."
This last point, the excise, was " the principal com
plaint of the western people, and the ostensible motive of
their movements." Their lands were fertile and produc
tive, but deprived ofthe means of exchanging their fruits,
they converted the excess of their produce " into liquors
imperfectly fabricated;" the excise "struck at this consohng
transformation." Other matters which especially affected
the western settlers are mentioned, as the interdiction by
Spain ofthe Mississippi navigation, and the mode of sale
ofthe western lands. " These complaints were system
atizing by the conversations of influential men, who retired
into those wild countries, and who from principle, or by a
series of particular heart burnings, animated discontents
already too near to effervescence. At last the local explo
sion is effected. The western people calculated on being
supported by some distinguished characters in the east,
and even imagined that they had in the bosom of the
government some abettors, who might share in their griev
ances or their principles." " From what I have detailed
above," he adds, " those men might indeed be supposed
numerous." The tone ofthe sessions of 1793 and 1794, the tendency
of Jeffersons'slast report, of Madison's resolutions, and the
pamphlet production of senator Taylor of Virginia, are
mentioned as showing the predilections, which in the
opinion of M. Fauchet at least, those " distinguished
characters" entertained. In the language of Mr. Taylor,
quoted in the despatch, either a revolution or a civil war,

236 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 9.
must be the result of the decrepid state of affafrs produced
by the financiering system. " The first was preparing ;
the government which had foreseen it reproduced under
various forms, the demand of a disposable force, which
might put it in a respectable state of defence. Defeated
in this measure, who can aver that it may not have hastened
the local eruption, in order to make an advantageous
division, and to lay the more general storm which it saw
gathering ? Am I not," said the minister, " authorized in
forming this conjecture, from the conversation which the
Secretary of State had with me and Le Blanc^ alone, ah
account of which you have in my despatch, No. 3 ?"
This charge is supported by a reference to the supple
mentary excise act, which authorized coercive measures
to enforce obedience to the first, and by the suits com
menced against refractory distillers. The despatch con
tinues : " Doubtless the natural consequences from a con
duct so decisive and harsh were expected; and before
these were manifested, the means of repression had been
prepared ; this was undoubtedly what Mr. Randolph
meant in teUing me that under peetext of giving
ENERGY TO THE GOVERNMENT, IT WAS INTENDED TO INTRO
DUCE ABSOLUTE POWER, AND TO MISLEAD THE PRESIDENT
INTO PATHS WHICH WOULD CONDUCT HIM TO UNPOPULARITY."
That such was the motive of the government is fiirther
argued, from the aUeged disproportion of the force em
ployed, to the object to be effected, an allegation loudly
made at the time, and that too by those who knew the
contrary to be the fact. The mihtary part ofthe suppres
sion is imputed to Hamilton, who also had magnified the
danger, alarming the citizens " for the fate of the consti
tution while in reahty it threatened only the ministers."
The pacific measures are attributed to Mr. Randolph.
So far M. Fauchet as to the causes of the " explosion,"
' M. Fauchet's Secretary.

1795.] OF WASHINGTON. 237
and the secret views of the two parties. The succeeding
paragraphs are of sufficient importance to quote entire.
" In the meantime, although there was a certainty of having an army, yet it
was necessary to assure themselves of cooperation, among the men whose patri
otic reputation might influence their party, and whose lukewarmness, or want of
energy in the existing conjunctures, might compromit the success of their plans.
Of all the govemors whose duty it was to appear at the head of the requisitions,
the governor of Pennsylvania '¦ alone enjoyed the name of republican. His
opinions ofthe Secretary ofthe Treasury, and of his systems, were known to be
unfavourable. The Secretary of this State' possessed great influence in the
popular society of Philadelphia, which in its turn influenced those of other states ;
of course he merited attention. It appears therefore, that these men with others
unknown to me, aU having without doubt Randolph at their head, were balancing
to decide on their party. Two or three days before the proclamation was pub
lished, and of course before the cabinet had resolved on its measures, Mr. Ran
dolph came to see me vrith an air of great eagerness, and made to me the over
tures of which I have given you an account in my No. 6. Thus with some thou
sands of dollars, the repubhc could have decided on civU war or on peace ! Thus
the consciences of the pretended patriots of America, already have their
PRICES ! It is very true that the certainty of these conclusions, painful to
BE DRAWN, tVlLL FOREVER EXIST IN ODR. ARCHIVES ! WhAT WILL BE THE OLD AGE
OF THIS SOVERNMENT IF IT IS THUS EARLY DEOKEPm !
Such, citizen, is the evident consequence of the system of finances conceived
by Mr. Hamilton. He has made of a whole nation a stock jobbing, speculating,
selfish people. Riches alone here fix consideration ; and as no one likes to be
despised, they are universally sought after. Nevertheless this deprarity has not
yet embraced the mass of the people. The effects of this pernicious system have
as yet but slightly touched them. StUl there are patriots of whom I delight to
entertain an idea worthy of that imposing title. Consult Monroe, he is of this
number ; he had apprised me of the men, whom the current of events had drag
ged along, as bodies devoid of weight. His friend Madison is also an honest
man. Jefferson on whom the patriots cast their eyes to succeed the President,
had foreseen these crises ; he pradently retired in order to avoid making a figure
against his inclination in scenes, the secret of which wUl soon or late be brought
to Hght.
As soon as it was decided that the French republic purchased no men to do
their duty, there were to be seen individuals, about whose conduct the govern
ment could at least form uneasy conjectures, giving themselves up with a scanda
lous ostentation to its views, and even seconding its declarations. The popular
societies soon emitted resolutions stamped with the same spirit, and who although
they may have been advised by a love of order, might nevertheless have omitted,
or uttered them vrith less solemnity. Then were seen coming from the very
men whom we have been accustomed to regard, as having little- friendship for the
» Mifilin. •¦ DaUas.

238 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 9.
system of the treasurer, harangues without end, in order to give a new direction
to the public mind. The mUitia, however, manifest some repugnance, particular
ly in Pennsylvania, for the service to which they were called. Several officers
resign, at last by excursions or harangues, incomplete requisitions are obtained,
and scattered volunteer corps from different parts make up the deficiency. How
much more interesting than the changeable men whom I have painted above,
/were those plain citizens who answered the soUcitations which were made to them,
to join the volunteers.
If we are required we will march, because we do not wish not to have a
govemment, but to arm ourselves as volunteers, would be in appearance subscrib
ing implicitly to the excise system we reprobate.
What I have said above, authorizes that our resting on the opinion becomes
incontestible, that in the crisis for restoring order, the true question was the
destruction or the triumph of the treasurer's plans," »
M. Fauchet next unfolded his views of the result at
tained by these manoeuvres of Mr. Hamilton, in thus bring
ing good (to himself) out of evil, viz : that the skilful
direction given by him to the insurrection, would actually
strengthen his position, and that his personal presence
with the army "must attach it more than ever to his
party." The remainder of the despatch was occupied
with further imputations on the conduct and motives of
the Secretary of the Treasury in remaining with the army,
and sundry philosophical speculations on the probable
result of the affair.
Such was the celebrated despatch of Fauchet, a paper
which, as respects the motives of opposition to the Wash
ington administration and the origin of the rebeUion, pre
sents in many respects, a shrewd and penetrating, although
a partial view. The direct causes of dissatisfaction and
of resistance among the whiskey distillers of the western
parts of Pennsylvania and Virginia, were simple enough.
WUd and lawless as the inhabitants of frontier countries
are apt to be, removed from the strong influences which
exist in a thickly settled and educated population, where
the observance of the laws is habitual, because justice is
»The foregoing extracts are taken pamphlet published by Mr. Randolph,
from Mr. Pickering's translation. The mentioned below.
paper wiU also be found at length in the

1795.] OF WASHINGTON. 239
always at hand, and where the restraints of society and
of religion would alone enforce them, a tax directly felt,
however beneficial or necessary to the community, was
naturally a source of irritation. But this irritation would
have subsided as time and reason accustomed them to its
burden, if the intrigues of others, interested in rendering
the measures of the administration unpopular, had not
nursed it into strength and vigor. The malcontents did
indeed, suppose that they would be " supported by some
distinguished characters in the east," that they had " even
in the bosom of the government some abettors, who might
share in their grievances or their principles." The feder
alists as we have seen, entertained the same suspicions,
and subsequent events and disclosures have left little room
to doubt that the expectations of the first and the fears of
the latter, did not rest on mere supposition, or Fauchet
reason on shrewd conjecture alone. Be this as it may,
the result shows that the vigorous means adopted for the
suppression of the movement, was the true policy of the
administration, and prevented a local outbreak from be
coming, in the hands of a faction, " a revolution or a civil
war." Whether the outbreak was stimulated by the
administration for the purpose of strangling that in the
cradle which it could not master in its strength, as M.
Fauchet supposes, the written history of the rebeUion, as
well as Washington's own character, affords an opportu
nity of judging.
The possession of this paper was interesting as disclo
sing the kind of observation to which we were subjected
from abroad, the views entertained by France of the sit
uation of parties here, and the use she was disposed to
make of their existence. It was also of deep importance
in showing the relations between a high officer of our
own government and the confidential agent of another.
The reference to the " precious confessions" which Fauchet
had not trusted to his secret associates, the conversation

240 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 9.
ofthe Secretary with himself and Le Blanc, on which he
founded the conjecture that the government privately
instigated the rebelhon, and which had been detailed
in the secret despatch No. 3 ; the information given him
of the intention to raise up a throne for Washington
on the foundation of ruined popularity ; and finaUy, the
" overtures" of which he had given an account in No. 6,
and the fatal inferences of his own comments upon
them, (comments as emphatic as the parting words of Ju-
gurtha) could, uncontradicted, leave no doubt that venal
ity was not confined to Roman Senators.
In consequence of the request, as before stated. Wash
ington hastened his return to Philadelphia, where he ar
rived on the 11th of August, and Wolcott immediately
communicated to him the letter and the circumstances
under which he received it. No immediate action was
had until the subject of the treaty was disposed of In
the mean time, the President, as he could not adjudge
Mr. Randolph guilty unheard, appears in no wise to have
altered his manner towards him. On this account he was
afterwards charged by the latter with hypocrisy. The
subject of ratification was again brought before the coun
cil the day after Washington's return. The Secretary of
State alone maintained, that during the existence of the
provision order, and the war between France and Eng
land, the ratification ought not to take place. The other
members were in favor of an unconditional ratification,
except as to the 12th Article, to be transmitted with a
memorial against the order, and this course was adopted
by the President and executed on the 14th. It appears
from a letter to Mr. Randolph of the 22d July," that this
had been his determination prior to his receiving Fauch
et's despatch. The final catastrophe was stiU delayed
by the necessity of having the same countersign to the
» See the letter in Spark's Writings of Washington, XL p. 35.

1795.] OF WASHINGTON. 241
copies as to the original*. On the 19th a cabinet council
was held, and the dispatch for the first time placed in Mr.
Randolph's hands. The President had previously sub
mitted through Wolcott, several questions as to the
manner in which its contents should be made known to
him. These, together with an account of the interview,
wiU appear from the letter to Judge IVIarshaU, given be
low. Mr. Randolph on the same day tendered his resig
nation. M. Fauchet was at this time on the eve of de
parture for France, and Mr. Randolph proceeded to New
port from whence he was to sail, and there had an interview
with him. The result of it was the transmission by the
late minister to his successor at PhUadelphia, of a species
of certificate, which together with extracts from Nos. 3
and 6, was by M. Adet dehvered to Randolph. A copy
of No. 10 had already been furnished him by the Pre
sident's order, as well as information as to the manner in
which it was obtained''. These other papers will be no
ticed in order. For the present, the affair was not divulged
by the Cabinet.
The following letter to Marshall was written on the 9th
of June 1806, in consequence of a request of the latter
to be furnished with information how far Washington's
disposition to ratify the treaty was affected by the know
ledge of Fauchet's dispatch. The question has since
been set at rest by the publication of Washington's letters.
TO JOHN MARSHALL.
I received in due season, your highly esteemed favour of April 21st, in which
you refer to an assertion which has been frequently made " that General Wash
ington was disposed to vrithhold his ratification of the treaty negotiated by Mr.
Jay, untU the intercepted letter of M. Fauchet was placed in his hands," and in
which you request me to give you the detaUs of that transaction. I consider it
my duty to comply vrith your request, and take the liberty to assure you that a

» See Washington's letter to Randolph •> For Washington's reply, see " Vindi-
of Sept. 27th, 1795, in Randolph's " Vin- cation," p. 20. See also, Washington to
dication of his resignation," p. 20. O. Wolcott, Oct. ?d, 1795, infi-a.
VOL. I. 21

242 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 9.
variety of very pressing avocations, and the necessity I have been under of con
sulting my papers, have been the only causes which have delayed my reply to
this period.
It is weU known that the policy of instituting any negociation vrith Great Bri
tain was severely censured from the time this measure was first resolved on, and
that unusual exertions were made to prejudice the pubUc mind against every re
sult which could be reasonably expected. You are also fiiUy apprised that when
the treaty was laid before the Senate, the President, although he was not well
satisfied with several of its provisions, determined that he would ratify it, if so
advised by that body. As the adrisory act of the Senate was passed on the 24th
of June, and the ratification did not take place tiU about the middle of August,
the object of this letter is to assign the causes which in my opinion, occasioned the
delay. The first measure of the President in relation to the treaty after the close of
the session, of which I have any knowledge, was a direction to Mr. Randolph
to communicate it to the French Minister.
Soon after, the foUowing questions were agitated, upon which the President
required the opinions of the heads of departments in writing. " 1st. Is, or is
not the resolution of the Senate of the 24th of June intended to be the final act
of that body, or do they expect that the new article which is proposed shall be
submitted to them before the treaty takes effect ? 2d. Does, or does not the
constitation permit the President to ratify the treaty without submitting the new
article, after it shall have been agreed to by the British King, to the Senate for
their further advice and consent 1" The report which I delivered was dated the
30th of June, but the discussions occasioned by these questions and by the con
sideration of the reply which was directed to be given to the objections of the
French Minister against the treaty were not terminated before the 5th of July.
By this time, artful and well digested publications appeared in the newspapers.
The public passions were considerably excited against the treaty, and it was
easy to perceive that an extensive and concerted opposition was formed. In
this state of things, inofficial information was received that an order had beeii
issued by the British govemment authorizmg the capture of American vessels
laden with provisions and bound to France.
It was contended that this information ought to induce the President to sus
pend the act of ratification.
Three opinions were communicated to the President. 1st. That he should
suspend the ratification untU he was informed of the existence of the order, and
in case it was found to exist, that he should refuse a ratification untU the order
was reVoked. 2d. To ratify the treaty in the mode advised by the Senate, but
at the same time to prepare a note to accompany the exchange of ratification,
declaring that nothing in the treaty could, in the opinion of the President, justify
such an order for detaining provision vessels as was reported to be in existence.
The principles of the advocates of this opinion wiU be found in a letter from
Col. Pickering to Mr. Monroe, dated the 12th September, 1795. 3d. The Pre
sident ought to ratify the treaty as advised by the Senate, and transmit it to an
American minister in London with an instruction not to exchange the ratifica-

1795.] OF WASHINGTON. 243
tions till the provision order was rescinded ; or if the order had existed but was
revoked at the time, then to accompany the ratification with a remonstrance
against the principle on which the order was supposed to be founded.
The first opinion was supported by Mr. Randolph ; the second by the other
Secretaries and Attomey-General ; the third was suggested by Mr. HamUton.'
When the President discovered that a diversity of opinion existed as to the
course which he ought to pursue, he directed Mr. Randolph to prepare draughts
of instractions for the minister or agent who might be designated for London,
and a memorial or note for the British Minister, which after being presented to
the other Secretaries and Attomey-General were to be transmitted, accompanied
with their observations thereon, to Mount Vernon. ^^^ , . j
After the President's departure from Philadelphia, the public ferment increased.
In one instance, at least, as I was informed by the author himself, a series of pub
lications in opposition to the treaty, and addressed directly to the President, were
instigated by Mr. Randolph. Owing to indisposition or some other cause, but
little progress was made in preparing the instractions and memorial, and intima
tions were circulated that the President was disposed to withhold his ratification.
The first intimation I received of the existence of Fauchet's letter, was from
Mr. Hammond, on the 26th of July ; but it was not tiU the 28th that I could
persuade him to deliver me the original letter, vrithout possessing which I did
not consider it prudent to speak on the subject to any person whatever. On
the evening of the 28th, I communicated Fauchet's letter to Col. Pickering,
and it was concluded between us to show it to Mr. Bradford, the Attorney-
General, who was then at his seat in the country. We consulted with Mr.
Bradford on the 29th, and it was agreed to request the President to retum to
PhUadelphia. The letter expressing this wish was written the 31st. The Presi
dent arrived the 11th of August, when I immediately placed Fauchet's letter in
his hands, mentioning at the same time the circumstances under which I re
ceived it.
The consideration of all questions of a general nature was necessarily sus
pended until that which affected Mr. Randolph could be disposed of. That you
may judge for yourself of the President's impressions, I shaU transcribe a note
in his handwriting which he dehvered to me and which has constantly remained
in my possession.
" At what time should Mr. F's letter be made known to Mr. R. ?
" What wiU be the best mode of doing it 1 — In presence of the Secretaries
and Attorney-General.
" If the explanations given by the latter are not satisfactory, whether, besides
removal, are any other measures proper to be taken, and what ?
" Would an application to Mr. A. to see the paragraphs in Nos. 3 and 6, al
luded to in Fauchet's letter, be proper ? These might condemn or acquit un-
equivocaUy. And if innocent, whether R. wUl not apply for them if I do not '!
" If upon the investigation of this subject, it should appear less d'ark than at
" See his letter of Aug. 10, 1795, infra.

244 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 9.
present, but not so clear as to restore confidence, in what Hght, and on what
ground is the removal to appear before the public 1
" What immediate steps are necessary to be taken as soon as the removal of
R. is resolved on, if that should be the case, with respect to the archives in
that office ?
" If the letter of F. is the only eridence and that thought sufficient to the re
moval, what would be the consequence of giving the letter to the pubUc vrithout
any comments, as the ground on which the measure of the Executive respecting
the removal is founded % It would speak for itself ; a part, -without the whole,
might be charged -with unfaimess. The public would expect reasons for the
sudden removal of so high an officer, and it wiU be found not easy to avoid say
ing too little or too much upon such an occasion, as it is not to be expected that
the removed officer wUl acquiesce without attempting a justification, or at least
to do away by explanation the sting of the letter of accusation ; unless he was
let down easUy, to do which I see no way ; for if he is guilty of what is charged,
he merits no favour, and if he is not, he -will accept of none ; and it is not diffi
cult to perceive what tum he and his friends wUl give to the act, namely, that
his friendship for the French nation, and his opposition to a complete ratification
have been the cause."
The two first of these questions were decided by the President, uninfluenced,
as far as my knowledge and beUef extends, by any suggestions from the officers
of government. He was greatly dissatisfied that the instructions and memorial
had not been prepared and submitted to the consideration of the Secretaries and
Attomey-General that their reports might be formed, and he peremptorUy re
solved that whether Mr.' Randolph was innocent or culpable, he would require of
him the performance of a service which was his official duty, and which ought
to have been long before completed.
It was my earnest wish to be excused from being present at the interriew,
when Fauchet's letter was dehvered to Mr. Randolph. The President, however,
determined otherwise, and inserted his decision on the note I have transcribed.
He observed, that Fauchet's letter had necessarUy excited suspicions : that it
was proper that the officers of government, equally with himself, should possess
the same opportunities of baring those suspicions removed or established ; and
that notvrithstanding the long connection which had subsisted between Mr. Ran
dolph and himself, he was persuaded that any explanations that would satisfy his
own mind would also be satisfactory to the officers of the government. After
mature consideration it was considered to be improper to make any application
to Mr. Adet ; that it was improbable that Mr. Adet would permit his records to
be inspected ; that neither Fauchet's dispatch nor any certificate of the French
Minister could be regarded as conclusive evidence in favour of or against Mr.
Randolph. That Mr. Randolph's conduct at the time an explanation was re-
qtured would probably furnish the best means of discovering his trae situation
and of duly estimating the defence he might make.
When the letter was delivered to Mr. Randolph, the President requested bun
to read it and to make such observations thereon as he thought proper. He
silentiy perused it with composure tUl he arrived at the passage which refers to

179S.] OF WASHINGTON. 245
his " precious confessions," when his embarrassment was manifest. After a short
hesitation, he proceeded to look over the letter with great attention. When the
perasal was completed, he said vrith a smile which I thought forced, " Yes, sir,
I vrill explain what I know." He then' commenced reading the letter by para
graphs, and though a great part of it contained nothing interesting to himself,
yet he commented on every part. His remarks were very desultory, and it was
evident that he was considering what explanations he should give of the most
material passages. As he was not interrupted, it was, however, impossible to
speak with precision on one subject while his reflections were employed on other
subjects. When he arrived at the passage in which Fauchet refers to the over
tures mentioned in No. 6, and the " tariff" which regulated the consciences of
certain " pretended patriots," his conduct was very remarkable. He expressed
no strong emotion, no resentment against Fauchet. He declared that he could
not certainly tell what was intended by such remarks. He said that he indeed
recollected having been informed that Mr. Hammond and other persons in New
York, were contriving measures to destroy Governor Chnton, the French Min
ister, and himself, and that he had inquired of Mr. Fauchet whether he could not
by his flour contractors provide the means of defeating their machinations. He
asserted, however, that he had never received or proposed to receive money for
his own use or that of any other person, and had never made any improper com
munications of the measures of government.
One question only was put to Mr. Randolph, namely, how he intended to be
understood when he represented Mr. Hammond as contriving to destroy Gover
nor Clinton, Mr. Fauchet, and himself? His answer was, that their influence
and popularity were to be destroyed.
Mr. Randolph retired for a short time, but he must have felt that neither the
manner nor the matter of his explanations could afford any degree of satisfac
tion. The result was a proposal by Mr. Randolph of an immediate resignation,
which he promised to communicate in writing. Mr. Randolph has represented
that his proposal to resign was accompanied by expressions of resentment at the
treatment he had received. Although his letter of resignation places the affair
on this ground, yet my impressions of what happened during the personal inter
view are very different.
The circumstances which I have narrated, vrill show how the President was
employed from the close of the session of the Senate in June, till he ratified the
treaty in August. That his first determination was to ratify, is certain, and that
he ever changed this determination has never been proved. The prorision order
of the British govemment certainly presented a question of some difficulty, and
different opinions were entertained of the manner in which it ought to influence
the President's measures. This question was under consideration when the Pre
sident left Philadelphia. It was his estabhshed and weU-known practice to re
serve his sentiments on questions of importance till as late a period as was con
venient before his formal decisions were to be made. It was Mr. Randolph's
duty to prepare the papers which were to bring the questions relating to the treaty
to a final issue, and this duty was delayed by htm longer than was expected. A
letter from the President to Mr. Randolph, dated July 22d, may be understood
21*

246 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 9.
to convey an idea that the treaty would not be ratified whUe the prorision order
was supposed to he in existence ; but this is not the necessary, nor perhaps even
the most natural interpretation of that letter. • ,The President knew that this
would be Mr. Randolph's advice, and he might not think it proper to controul
that opinion at that time. The object of the letter was to prevent the increase
of popular passion, by causing it to be known that so far as respected the merits
of the treaty he had determined to pursue the advice of the Senate, and from
respect to Mr. Randolph he might feel inchned to leave every collateral question
open to discussion. Such, certainly was the manner in which the subject was
treated by him after his return to PhUadelphia. I have no knowledge what ver
bal communications were authorized by the President, or were actually made by
Mr. Randolph to Mr. Hammond. I regret that I have not been able to write
this letter sooner, and I assure you that I wiU ever execute your commands m
the best manner in my power.
The President shortly after the conclusion of this affair
returned to Mount Vernon. TO THE PRESIDENT. Philadelphia, Sept. 26th, 1795.
This city is anxiously waiting for Mr. Randolph's explanation ; various re
ports, much to his prejudice are in circulation. These are occasioned by com
munications from Mr. Hammond's family connections (as is supposed) or by
Mr. R's. conversations, which are calculated to create surmises. I beheve him
to be very desperate and malignant in his feelings, and that he wUl accomplish
aU the mischief in his power. Mr. Dallas, is doubtless, prime councillor and
confidant. It is reported that Mr. R. has said that a communication was made
to Mr. Adet, that the treaty would not be ratified, unless the British revoked
any order which might exist for intercepting our provision vessels destined for
France, and that the President's ratification is a violation of this promise. If
this is a fact, it proves that a regard for truth and candour is renounced. It is
fortunate however, that the most direct proof exists that Mr. Randolph has re
peatedly admitted that the ratification was not inconsistent with any prior en
gagement of the President. What unauthorized declarations may have been
made to Mr. Adet, no person can conjecture ; the most indiscreet and improper
would not be incredible. There have been several riots in Boston among the
lower classes of people. The spirit was not suppressed at the date of my last
advices. The great body of the people are firm and steady, though I perceive
that a spirit of enquiry is extending with no smaU anxiety to discover the cause
of these commotions. It is doubtless an enigma, that men who are governed
more by sudden impulses than by reason, should become riotous, without any
apparent cause, or definite object in view. I firmly believe that these things wiU
be shortly explained to the utter confiision of tiieir abettors and instigators.

1795.] OF WASHINGTON. 247
TO JEDEDIAH MORSE. Phila., Sept. 26th, 1795.
I have to acknowledge and thank you for your obliging letter of the 10th inst.
The arrangement you mention would give me infinite pleasure and I doubt not
would be advantageous to the pubhc. It has been brought under consideration,
but what will be the result cannot be known. In our affairs there are many re
lations which separately considered appear unimportant, yet in the aggregate
possess great influence. No decision has come to my knowledge.
The temper of the country is doubtless as you suppose it to be ; but our affairs
are not exempt from considerable danger. I have no doubt that there exists a
general combination to involve the United States in trouble, and though the
numbers who are united in this design are inconsiderable, yet by their union
and the address with which they manage every public discontent, they may pos
sibly prevail.
I doubt not that men of reflection with you, are anxious to investigate the real
s6urce of those agitations which successively happen in our great towns. It is
certain that they do not proceed from public misfortunes or from a sense of ac
tual oppression. What do these things portend 1
The abrupt resignation of Mr. Randolph, his journey to Rhode Island, a letter
which he has published to the President, and the reports which are here circula
ting, and -which may reach you, wUl, I am confident, strongly excite the pubhc
curiosity. It is not the time for me, in point of propriety, to say more on the
subject than that nothing ought to be taken for granted against those who remain
in office. Mr. Randolph's letter wiU be understood to intimate that something
is amiss, and that he says he is on the right side. Some others are on the wrong
or his suggestions are unfounded. Time wiU discover how these matters are,
and truth wUl, I presume, prevail.
TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
Philadelphia September 96th, 1795.
I have received your letter of the 20th, and regret the cause which deprived
me of the pleasure of seeing you.
Nothing is known of the authors to whom you allude. The " features of the
treaty" were, doubtiess, painted by DaUas. » Doctors Logan and Lieb, Bache,
Becksley, T. L. Shippen, are much suspected. S. Sayre, of New Jersey, is, I
understand very violent. Perhaps the avowed intemperance of these men
against the govemment is the only e-ridence against them. I can furnish no
direct proof
Mr. Randolph has published a preface which you have seen ; this is the opening
of a new and very extraordinary campaign. Perhaps you know something of
' The authorship was denied by Mr. Dallas.

248 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 9.
the cause of his hostility. I consider Mr. R. as perfectiy desperate and malig
nant. He wiU do all the mischief in his power. His long acquaintance with
our affairs, the predominating influence which he possessed in those which con
cerned his own department, and his skiU in misrepresentation, furnish him with
important advantages. DaUas is councillor in all his councils, and wUl of course
prane away many indiscretions and render a bad case as plausible as the nature
of it will admit. I rely, however, upon the sense and virtue of the pubhc and
trust that the truth will prevail.
The public affairs are certainly in a critical state. I do not clearly see how
those of the Treasury are to be managed. Our foreign resources are dried up,
our domestic are deeply anticipated ; at least as respects the bank. Banks are
multiplying like mushrooms. The prices of aU our exports are enhanced by paper
negociations and unfounded projects, so that no foreign market will indemnify the
shippers ; our commerce is harrassed by the war and our intemal revenue un
productive of the expected sums, owing to prejudice, combination and the want of
competent officers. Usury absorbs much of that capital which might be calcula
ted upon as a resource, if visionary speculations could be destroyed.
You know, however, that I shall do the best in my power, and that intima
tions from yon wiU always be thankfully received.

TO FREDERICK WOLCOTT. Philadelphia, Sept. 29, 1795.
The resignation of Mr. Randolph and certain subsequent appearances, wiU
have interested the public curiosity on that subject. I cannot with propriety write
you a history of the affair, though I wish to do it. The reports of infidehty to
the United States which are circulated, are not entirely true. Yet it is true that
I have lost all confidence in the integrity of Mr. R. and believe that but for a for
tunate discovery, our affairs would have been rained by him.
There is much bluster about the virtue of this country, but it has Httle influence
with many who make the profession of it. Young as this country is, and virtuous
as it is inferred to be from this circumstance, we have as wicked men among us
as are to be found in any other. Faction has received an organization as syste
matical, and acquired a malignity as inveterate, as in much older countries, and
unless the people can be soon undeceived, they wUl find themselves in a bad
predicament. Mr. Randolph is soon to publish a vindication of his conduct. This wiU open
a scene which will be interesting, and the result wUl show what we have to hope
or to fear from party spirit.
It is a principle with me never to fear or despond, and on this ground I predict
that every thing wUl prove fortunate for our country, even the machinations of
its enemies.

1795.] OF WASHINGTON. 249
FROM WILLIAM VANS MURRAY.
Cambridge, E. S , Md., 2d Oct., 1795.
My Dear Sir,
I am very much obliged to you for your favour of the 25th September, which I
just now received. Mr. R's. affair has struck me exceedingly. The report here
was that he had given Fauchet a hint about French guineas, a thing I cannot be
lieve ; but it must be explained. So much has been said, that much must be
written to explain. Indeed I am quite in the dark, further than the mere report
to which I allude, for from R's. prefatory note to Brown the printer, nothing can
be collected. I assure you it is not understood here that you, or any of the ad
ministration are implicated. F. always seemed to me to be a melancholy, bU-
ious man.
The General Court for the eastern shore of this State, were lately convened at
Easton. At this court were a great collection of very respectable men from the eight
counties of the E. S. as well as some from the Western Shore. The treaty occa
sionally became the topic. I do assure you that by nine-tenths of the gentlemen
collected from all the counties the treaty was approved, and the fiat of our good
President the order of the day. I dined with the Judges, Attorney General, Mr.
Pinckney, a member of the council, a remarkably eloquent young man, and some
others, and the whole tide of talk and of toasts was with the govemment and the
treaty, and an execration of the Jacobin principles.
I most seriously however, see the temper of the Southern States sweUing into
gall and mischief This will vent itself in violent declamatory speeches in Con
gress. It will particularly show itself on the question of appropriating a sum pro
visionally for the drafts of the Commissioners under the treaty. You see I do
not despair of a majority even on that question. They will have a majority on
most questions, but this majority is composed of different materials. Ten or
twelve of them wUl shrink from the precipice of war, when they are brought up
to it. Firmness in the Executive wiU most assuredly saVe us from internal con
vulsions. Our country is unfortunately formed for the preparatory steps to ciril
war and confusion, through the licentiousness of the press. But there are great
causes, I hope, in operation, which wiU counteract this evU tendency. The peo
ple in towns may mob and rouse, but I do believe those in the country cannot
soon be brought to the service of sedition. It wUl be aU talk and writing.
FROM THE PRESIDENT. »
Mount Vernon, 2d Oct., 1795.
Dear Sir,
Your letter of the 26th ultimo was received yesterday. It is not wonderfiil
that Mr. Randolph's late conduct, and the publication of his letter to me, should
have excited an anxious curiosity to know what his explanations -wiU be ; but i*
is wonderful that so much time should be required to give birth to them.
« Vide Sparks' Life of Washington, XI. p. 76.

250 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 9.
Embarrassed, as it is to be apprehended he is, in this business, his object I con
ceive must be to gain time, to puzzle and to try if he cannot discover inconsis
tencies in the conduct of others relative to it. On no other ground can I account
for his letter to me dated the 21st ult., which with his other two of the I5th, and
my reply to the whole, I herewith inclose for the information of yourself and
Col. Pickering only.
His letters of the 15th received no acknowledgement ; and at first I hesitated
whether to give any to that of the 21st. After a while, I thought of referring
him to you for information on those points which it was eridently as much or
more in your power than in mine to give him ; but finaUy, I conceived it most
eligible to furnish him with no pretexts, and therefore -wrote what you wiU see
in the copy. I did it, because if delay was his object, it would be promoted by
my sUence, and because, (which probably would have answered his purposes stiU
better) it might have afforded him some ground for saying he was doomed to be
a victim, and with a view to accomplish it, the means to his vindication were de
nied or withheld. These reasons, added to a disposition to do him all maimer of
justice, induced me to give him concise answers to all his queries as far as the
means were within my power, although fully convinced in my own mind of the
insidious tendency of them. Whether similar enquiries have been made of you,
or of Col. Pickering, or both, by him, I know not. If they have, to see if he
could not involve inconsistencies in the answers has been his aim. And to know
what kind of superstracture he might build on the information he has obtained,
if any, from M. Fauchet, it was necessary to ascertain in the first place, whether
the government was in possession of any part of that gentleman's letters num
bered 3 and 6, by which this superstracture might be endangered. I was on the
point once, of hinting to him that I hoped nothing in his vindication would ren
der it necessary to publish the whole of M. Fauchet's letter, but on second
thoughts declined it, lest he should consider it as a threat, and make an improper
use of it.
As I shall be in Philadelphia shortly, I wiU not add on this subject ; but from
you, ff anything more transpires, I shall be glad to hear. The present enclo
sures may remain in your hands untU I return to the city. With very great
esteem and regard, I am dear sir, always yours, GO: WASHINGTON.
The substance of Washington's reply to Randolph, is
sufficiently given in the foUowing : *
FROM EDMUND RANDOLPH. Philadelphia, October 2, 1795.
Sir, I yesterday received from the President a letter dated on the 27th of Septem
ber, 1795, containing in answer to mme of the 21st, the following clauses :
» The letter itself -will be found in Sparks' Writmgs of Washington, XI. p. 75,

1795.] OF WASHINGTON. 251
" It is not in my power to inform you at what time Mr. Hammond put the in
tercepted letter of Mr. Fauchet into the hands of Mr. Wolcott. I had no inti
mation of the existence of such a letter, until after my arrival in Philadelphia,
the 11th of August. When Lord Grenville first obtained that letter, and when
the British Minister here received it from him, are facts with which I am entirely
unacquainted. " I have never seen, in whole or in part, Mr. Fauchet's despatches, numbered
three and six ; nor do I possess any document or knowledge of papers which
have affinity to the subject in question."
As the British Minister conveyed through your hands this business to the Pre
sident, I hold myself authorized to inquire from you into some material facts, as
they probably rest in your knowledge. These are, as to the time when Mr.
Hammond put the letter into your hands ; as to Lord Grenville, Mr, Hammond,
or yourself, having seen or been possessed of Nos. 3 and 6, or either of them, in
or out of cipher ; and as to there being any other paper connected -with this af
fair which may be brought up in my absence. If you have heard the time about
which Lord GrenvUle first obtained the letter, and when the British Minister here
received it from him, information of it wUl tend to elucidate some other points.
I am, sir, your humble servant, EDM. RANDOLPH.

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH. PmLADELPHIA, October 2d, 1795.
I have received your letter of this date, and readily reply to your enquiries.
Mr. Fauchet's letter, to which you allude, was delivered to me by Mr. Ham
mond, on the 28th of July, and on the evening of the 11th of August I presented
it to the President.
I have never seen or been possessed of Mr. Fauchet's letters, numbered 3 or 6,
or either of them, in or out of cypher, and I have no knowledge whether they, or
either of them have been seen by Lord Grenville, or Mr. Hammond. It is im
possible for me to say, whether any other document may be hereafter brought
into view as connected with the subject in question. Perhaps something will
depend upon the manner in which the discussion of this affair may be managed
on your part, as it may render an inquiry after other papers necessary. You may
be assured however, that nothing has been at any time concealed by me to your
prejudice. The letter which I received from Mr. Hammond was, as I have been
informed, taken from the " Jean Bart," a French vessel. I do not know the time
when it was received by Lord GrenviUe, or Mr. Hammond. It rests in my
memory however, that Mr. Hammond informed me that the letter had been
received by him but a short time before it was presented to me, but of this fact
I am not certain. I am, sir, your humble servant.

252 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 9,
FROM EDMUND RANDOLPH. Philadelphia, Oct. 8th, 1795.
Sir, You mistook me if you supposed that I meant to propound to you any ques
tion, the answer to which might prevent the appearance of any paper whatever,
I know that this must depend upon the head of the Executive, and I put at de
fiance aU papers which now are, or hereafter may be seen, I only wished to
learn before my departure for Virginia, whelher anything more than the letter
No. 10, had been used in Mr. Hammond's machination, so as to be able to pre
pare how to repel it.
It is material however to understand what observations, or message from Mr.
Hammond or his govemment, accompanied the communication of the letter to
you, in order that they might be transmitted to the President, for if I am to judge
from some liints which have been given in the public prints, and from other data,
I have reason to conclude that Mr. Hammond was particularly instracted upon
the occasion. In short, candor entitles me to expect that you will not hesitate to
give me this information. I am, sir, your humble servant, EDM. RANDOLPH.

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH. Philadelphia, Oct. 8th, 1795.
Not-withstanding I am convinced that a knowledge of the minute circumstan
ces mentioned in your letter of this date cannot be material to your defence, and
though you have already been particularly informed of the manner in which M.
Fauchet's letter was conveyed to the President ; yet I mean not to incur the
imputation of wanting candor by forbearing a reply to your enquiry.
When the existence of the intercepted letter was first mentioned to me by Mr.
Hammond, he did not intimate or request that its contents might be communica
ted to the President. It was my own suggestion that the letter ought to be deh
vered to me for that purpose. To this Mr. Hammond finally assented, upon the
condition that a copy certified by me should remain in his -hands. My motive
for wishing to obtain the original letter, wUl readily be discerned ; without pos
sessing it, I could not safely venture to make any representation of its contents,
and I felt no disposition to be the secret depository of facts, affecting not only
your character, but also the public interests.
The nature of your inquiries on this subject, leads me to assure you, that I am
not conversant in the secrets of foreign ministere, and that I cannot say whether
Mr. Hammond was, or was not " particularly instructed," to communicate M.
Fauchet's letter to the President. No such instraction was communicated tome.
I am, sir, your obedient servant.
On the same day with the preceding to Wolcott, Mr.

1795.] OF WASHINGTON. 253
Randolph wrote to the President, that his defence was
only delayed by waiting permission to publish his letter of
the 22d July, and his " consent that the whole of the affair,
however confidential and delicate, be exhibited to the
world." This letter did not immediately reach the Pre
sident, having crossed him on his route to Philadelphia ;
but on the 10th, and before it could in any event have been
received, Mr. Randolph pubhshed an extract from it in
the Philadelphia Gazette, accompanied by the foUowing
note to the editor.
" Sir, the letter from which the enclosed is an extract,
relates principally to the requisition of a particular paper.
My only view at present is, to show my feUow citizens what
is the state of my vindication."
This object could doubtless have been accomplished, if
it had been the only one, in a more direct and candid
manner, but amidst so much that is worse, this is of little
importance. On the 21st, Washington wrote that he had
received his letter but the day before, and in reply, to use
his own words, gave him " fuU fiberty to pubhsh any, and
every private and confidential letter he had ever written
him ; nay more, every word he ever uttered to him, or in
his presence, from whence he could derive any advantage
in his vindication." '
FROM ALEXANDER HAMH^TON. ^New York, October 3, 1795.
I have received your letter, and thank you for the information. As to Ran
dolph I shall be surprised, at nothing, but if the facts come out, his personal influ
ence is at all events damned. No colouring will remove unfavourable impres
sions. To do mischief he must work in the dark.
What you say respecting your own department disquiets me, for I think we
shall for the present weather all storms but those from real deficiencies in our
public engagements. Not knowing details, I can suggest nothing, except this
general observation, that if the means heretofore prorided, are seriously likely to
"Sparks' Writings of Washington, XI. p. 85
VOL. I. 22

254 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 9.
prove madequate. Congress ought to be told so, in order to a further provision.
It was a maxim in my mind, executive arrangements should not fail for want of
a fiiU disclosure to the legislature. Then if adequate provision be not made the
responsibility is theirs. The worst evU we can straggle with is, inefficiency m
the measures of government.
If I remember right, it never appeared that Fauchet had any power to make
a commercial treaty with us, and the late Attorney General (Bradford) informed
me that Adet had power only to treat, none to conclude. How are those things ?
I ask for special reasons.
What is the object of the despatch boat from France 1 Nothing menacing I
hope. Mrs. HamUton joins me in affectionate compHments to Mrs. Wolcott.
Adieu, yours, with esteem , A. HAMILTON.
The subject of British claims, provided for in the new
treaty, which aftei-wards became a matter of serious differ
ence between the two countries, came up incidentaUy
this summer, and wiU be found treated in the two foUow
ing letters. TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON. Philadelphia, October 6, 1795.
I will in a few days inform you of the facts upon which my former letter was
predicated. The enclosed case ofthe Betsey, Capt. Furlong, excites much alarm here, and
I think with reason. The same principles will extirpate nine-tenths of our
claims for spoliations, and lead to new assaults upon our commerce.
I wish to know your opinion of the mode of proceeding under the 7th article
of our treaty with England, Must all cases go through a process of litigation
before the English courts, before they are submitted to commissioners 1 If so, for
what purpose 1 Is the legality or illegality, the regularity or irregularity of a
capture, to be determined solely in those courts, or wUl the commissioners take
up clauns de novo ? This is an interesting question, for there is now little doubt
but that the commissioners of appeals will affirm most of the judgments of con
demnation. My doubt on this subject principaUy arises from finding that the 6th article
provides for the British debts, in the same manner as the 7th provides for the
spoliation cases, and moreover defines the cases to be those where relief cannot be
had in the ordinary course of judicial proceedings. Now it appears to me that it
would be a very dilatory, expensive and unnecessary process, to compel an Eng
lishman to travel through our courts, merely to ascertain that they could not do
him justice, and to prepare his case for the commissioners. The same objections
exist against a similar operation in the British Courts of Admiralty. Is it not

1795.] OF WASHINGTON. 255
therefore the meaning of the treaty, that the commissioners shaU settie both
descriptions of claims and award compensation, according to principles of equity 1
And if this is the case, why is Mr. Bayard trying questions which are decided
against him at an expense, which he estimates may amount to £75,000 sterling?
I must own I do not see through this business, and though you may think it
strange, I beg you to remember that I knew nothing concerning the treaty till
lately, and cannot devote much time to it without sacrificing objects more imme
diately in the line of my duty.
The fact is that the old doctrines of inalienable allegiance, and that neutrals
may not in time of war cany on a commerce inhibited in time of peace ; also
the new doctrine that places can be blockaded by proclamation, are to be ad
duced against the United States, and from present appearances they will gov
ern the courts of admiralty. The effect which these principles will have, I need
not state to you. If all this subject cannot be taken up by commissioners and
compromised equitably, the discussion of the claims will work infinite mischief.
I wish therefore to see some way in which Mr. Bayard's agency at the British
Courts might be arrested.
M. Fauchet made no overtures relative to a treaty of any kind. M. Adet
says he is authorized to digest a new treaty of commerce and a new consular
convention, but not to conclude. Mr. Randolph agreed to meet him on this
ground, but nothing has been done that I know of
I know nothing of despatches. The French minister is reserved ; he thinks
more than he expresses, and his expressions breathe something of dissatisfaction.
We are I think in no very good way, but must make the best of circumstances.
What you say of efficiency is trae ; but there are no materials to be efficient
with. Col . Pickering and myself are perfectiy agreed, and he is as firm, indus
trious and inteUigent, as any body could wish. There is, however, a mass of
business, and few of that class of men in the pubhc service who understand de
tails, and endeavour to keep things in order. Even our able clerks cannot be
retained ; several have actually gone.

FROM TIMOTHY PICKERING. October 6th, 1795.
Dear Sir,
Mr. Taylor informs me that M. Fauchet never to his knowledge made even
any overtures relative to a treaty of any kind. I have cast my eye over those
of M. Adet, by which it appears that he is authorized to " digest " with the
American government a new treaty of commerce and a new consular conven -
tion ; but not to conclude any thing. Mr. Randolph agreed to meet him on
this ground. If the articles digested should meet the approbation of the respec
tive governments, they might give full powers to constitute of those articles the
proposed new treaties. Sincerely yours, T. PICKERING.

256 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 9.
TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen. Phila., Oct. 13th, 1795.
» « « *
Mr. Randolph's affafr must have an odd complexion with the public. As he
is in the shade, I have felt it to be my duty not to anticipate his vindication by any
censures. But I may say to you in confidence, that I consider him as a lost and
desperate man, who will endeavour to effect all the mischief possible.
As his situation has been of the most confidential kind, he will be able to re
veal every weakness, error or inconsistency of the govemment, and thus impair
confidence and excite faction. You know the world and characters too well
not to be sensible that many things depend for their reputation upon secrecy. It
ought to be sufficient that affairs go on weU, and are finally settied right. The bad
logic which has produced a trae result need not be exposed.
Mr. R., I have no doubt has been unfaithful to the govemment, and has actu
aUy made treasonable or corrapt overtures to the late French Minister. The
stories which are circulating are not true, but it is hard to say that the truth is
not as much to his disadvantage. Goodrich may inform you more than I can
commit to paper. R's. plan will be to raise a cloud about the treaty, &c,, un
der an expectation that he can hide himself behind it. I hope that the trath
wUl come out ; indeed it shall be told by me, if any false statements are made on
his part.
I regret this affair exceedingly, as I see that it wiU excite the people and
may possibly take a turn injurious to the true interests of the country. At any
rate it wiU prove a test of patriotism and discernment, and we shaU know what
we are to expect.
Some important changes in the cabinet became neces
sary in consequence of Mr. Randolph's resignation. The
office of Secretary of State was at first offered to Patrick
Henry. Of him Marshall says : "He had led the oppo
sition to the constitution in Virginia, but after its adoption,
his hostility had in some measure subsided. He was truly
the personal friend of the President and had lately man
ifested a temper not inimical to the administi-ation." The
offer of so responsible an office to a person who occupied
this, at best neutral position, was a new proof ofthe im
partiality of the President in his selection of officers, and
the tone of the letter in which it was conveyed, is alone
sufficient to refiite the calumnies heaped upon the chief
magistrate. " My ardent desire is," he said, " and my

1795.] OF WASHINGTON. 257
aim has been (as far as depended upon the executive de
partment) to comply strictly with all our foreign and do
mestic engagements ; but to lieep the United Stated free
from political connections with every other country ; to
see them independent of all, and under the influence of
none. In a w^ord I want an American character ; that
the powers of Europe may be convinced we act for our
selves and not for others." Patrick Henry was however
prevented by private considerations from occupying this
office." It was likewise offered to Mr. Patterson, Mr.
King, Gen. C. C. Pinckney and Mr. Thomas Johnson of
Maryland. In the interim the duties were performed by
Col. Pickering.
Mr. Bradford, the Attorney General, who had died in
August, was replaced by Charles Lee, of Virginia.

In order to preserve the connection of the foregoing
narration, one occurrence has been passed over which
now requires notice.
Among the many personal attacks upon Washington
which came forth from time to time, was an article in the
Aurora, signed " A Calm Observer," which appeared to
wards the end of October. The paper was addressed
indeed to the Secretary of the Treasury, but was levelled
at the President himself, whom it charged with having
constantly overdrawn his salary, Hamilton and Wolcott
being implicated as conniving at the fraud in violation of
the laAvs and of their oaths. The charge was supported
by statements specifying the times at which, as was
averred, the overdrafts had taken place, and conveying
the idea that they were now serious in amount. The
" Calm Observer" thus concluded his malignant and des
picable libel : • Vide V. Marsh. 541, note.
22*

258 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 9.
" What wiU posterity say to the man who has acted in
the manner I have stated, after having thus solemnly ad
dressed the legislature of his country : ' When I was first
honored with a call into the service of my country, then
on the eve of an arduous struggle for its liberties, the hght
in which I contemplated my duty, required that I should
renounce every pecuniary compensation. From this reso
lution I have in no instance departed ; and being stiU un
der the impressions which produced it, I must dechne, as
inapplicable to myself, any share in the personal emolu
ments which ma.y be indispensably included in a perma
nent salary, and must accordingly pray that the pecuniary
estimates for the station in which I am placed, may, dur
ing my continuance in it, be hmited to such actual expen
ditures as the public good may be thought to requh'e.'
Will not the world be led to conclude that the
MASK OF political HYPOCRISY HAS BEEN ALIKE WORN BY
A C^SAR, A Cromwell, and a Washington ?"
Congress had annually appropriated the sum of $25,000
for the President's salary, which, by the act of Sept. 24th,
1789, was fixed at that sum, payable quarterly out of the
treasury. Now it so happened that the President, in ac
cordance with his expressed intention, had never per
sonally drawn any monies from the treasury ; but his pri
vate Secretary, as they were from time to time wanted,
drew the amount required. The sums thus advanced
had never exceeded the sums previously appropriated by
law, though they had sometimes exceeded, as they some
times fell short ofthe sums actuaUy due for past services;
but the treasury had never been in advance for the Presi
dent at any time to the amount of a quarter's salary, and
on the first day of the month in which the attack ap
peared, there was actually due hun over $800 beyond
the advances made. The whole basis on which the at
tack was made, was fictitious, and the question simply
resolved itself into this, viz : whether it was lawful to an-

1795.] OF WASHINGTON. 259
ticipate the whole or any part of the salary of the quar
ter. The same practice existed, and necessarily, in other
matters, especiaUy in the payment of members of Con
gress, where a gross sum was at once paid to the Speaker
to be disbursed from time to time, and for which he was
afterwards to account. The sums thus advanced, with
the times of the advances, had been always rendered to
Congress and printed with the annual accounts of the
treasury ; thus the practice was public, and its legahty
had never been doubted. ¦
The day after the appearance of this attack, Wolcott
addressed the following letter :
TO THE EDITOR OF THE AURORA. Philadelphia, October 24.
Mr. Bache,
I have read in your paper of the 23d instant, an indecent invective addressed
to me, under the signature of " A Calm Observer," the object of which is to im
press an opinion on the pubhc mind that the President has received from the
treasury greater sums than were authorized by law. As connected with the
main design of calumniating the Executive, the writer has, however, adduced
against my predecessor and myself, the serious charges — of having -violated the
constitution of the United States by issuing monies for which there was no ap
propriation — of ha-ving violated the law establishing the treasury department
which directs that no warrants on the Treasurer shall be signed by the Secretary
or countersigned by the Comptroller unless pursuant to some appropriation — of
having violated the oath prescribed for the officers of the tretisury.
In respect to the President, it is proper to say that it hes been well understood
at the treasury, that the monies appropriated for his compensation were applied
solely to defray the expenses of his household, of which a regular account has
been kept by his private Secretary. The advances from the treasury have here
tofore been uniformly made on the application, and in the name of some one of
the private secretaries, except in a single instance, lately, when the present Se
cretary was absent. The special order of the President for monies to defi-ay the
current expenses of his household has never been deemed necessary.
If, therefore, there has been an error in advancing monii3S, the President is not
responsible for it; he is merely accountable in a pecuniEiry view for the act of
his agent ; as a matter affecting personal character he is in no manner concerned.
The responsibUity for whatever is complained of by I he " Calm Observer,"
therefore rests entirely upon the treasury department, and I readily assume it to
myself. At the same time, I affirm, notwithstanding wh at is asserted to the
contrary, that not one dollar has been advanced at any timi ; for which there was

260 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 9.
not an existing appropriation by law ; and it is my belief, that nothing in the
least degree contrary to law has been practised in respect to the time and man
ner of making the advances.
Candid men wUl believe this to be a smcere declaration when they are told
that the course orconduct which is now censured has prevaUed ever since the
treasury department was estabhshed, and that the accounts which exhibit the
evidence of this conduct have been regularly laid before Congress, and have been
printed and disseminated throughout the United States. It is not credible that
the officers of the treasury have knowingly violated the law, and at the same
time have pubUshed the evidence of their guilt.
Mr. Bache, such has been the viralence of the attacks in your paper against
public measures and the characters of men, who, until they held public ap
pointments, were thought to deserve tBe confidence of their fellow-citizens,
that I believe a common opinion prevails that some decisive explanation is ne
cessary; that it is time it was known whether the pubUc officers deserve aU, or
any part of the abuse which you pubHsh ; or whether there exists a confederacy
whose nefarious object it is, by calumny and misrepresentations, to induce the
people to beUeve that those who manage their public concerns are utterly desti
tute of integrity. I accede to this opinion — I invite the explanation as it re
spects myself — I wish that it may embrace the accusers of govemment — I await
the consequences of the charges which you have published, that I have violated
the constitution and laws of my country, and the oath of office which I have
taken. I shaU not avoid an investigation of my public conduct, and hope not
long to regret that slander can be published in your paper with impunity.
To this an abusive rejoinder was made, terming it an
evasion. Wolcott's assumption of the responsibility was
rejected, and the writer renewed his attack upon the
President who was evidently his real mark. The charge
of evasion the Secretary repudiated in a brief note, aver
ring that the estimates presented to Congress, and which
they had sanctioned by appropriations, contained specific
sums for the compensation of the President which had
at no time been exceeded. Here, although the attack
was continued, he would have left the matter, but 31r.
Hamilton seeing that a good opportunity was afforded by
exposing this, to crush the other slanders upon the Presi
dent and the party, and desirous of vindicating the cor
rectness of his conduct, had already determined to reply
to the original article in his own name. He thereupon
wrote to Wolcott requesting copies of the official papers

1795.] OF WASHINGTON. 261
requisite to refute the statement. They were at once
forwarded, and he published a defence, which, demon
strating the falsehood of the anonymous writer and the
legality of the advances really made, silenced ahke
clamor and suspicion. FROM ALEXANDER HAMILTON. New Yokk, Oct. 26th, 1795.
Dear Sir,
I have observed in the Aurora, a piece under the signature of " a Calm Ob
server," which I think merits attention. It is my design to reply to it with my
name, but for thia I wish to be furnished as soon as possible, with the accounts of
the President, and of the appropriation for him as it stands in the Secretary's
office, the Comptroller's, and the account rendered to Congress, and also the ac
count of appropriations for this object. Of one point I am sure, that we never
exceeded the appropriations, though we may have anticipated the service. Add
any remarks you may judge useful. The sooner the better.

New Yore, October 27, 1795.
Dear Sir,
I -wish the statement requested in my letter of yesterday, may contain each
particular payment, not aggregate for periods. It runs in my mind that once,
there being no appropriation, I procured an informal advance for the President
from the Bank ; if this is so let me know the time and particulars. If the account
has been wound up to an exact adjustment since the period noticed by the Calm
Observer, it may be useful to carry it down to that period. I should like to have
a note of other instances of advances on account of salaries. Yours,
A. HAMILTON.

TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON. Phil., Oct. 29, 1795.
I send you abstracts of all the payments to the President to the present time.
It is a fact, that more money has been at times advanced than was due for ser
vice, but never a dollar for which there was no appropriation.
The villainy of the suggestion against the President, has induced me to reply
to the Calm Observer on the 26th and 28th, Yoii wiU see what I have said, and
the enclosed papers wUl enable you to add anything which you think proper, I
have not time to-day to ascertain whether any advance by the bank was ever
granted. You know that the compensation to both houses of Congress had
been paid in advance frequently.

262 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 9.
FROM ALEXANDER HAMILTON. New York, Oct. 30, 1795.
Dear Sir,
I wrote you yesterday for a statement of the advances and appropriations for
the Department of State. I am very anxious that Fauchet s whole letter should
appear just as it is. Strange whispers are in circulation of a nature foreign to
trath, and impUcating honest men with rascals. Is it to come out % Can't you
send me a copy? I wUl observe any conditions you may annex.
The secret journals and other files of the Department of State, vriU disclose
the following facts— that during the war a Commission to negotiate a Treaty
of Commerce with Great Britain, was given to Mr. Adams and afterwards re
voked ; that our Commissioners for making peace were instracted to take no
step whatever, -without a pre-idous consultation -with the French Ministry,, though
there was at the time, reason to beheve that France wished us to make peace or
treat vrith Great Britain without an acknowledgement of our independence ; that
she favoured a sacrifice to Spain of our pretensions to the navigation of the
Mississippi, and a relinquishment of a participation in the fisheries.
It wUl appear that instractions were actually given to Mr. Jay, to yield the
na-rigation of the Mississippi to Spain, in consideration of an acknowledgement
of our independence ; that Mr. Jay made a proposal accordingly, but clogged it
with some condition or quahfication to bring back to Congress, before a final con
clusion and expostulation with Congress against the measure.
It wUl appear that this was affected by a southern party, who would also have
excluded the fisheries from being an ultimatum, in which they were opposed by
the North, who equally contended for the Mississippi and fisheries.
It wiU appear that ChanceUor Li-ringston as Secretary of State, reported a
censure upon our Commissioners for breaking their instractions in the negotiation
for peace.
It wUl appear that shortly after the arrival in this country of the preliminary
articles, I made a motion in Congress to renew the commission to negotiate a
treaty of Congress with Great Britain — that a committee was appointed to pre
pare one with instructions, of which Mr. Madison was one, and that the com
mittee never reported. Thus stand the facts in my memory. It is very desira
ble, now that a free access to the files of the Department can give the evidence,
to examine them accurately, noting times, places, circumstances, actors, &c. I
want this very much for a pubhc use, in my opinion essential. It would also be
usefiil to have a copy of Mr. Jefferson's letter to Congress concerning the transfer
of the French debt to private money-lenders, on which the Report of the Board
of the Treasury was founded. Yours truly, A. HAMILTON.
P. S. Nov. 12. This letter by accident, has lain in my desk since it was
written. I send it still.
Bache's paper of the 11th has a " Valerius" which I think gives an opportunity
of oversetting him. The leading ideas may be.

1795.] OF WASHINGTON. 263
1st. He discloses the object of the party to place Mr. Jefferson in contrast with
the President.
2. He discloses the further object — an intimate and close alliance with France,
subjecting us to the vortex of European poHtics — and attributes it to Mr. Jefferson.
3. He misrepresents totally, Mr. Jefferson's returning from France.
A sohd answer to the paper with facts, would do great good.

TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON. Philadelphia, Nov 2d, 1795.
I enclose a statement of the President's account quarterly, which shows that
he has not been in advance a quarter's salary at any time.
You wUl see that the Aurora denies that the members of Congress have ever
received monies which were not earned, and refers to a letter of mine to prove
the f&ct. I never wrote a letter on the subject except to the Speakers, Muhlen
berg and Trumbull, in answer to an application from them on this point :
" Whether any advances that had been made to members of the House of Rep
resentatives beyond their real pay, had been afterwards accounted for in their
subsequent accounts in a succeeding session V
To this I answered to the following effect :
" It is certain that the Speakers of the House have in no instance, advanced
monies beyond the compensation claimed by the members as actually due. Of
course it does not appear to have been designed in any case, that monies advan
ced in one session, should be accounted for by services to be rendered in another.
" In'the accounts of the 2d session of the 1st Congress, two errors were disco
vered of six dollars each, and one other of eighty-four dollars, which sums were
overpaid in consequence of miscalculations. These sums were audited by the
members who received the monies in the succeeding session, in consequence of
notes which were placed in the pay-books, by the clerks who made the exam
ination. " A few other errors of a trivial nature, have at different times been noted as
errors by the clerks, but whether they have been explained by the members, or
accounted for, does not appear from the pay-books. The foregoing three cases
are all that I can find which fall within the inquiries contained in your letter."
The plain meaning of my letter is, that it was not the practice to advance
during a session more than was earned in that session. Further, I never meant,
or examined the books to ascertain. I shall do it now. The reference to this
letter proves, either that Muhlenberg is party to this business, or what is more
likely, that my letter was lodged in the clerk's office, and that Beckley and Ran
dolph are the authors of this attack. Nothing to the purpose can be gained
from the accounts of the Secretary of the State, but you wUl find them enclosed.

264 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 9.

FROM OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Litchfield, Nov. 9th, 1795.
Sir, * » « » The last session of our Legislature was perfectly tran
quil. No apparent faction exists in the State. But few of the late incendiaries
are elected. This State is very well disposed to support the national govem
ment, and holds in great contempt those who wish to disturb it. The name of
a democrat is despised. The conduct of Boston has made, as I am told, but
very little impression upon Massachusetts. Its folly has only excited a mobbish
disposition in that town, by which the peace of it is frequentiy disturbed.
The conduct of Mr. Randolph makes a part of the conversation with ahnost
all with whom I associate. As the public has no official account of his conduct,
probably therefore many things are said of him which are not trae ; but it is
observed, that more than two months have elapsed since his character has been
publicly branded with infamy, and that he has taken no step to vindicate it, ex
cept by publishing a couple of mysterious, or rather as they are considered, insid
ious letters to the President, by which it is supposed he wishes to implicate his
character with his own ; but this attempt wiU be in vain ; it can convey nothing
but the evidence of his own folly, ingratitude and -wickedness. Mr. Ran
dolph's long silence must be construed into an evidence of his guilt, and indeed
this is what I do not find that any one doubts. A full disclosure of this mysteri
ous business wUl, I trust, develope a plan, which I doubt not has been long since
laid, to throw this country into the utmost disorder. Happy wUl it be, shaU it
utterly disgrace those vile men, and fully check the intended mischief But I
fear we have but little reason to flatter ourselves with a durable tranquillity.
We have fondly believed that mankind were wiser and better than they were in
former ages, but of this, I believe we have no certain evidence. We are makmg
experiments, but they will probably terminate as others have done.
I find that you are officiaUy attacked, which I but very little regret, as I have
the most undoubted confidence you wiU be able to vindicate yourself, and as you
are implicated with the most respectable company. The President is the object
which all these people aim their shafts at, hoping that if they cannot affect the
public confidence, which I plight myself they never can, that they shaU be able
to induce him to resign, by giving him constant disturbance. This I devoutly
hope will not be the case. It would be an event which every friend to order and
good government would deprecate in the extreme. Can Mr. Randolph be the
" Calm Observer V If so, he is fallen, indeed, and no one wUl enquire whether
he is most to be despised for his foUy or his baseness. The next Congress will,
I think, exhibit a noisy scene, and the turpitude of a Machiavelian policy.
France is attempting a pohtical settlement. If she succeeds, which I believe
is doubtful, it wUl be but of short duration. « * » »
I am, &c., OLIVER WOLCOTT.

1795.] OF WASHINGTON. 265
FROM ALEXANDER HAMILTON. New York, Nov. 15, 1795.
Dear Sir,
At length I am able to send you the explanation I mentioned to you. The
papers upon which it is founded are returned, that you may compare, and if ne
cessary, correct. You may, by altering the body or by a note, rectify any
inaccuracy. You -wiU observe marks in the margin which -wiU require particular attention.
(A) Let the distance, if not so now, be rightly stated. (B) Insert the most usual
sum or sums. I think it was 10,000 to Senate, 20,000 to House of Representa
tives. (C) If you think it best, you may leave out here and afterwards, all that
concerns the instraction referring the' commencement of the compensation to the
4th of March, 1789. I think in this respect something vrill depend on the
question whether the Treasury has finally taken its ground, and even then a note
at foot, as after closing the letter, may be considered instead of striking out.
Do as you please on this point. (F) Examine the calculation that gives this
balance. I will thank you to have a proof sheet brought you. You observe the quar
terly statement is to be subjoined. WUl it not be best that the Register should
sign it 1 Yours, A. HAMILTON.
TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON. Philadelphia, Nov. 16, 1795.
[Private.]
1 sent you, on Saturday, an impeifect translation of Fauchet's letter. I now
send you a copy of the original. You may, at your discretion, use the letter,
except causing copies to be taken, or suffering it to be printed. Mr. Randolph
has exteifs'ively circulated a letter in which he attributes his disgrace to the
artifices of a " British faction." His letter is accompanied with an explanatory
certificate from Fauchet, written at Newport, which I have not seen. I am
told, however, by persons who have seen it, that it is a weak, evasive perform
ance, and only makes bad worse. When the affair was opened to Randolph,
he denied having received money or having made any proposition relative to
money except on one occasion, which was this. He said that in the summer
of 1794, Fauchet told him that there was a meeting of persons in New York,
consisting among others, of Mr. Hammond and Mr. Jaudenes, who were
conspiring to destroy him (R.) and Gov. Clinton. Being asked what he
meant by destroying him and Governor Clinton, Randolph answered, to
destroy his character as Secretary of State, and Gov. Clinton's as Governor
of New York. Randolph said that he then inquired whether proof could be got
of this conspiracy, and that after some conversation he suggested to M. Faucbet
that, as he (F.) had the resources of the French government at command, he
VOL. I. 23

266 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 9.
could obtain the proof This foolish story could make no impression, and though
Mr. Randolph promised to reduce it to writing, he omitted to do so. There are
reports in circulation, I find, which change the complexion of this first declara
tion of Randolph's, and represent the conspiracy as one to rain France. I also
suspect that attempts wiU be made to represent you as concerned in it ; but of
this I am not certain. At any rate, the whole is idle nonsense, and Fauchet's
attempt by a posterior act to invaUdate the evidence of a confidential letter VriU
not succeed. What must have been the footing of these men when they could
famUiarly talk about the subversion of the govemment, and in-riting the French
to aid the insurrection with money.

TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.' Phila., Nov. 19,1795.
Mr. Randolph's conduct has lately been so extmordinary, that I consider my
self perfectly at liberty to publish his affair. The fact as stated in the papers, of
the intercepted letter being given to me by Mr. Hammond, is true, but the letter
was dehvered at my special request on being informed of its contents. Indeed,
pradence no less than duty forbade the idea of secrecy on my part. The letter
was shown by me to the Secretary of War and Attomey General, and they con
curred in opinion that it ought to be delivered to the President, immediately ofl
his retum from Mt. Vemon.
The letter was written about the last of October, 1794, and is a most secret and
confidential document, so secret indeed, that its contents were not divulged to
M. Fauchet's associates in the diplomatic commission, who are now known to
have been M. La Forest and M. Peti-y, and who ostensibly bore other characters.
M. La Forest that of Consul General, and M. Petry, that of consul for Pennsyl
vania. This letter refers to other despatches, which are said to be narratives of
occurrences — this is the hey to those narratives. It states that the insurrection
last summer, though ostensibly originating fiom the excise, was but a part of a
more general explosion which had been long fermenting in the public mind. The
origin is referred to the parties which were produced by the establishment of the
govemment, and more particularly to the discontents created bj'the provision for
the public debts.
There is a long Story describing the parties, in which they' are characterized
according to the Virginia theory. The friends of the general govemment are
" favourers of monarchy and aristocracy," with HamUton at their head : the
enemies of the government are patriots and repubhcans in name and principle.
It is said that in 1793 and 1794, the attacks upon the general govemment had
become so serious that its friends became alarmed, and that the government fore
seeing a general storm, hastened the local insurrection to create a division, and
that this was ascertained by the confession of Mr. Randolph to M. Fauchet.
Randolph moreover is stated to have said that it was intended to introduce arbi
trary po-yer, and to mislead the President into paths that would conduct him to
jsnjpopularity. It is also said that the insurgents expected the assistance of lead-

1795.] OF WASHINGTON. 267
ing men in the east, and that they believed that they had in the bosom of the
government abettors, who either shared their grievances, or were of the same
principles with tfiemselves.
The raising of an army of 15,000 men, is however represented as unnecessary
for the special object of reducing the insurgents, and as having been undertaken
for the purpose of giving an imposing authority to the government. After the
raising an army had been determined, it is said to have been necessary for the
government to obtain the cooperation of certain men of influence with the " patri
otic" party, whose inertness or indifference might have defeated the success of
the plan which had been adopted. On this subject there are the following
emphatic declarations :
[Here follow the extracts from No. 10, already cited.]
The corruption of the government is there directly attributed to Col. Hamil
ton's system of finance, which is said to have converted the people into stock
jobbers, brokers and usurers. My remark however, upon this reasoning is, that
it must be an odd system which corrupts only its enemies. If the villainy of the
conspirators can be attributed to Col. Hamilton, who is constantly the Subject of
their attacks, he must indeed be a magician.
It appears from Fauchet's letter that the overtures of Randolph, which could be
no other than to invite the cooperation of the French government with the insur
gents, were rejected ; and then, Fauchet says, the leaders of opposition " gave
themselves up with scandalous ostentation to the views of government, and even
seconded its proclamation."
It would require more time than I can spare, to comment upon the whole let
ter, which is very lengthy, but its complexion is mortifying and debasing in the
utmost degree ; the people are reproached as dirided between two parties, and
though the " patriots" are deemed the best republicans, they are the most cor
rupt. The " aristocrats" are said to have the most ability, but at the same time
they are represented as favouring monarchy and aristocracy. Monroe is said to
be a sound " patriot and an honest man," and strange to tell, the French govem
ment are referred to him as a voucher for what is said to our disadvantage ; the
words are "consult Monroe, he is an honest man, he cautioned me against char
acters," &c. Thus it seems our Secretary of State has been notoriously corrapt
and unfaithful, the character of the country is stigmatized, and M. Fauchet appeals
to our minister to confirm his calumnies ! ! I shall blush for my country, I shall
despair of it, if the discovery of such treasons does not dissipate the delusion,
which hag nearly proved fatal to its dearest interests.
The time and manner of making these facts known is not settled, Mr, Ran
dolph vrishes for an opportunity to explain his conduct. This was granted ; he
has however, employed his time in traducing the characters of others. A letter
has been circulated privately through the country, -with some exculpatory certifi
cate from Fauchet. I have not been able to see it, but from information on
which I rely, it is but a lame and weak story, and it cannot answer the purpose of
effacing a beUef, that what Fauchet wrote confidentiaUy to his own govemment
must be the truth.

268 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 9.
Randolph's situation is desperate ; he wUl do mischief as much as is in his
power ; his aim is to have it believed that he has been disgraced by a " British
Faction," and he wiU connect the discontents respecting the treaty and popular
prejudices, as much as possible with his vindication. He wiU moreover reveal
every secret and opinion that has ever been given ; nay more, he wUl He without
reserve. Good and eril wiU result from the disclosure which is now unavoidable.
On our extemal affairs and character, the influence wiU be unpropitious ; as respects
our country, much discussion and fermentation may be expected, as the views of
the opposition wiU be revealed. As respects the personal character of those who
have supported public measures, nothing bad is to be expected. There has I
believe been perfect integrity, so far as those caUed " aristocrats" have been
concerned. I am well satisfied that the " Calm Observer" is a joint work of certain patriots.
Randolph was doubtiess an adviser, and Beckley, Clerk of the House of Repre
sentatives, the writer. I think I cannot be mistaken. What has been done by
the treasury wiU, however, bear the strictest criticism, or I am much deceived.
FROM OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
LiTCHFrELD, Nov. 23d, 1795.
Sir, * * * Many stories have been circulating respecting the conduct
of Mr Randolph, some of them not much different from what you have mention-
tioned, but I was very glad to receive the information from a source which might
be depended upon.
Mr. Randolph wiU not, I believe, wish to pubHsh his vindication tiU the mo
ment Congress shaU meet ; his official situation must probably enable him to
communicate some anecdotes, by which, from their novelty, he wiU hope to direct
the public attention from himself, and perhaps be able to prove, what no protes-
tant ever doubted, that infallibUity is not the portion of humanity. But his
attempts to injure the reputation ofthe President, which I suppose are to be ex
pected, -wiU only betray his ingratitude and baseness. I have the most entire
confidence that he never -will be able to prove any intentional wrong, and the
public have too long felt their own honour interested in that of the President,
(and have felt such a national pride on that account) as not to feel a deep resent
ment at the man who shall unjustly attempt to injure his character.
The ti;ues appear to me critical and interesting. I am apprehensive that no
more than a strong minority in the House of Representatives, wUl appear to sup
port the administration and the national character, but I hope we may rely upon
the firmness ofthe Senate. The virtuous motives which have induced the treat
ing with regard, men who avow and act upon principles inconsistent -with the
preservation of order, to influence them to a more just conduct, have been and
will be ineffectual. I hope therefore, however disagreeable it may be to imply
an error of judgment in the President in appointing Mr. Rutledge, that he -sriU
not be confirmed in his office. I vrish too that another person of a more confi-

1795.] OF WASHINGTON. 269
dential character than Mr. Monroe, may supply his place, and that we be an
independent nation not ih name only. The numerous diplomatic characters in
this country, are but httie other than spies and disturbers of the public peace. I
have long since had no doubt that we had of our own people, a number of foreign
pensioners, among whom are several printers. The extreme vehemence which
exhibits itself cannot otherwise be accounted for. I think it behooves those in
Congress to meet this turbulent and nefarious policy with the greatest intrepidi
ty. If things go on as they have lately done, -with that outrageous indignity and
insult, they certainly have nothing to lose, and both moral principle and a regard
for their honour, will prompt them to the most -vigorous exertions to save their
coimtry from that abject debasement to which it seems to be precipitating. If
the Virginians and their associates wish to enjoy Datch liberty, let us talk to them
in a firm and decided tone, and inform them of the conditions upon which the
Union is to be preserved, and require them to be explicit, so as to know on what
we are to depend.
Mr. Randolph it seems has secured a copy right, to what he calls his vindica
tion. As a lawyer, he ought to know that treason is no new invention, and that
he is therefore not entitled to the privilege which he claims. I hope that he wUl
have his reward in the common justice of his country.
The public mind with us is much excited at the conduct of the -rilifiers of the
administration. Those malcontents, or rather -vile and most insidious men, can
not count but upon a very feeble support in New England. Their views are
execrated by every honest man. The attack made upon the President and your
department, which seems to be a national dishonour, as it impeaches the first
magistrate with the meanest peculation, -wiU as it respects yourself end in fume.
I trast no member of Congress wUl take up that business with a view to crimina
tion. * * * » I am, &c., OLIVER WOLCOTT.
The foUowing letter gives certain points of information
requested in Mr. Hamilton's, of October 30th.
TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON. Philadelphia, Deo. 1, 1793.
I have not been able to ascertain all the points upon which you requested me
to write to you.
In Febraary 1780, a committee reported a conference with the Minister of
France, the substance of which was — That the Kh^g of Spain wished for an
alhance vrith the United States, but that it was necessary that the United States
should state the claims precisely.
That the Cabinet of Madrid constraed the western rights of the U. States, to
extend no further westward than the line of settlement permitted by the British
proclamation of 1763. 23*

270 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 9.
That the United States had no right to navigate the Mississippi.
That the King of Spain would conquer Florida for himself
And that the lands westward of the Hne of 1763, were proper subjects of con
quest by Spain from Great Britain.
The French minister said, that his most Christian Majesty was united by ties of
blood to the King of Spain, and to the United States by treaty and fiiendship, and
that he would endeavour to concihate the differences of opinion withhberahty, &c.
There are many intimations in the French conferences, exhorting the United
States to moderation in iheir claims. It was stated that France might not be
able to obtain an explicit acknowledgment of independence ; in which case the
United States ought to consider whether a tacit acknowledgment ought not to be
accepted. There are intimations at several times, that Mr. Adams required positive m-
stractions to prevent him from acting too inflexibly, &c., &c. (This is the idea,
not the expression).
June 17th, 1781. Mr. Adams was instructed thus : " To make the most
candid and confidential communications upon aU subjects to the ministers of our
generous ally, the King ofFrance, to undertake nothing in the negociations for
peace or trace, without their knowledge and concurrence, and ultimately to
govern yourself by their advice and opinion, endeavouring in your whole conduct
to make them sensible how much we rely upon his Majesty's influence, for effect
ual support in every thing that may be necessary to the present security or
prosperity of the United States of America."
It is worthy of remark that the draft of instraction was communicated to the
French Minister, and the words scored with a line undemeath, inserted after
wards by way of amendment.
I send ChanceUor Liringston's draft of a treaty with England. It furnishes
good matter for testing the opinions of " Cato" by a rule of authority for him
self You wUl judge of the manner of using these hints, but perhaps under
present circumstances, they ought only to be considered as information, from
which to date facts and reason.
You wiU hear from me on other points when I can get time.
I lately requested a corrected translation of a document which I sent to you.
I hope it reached you. TO WILLIAM ELLERY. Phila., Dec. 1795.
[Private.]
I transmit you a copy of Mr. Randolph's vindication, and take tiie liberty to
request you to ascertain as soon as possible, whether M. Randolph was or was
not for some time in b. private conversation with M. Fauchet at Ne-wport?
It has been stated to me in a manner which admits of but Httle doubt, that Mr.
Randolph was in fact, closeted -with M, Fauchet for the greatest part, or whole
of one night. If this be trae, you vrill much oblige me by obtaining an affidavit
of the fact, from some creditable person. My motive for making this inquiry
will be discovered from a perasal of Mr. R's. pubhcation.

1795.] OF WASHINGTON. 271
]VIr. Randolph published his Vindication on the 28th of
December. In this document first appeared the extracts
from the despatches 3 and 6, so often alluded to in No. 10,
and to which in fact, the latter was a sequel, and also M.
Fauchet's certificate, which however, had been privately
circulated by him previous to its publication. The
papers Nos. 3 and 6, are sufficiently important to insert
entire. " Extract from Pohtical Dispatch No. 3 of Joseph Fauchet, to the Minister of
Foreign affairs.
Then the Secretary of State appeared to open himself without reserve. He
imparted to me the intestine divisions which were rumbling in the United States.
The idea of an approaching commotion affected him deeply. He hoped lo pre
vent it by the ascendancy which he daily acquired over the mind of the President,
who consulted him in all affairs, and to whom he told the truth which his col
leagues disguised from him.
' The President of the United States,' says he, ' is the mortal enemy of Eng
land, and the friend of France. I can affirm it upon my honour. But not mix
ing vrith the world, he may be circumvented by the dark manceuvres of some
men, who wind themselves in an hundred ways to draw liim into measures which
wiU cause him to lose all his popularity. Under the pretext of giving energy to
govemment, they would absolutely make a monarch of him. They deceive him
as to the true spirit of the people, as well as upon the affairs of France. I am
sure that at this moment he escapes from them, and that in all these perfidious
manoeuvres they have not been able to dissuade him from pronouncing with vigor
against the ministry of England. He has — but it is impossible for me in con
science to make you this confession. I should betray the duties of my office.
Every thing which I can say to you is, that it is important for our two nations,
that you continue to visit him frequently. He wUl be touched with the proofs of
friendship which you shall testify to him, and I am sure this wiU be an infallible
means of causing them to be valued. I would quit the post which he has confided
to me if he could be brought to make any attempt upon the rights of the people.
A bUl has passed the House of Representatives which wounds Hberty. They
have at last taken away the Article which prevents the sale of the French prizes
in our ports. My heart is troubled by it. But I have seen vrith pleasure, that
my reflections on this subject, upon the dreadful crisis which would result from an
abuse of it, have made a deep impression upon the mind, I will even say upon
the heart of the President, who is an honorable man. Let us unite M. Fauchet,
to draw our two nations closer together. Those who love liberty are for fi-ater-
nizing with France ; the partizans of slavery prefer an alliance with England.
' I affirm,' he said to me, (speaking of the treaty of Jay) ' that there is no
question in his mission, but to demand a solemn reparation for the spoliations
which our commerce has experienced on the part of England ; and to give you a

272 • SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 9.
proof that Mr. Jay cannot enter into a negociation contrary to what we owe to
France, I -will give you the part of the instractions which concern it.' " '
" Extract from Political Dispatch No. 6, of Citizen Fauchet, Muiister plenipo
tentiary of the French Republic to the United States.
Scarce was the commotion known, when the Secretary of State came to
my house. AU his countenance was grief He requested of me a private con
versation. ' All is over_,' he said to me. 'A civil war is about to ravage our un
happy country. Four men by their talents, their influence and their energy, may
save it. But debtors of Enghsh merchants, they wiU be deprived of their hberty
if they take the smaUest step. Could tou lend them, instantaneously, funds
SUFFICIENT to sheltek THEM FROM Enslish PERSECUTION V Tlus enquiry aston
ished me much. It was impossible for me to make a satisfactory answer. You
know my want of power, and my defect of pecuniary means. I shaU draw my
self from the affair by some common-place remarks, and by throwing myself on
the pure and unalterable principles of the republic.
I have never since heard of propositions of this nature."
M. Fauchet in his certificate, attempted to explain
away so much of all these dispatches as related to Ran
dolph, but with little even of plausibifity. Litera scripta
manet, and there were statements to which, whUe they
remained, but one construction could be given. The
" precious confessions," he refen'ed to the assurances of
the President's friendship to France, and the communica
tion, as he supposed without authority, ofthe extract from
Jay's instructions. IMany of the things which he had
considered as " confidences" or " confessions," had also
proved to be matters of pubhc conversation, or might have
been communicated by virtue of secret instructions.
The sole explanation of the extraordinary " confidence"
detailed in No. 3, is a paraphrase. The " overtures" re
ported in No. 6, of the meaning of which he seems to
have had no doubt when he wrote, that " v/ith some thou
sands of doUars, the republic could have decided on civil
war or peace," that "the consciences ofthe pretended
patriots of America already had their prices," when even
' The note containing these mstrac- ter, as it was given with the President's
tions is appended to the original, but is permission, and amounted simply to a
not important in reference to this mat- statement of uitended neutrahty.

1795.] OF WASHINGTON. 273
his virtuous indignation burst forth at their scandalous
openness, assumed on more mature reflection an aspect
innocent in his opinion.
The minister, it now seems, shortly after his arrival, had,
on Mr. Randolph's recommendation, employed certain
flour contractors. In some of their many conferences on
the whiskey insurrection, M. Fauchet communicated in
telligence he had procured, that the British were foment
ing this resistance of the laws. Similar information of a
conspiracy to destroy the popularity of General Chnton,
and the influence of Randolph over the President, he had
already given. On the occasion of that interview, ]Mr.
Randolph professed his conviction of the truth of these'
reports. The conversation that occurred, according to
this new version of it, is remarkable enough to quote
entire.

" He demanded of me, if, as my repubhc was itself interested in these manoeu
vres, I could not, by the means of some correspondents, procure some information
of what was passing. I answered him that I believed I could. He replied upon
this, that having formed many connections by the means of flour contracts, three
or four persons among the different contractors, might, by talents, energy and some
influence, procure the necessary information, and save America from a civil war
by proving that England interfered in the troubles of the west. I do not recollect
that he gave to me at that time, any details upon the manner in which this discov
ery would produce this last effect ; but I perfectly recollect to have heard it
said by some person or other, that the insurgents woiUd be abandoned by the
greatest number of those whom they believed to be on their side, and that the
mihtia would march with cheerfulness, if it could be proved that the English
were at the bottom of these manceuvres. I think therefore, that this was pro
bably the manner in which he conceived that things would probably be settled,
and that he thought that the insurrection would cease from the want of support .
At the moment of mounting his horse, he observed to me that the men whom I
might be able to employ, might perhaps be debtors of English merchants ; that
in this case, they might perhaps be exposed on the slightest movement which
they should make in this important affair, to see themselves harrassed by process
and even arrested by the pursuits of their creditors. He asked me if the pay*
ment of the sums which were due to them by virtue of the existing contracte,
would not be sufficiently early to render these individuals independent of Brittsh
persecution. I confess that this proposition to obtain intelligence, surprised me.
I was astonished that the govemment itself did not procure for itself informatioii

274 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 9.
so precious, and I made the reflections contained in my letter on this affair, be
cause I believed and stiU do believe, that aU the citizens in the United States
ought to endeavor to furnish intelligence so important, without being stopped by
the fear of British persecution, and because I moreover thought when I commit
ted my reflections to paper, that it was proposed to obtain the inteUigence by
assisting with loans, those who had contracted with me ; but now calling to mind
all the circumstances to which the questions of Mr. Randolph call my attention,
I have an intimate conviction that I was mistaken in the propositions which I
supposed to have been made to me." "
This account it must be admitted is an ingenious one,
but it is hardly reconcileable with that of the despatch.
The private intervie-w, the hurried air, the agitation of
the Secretary as he imparted his intelhgence, the singu
lar statement that four men could save the nation from
civil war, the eager request of an instantaneous loan to
preserve them from British vengeance as there described,
is somewhat inconsistent with-the now gradual and na
tural change of the conversation from the suspicion of
British intrigue, to the means of preventing it. But even
according to the latter story, the sagacity of JMr. Ran
dolph in foreseeing that the very flour contractors who
were to be employed, would be indebted to British mer
chants, is as remarkable as his humanity was commen
dable in protecting them from the possible consequences
of so remote a contingency. Superficial men, had such
an objection presented itself to their minds, or been af
terwards ascertained to exist, would have looked else
where for assistants ; prejudiced men would suppose
that had JMr. Randolph been seriously desirous of prov
ing his suspicions, he would not have dropped the sub
ject when M. Fauchet pleaded poverty, that he would
have then sought men who did not need such advances,
and ignorant persons wiU wonder with that gentleman,
ihat he should resort at aU to a foreign minister to do
what was within his own province.
» For the whole certificate, see " Vindication," page 13, et seq.

1795.] OF WASHINGTON. 275
There are other points unexplained and perhaps inex
plicable. Why were not these flour contractors mention
ed in the despatch ? Was it they who, when it was
found that the French Republic purchased no men to do
their duty, gave themselves up with such scandalous os
tentation to the views ofthe government? They, it ap
pears from the despatch itself, knew nothing of their in
tended employment. Were they the pretended patriots
whose consciences had already their prices ? men who
did not even know that they were offered for sale. Was
it the paji'ment of their contracts in advance, which made
it necessary for the minister to throw himself on the pure
and unalterable principles of his republic ?
M. Fauchet avers in conclusion that no name or sum
was mentioned to him, and that Mi. Randolph never di
rectly or indirectly received money from him or made
overtures therefor, and he says: " Further I solemnly de
clare, that from the time of my arrival, I have repeated
when an opportunity presented itself and without doubt
often in the presence of Mr. Randolph, that the morals
of my nation and the candor of my government, severely
forbid the use of money in any circumstances which could
not be publicly avowed." *
There is something of sublimity in this declaration of
M.. Fauchet ofthe morals of his nation and the candor of
his government, and it must be a matter of regret that the
close of despatch No. 6, puts his refusal on different
grounds ; nor is the reason for so often repeating these
asseverations, and that too in the presence of a Secretary
of State, clearly inteUigible. The " certificate " indeed
was very unsatisfactory in exculpating Mr. Randolph.
Its author was either strangely ignorant of what relations
between himself and the Secretary of State were proper
on the part of that officer, or he was content to leave his
» " Vindication," p. 16.

276 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 9.
friend under the suspicions to which his intercepted des
patch had subjected him, and the Secretary in his vindi
cation appears to have been of this opinion. Mr. Ran
dolph was equally unfortunate in his own share of the
defence. A very large portion of his pamphlet was occu
pied with a history of the objections to the British treaty.
In what manner the defects of that instrument or the
President's unwUhngness to ratify it, could excuse mal-
conduct on his own part previous to its reception, is not
explained ; but he probably expected to strengthen a re
port industriously circulated by the opposition papers,
that he was made the victim of a conspiracy for having
dissuaded Washington from signing it. Every paragraph
of No. 10 is separately commented upon, even when no
reference is made to himself It will, however, be suffi
cient for the present purpose to notice his remark^ on
what was pertinent to his defence.
In commenting upon the phrase " precious confessions,"
he says it " involves the judicious management of the
office. It implies no defiberate impropriety, and cannot
be particularly answered, until particular instances are
cited, unless it be by resorting to M. Fauchet's own ex
planations," viz : those contained in the certificate which
have been already mentioned, and which he avers to have
been bat proper conversations with that minister. That
M. Fauchet was authorised to draw from any conversa
tion with him, the conclusions to which he arrives from the
interview as reported in No. 3, is expressly denied.
"How was it possible," he says, "for me to. infer from
any acts of the government known to me, that it was
hastening the local eruption ? With the excise the de
partment of state was not concerned ; it belonged to the
treasury, and was there managed, I beheve, even to the
issuing of process." The Secretary of State might nev
ertheless know of so very important a machination in that
department ; but further to show his innocence of this

1795.] OF WASHINGTON. 277
charge, Mr. Randolph proves the actual magnitude ofthe
insurrection, and states that he urged in consequence the
augmentation of the army of suppression. As to the over
tures of No. 6, he makes rather a different version from
M. Fauchet. The probabihty that the insurgents were
stimulated by the British is mentioned, and he avers that
as that personage had often spoken of it, he merely caUed
upon him to show the justice of his complaints by proving
the facts. The flour contractors with whose vximes he had
furnished the French minister, and " who were upon an
intimate footing" with that gentleman, could obtain the re
quisite information, and if necessary, he could protect them
by advances to be made on account of their contracts ; a
protection which would probably be important as, if the
British were at the bottom of the insurrection, they would
of course exercise every rigor against those engaged in an
enquiry. Mr. Randolph further states, that on the very
day of the conversation he communicated to the President
M. Fauchet's complaints and his answer. As to his ex
planation at the cabinet meeting, he says, "How I express
ed myself in relation to this, if at aU, I cannot now re
member, for it was so much an affair of accidental occur
rence to my mind, that until I saw No. 6, I could not in
the smaUest degree satisfy myself how money came to be
involved. M. Fauchet's letter indeed made me suppose
that No.. 6, possibly alluded to some actual or proffered
loan or expenditure for the nourishment of the insurrec
tion." In conclusion, reasons are urged against the
probabUity of his having made corrupt overtures to the
minister, adduced in part from the poverty of that func
tionary, officially known from his anxiety to anticipate the
debt due to France for the purchase of provisions ; in part
from the fact that others were associated with him who were
beheved to be in friendly relations with federal members
of the cabinet (!) and who must have been consulted as to
advances of money ; and, finally, because he had not
VOL. I. 24

278 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 9.
offered for sale official secrets, " the value of which would
have been more attractive to him (Fauchet) than the ' sa
ving of the United States from civil war.' "
The review of these documents has been extended in
order that the whole merits of the subject might be exhibit
ed fairly. So far as Mr. Randolph is concerned, it may
be thus summed up. A letter containing statements de
rogatory to his ofiicial character had been put into Wol
cott's hands by the British minister, and prudence as weU
as duty dictated the course pursued by the latter. The
strictest secrecy was observed in reference to its contents
by himself and those consulted. The letter at the earliest
possible moment was laid before the President, and an
opportunity was given to the Secretary of State, in pres
ence of aU the officers who were privy to its contents, to
establish his innocence of its imputations. No charges
were brought against him, an explanation was simply re
quired. In this he failed, and on his own suggestion re
signed his office. After a conference with the writer of
that letter ; after free and unreserved inspection of all doc
uments necessary to his exculpation, had it depended
upon documents ; after months consumed in its preparation ;
he produced a labored defence. It was his own fault if,
as Wolcott's father sarcasticaUy observed, that defence
proved to be, what he himself entitled it, a vindication,
not of his conduct, but of his resignation. Had he
confined himself in its pages to its proper issue,;his own
guilt or innocence, nothing further would have been re
quired here, than a reference to the subject as a matter of
histoiy. But Mr. Randolph travelled out of the record
and unsparingly attacked one whose agency in the trans
action was a forced one. The examination of his own
conduct has therefore been extended that we may see what
credit is to be given to his attacks upon others.
It has been shown that much discrepancy exists be
tween M. Fauchet's despatches and his certificate ; that

1795.] OF WASHINGTON. 279
even where the facts are admitted, by a change of state
ment and of inducement, a very different character is given
to them, and that in passing through a second operation
under Mr. Randolph's hands, a stiU further loss of their
original character is suffered. Now it is evident that in
preparing secret information for his government, the French
minister had no motive in giving a false color to his state
ments, and that his recollection of circumstances and
their relations, could not have been improved by the lapse
of a twelvemonth ; that on the contrary, when his private
papers had been intercepted, and the confidential source
of his communications exposed,- he had a strong motive
for shielding from disgrace the man whose personal and
political connections with himself had been the cause
of his danger, who was attacked by those whom he
considered as his own enemies, and who was apparently
ruined by his own imprudence. Mr. Randolph on his side,
was a party interested, and would of course put his own
conduct in the best light. Lastly, before the appearance
of either certificate or vindication, the minister and secre
tary were closeted together at Newport, and a full oppor
tunity obtained to arrange the mode of explanation. When,
therefore, that explanation conflicts with direct and positive
assertions in the original testimony of a then disinterested
witness, the latter is certainly the most entitled to belief
Laying aside for the moment the charge of corruption,
there was even in the modified version of Mr. Randolph's
" confidences," a total ignorance of, or dereliction from
duty. They present the picture of a Secretary of State
feeding the greedy ears of a foreign minister with tales of
the factions and divisions of his country ; maligning his
associates in the cabinet as monarchists and enemies of
liberty, accusing them of a design to subvert the repubhc ;
asserting the President to be the mortal enemy of one
nation and the sincere friend of another with whom we
were upon the same terms of peace ; and pointing out the

280 SECOND ADMINISTRATION, ETC. [Chap. 9.
means of winning favor with the executive by personal
attentions. Had no other ground appeared against him,
he merited for this, even upon his own showing, an igno
minious discharge. But the actual guilt of Randolph, in
making corrupt overtures of some kind to Fauchet, re
mains undisproved. The concerted story ofthe flour con
tractors was too transparent, the versions of it too incon
sistent, to overthrow the original positive charge.
One word more as to his attacks on Wolcott. The
vague and general charges of monarchism, British influ
ence, conspiracy with Mr. Hammond, deserve no refuta
tion. They savor too much of a spirit of bhnd retort to
have weight with any one, unless supported, to borrow a
phrase of Mr. Randolph's own, " by particular instances."
The delay of producing the papers until the means of re
futing their charges should be out of his reach, by the
departure of Fauchet and Hammond, is not attributable to
Wolcott, even if just. The letter was dehvered by him to
the President at the earliest possible moment, and the sub-
seqjuent delay is moreover fully accounted for. Even after
the communication was made to him, Randolph had leisure
to spend twelve days in reaching Newport to see M.
Fauchet. The complaint, too, that no exertion was made to
obtain the despatches 3, and 6, is as respects Wolcott, un
just. It was decided by the President himselfi for rea
sons which appear in his note to the secretaries, that such
a request to Mr. Hammond or M. Adet was improper.
Mr. Randolph, in his vindication, gave many reasons
against the probabihty of his guik. There was produced
soon after his resignation, one in favor of the supposition.
The investigation of his accounts conferred upon him the
distinction of being the first cabinet officer who was a
defaulter. Had Mr. Jefferson communicated to the
President the facts stated in his " Ana" respecting his
successor, the latter might have been spared the oppor
tunity of thus earning an immortafity of shame.

CHAPTER X.

FOURTH CONGRESS — -FIRST SESSION.

The following letter to the President, previous to the
opening of the session, contains a general review of the
condition of the finances, and the events already noticed :
TO THE PRESIDENT.
Treasukt Department, November 12, 1795.
The Secretary of the Treasury respectfully represents to the President of the
United States, that the following are the principal occurrences in the treasury
department since the first of January, 1795 :
In relation to Domestic Loans obtained.
1st. A sum of eight hundred thousand dollars has been borrowed under the
act of March 20th, 1794, making farther provision for the intercourse between
the United States and foreign nations, and the act of February 21st, 1795, in
addition thereto. The rate of interest to be paid by the United States is 6 per
centum per annum, payable quarter yearly, and the principal is to be refunded
in four annual instalments of $200,000 each on the last days of December in

the years 1796, 1797, 1798, and 1799. •
The above mentioned loan was received of the Bank of the United States in
si.x per cent, stock of the United States, and has been transmitted to John and
Francis Baring & Co., of London, to be sold by them. Letters from Messrs.
Barings have been lately received, stating that funds to the amount of £160,000
were held by them subject to the order of Col. Humphreys. Of this sum, the
value of $40,000 has been remitted to Hamburgh, as is understood, pursuant to
the directions of Col. Hamphreys from Paris.
2d. Under the authority of the act passed March 3d, 1795, entitied " An act
making further appropriations for the military and naval departments, and for
the support of govemment," two loans have been obtained from the Bank ofthe
United States for $500,000 each, bearing interest at six per centum, payable
24*

282 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 10.
half yearly on the 1st July and 1st January. The first loan bears interest from
AprU 1st, 1795, and is repayable on the 1st of AprU, 1796, and the other bears
interest from the 1st of October, 1795, and is repayable on the 1st of October,
1796. A sum of $1,000,000 has been also received on account of a loan made
the last year.
In relation to Domestic Loans repaid.
1st. Repayments of former loans in anticipation of the revenue have been
made during the year 1795, to the amount of $1,400,000.
2d. The third instalment of the loan of two miUions of dollars, had of the
Bank of the United States, has been paid pursuant to the act of January 8th,
1795, containing a provision for that purpose.
In relation to Foreign Loans.
Measures were seasonably taken by the treasury for reimbursing the instal
ment of one million of florins which became due in Amsterdam on the 1st day
of June last. But owing to the operation of the war and the revolution in Hol
land, the measures which were adopted had not been successful in August last.
As the delay has been produced by causes over which the United States could
have no controul or influence, and as the interest has been punctually paid, the
public credit is understood to have suffered no blemish.
In relation to the Foreign Debt.
The instalments of the debt due to the Repubhc of France, which, by con
tract, became payable in the present year, have been discharged at the treas
ury, amounting to $453,750. The remaining debt has been amicably adjusted,
and finaUy settled in concert with an authorized agent of the French govern
ment, and the sum which appeared to be due from the United States, has been
subscribed to the loan proposed by the second section of the act, entitied " An
act making fiirther provision for the support of public credit and for the redemp
tion of the public debt." The pecuniary obhgations of the United States to
France, as subsisting under former contracts, may therefore be considered as
discharged. In pursuance of the ^t last recited, measures have been taken for ascertain
ing whether the remainder of the foreign debt can be reloaned -with the consent
of the creditors. Though the experiment has not been fully made, yet from
what is already knovra there is reason to conclude that the situation of the con
tract, as proposed in the act of the last session, wiU not be chosen by the credi
tors. As unprecedented difficulties attend the fulfUment of the pubhc engage
ments in Amsterdam and Antwerp at present ; as the same difiiculties wUl al
ways be experienced, in a greater or less degree, during war in Europe ; and as
in proportion to their extent and operation, they must hazard the credit of the
United States in foreign countries, it may be expedient for Congress to consider
whether the important object of reloaning the foreign debt, cannot be accelerated
by some modification of the proposal, at once inviting to the creditors, and at the
same time consistent with the public interest. At present there is no provision

1795.] OF WASHINGTON. 283
made by law for discharging the instalments of principal of the foreign debt,
which are annuaUy falling due, except from the proceeds of new loans ; during
the continuance of the war, there is no probability that foreign loans can be ob
tained on eligible terms. Besides, if this were not the case. Congress have by
the act of the last session wisely manifested an indisposition to authorize a re
currence to tills resource, except in cases of nrgency. The authorities for ob
taining monies on domestic loans, are at present subject by law to such condi
tions that doubts are entertained whether they contain an adequate resource
against every exigency.
A general recommendation to Congress to consider whether some further pro-
-vision for the foreign debt be not necessary, in case it shall not be reloaned, ap
pears therefore to be expedient.
In relation to the Domestic Debt.
The redemption of the pubhc debt being an object of the utmost importance
to the happiness and security of the United States, it cannot be too urgently
pressed upon Congress to consider whether the provisions in former laws are cal
culated to produce the desired effect. The points on which the law of the last
session in particular, require alteration, can be suggested by the treasury, but a
general reference to the subject by the President, is necessary to attract the at
tention of Congress.

In relation to the Revenue.
The revenue from importations and the tonnage of vessels continues to be in
creasing. This fact, considering the embarrassments and heavy losses which the
commerce of the country has suffered in consequence of the war, is at once a
pleasing demonstration of the great resources of the United States, and of the
virtue and patriotism of the mercantile community.
The Revenues from intemal duties have not equalled the anticipations which
were formed of their product. This has been owing to various causes. In respect
to the duties on distUled spirits and on stUls, it may be observed, that the want
of the foreign materials, which were used before the war, and the new directions
which have lately been given to the industry of the country, are causes sufiicient
to account for a considerable deficiency. In respect to the other objects subject
to duty, the time has not yet been sufficient to organize, the arrangements for the
coUection, and to receive information of the results from every quarter. Con
siderable inconvenience has moreover been experienced, from the want of au
thority to aUow compensations adequate to the service of the officers. But not
withstanding the operation of all these causes, tending to prevent or postpone
the receipt of monies into the treasury, still there is reason to believe that a con
siderable part of the deficiency is owing to the want of a system of collection
sufficiently energetic and coercive. It remains with Congress to determine
whether there be not some defects in the laws which require correction. The
establishment of an effective and productive intemal revenue is truly interesting,
as connected with a speedy reduction of the pubUc debt ; and no period can be

284 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 10.
more fit for the accomplishment of this object, than the present, when the inter
nal resources of the country are flourishing in a degree hitherto unprecedented.
In relation to the purchase of supplies for the War Department.
The Purveyor of public suppHes is an officer of the treasury, and he is more-
.over charged with the agency of superintending the purchases for the Frigates.
By information from this officer and from other sources, it is ascertained that the
public supplies caimot be certainly obtained except by means of systematical and
permanent public arrangements. A time of war in Europe, and a state of neu
trality on the part of the United States, however eligible in some respects, is not
without its peculiar dangers and disadvantages. In such a state of things, all
kinds of articles for mUitary operations are liable to be suddenly withdrawn from
the country, and are at the same time generaUy prohibited from being imported.
The consequence is that the country is left without any considerable resources
except what it may possess in pubUc magazines ; and the smaU supphes which
remain in the market, are greatly enhanced in price by the competition of foreign
agents. The present state of this country in respect to military suppHes, is such as forbids
the idea of war, even if on other accounts it might reasonably be adjudged to be
necessary. The only remedy against the dangers resulting from such a situation,
obviously is a systematical provision for the purchase in time of peace, of all arti
cles which cannot be manufactured here, especially such as are not liable to dam
age and waste. It is also presumed that a wise and provident policy would dictate
the establishment of public foundries and manufactories for arms, to prevent the
loss of skUl in the fabrication of arms, which must degenerate in a state of peace.
The experiments which have been made for obtaining cannon for the Frigates
and Batteries, only evince that a skill which was common during a part of the
late war, has deplorably declined. The Frigates which were ordered to be buUt
in the year 1794, would however, have been in a state of considerable forward
ness, had not unexpected difficulties attended the procuri ng of timber from Georgia.
It is believed however, that these will soon be surmounted. It has not been pos
sible to substitute the timber of this part of the country for that expected from
Georgia, without a great loss of time, as the northern timber is said to require a
long seasoning before it is fit for use.
As incidental to the business of the treasury, it is necessary to mention, that
the execution of the laws is weakened by the want of adequate compensations
to certain ofiicers, especially to Marshals and District Attorneys. In some of
the States these ofiices are a heavy burthen to the possessors ; hence a want of
zeal and frequent vacancies.

The opposition were a majority in this as weU as the
late House of Representatives. Mr. Jonathan Dayton,
of New Jersey, was chosen Speaker,

1795.] OF WASHINGTON. 285
The speech of the President, delivered on the 8th of
December, was prefaced by the remark that he had never
met the national legislature at a period when more than
then, the situation of public affairs afforded just cause for
mutual congratulation. The intelhgence it conveyed jus
tified the observation. Besides the virtual conclusion of
the British Treaty, now first officiaUy announced. Gene
ral Wayne had brought the north-western Indians to
terms, which (liberal to them) promised a durable tran-
quUity ; the Creeks and Cherokees had again confirmed
their previous treaties, although the frequent murders per
petrated by the whites, rendered their observance more
doubtfiil ; the Emperor of Morocco had recognized that
made with his father ; the agent sent to Algiers had ad
justed the terms of peace with that power, and Mr. Pinck
ney had transmitted information that a prospect existed of
a speedy conclusion of the negociations with Spain". The
internal tranquiUity, the increasing population and pros
perity of the Union at home, were likewise sources of
patriotic . satisfaction.
Among the suggestions to the consideration of Congress,
a revisal of the military establishment and the mihtia
system ; the prevention of aggressions upon the Indians,
and the pubhc debt, were severaUy mentioned.
CHAUNCEY GOODRICH,^ TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Philadelphia, Dec, 1795.
Sir, We had an easy and agreeable joumey, and on our arrival, the pleasure to
find our friends in health, and since have become quite happUy domesticated -with
them. You wiU receive the President's speech through the medium of the press, ear
lier than I can transmit it. It was received -with uncommon satisfaction by all
the friends of the govemment, and we hope it wUl make these favourable im-
• The treaty with Spain was finally vember signed by Col. Humphreys, the
concluded in October. 'That with Al- American Minister at Lisbon, who was
giers, negotiated in the month of Sep- empov/ered for that purpose.
tember, by Mr. Donaldson, was in No-

286 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 10.
pressions upon the public mind, the truths it contains really merit. Admittmg
the picture drawn in it of our prosperous condition to be a just dehneation, and
we trust it is too forcibly engiaven on the minds of the great body of our citizens
to be denied, httle room is left for the complaint and acrimony we have witnessed
these months past. A motion was brought forward in the House of Represent
atives by Mr. Parker of Virginia, not to return any -written answer but by a com
mittee to assure the President the House would take into consideration the un-
portant matters recommended to them, with all the attention they deserved. It
received but a feeble support, and a committee consisting of Mr. Madison,
Sedgwick and Sitgraves, is appointed to draft an answer, which probably wiU be
placed on the table to-morrow. From the known attachment of the two latter
to the administration of the government, we are certain it wUl contain nothing
disrespectful of present measures. An opinion prevails that as the President has
nicely avoided placing the treaty before the House, so as to caU for an opinion
on its merits, it is wise for us to foUow his example. It is a subject entirely out
of our province to decide on, and happUy so, because the prospect is that we
should decide in opposition to the other branches of the govemment. And
although a motion may be brought forward to draw the merits of the treaty into
discussion, it is hopeful we shaU prevent any opinion being given. We also
expect on its final ratification, we shall be able to obtain an act providing for its
execution. The subject is reaUy so circumstanced, that we can now say 'tis too
early for us to give any opinion on its merits, and when it becomes the supreme
law, 'tis too late for such an opinion.
I can't give you any further inteUigence respecting Mr. Randolph. If he
wraps his -vindication in those mysteries and tergiversations which are the surest
evidence of guilt, if the interests of our country have been put in hazard, I think
we may now felicitate ourselves they are safe. Mary Anne joins me in affec
tionate remembrances to yourseff and Frederic, with which I subscribe myself
your ob't humble servant, CHAUNCEY GOODRICH.

The nominations of Mr. Pickering as Secretaiy of State,
and Mr. Lee as Attorney General, were confirmed on
the 10th. The vacant war office was offered to Charles
Cotesworth Pinckney of South Carolina, Edward Car-
rington of Virginia, John Eager Howard of Maryland, and
finally to James McHenry, also of Maryland, who ac
cepted it and was commissioned on the 27th January.
• Wolcott's report to the House was communicated on
the 14th December. The gross amounts of receipts and
expenditures of the United States for the period com
mencing January 1st, and ending Sept. 30th, 1795, were
as follows :

1795.]

OF WASHINGTON.

287

Expenditures. Civil Department, - -
Mihtary "
Naval " -
Fortifications of ports and harbors,
MUitary pensions.
Annuities and grants.
Temporary Domestic Loans,
Interest on " "
Diplomatic Department,
Extra expenses of "
Third instalment of two millions loan.
Debts contracted by T. Pickering,
Interest on the domestic debt.
Support and erection of light houses, -
Contingent expenses of government,
French debt,
Dutch debt.
Debt due to foreign officers,
Mint establishment.
Miscellaneous expenses,
Balance in Treasurer's hands Sept. 30th, 1795, deducting war
rants issued, but unpaid.

Receipts.
Balance in Treasurer's hands subject to warrants on the 1st of
January, 1795,
Duties on imports and tonnage three quarters of a year.
Duties on spirits distilled in the United States during the same
period, . - -
Postage on letters, - ...
Dividends on bank stock.
Fees on letters patent.
Domestic loans.
Bills of exchange,
Repayments of balances.
Balances due under old government.

$286,958 29
2,059,636 34
302,940 00
65,168 46
67,637 22
2,530 20
1,400,000 00
221,099 99
15,005 00
897,680 12
200,000 00
61 59
1,782,084 38
13,969 10
9,983 98
272,266 04
675,373 33
5,866 32
13,000 00
32,874 80
369,826 29
^8,693,961 45

$1,148,147 55
4,234,046 26
210,016 18
22,400 00
160,000 00
510 00
2,800,000 00
96,424 00
18,865 53
3,551 91
18,693,961 45

The estimates exhibited at this time were afterwards
modified by subsequent legislation, and are therefore
omitted. The subject of the temporary loans, one becoming of

288 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 10.
serious importance, was brought to the attention of the
house in this communication. The amounts outstanding
in February preceeding, have been before stated ; the
additions since then, in consequence of laws passed at
the last session, were, one of $800,000 obtained from the
Bank of the United States under the act of 21st February
already mentioned, and two of $500,000 each, obtained
under the act " making appropriations for the mihtary
and naval service and the support of government," pass
ed 30th March. These had been found necessary from
the state ofthe treasury and the demands created by the
expenses of the whiskey insurrection. In addition to
them, it would be necessary to obtain on the 1st January
coming, the further sum of $500,000, under the act
" making provision for the support of pubhc credit," in
order to repay to the Bank of the United States the pur
chase money of the six per cent, stock obtained by Mr.
HamUton, for remittance to HoUand. The gross amount
of aU the temporary loans would therefore, on the 1st
January, 1796, be $6,200,000, of which there feU due
during the year, payments to the amount of $800,000.
There would also become payable on the Dutch debt, an
instalment of $414,100.
The Bank of the United States, it should be remark
ed, from which six milhons of the temporary loans had
been obtained, became crippled by the loan of so large
an amount of its capital to the government, and was im
patient of repayment. The specific recommendations
on the' subject of these debts was contained in a report on
the pubhc debt made later in the session.
In regard to the coming year, the Secretary observed
under this state of facts,
1st, That after making a hberal aUowance for unfor-
seen demands which might requfre appropriations, and for
deficiencies, the revenue would be adequate to the annual
reimbursements of the six per cent, stock, bearing a pre-

1795.] OF WASHINGTON. 289
sent interest ; to the payment on the interest on the foreign
and domestic debt ; and to the discharge of the sums es
timated for the current service.
2d, That the anticipations ofthe revenue which might
exist at the close of the year, must be continued for the
year ensuing, and
3d, That the instalments of the foreign debt which
would faU due in June, and certain instalments of domes
tic loans before mentioned, must be reloaned or satisfied
out of the proceeds of new revenues.
In continuation, the attention of the house was directed
to the act ofthe last session, "making further provision
for the support of the public credit and the redemption of
the pubhc debt." The want of success which had hith
erto attended the efforts to convert the foreign debt was
thus explained ;
" The objections against a mutation of the contracts in the manner proposed,
which have been stated, are generally,
1st, That the proposed new stock will be redeemable at the pleasure ofthe
United States, by which condition the government will possess the power of re
ducing the rate of interest, or refunding the capital at periods when the rein-
bursements may be difficult or disadvantageous to the creditors.
2d, That the proposed addition of one half per centum per annum to the rates
of interest does not afford an equivalent for the expenses of agency, loss upon
the exchange, and the risk of remittances from America, and
3d, That the facilities which attend the negociation of bonds payable to
bearer, over funds which can only be transferred at the treasury or loan offices in
the United States, render the obligations of foreign debt, in their present form,
particularly eligible for foreign creditors.
It is not yet ascertained that these objections wUl be conclusive in the minds
of the creditors against the proposed re-loan, and circumstances are not unlikely
to happen which may in some degree abate their force. Nevertheless, as the
object of converting the foreign debt into domestic stock is of real importance to
the United States ; as unprecedented difficulties attend remittances at present ;
as similar difficulties will always exist in a greater or less degree in time of war ;
and as in proportion to their operation they must endanger the public credit, the
Secretary respectfully submits it to the house of Representatives to consider and
determine whether some modification of the existing proposal be not expedient."
The report proceeded to state the failure ofthe attempt
VOL. I. 25

290 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 10.
to reimburse the instalment due in the past year, as al
ready detailed in the letter to the President.
" It being rendered certain, that funds to meet the instalments of the foreign
debt now annuaUy faUing due, must be remitted from the United States, meas
ures have been taken for ascertaining whether the powers vested by law in the
commissioners of the sinking fimd, contain an adequate resource. As before
mentioned these powers Hmit the rate of interest upon any loan to six per cent.
per annum, and moreover provide that the capitals borrowed shall be redeemable
at the option of the government.
" Though the rate of six per centum per aimum, may be justly considered as
a liberal compensation for the use of money in ordinary times, yet at the present
moment, when the demand for American fiinds is greatly Hmited by the opera*
tion of the war in Europe, and when a variety of new objects are presented for
the profitable employment of capital in this country, it is found that the redeem
able quality ofthe stock which the commissioners of the sinking fund are author
ized to constitute, wUl so far derogate from its value as to defeat the intention
of the law.
" The Secretai-y is confident that the House of Representatives wUl appreciate
fully aU the arguments in favor of an augmentation of the revenue, for the pur
pose of reimbursing the foreign debt ; and he therefore omits to make any com
ments on the statement of facts now presented. But it is his duty to observe
that, if it shall be determined to confine the reimbursement of the pubhc debt to
the scale now established by law, it will be necessary to enlarge the powers
granted to the commissioners of the sinking fund, in such manner as that there
may exist a certainty of obtaining the necessary funds with that strict punctuality
which it is necessary to observe, in whatever relates to the dehcate concerns of
pubhc credit."
The report to the commissioners of the sinking fund,
showed that further purchases of the debt had been made
to the amount of $42,639 14 — making, with the former
purchases, the total amount of $2,307,661 71 ; and that
there remained in the hands of the Treasurer the sum of
$70,968 15, arising from dividends subsequent to the first
of AprU preceding, which with the dividends to be made
at the close of the year, and other appropriated funds,
would be applied on the 1st January ensuing to the fh'st
reimbursement of the annuity on the six per cent, stock
bearing a present interest.
One ofthe first acts ofthe House, was the appointment

1795.] OF WASHINGTON. 291
of a standing committee of ways and means. This com
mittee was raised in pursuance of a motion of Mr. Galla
tin, of December 18th. To it were to be referred aU re
ports from the Treasury Department, and aU propositions
relating to revenue ; and it was made its duty to report
on the state of the pubhc debt, revenue and expenditures.
The resolution was agreed to nem. con. on the 21st, and a
committee of fourteen appointed, of which Mr. William
Smith was made chairman. Among the members were
Messrs. Sedgwick, Madison, Baldwin and Gallatin. Sub
sequent reports were made to the House by the Secretary,
on the public debt. The one communicated on the 4th of
January, presented a statement of the capitals of each spe
cies of debt, and the annuities which would be requisite to
their discharge within certain specified periods. The re
sults were thus summed up :
" If a revenue adequate to the payment of the sums included in this estimate
were to be established, the folio-wing reductions of the public debt might be
effected. At the close of the year 1809, the whole foreign debt, amounting to $12,
200,000, would be discharged, and an annuily of $573,632 02, now required for
the payment of interest, would revert to the public.
At the close of the year 1818, the funded domestic debt, bearing a present
interest of 6 per cent., would be discharged. This debt amounts to $29,310,
856 86. The annuity then Hberated would be $2,321,525 25.
At the close of the year 1824, the funded 6 per cent, stock bearing a future
interest, amounting to $11,561,934 41, would also be reimbursed, when a further
annuity of $1,146,370 34 would be Hberated.
The act of the last session provides fully for the fulfilment of the two last
mentioned objects, by an absolute appropriation of revenue.
After the reimbursement before mentioned, there would stUl remain the fol
lowing sums of the existing debt :
The stock bearing 3 per cent, interest being, $19,569,909 63
The stock bearing 5 1-2 per cent, interest, 1,848,900 00
" " " 4 1-2 " " " 176,000 00
The capital of the present unfunded debt, with arrearages of
interest prior to 1791, estimated at, 1,382,837 37
And the capital existing in loans of the bank of the United
States and Bank of New York, 6,200,000 0 0

Amounting in ihe whole to - - - $29,177,647 00

292 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 10.
But if a revenue were to be established, equal to what wUl be requisite to
satify the pubHc engagements upon the scale of expenditure which wilf be ne
cessary in the year 1801, the whole of the public debt might be extinguished by
payment or purchase, at or before the close of the year 1824, as also a very
considerable additional debt, if any such should arise out of future contingencies.
This view of the public engagements will, it is presumed, demonstrate to the
committee, that in the arrangements which have been hitherto made, an attention
has not been wanting to secure a right of reimbursing the debt, fiUly if not more
than equal to what the United States can exercise ; and that the unforeseen
events which have lately happened in Europe, render it necessary to combine
some efficacious plan for obtaining loans with any augmentation of the revenue
which it may now be judged expedient to establish.
After a full consideration of different expedients, it has appeared to me most
eligible to propose a commutation of the whole debt due to the Bank of the
United States, into a funded domestic stock, bearing interest at six per cent, per
annum, transferable at the treasury and loan offices respectively, and irredeema
ble for such a period as will invite purchases at par. Considering the great
capitals which wUl soon be demandable, or which are in a train of reimburse
ment in consequence of the act of the last session, it is evident that if the pro
posed new stock were to be declared irredeemable for a period of twenty or
twenty-five years, still the purchase or redemption of the remaining debt would
be sufficient for the employment of any revenues which can readily be acquired.
It will also appear that such an arrangement would leave it in the power of the
United States to reimburse the proposed new stock at a favorable period, by the
application of revenue which will then be liberated in consequence of the final
reimbursement of the six per cent, stock, bearing a present interest. The utihty
of the proposed measure can, I presume, receive but little illustration beyond
that afforded by a naked exhibition of the public engagements. It is indeed
very probable that the final payment of the public debt, instead of being post
poned by any existing stipulations which forbid reimbursements, wUl in fact be
rendered additionally burdensome, if it be not somewhat retarded, by conditions
which require re-payments at fixed periods. The difficulties which are now ex
perienced in respect to the foreign debt, effectuaUy demonstrate the hnpolicy of
unnecessarily contracting engagements which cannot be satisfied directly from the
proceeds of the revenue. At no time wUl those who negociate loans for the
public, be able to calculate the value of*money, or the probability of an increase
or reduction of the rate of interest, with greater precision than those who lend.
At all times must the borrower be exposed to certain expenses, risks and em
barrassments, for which no equivalent can be obtained."
A second report recommended a change in the mode of
paying the 2 per cent., reimbursement of principal of the
6 per cent., stock, and that the reimbursement be extended
to the debts due the States. With regard to the conver
sion of the foreign debt, it was suggested that the renun-

1795.] OF WASHINGTON. 293
ciation of the right of redemption iintil 181 9, would be
attended with no inconvenience to the United States,
and might facilitate the operation. The giving discretion
ary power to the President to appoint an agent in Hol
land, was also recommended.
The internal revenues were the subject of a long re
port from the Commissioner, prepared in pursuance of a
resolution passed at the close of the last session. It
should be remembered that the duties, as contained in this
report, on objects other than domestic distilled spirits and
stills, were for the first year of their coUection, and upon
the latter articles also for a period in which they had not
been uniformly received, on account of the obstructions
opposed to them. The kinds and amounts were as
foUows : Statement of the Domestic Revenues,
Domestic distilled spirits, $357,539 31
Sales at auction, - 31,289 91
Snuff manufactured, - 2,399 08
Snuff mUls, - - 7,112 00
Refined sugar, - - 33,988 28
Carriages, - , . , 41,421 17
RetaUers' Hcenses, ,-,.,. 54,731 54

Total amount internal revenues, ^ - ^ $528,48131
Total expenses of collection, - . ~ 84,943 21

Nett amount of revenue, - - $443,538 10
The expenses and the number of officers employed in
the coUection of these duties, had been an argument al
leged against them, and this report was called for in sub
stantiation of the objections. The subject was treated by
Mr. GaUatin in his Sketch of the Finances of the United
States, pubhshed during the ensuing faU.
The expenses, it is to be observed, varied materially
with the different objects of coUection ; the only one on
25*

294 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 10.
which they bore a heavy ratio to the amount raised, was
that on distiUed spirits and stiUs — the most productive of
aU ; and in this even they varied, according as the spirits
were manufactured from domestic or foreign materials.
According to Mr. Gallatin's computations, the average
expense of collection ofthe duties on spirits distilled from
all materials, was 25 percent., viz : 31 per cent, on those
from domestic, and 141-2 on those from foreign materials.
The two were properly inseparable, because one must have
been unproductive without the other ; but it was argued
from this dissected calculation, that a tax, the collection
of which cost 30 per cent., must necessarily be a very bad
one. It however appeared that this excise was connected
with the impost on imported spirits, which amounted to
$1,500,000, and which would be much affected by the
removal of a tax on those of home manufacture, and Mr.
Gallatin himself admitted that it would be better to mod
ify the tax by laying the duties on the stills exclusively,
instead of the product, than to repeal it altogether.
The other duties cost much less in proportion. The
expenses of the duties on hcenses to retailers of wines and
spirits, and upon sales by auction, were only 2 1-2 per
cent. Those on sugar refined, and on pleasure carriages,
five per cent. The tax on snuff was found to be attended
with inherent difficulties, and was soon suspended ; it
is therefore not included in the calculation. The expenses
on aU these objects together, had, according to his com
putation, been about 18 per cent, and this at a time when
the arrangements were but imperfectly completed ; they
were estimated for the future, allowing only a much
smaller advance than actually took place, at 17 per cent.
The aggregate result, as well as the ratio of expense to
revenue of the excise on spirits, presented apparent
grounds for the attack ; but it is to be noted in the first
place, that the imposition of an entirely new system of taxa
tion is necessarily attended with many imperfections which

1795.] OF WASHINGTON. 295
time and experience remedy, and that while the cost of
collection would in future increase but little-, the proceeds
woul^ largely increase, as the fact soon proved. In
the course of five years, the internal revenues nearly
doubled in productiveness, while the expense was station
ary. This too was the case under very light duties, and
the excise was capable both of increase and of extension
to many more objects, had it been necessary. There was
moreover, one great and conclusive argument in favor of
the retention of these revenues. The excise was part of
a system by which the author intended the present
reinforcement of the import duties, and a resource in time
of war, when these would necesarUy be cut down or
destroyed. Sad experience taught the great opponent of
the system the wisdom on which it was founded.
The " army of office-holders" under the excise, were
the following in the whole extent of the United States : —
Sixteen supervisors, twenty-two inspectors, two hundred
and' thirty-six coUectors (of whom fourteen were also offi
cers of the import revenue) and sixty-three auxiliary
officers. In all, three hundred and thirty-seven.
FROM FISHER AMES. Dedham, Dec. 31, 1795.
My Dear Sir,
I am greatly obliged by your favour covering Mr. R's. vindication, as you wiU
believe, when I acquaint you that I have read tiU I am stupified, and my task is
not finished, nor my curiosity sated. The subject and the title led me to look
for a plausible vindication at least. Taking his whole mystical story for true,
the cause for wonder is not removed if the censure is shifted ; something strange,
and because it is strange, probably wicked, has been done or attempted. The
tale of a foreigner's zeal to bring to light conspiracies against our govemment,
and the need there was of resorting to a foreigner to use his flour contractors in
the affair, is strange — passing strange. The public opinion has, I beheve, passed
sentence without waiting for the tardy evidence of his book. It is however, a
precious book, and ou_ht to be made to yield treasure to the federalists like a
mine. I rejoice to hear that the answer to the speech has not conjured up the
evil spirits that were expected to rise on this occasion. Let our three branches
keep duly united, and the efforts of party wiU be impotent, at least for a time.

296 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 10.
The people are coming right. I send you a sermon, which I wish our friends
Ellsworth, Cabot, Jed. Smith and Thatcher may see. Afterwards, I think it
could do good if Mr. Cabot would send it under cover to Mr. Izard, and get it
(the political part) published in a Charleston paper. I am, -with unfeigned re
gard, &c., dear sir, yours truly, FISHER AMES.

FROM WILLLVM ELLERY. Newport, January 11th, 1796.
[Private.]
Sir, Agreeably to your request contained in your private letter of the 21st of last
month, I have endeavoured to ascertain the point you wish to have determined.
When Mr. Randolph arrived here the boarding houses were fuU, and he took
lodgings in a private house, procured for him by the keeper of the boarding house
where he dieted. With the ovmer of the foriner I have some acquaintance. I
have asked him and his wife such questions, as I thought would lead to a dis
covery of what I wished to know, and could only learn, that between the part of
the house where the family resided and he lodged, there was no communication,
and that the front door of the house was left unlocked, that he might go in and
out at what times he pleased without observation. I am not acquainted with the
keeper of the boarding house, and no material information could I expect to re
ceive from that quarter if he were able to give it. When Mr. Randolph, was here
M. Fauchet vrith his secretary and servant, resided by themselves in a house hired
by the French -vice-consul, and went off in the Medusa ; and the -vice-consul was
not a proper person to apply to on this occasion. I had hopes of receiving some
information from the Marshal of this district, who came here a few days since
from Pro-vidence, where he lives, but could leam no more from him, than what
Mr. Randolph has said in his vindication, about his ha-ving a fast saUing boat to
go in pursuit of the Medusa, excepting that when he made his request he appeared
to be much agitated. A gentleman of credit in this town has informed me, that
he went to visit Mr. Randolph the day he anived here, that he was absent, and
that after waiting an hour and a half he departed without seeing him.
That Mr. Randolph was in private conversation and consultation with M.
Fauchet, there can be no doubt, although it should be impracticable to ascertain
the fact by personal testimony. The necessity of his situation required that M.
Fauchet should explain No. 10 in a manner favourable to his character. That
the certificate was drafted m part, if not in whole, before M. Fauchet went on
board the Medusa is highly probable, if not certain. The time which passed
between his going on board and Captain Gardner's leaving the ship, (as he has
informed me) was not more than an hour and a quarter, and that in my opinion
¦was too short to form an instrument so long, and in the fabrication of which it
was necessary to refer to several papers, and which far from being plain and sim
ple bears strong marks of toU and artifice. Besides, the gentleman who called

1796.] OF WASHINGTON. 297
upon Mr. Randolph before mentioned, fiirther has told me that the day after the
Medusa sailed, in conversation with him, Mr. Randolph said, that the last time,
in the forenoon of the day she sailed, when he went to M. Fauchet, the vice-con
sul told him that he was on board the ship, that he had been writing something
for him, but not having time to complete it, he would finish it on board, and send
it to him.
The same gentleman told me that he was credibly informed, that at a house
where M. Fauchet was invited to dine, prior to Randolph's coming here, that he
said in the course of conversation, that Mr. Randolph was a d — d rascal. Desirous
to find out on what subject the conversation was employed, in which such a vio
lent, ^contemptuous expression was introduced, I requested a friend of mine and
an acquaintance ofthe person with whom Fauchet dined, to make the enquiry. M.
Fauchet regretted very much, that on his retum to France he must advise his
constituents that he had been deceived — that he has found that none but men of
no information, of small fortunes and influence, were on the side ofFrance ; that
the men of influence, and those near the President were honest, and especiaUy
Mr. Hamilton, that he was candid and undisguised, and for strictly supporting
our neutrality ; but that Randolph was a deceiver, and had already deceived him,
and when he said this, he used the most contemptuous expressions ; the conver
sation was in French ; and that Fauchet did not say that Randolph was a d — d
rascal, but that the expressions were highly contemptuous. This is the sub
stance ofthe discourse as reported to me by my friend, and I relate it as curious,
although not connected with your request.
If I should discover anything that wUl serve to ascertain what you particu
larly wish to know, I will communicate. I am much obliged to you for the copy
you sent me of Mr. Randolph's vindication. That publication, as far as I have
heard of its effect, has injured his character rather than vindicated his conduct,
and if possible has added to the reputation of the President among his friends,
and confounded his enemies, the first of whom to save his own, he has endea
voured to lessen, and the last of whom it was intended to increase and encourage.
I am, with great respect, sir, your obedient servant, WM. ELLERY.
The conduct of the earlier part of the session will be
seen in the following letters.
CHAUNCEY GOODRICH TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Philadelphia, Jan. 12, 1796.
Sir, Instead of the animated session which had been anticipated hitherto, the con
trary extreme has proved to be the case — a debihty in the House of Representa
tives, to whom it belongs to originate the important and essential measures of
the government, which evinces either want of talent, or timidity. It is also
apparent there is a vulgarity in many particulars, beneath the character of gen
tlemen. I hope the discernment of the weU informed part of the community wfll

298 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 10.
impute these disgraces on the public councils, (so extremely mortifying) to their
trae character and real authors. No doubt a majority of the members owe their
seats to clubs, factions, and the feverish state of things at the time ofthe election.
'Tis trae the disorganizers have now the power to bring forward their systems of
reform, and that they dare not — it would create a responsibUity which above all
things they fear ; we thirUc the leaders were never more discontented with then
ground than at present ; their object has been to keep up a fret on the pubhc
mind, and avail themselves of it for disorganization and cabal. The friends of
the govemment are willing to let them disclose their views and trae character ;
we don't despair that when they find their total decrepitude, we may be able to
carry the measures absolutely necessary to keep the machine in motion, tiU a
more wise and honest representation can be obtained. However important the
execution of the British treaty is to our affaiis, I consider an extension and im
provement to our revenue more consequential. It is idle to imagine that the
public debt can be discharged by imposts, and a paltry tax on stills, snuff, car
riages, &c.
If we are sincere in the business, or indeed having a govemment, we must be
wUHng that the United States shall by a certain mode of collection, come upon
the body of the property. A tax on land is imagined as impracticable ; Massa
chusetts and Rhode Island are subject to state debts, and have no other means.
The mode of proportioning them pro-vided by the Constitution, is an inequitable
one, and very burdensome to New England. Our revenue already is drawn from
the middle and eastern states, and expended on the frontiers where the inhabi
tants do evei-y thing in their power to embarrass our affairs, and would not be
satisfied if we should diet and clothe them at pubHc expense. What is to be
done, is one of the most puzzlmg questions this country has had to determine
since the organization of the,government. The evidence of the attachment of
the people to the govemment is an encouraging circumstance. Massachusetts
has retained her reputation. New York .is making a rapid progress in correct
views ; the body of this state is right ; and if we can credit the best men in Virgi
nia, the democrats are there losing ground. The Supreme Court is in session—
a good deal of important business before them. Mr. Cushmg refuses hisappomt-
ment as Chief- Justice. No successor has been appointed.
We are well. I have suffered much from the headache, but hope I have
become more accustomed to the habits of living and this climate, and shall m
fiiture be free from this evil. We all join in remembrances of affection. I am,
sir, with respect, your obedient humble servant, CHAUNCEY GOODRICH.
URIAH TRACY TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
-,. Philadelphia, Feb. 10th, 1796.
bir, * * » «
Congress are passing through a state of preparation, and are of course some
what quiet ; the stUlness is like that which in the natural world precedes a storm.

1796.] OF WASHINGTON. 299
When the ratification of the British treaty arrives, the onset is to be proclaimed,
and a battle we must have, and if nothing else is destroyed, I think we may fairly
conclude, a great deal of time will be.
Mr. Cashing who was appointed Chief- Justice, in room of Mr. Rutiedge, re
signed, has declined the preferment ; of course, a Chief- Justice will probably soon
be nominated. Who will be the man is not known. Mr. Paterson of New Jer
sey is thought of, but our President keeps his own counsel tolerably well, tUl he
acts officiaUy.
Randall and Whiting, together with a fine standard,' and two or three fine
speeches, fill up this awkward interval, before the sohd ebullitions of patriotism
can break forth upon the British treaty, better than one can imagine ; for our
southern brethren begin to swear, if the ratification does not soon arrive, they
shall lose in these amusing scenes one great advantage, which they expected, of
striking while the iron is hot.
Indeed nothing is more manifest than a prevailing coolness, among the patriots
here and at the south. I presage from it more strength to the govemment and
federal measures. You will not mistake me, when I use the word patriots, I
mean those who are so modest as to call themselves exclusively patriots. That
class of gentry is certainly a little crest fallen. The assemblies of Massachusetts,
New York and Pennsylvania, have not answered their expections. The Senate
of Pennsylvania have this day almost unanimously rejected the Virginia amend
ments to the Constitution, which you will recollect were to extend treaty making
to the House of Representatives, &c., and have in a preamble stated two or three
matters, which in their opinions might with more propriety be added to the con
stitution, viz : to make lands responsible for debts, free the negroes, or not con
sider them in the number of representations, &c. Your family and friends here
are well. I am, sir, with great respect, your obedient humble servant,
URIAH TRACY.

FROM OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Litchfield, Feb. 15, 1796.
Sir, * * * Mr. Randolph's character, as far as I am informed, is abso
lutely blasted. His vindication, as he calls it, has ascertained his guilt. I do
not find by the papers that even the democrats venture to support him ; and I do
not perceive that any one will suffer by his misconduct. Some errors of opinion
only are developed, an imperfection which no one is exempt from.
Mr. Tracy, in a letter to me of the 10th instant, says that the hobby horse of
the treaty has not arrived, but I do not believe it will be judged best, whUe the
opposers of government are continually receiving from every quarter the deepest
mortification, that this publication should be delayed. These men vitiU find their
ambition extremely disappointed.
I do not find that any thing very material has been done in Congress. If they
' That presented by the French Muiister, Adet.

Sm SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Cha*. 10.
shaU do only what is essentiaUy necessary, and no mischief, it is all which is ex
pected from them. I do not regret their dilatory proceedings. I believe that
our shipping is sufficientiy large. I doubt the policy of increasing it by restric
tions at present, for various reasons. The revenue I perceive is increasing, but
those who are opposed to the funding system, are -willing so far as I perceive, to
increase the expenditures. In Hke manner these men were disposed to adopt
every measure to precipitate us into a war, but opposed to every mode of de
fence. Derangement of every kind seems to be their object. I believe charity
requires that a good part of their conduct ought to be attributed to their extreme
ignorance. I am very confidant that wisdom, in Virginia, is absolutely different
from what it is considered to be with us. Mr. Gushing, I understand, has declin
ed his preferment ; he is a good and respectable character. I knew Samuel
Chase, and to you I wiU say, that I have but an unworthy opinionof hinL The~~
ciiaracter of the government will depend upon that of its officers. To respect a
man because he is of a party, and to gratify them, wiU always be found false
policy. A public oflScer is neither to attach himself to, nor fear any one.
What events will take place in this State in consequence of the death of Gov
ernor Huntington, is very uncertain. The late faction was disappointed in the
last election. The heads of it are at present deeply engaged in the land specu
lation. The mode of sale of our western lands, rather than the application of
the money, I well knew was the principal occasion of their last exertion. It is
too early for them to appear, but they wUl renew their efforts. Our western
lands I am told, now sell at 105 cents per acre. Upon the death of Governor
Huntington, I supposed it proper for me to write to the President of the United
States. Copies of my letter and his answer I wUl enclose for your amusement.
Among so many of my family connections at Philadelphia, we hoped to re
ceive more letters than we do. You are easily excused during the session of
Congress, as you are perpetually called upon by those who insist upon acting
upon their own opinions and investigations, while if they do any thing correct,
they are entirely obliged to others in both these respects. My kindest regards to
you all. I am, &c., OLIVER WOLCOTT,

OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen., TO THE PRESIDENT.
LiTCHPiELD, Jan. 21st, 1796.
Sir, I conceive it to be my duty to inform you, that in consequence of the death of
our late worthy Governor, his Excellency Samuel Huntington, the powers an
nexed to that office have devolved upon me, as Lieut. Governor of the State,
and you wiU be so pleased Sir, to be assured that whatever official duties you
shall require of me will be strictly observed.*
Permit me. Sir, upon this occasion, to express the deep regret which I have
long felt at the extreme impropriety with which the national administration has
» At the ensuingelection General Wol- and Jonathan TrambuU, at this time a
cott was chosen txovernor of the State, Senator, Lieutenant Govemor.

1796.] OF WASHINGTON. 301
been treated by disappointed ambition, and from other motives not less improper ;
and to assure you. Sir, that the people of Connecticut have ever preserved the
most perfect confidence in the wisdom and rectitude of your administration, and
are fuUy persuaded that in consequence thereof, their country has been exempted
from evils the most calamitous and distressing ; and they are very sensible that
they enjoy evei-y benefit which can possibly be derived from government.
The favourable opinion which you have been pleased to entertain of my son,
by appointing him to the very important and confidential office of Secretary of
the Treasury, excites in me the most agreeable reflections. I shall flatter my
self. Sir, that he wiU, by his assiduity, discretion and fidelity, continue to merit
the confidence you have placed in him. With great deference, esteem and res
pect, I am sir, your most obedient and most humble servant, OLIVER WOLCOTT.

THE PRESIDENT TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Philadelphia, Febraary 1st, 1796.
Sir, I have been duly honored with your letter of the 21st ult., announcing the
death of Mr. Huntington, late govemor of Connecticut.
At the same time that I regret the loss of so worthy a character, I cannot but
feel consoled, that the administration of the govemment of that State has faUen
into such good hands as yours ; and let me pray you to accept my sincere thanks
for the assurance therein given, of your readiness to observe the relationship
which it bears to the general govemment. I feel equally obliged by the expres
sion of your concern for the attacks which have been made upon my adininis-
tration. If the enhghtened and -virtuous part of the community wiU make allowances
for my involuntary errors, I will promise they shall have no cause to accuse me
of wUful ones. Hoping for the first, I feel no concern on account of the latter.
Your son, as far as my knowledge of him eitends, is a very deserving charac
ter. He discharges the duties of his office with abiUty and integrity ; and I am
persuaded may bid defiance to all those, who seem to be continually on the look
out for occasions (without being at the trouble to investigate facts) to arraign the
conduct of public officers. With great respect and esteemj I am, sir, your obedi
ent humble servant, GO : WASHINGTON.
CHAUNCEY GOODRICH TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Philadelphia, Feb. 17th, 1796.
Sir, I accord in the sentiments you express in your favour of the 22d instant, on
the posture of pubhc affairs. The present faction, I trust, must yield to the en
ergy ofthe sense and property ofthe country.
The Spanish Treaty is not public ; no doubt it is a favourable one for the
.«
VOL. I. 26

302 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 10.
interests of this country. The navigation ofthe Mississippi is opened— the terri
torial line is adjusted according to our claim. New Orleans is made a depot,
free of duty except wharfage and storage. It is expected the President wiU lay
the British Treaty before us, notwithstanding the want ofthe copy that has been
ratified. The determmation is not yet known on the subject, but it procrasti
nates so many measures of the government, it is very desirable that business be
disposed of If the House can lia-ve the madness to check its operation, it wUl
so essentiaUy change the constitution we must shape our course accordingly. I
trast that wiU not be the case, though at present the disorganizers on that and
every national question can claim a majority.
The Virginia Amendments every where meet a merited repulse. The Pre
sident's birthday has been celebrated with unusual cordiality. In haste, I sub
scribe myself your obedient humble servant, CHAUNCEY GOODRICH.
PmLADELPHLi, Feb. 21st, 1796.
Sir, The articles of business before the House and committees are : — 1. A bUl for
compensation of members of Congress ; 2. For Indian trade; 3. For protecting
the Indians against aggressions from the whites ; 4. Ways and Means ; 5. Ton
nage and foreign vessels ; 6. Protecting duties ; 7. Land office bUl ; 8. Indirect
taxes; 9. Criminal code; 10. Military establishment; 11. Bankrupt biU; 12.
MUitia bill ; 13. Impressment of American seamen by foreign powers ; 14. Clerks
in the various offices ; 15. Federal City ; 16. Survey of post roads; 17. BUl of
outlawry; 18. Messrs. Swanwick's and Smith's election ; 19. Naval equipment ;
20 . Mint. Provisional measures to execute the treaty with England wiU be
taken up as soon as the President shall place it before us. Undoubtedly there
are many others which don't occur to my recollection. I have given you this
list that you may see in what a pohtical fog we are enclosed. A small share of
common sense, readily suggests that notlung can be done with many of these
objects ; nothing ought to be done with others at present ; and what ought to be
done is with those that now are essential matters of legislation. The measure
of an Indian trade, is strongly recommended by the President, and a bill has
passed the House and been consented to by the Senate, with amendments. The
bill originally confined the trial to the place where offences were committed, or
the offender should be found. The amendment authorizes the President to fix
the place of trial. On this point, in this as well as the other bill relative to the
Indians, there must be a straggle ; and after all it is uncertain whether peace can
be kept on the frontier without the establishment of martial law, and it is ques
tionable with the friends of government, whether the constitution authorizes such
a measure. Before an examination I made lately of revenue and expenditures, I was not
aware how much of our money was expended in our new settiements. Revenue
comes from the seaboard and is dissipated in the westem country.
The matter of tonnage and protecting duties originated fi-om the scattered
brains of S. Smith, of Maryland. The necessary documents to show the com-

1796.] OF WASHINGTON. 303
parative state of American, vrith foreign tonnage have been had from the Trea
sury and the matter rests.
A bankrupt biU simUar to that reported this session, has been for several past
sessions before Congress. The subject is too complicated to become a national
measure until our system shall have become more harmonized, or the powers of
the national government shaU come more intimately among the body of the peo
ple ; such too is the case with the militia biU.
Mr. Edward Livingston is the mover of the ameliorating system of penal law
and of the rehef and protection of impressed seamen. He teems too with holy
indignation against fraud. In the memorable era of scrip, he committed a
fraudulent bankruptcy with others of his famUy and dignified line of ancestry.
He now lives here in the style of a nabob. I -wish the first measure was in more
competent hands, that some arrangement might be made relative to prisons, &c.
At present it is mere rant.
A resolution for guaranteeing a loan to complete the buildings in the Federal
City has passed ; a biU also is reported. Whatever sum we guarantee, I con
sider an expenditure under a disguised form, and think we ought not now to
adopt the child. No doubt the President thinks the city lots -wiU defray the
whole expense, and the Union never be subjected. In this he probably is in
error. AU we can now successfully do in the House is to lessen the sum. The
Senate are in the habit of right conduct ; I hope they wUl reject this measure, and
even that has its evils. The President and Senate, however they may seem to
be disjoined by the constitution, must in practice be almost an indivisible power.
Our course about a naval equipment is obvious ; to equip two ships for protect
ing our harbours from petty insults and privateers, and to lay up the timber, &c.,
on hand that is superfluous. The matter of survey of post roads, brought for
ward by Mr. Madison, I suspect is connected with the Federal City. Roads in
the southern states are but little better than in a state of nature, and when the
whole shaU become disclosed, I imagine the result will be to draw the revenue
of the Post Office to that quarter ; and it wears the appearance of ultimate suc
cess, as the interests of the interior (if not the city) of this state wiU be coalesced
with Virginia.
A land office bill is before us, and has been several days in discussion, to bring to
market our western lands whereto the Indian title has been extinguished. It
will be carried, if the crude schemes and local views of the abettors of this meas
ure can fix any rnode of compromise. >One most pernicious idea is held out to
give it popularity ; that it is a fund for the redemption of the public debt. It is
glossed over with the pretence of accommodation to the agricultural interests
Past experience of the expense attendant on the rude, unsocial and discontented
inhabitants of the new country, makes no impression. Democrats in the national
councils are what I always found them in the state legislature — outrageous
against debt already incurred, clamorous for its extinction, never themselves de
vising means of payment, merely suggesting such as they know impracticable,
inveighing against every object and mode of collection for revenue brought for
ward by others, profuse of pubUc money on old dormant claims and favorites, and
with the most glaring impudence, throwing the revenue on partial and favoured

304 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 10.
sections of the Union. They even deny support to the essential officers of gov
ernment. If we were to judge from present appearances, we should conclude there wag
a concerted system on the part of the anti-federahsts, to palsy the govemment,
and to bring its great departments to a stand while in the administration of its
present agents — in short, to disgrace past measures, and from the fretfulness a pros
trate govemment must necessarUy produce, to change men, if not systems.
I don't despair that such a design, if it really be a systematical measure, and
not merely a dirty courting of popularity, wiU yet be counteracted. We can't
smother our own anxiety on this score, and if we don't draw these disorganizers
from their skulkmg ground to aid the pubhc business by sufficient measures, or
point the public indignation against them, the traly valuable characters must quit
the pubhc service. It ought to be known that there is a decided majority of the
opposers of the govemment in the House of Representative. The question must
be asked, why they don't do the business? Our situation is an extremely mor
tifying one — a minority without even a chance of an opposition — a minority on
whom the lead of the public conduct is thrown, -with a majority to encounter.
Nothing but rascality combined with folly, could produce this state. I believe it
is too painful for either side long to endure, and that it -wiU end to the advan
tage of the govemment. The letters we receive attribute an undeserved credit
to the present House for their dispassionateness. I had imagined there would
have been sufficient sagacity to have seen that it was what Fauchet caUs the
balancing of parties. The friends of govemment have been vrilling to give' the
reformers the ground to eclaircise their views, and to espouse any efficient mea
sures they would originate.
We are yet at a loss what they mean to do on every question of finance.
Madison, Gallatin and Baldwin, are members of the committee of ways and
means. They have been pushed, beyond all bounds of delicacy, to say what
shall be done ; nothing explicit can be gained from them. They neither -will
propose, or pledge themselves to support the measures of others — they reserve
their opinions for the House. In this committee are a majority of persons of
correct views, and we may expect a well-founded report.
The confidence of many of the friends of the treaty -within a few days, has
been lessened in respect to our ultimate success. We have reason to believe a
meeting of the leaders in opposition, was held one night last week on that sub
ject, and they pledged themselves to a serious opposition. The next morning,
Livingston made his ranting speech about seamen. We know, and always have,
that a majority is prejudiced against the treaty ; I stiU believe we shaU appro
priate the money to execute it, though likely pre-vious resolutions execrating the
treaty, may be carried.
The treaty is not arrived. Mr. Deas, the agent, was instructed to have three
copies signed, and to send them. He has been guilty of the gross blunder of
forwarding only an unsigned copy of the ratifying clause, in a letter to the Pre
sident, in wliich he communicates its ratification. It could not be foreseen that
any pubhc agent could be so ignorant of the forms of business, as to commit such
a mistake. I beUeve the President has not determined on the course he shall

1796.] OF WASHINGTON. 305
take, in case an authenticated copy of the treaty does not come to hand. Several
former treaties have been proclaimed, without the instrument being acted upon
by Congress. Probably the most favourable time for its discussion in the House
of Representatives, has passed. The disturbances in England are a rich repast
for our democrats, and the exertions of the French are incessant.
We just received the news that a committee of the Legislature of Georgia have
reported, that the grants or sales of the lands of that State, were obtained by
bribery and corruption, that the whole proceedings were void, that the executive
should cause the acts in that respect to be publicly burned, and that there shotUd
be an entire obhteration of all the records, files, &c. It is said nearly twenty
mUhons of acres of this land is holden in Massachusetts. For one Legislature
to declare a former one corrupt, is an unprecedented usuipation of the right of
trial and judgment.
It may not be necessary to make an appeal to the public on the existing state
of things. If it shall become so, the time is not yet arrived, and therefore it may
be prudent not to disclose the real trath faster than the evidence shaU crowd it
forward. We all join in sentiments of respect and affection. I am your ob't and humble
servant, CHAUNCEY GOODRICH,
Philadelphia, March 2, 1796.
Dear Sir,
The President has communicated the British treaty to Congress, and pro
claimed it to be the law of the land. By the House it is refeiTed to a committee
ofthe whole on the state of the Union. It is uncertain what direction this busi
ness wiU take.
Ever since I have seen a disposition among the disorganizers to bring the
merits of a treaty into discussion before the House of Representatives, I have
embraced an opinion that the attempt was such a violation of the constitution,
and usurpation on the general suffrage secured to the small states in the Senate,
that it became necessary for each representative of that opinion to declare such
to be their sense and protest against it. I fear, however, that all of us don't pos
sess the necessary firmness for such a step ; and it is of so delicate a nature, that
an entire union only could justify, or carry that dread to the disorganizers which
would give it weight and effect.
Our business soon must assume a more important aspect. I shall send the pa
pers, and shall be much gratified by your opinions and those of well informed
men of your acquaintance, so far as they come to your knowledge, on the im
portant business on hand.
I am now entirely free from pain in my head. " Mrs. Wolcott has been indis
posed, but is now recovered. In haste I subscribe myself, your obedient humble
servant,
CHAUNCEY GOODRICH.
26*

306 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 10.
OLIVER ELLSWORTH TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Philadelphia, March 8, 1796.
Sir, A peace has been purchased fi-om the Regency of Algiers and the captives re
deemed. We pay for both about $760,000, besides an annuity of about $24,000,
and not less than $250,000 more wiU be requisite for Tunis and TripoH, with
whom negociations are in a train. The terms, though humUiating, are as mod
erate as there was reason to expect, or as any maritime nation probably could
have obtained. It is hoped that the profits of the Mediterranean trade -wiU re
imburse this expense, but the great and indispensable object is security to our
navigation upon the Atlantic.
We have at length also a treaty with Spain, She abandons her territorial
claim eastward of the Mississippi and north of the 31st degree of latitude, and
is to -withdraw her garrisons withui six months, open the navigation of the river
from its source to the ocean, and grant us the privilege of New Orleans as a
place of deposit for merchandise, duty free. This was all that was asked, and
something more than could of right be demanded.
As to the British treaty, about which so much has been said and so much mis
understood, it only remains for the House of Representatives to agree to the re
quisite appropriations for carrying it into effect. They are just now entering
upon the anxious discussion, and wUl, I trust, after spending a gi-eat deal of time
in doubtfiil debate and menacing movements, finally conclude that there would
be too much responsibihty in deciding wrong.
It is, sir, my duty to acquaint you that I have, -with some hesitation, accepted
an appointment in the judiciary of the United States, which of course vacates
my seat in the Senate. This step, I hope, -wiU not be regarded as disrespectfiil
to a state which I have so long had the honour to serve, and whose interests
must forever remain precious to my heart. I am, sir, with perfect respect, your
obedient and humble servant, OLIVER ELLSWORTH.

CHAPTER XI.

FOURTH CONGRESS  FIRST SESSION CONTINUED.

The opposition in their answer to the President's
speech had given sufficient evidence of their feeling in
regard to the British treaty. Iti February it was returned,
ratified in the form advised by the Senate, and the Presi
dent thereupon issued a proclamation requiring its obser
vance, and transmitted a copy to each house. As this
treaty contained a provision for the payment of a sum of
money, the action of the House of Representatives was
necessary to carry it into effect, and an opportunity was
therefore offered to the majority to defeat the operation
of a measure so discordant with their views, by refusing
the requisite appropriation. On the 2d of March, Mr.
Livingston brought forward his resolution requesting the
President to " lay before the House a copy of the instruc
tions to the Minister of the United States who negotiated
a treaty with the King of Great Britain, communicated
by his message of the first of March, together with the
correspondence and other documents relative to the said
treaty." This was afterwards amended by inserting the
words " excepting such of the said papers as any exist
ing negociations may render improper to be disclosed."
The resolution was debated uniil the 24th of March, the
opposition assuming the ground that the house had a right
to judge of the expediency of carrying into effect every
treaty which required the exercise of legislative functions.

308 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 11.
On that day it was carried in the aflarmative, and on the
next, the committee appointed to present it, reported the
answer of the President, " that he would take the subject
into consideration.""
The question had not been overlooked by the Presi
dent. The foUowing letter was addressed to Wolcott the
day after the motion was made.
FROM THE PRESIDENT. Thdesday mokn., 3d March.
[Private.]
Dear Sir,
I perceive by Bache's paper of this morning, that Mr. Livingston has laid a
resolution on the table, requesting the President to lay before the house a copy
of the instractions to Mr. Jay, " who negociated the treaty with the King of G.
B., communicated by his message of the 1st inst., together with the correspond
ence and documents relative to the said treaty."
A request somewhat similar to this, was made or about to be made, I do not
now recoUect which, nor the conduct that was observed on the occasion, as it
was two, three, or more years ago ; but as Col. Hamilton was privy to it, I would
thank you, if he has not left the city, to see and converse with him thereon —
learn what the case and residt was, and what he thinks ought to be the conduct
of the President if Mr. L's. motion reaches him. Cases of this kind are to be
found in the British House of Commons, but I do not recoUect the result. — At
10 o'clock the gentlemen were to meet here by appointment. Yours always,
GO: WASHINGTON.
At the time of the negotiation of the treaty with Mc-
Gilhvray, the chief of the Creek nation, in 1790, the same
question had arisen, and in a more direct form, as to the
operation of a treaty where in matters of legislation the
House of Representatives would have been the origina
ting body. The case then was, whether goods imported
into the United States for the use of the Indians, could by
treaty stipulation be exempted from duties. In other
words, whether a treaty could regulate commerce. In
regard to this, MarshaU observes : " with that cautious cir-
Vide V. Marshall, p. 533, et aeq.

1796.] OF WASHINGTON. 309
cumspection which marked his political course, the Presi
dent took this point into early consideration and required
the opinion of his constitutional advisers respecting it.
The Secretary of State was of opinion that the stipu
lation for importing his [McGilhvray's] goods through the
United States, duty free, might safely be made. ' A treaty
made by the President with the concurrence of the Senate
was,' he said, ' a law of the land, and a law of superior
order ; because it not only repeals past laws, but cannot
itself be repealed by future ones. The treaty then will
legally control the duty act, and the act for hcensing tra
ders in this particular instance.' From this opinion there
is no reason to suppose that any member of the cabinet
dissented. A secret article providing for the case was
submitted to the Senate, and it has never been understood
that in advising and consenting to it that body was divi
ded."* The present occasion furnished another proof that,
with Mr. Jefferson, principles changed as weU as men.
In a letter to Mr. Monroe, of March 21, 1795, he says, in
reference to Mr. Livingston's resolution, " We conceive
the constitutional doctrine to be, that though the President
and Senate have the general power of making treaties,
yet wherever they include in a treaty, matters confided
by the constitution to the three branches of the legislature,
an act of legislation wUl be requisite to confirm these ar
ticles ; and that the House of Representatives, as one
branch of the legislature, are perfectly free to pass the act
or refuse it ; governing themselves by their own judgment
whether it is for the good of their own constituents to let
the treaty go into effect or not.'"" It must have required
nicer powers of casuistry than any but Mr. Jefferson
possessed, to have drawn between these two cases a dis
tinction sufficiently plausible to have deceived oneself.
> V. MarshaU, 233, note. •> HI. Jefferson's Writings, 323.

310 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 11.
FROM ALEXANDER HAMILTON. March, 1796.
Dear Sir,
Enclosed are two letters which I wiU thank you to send on.
I have just seen Livingston's motion concerning instructions, &c. My first
impression is that the propriety of a compliance with the caU, if made, is ex
tremely doubtful. But much careful thought on the subject is requisite. Yours
traly, A. HAMILTON.
P. S. I send you also a letter from Mrs. Church to Mr. Beaumet^, which I
wiU thank you to send to Mr. TaUeyrand.
The opinions of the members of the cabinet were re
quired on the points stated, as follows :
FROM THE PRESIDENT. Philadelphia, 25 March, 1796.
Sir, The resolution moved in the House of Representatives for the papers relative
to the negotiation of the treaty with Great Britain, having passed in the affirma
tive, I request your opinion —
Whether that branch of Congress hath or hath not a right, by the constitution,
to call for these papers ?
Whether, if it does not possess the right, it would be expedient under the cir
cumstances of this particular case, to furnish them 1
And in either case, what terms woidd be most proper to comply with, or re
fiise the request of the House %
These opinions in writing, and your attendance wUl be expected at 12 o'clock
to-morrow. GO: WASHINGTON.
To the Sechetabt op the Theasuky.
TO THE PRESIDENT. March 26, 1796.
The Secretary of the Treasury, in obedience to the command of the President
of the United States, respectfully submits his opinion, upon certain questions
arising out of the following case.
On the 24th instant, the following resolution passed the House of Representa
tives of the United States.
" Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to lay before
this House a copy of the instructions given to the Minister of the United States,

1796.] OF WASHINGTON. 311
who negotiated the treaty with Great Britain, communicated by his message of
the 1st instant, together with the correspondence and documents relating to the
said treaty ; excepting such of said papers as any existing negotiation may ren
der improper to be disclosed."
The general question to be considered is, whether it be or be not expedient for
the President to comply in whole or in part with the request contained in said
resolution ? The importance of this question may be inferred from the unquali
fied terms of the resolution, which clearly assert a right on the part of the House,
to demand the instructions and documents relating to the negotiation of a ratifi
ed treaty. It has been urged -with great force in the course of the debate, that
the House of Eepresentatives has a right to judge of a treaty, which affects
objects upon which Congress can constitutionally legislate, and that their co
operation and sanction are necessary to render it obligatory as a law of the land.
This position has been supported by the following construction of the Consti
tution. That the power of making treaties -without the co-operation of the
House, though expressed in general terms, is in fact limited by that part of the
Constitution which defines the legislative power, or power of Congress. Thus,
though it seems to be admitted that if a treaty did not operate upon any objects
of legislation delegated to Congress, it might be valid without the consent of the
House of Representatives, yet it is asserted, that in cases where the aid of the
legislature is necessary to give effect to a treaty, or where a treaty operates upon
any objects of legislation, the sanction of the House is necessary, and may be
given or withheld, according to the judgment formed by them of its expediency.
This constraction evidently gives to the House of Representatives a negative
voice, or concurrent authority with the President and Senate, in respect to the
treaty lately negotiated with Great Britain ; and as it is presumed can be shown,
in respect to all treaties whatever.
This important question then arises : Has a treaty made by the President,
with the advice and consent of two-thirds of the Senators, the force and obliga
tion of law, without the consent of the House of Representatives 1 To a right
judgment upon this question, a review of the pubhc acts and proceedings of the
United States in respect to the obhgation of treaties, appears to be necessary.
The ninth article of the late confederation empowered the United States, in
Congress assembled, to enter into treaties and alliances, provided that no treaty
of commerce should be made, whereby the legislative power of the respective
states should be restrained from imposmg such imposts and duties on foreigners
as their own people should be subjected to, or from prohibiting the exportation
or importation of any species of goods or commodities whatever. Thus it ap
pears, that although Congress, under the confederation, had no legislative powers
whatever ; and though they possessed no authority to regulate the general inter
est of commerce by any intemal regulations, or even to restrain the clashing sys
tems of the separate states ; yet the power of forming commercial treaties with
foreign nations was expressly given, and actually exercised.
The sense entertained by Congress of the obligation of treaties, is manifested
by the foUowing resolution, which was unanimously adopted on the 21st of
March, 1787.

312 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 11.
" Resolved, That the legislatures of the several states cannot of right pass any
act or acts for interpreting, explaining or constnung a national treaty, or any
part or clause of it ; nor for restraining, limiting, or in any manner impedmg,
retarding, or counteractuig the operation and execution of the same ; for that on
being constitutionaUy made, ratified and pubUshed, they become in -virtue of the
confederation, part of the law of the land, and are not only independent of the
power and wiU of such legislatures, but also binding and obligatory on them."
On the 13th of AprU, 1787, a circular letter to the States was unanimously
agreed to in Congress, in which the principles of the resolution before recited,
are fully demonstrated. The documents annexed to Mr. Jefferson's letter to Mr.
Hammond, dated the 29 th of May, 1792, shew that the States of New Hamp
shire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, Delaware, Mary
land and North Carolina, passed laws in compliance with the resolution of Con
gress, and that New Jersey and Pennsylvania declared that no law existed -with
them, contrary to the treaty with Great Britain. It also appears that respectable
official characters in several of the States declared that the principles set forth in
the resolution of Congress had been generally recognized. Among these author
ities that of Mr. Monroe deserves notice, especially as the representatives of
Virginia strenuously contend at present, for the claim asserted ui the House of
Representatives. Mr. Jefferson's opinion of the obhgation of treaties and of the general sense
of the States, is most decidedly expressed in the letter before referred to. His
words are, that tli^ resolution of Congress of March 21st, 1787, requiring a re
peal of all acts contrary to the treaty of peace, and the proceedings of the
States thereupon, were acts of supererogation, that " requiring such a repeal
was only to take away pretext ; that it was at aU times perfectiy un
derstood that treaties controlled the laws of States, the confederation having
made them obligatory to the whole ; Congress having so declared and
demonstrated them ; the Legislatures and Executives of most of the States hav
ing admitted it ; and the judiciaries of the separate state governments so deciding."
These facts will, it is believed, warrant the following conclusions :
1st. That it was the general sense ofthe people of this country, that the power
of making treaties vested in Congress by the Articles of Confederation, was
capable of controlling the legislative powers which then existed in the United
States. 2d. That treaties constitutionaUy made, ratified and published, possessed in
virtue of their own authority, the force and obligation of laws.
3d. That embarrassments having been experienced in consequence of the non-
execution of the treaty of peace, the convention which formed the Constitution,
must have intended such an organization and deposite of power of making trea
ties, as would render its exercise at once safe and efficacious.
A summai-y view of the structure of the government proposed by die conven
tion, and of the distribution of its powers, is next proposed.
AU legislative powers granted to the general government are declared to be
to be vested in a Congress, which Congress is to consist of a Senate and House
of Representatives.

1796.] OF WASHINGTON. 313
The general powers of Congress are given or to be deduced from a construc
tion of the eighth, ninth and tenth sections ofthe first article. Some powers
are indeed given by other articles, but they are not of a nature to require con
sideration at this time. The eighth section defines certain objects over which
Congress shall have power, but the design of this definition was clearly nothing
more than to discriminate between the powers of legislation which were to be
exercised by the General Government, and those which were to retnain in the
State Governments. The ninth section contains a denial of some powers, not
proper to be exercised, and limitations upon others vested in Congress by the
preceding section. The main design of the section was clearly to prevent the
assumption of certain powers by implication, and accurately to define others
which had been granted in general terms. The tenth section contains a denial
of some powers to the respective States, and limitations upon others. The pre
vention of disputes respecting a supposed concurrent jurisdiction over objects, the
regulation of which it was intended to confide exclusively to the General Gov
ernment, was a principal inducement in framing this section. An analytical view
of these sections therefore proves that the great object of that part of the Con
stitution which defines the legislative powers, was to fix the limits of jurisdiction
between the General and the State Governments. The distribution of power
between the Departments of General Government is to be found by a very differ-
erent course of inquiry.
As, however, it is asserted that the Executive department cannot, without the
concurrence of Congress, definitively make treaties which limit or contract the ob
jects of legislation, it may he proper to enquire how far Congress possesses ex
clusive jurisdiction over objects clearly within their sphere of authority.
The power of raising revenue is one of the most important possessed by
Government, yet this may be exercised indefinitely over most objects, both by
the General and State Govemments. The fact is more generaUy true than
otherwise, that where there are no words which give exclusive jurisdiction, this
jurisdiction is concurrent. As some very important powers vested in Congress
are in fact concurrent -with the State Govemments, it does not follow either from
the reason of the definition of the powers vested in Congress, or the strict letter
of the Constitution but that other powers may be concurrent with particular de
partments of the General Govemment.
The second article of the Constitution declares that the executive power of the
government shall be vested in a President of the United States of America.
In the specification of executive powers, that of making treaties is expressly men
tioned, but this power like most others, is subject to the control or negative voice
of the Senate ; that is, a treaty cannot be vahd unless it be made by the President,
by and with the advice and consent of two thirds of the Senators present. In other
words, the President in respect to treaties, is to initiate or perform an inchoative
act, the completion of which is reserved to the Senate. The obhgations result
ing from a treaty, are ascertained by the third and sixth articles of the Constitu
tion, the former of which declares that the judicial power shall extend to treaties
made under the authority of the United States, and the latter that such treaties
shaU be the supreme law of the land.
VOL. I. 27

314 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 11.
Here it may be asked, what are treaties 1 The answer is, that they are com
pacts between sovereign and mdependent states, originating in free consent, and
deriving their obhgation from the plighted faith of one nation to another. Their
objects are relative to peace, war, commerce and security. The power of making
treaties, is the power of pledging the faith of one nation to another. This
power is by the Constitution, expressly committed to the President, subject to the
control of the Senate. The obligations arising from public faith, when pledged
by the representative organ of our nation in all foreign concerns, agreeably to
the mode prescribed by the Constitution, are justiy and properly declared to be
laws; the legislative power is bound not to contravene them ; on the contrary,
it is bound to regard and give them effect. If to omit the exercise of the power
committed to any branch of the govemment would be to annul a treaty, such an
omission would be a violation ofthe Constitution in that branch which refused to
act. An attempt was made in the House of Representatives in the course of the
debate upon the resolution now under consideration, to distinguish between the
effect of a treaty upon a law of a State and a law of the United States. There
appears however, to be no ground for any distinction. In the first place it may
be observed, that as all national and external concerns are under the manage
ment of the General Government, the laws of the particular States wiU hereafter
rarely furnish subjects of complaint to foreign nations, and of course rarely be affect
ed by treaties. To confine the local operation of treaties merely to a correction or
repeal of State laws, would be in fact nearly tantamount to a declaration that
no treaty was binding until confirmed by an act of Congress. Secondly. All
treaties must of necessity operate either to change or confirm the existing and
legal state of things. In either case the power of legislation must be abridged
or directly controUed. The power of Congress to legislate, is as effectuaUy lim
ited by the want of a power to repeal as to enact laws. The legislative power
cannot therefore, for tins reason, afford a reasonable limitation upon the power of
making treaties. Thirdly. A power of making peace cannot be exercised by
treaty without repealing an act for declaring war. If therefore, the power of
making treaties, exercised in its most simple form, impUes of necessity, the power
of repealing a pre-existing law, there ceases to be any criterion for determining
what laws may, and what laws may not be repealed.
It has been enquired, if treaties possess the power of repeahng laws, what are
the limits which restrain the President and Senate from absorbing aU the powers
of the legislature 1 To this it may be answered, that the power of making
treaties must of necessity be indefinite. It must be competent to the adjustment
of any disputes with a foreign nation under any circumstances. That the power
is indefinite is however no proof, that it is not fully vested solely in the President
and Senate ; that it is capable of abuse is no argument, that the House of Repre
sentatives possess a controlling authority. Many of the powers vested in Con
gress are also indefinite. There are no other restraints upon the powers of de
claring war, of raising armies, equipping navies, and of taxation, except the vir
tue and discretion of Congress. It is possible to conceive that Congress may
declare war un^justly, may raise armies and equip navies for purposes of ambition,

1796.] OF WASHINGTON. 31 6
and may lax immoderately and unwisely. It is also possible to conceive that
the President may make, and the Senate consent to an unwise treaty ; but
neither supposition is any proof that the powers are not vested. Nor are the
evils which result from the abuse of authority to be entirely guarded against by
human wisdom. The greatest abuses may happen under the most restricted
forms of government which have been yet devised. But though treaties made
by the President and Senate, have the force and obligation of laws in the United
States, it is conceived that they are entitled to no precedence oyer acts of Con
gress. The House of Representatives has at any time a power to originate a
bill for declaring war, or for doing any other act consistent -with a treaty, and an
act declaring a treaty to be void would repeal its legal obligations, and afford
evidence that the contract was at an end.
In discussing propositions which are at variance with treaties, the legislature
are under no peculiar restrictions ; they are always bound to regard the obliga
tions of justice, morahty and good faith, and their decisions are ever in contem
plation of law, presumed to be consistent with these obligations. It is not there
fore true, as has been said, that treaties cannot repeal laws, and that laws can
not repeal treaties. The reverse is true. Statutes and treaties of the Umted
States are alike supreme laws ofthe land, and the last act of whichever descrip
tion, will control the former.
It is not intended to assert that treaties ean extend to every object of legisla
tion. There is no doubt that the forms of the Constitution, and the powers of
the different departments and organs of government, are superior to the influence
of a treaty. The limitation of the power of making treaties may in some respects
be difficult, as the exigencies of society cannot be foreseen ; but in respect to mat
ters of mere internal concern, there appears to be nothing upon which the power
of making treaties can operate in derogation, or extension of the power of legis
lation. It being assumed as a consequence of the preceding remarks, that treaties are
laws, and that the power of making treaties is exclusively vested in the Presi
dent and Senate, it becomes proper to enquire, why this power was so deposit
ed. To this question it may be replied, that secrecy and despatch are frequent
ly requisite to the successful negotiation of treaties. There being no ground to
expect these qualities in a numerous public body, the executive department was
of course considered as the only proper deposite for this power. Assuming there
fore as a position, that the constitution contemplated the necessity of secrecy and
personal confidence in executive proceedings, it is the right of the President so
to administer the government as to preserve its principles inviolate. The reso
lution of the House of Representatives appears to consider the right of reserving
public documents, as extending only to such as relate to pending negotiations.
There is however no ground for this distinction. In respect to treaties already
completed, there may, and probably do exist, many particulars on which good
faith and prudence require the observance of secrecy ; at any rate, the probabi
lity of such cases renders it proper that the maxims of administration should have
reference to their existence.
The propriety of a caU for papers js moreover rendered doubtful, by the duty

316 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 11
enjoined upon the President by the constitution, to give to Congress information
from time to time of the State of the Union, and to recommend to their consid
eration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient. It may be
fairiy understood to be the sense of the constitution, that the Presidenf s declara
tion of a state of facts, is a sufficient ground for the proceedings of Congress ; at
«ny rate, the presumption ought always to be, that every department -wUl dis
charge its duty. Except when an impeachment is proposed and a formal enqufry
instituted, I am of opinion that the House of Representatives has no right to de
mand papers relating to foreign negotiations, either pending or completed.
Whether a compliance with the present caU be expedient, under the peculiar
circumstances of the treaty vrith Great Britain, is a question which admits of
distinct considerations. A compHance, considering the protracted debates which
preceded the resolution, and in which the right of the House to control treaties
was asserted, would too much bear an appearance of concession to principles
subversive of the just powers of the President and Senate. On the other hand,
a refusal would furnish some pretext for unjust imputations against the executive
department, and the negotiation of the treaty. If there was reason to believe
that a refiisal would dimmish the public confidence in the govemment, this
would be a powerful argument in favour of a compliance. It is however to be
remembered, that the pubhc confidence may be as certainly destroyed by a sub
mission to improper demands, as by a conduct tending to inspire jealousy. That
the public jealousy can be excited to any considerable degree is not probable. It
is known to the world that Mr. Randolph was acquainted with the whole course
of the negotiation, and that his maUgnity would prompt him to disclose any
measures which could emban-ass the Executive, wiU not be doubted. All the
correspondence was submitted to the Senate, and is admitted to have been seen
by many members of the House. The knowledge of what the papers contain
has therefore become too general, to admit of the propagation of an opinion, that
the President or the negotiator would be affected by a mere formal disclosure.
The public would therefore in-*my opinion attribute a refusal on the part of the
President to its proper motive, a determination to support the constitution. For
these reasons and others, which I have not time to add, it appears to me inexpe
dient to comply with the call ofthe House. If the President shall determine not
to comply with the resolution, his message may contain the foUowing senti
ments, which it is believed wUl justify his decision.
That the President has considered the resolution of the House of Representa
tives, passed on the 24th instant, with aU that attention and respect which is
justiy due to a request of the House, and to the importance of a question which
in its consequences may affect the constitution, and that a sense of duty to the
pubhc requires him to communicate the result of his reflections.
That the constitution has assigned to each department of the government dis
tinct powers, and that as every department is equally bound by the constitution,
it ia reasonable that in the regular exercise of its proper duties, each should
receive from the other a proper share of trust and confidence ; tiiat the trae
interests of the people not only require vigUance and fidelity from all parts of the
administration, but also requires that the powers which have been delegated to

1796.] OF WASHINGTON. 317
the go-velnment should be exercised in the mode, and by the organs designated
by the constitution.
That among the powers delegated to the government of the United States, is
that of making treaties, and that treaties made in pursuance of the constitution
I possess the validity and obligation of laws ofthe land.
That the power of making treaties is, by the constitution, solely vested in the
President and Senate of the United States, and that in the distribution of this
power between the President and Senate, it is conceived that the right of insti
tuting negotiations, of instructing ministers and of making or receiving proposi
tions which are to form the basis of treaties, rests exclusively with the President ;
that the right of approving or rejecting, in whole or in part, all proposals respect
ing treaties, rests exclusively vrith the Senate ; and that the concurrent assent of
the President and Senate agreeably to the constitution, with a subsequent ratifi
cation ofthe parties concerned, and a promulgation according to law, definitively
fix the obligation of a treaty upon the United States.
That in the exercise of the duties committed to the President, secresy and per
sonal confidence are sometimes essential, and that a regard to the public interests
and to the obligations of good faith, wUl not always permit a full disclosure of
all documents connected with foreign negotiations.
That for these reasons, and to avoid the consequences of a precedent which
would embarrass future intercourse with foreign nations, the President has con
sidered it to be his duty to withhold a compHance with the resolution of the
House. In addition to the above observations, it may perhaps be proper to state, that
all the communications from the Minister ofthe United States were laid before
the Senate for their information,"
The answer of the President was returned on the 30th.
" The terms," says his biographer, " in which this decided,
and as it would seem, unexpected negative to the call
for papers was conveyed, appeared to break the last
chord of that attachment which had heretofore bound some
of the active leaders of the opposition to the person of the
President." "
The message was referred to a committee of the whole,
and after a heated debate a series of resolutions were
passed, affirming the ground previously taken by the
opposition. An attempt was made by the federalists to
include this with other treaties at this time communicated,
in a resolution declaring that provision ought to be made
'V. Marshall, p. 562.
27*

318 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 11.
by law for carrying them into effect ; which however
faUed, the opposition succeeding in confining the issue to
the Spanish treaty. This having passed, and simUar
ones respecting the treaties with Algiers and with the^
north-western Indians, the question came up on the British
treaty alone. Of this final debate Chief Justice MarshaU
thus speaks : " at no time perhaps had the members ofthe
national legislature been stimulated to great exertions by
stronger feehngs than impelled them on this occasion.
Never had a greater display been made of argument, of
eloquence, and of passion, and never had a subject been
discussed in which all classes of their fellow-citizens
took greater interest."^ The warmth displayed in
Congress was indeed fuUy equaUed by that of the coun
try at large. The most strenuous efforts were made by
both parties to produce effect on the popular mind, and
happily for the nation, reason once more triumphed. The
misconceptions relative to the treaty being explained,
and many of the arguments against it being removed on
a full and pubhc discussion, it became evident that a
majority of the people were in favor of its ratification.
This did not fail to produce its effect on their representa
tives, and the resolution was passed in committee by the
casting vote of the speaker, and in the House by a major
ity of three.'' What Ames had termed " the sober second
thought of the people," became " law." ¦=
During the pendency of this question in the House, a
case arose which threatened still more to endanger its
passage. The Indian treaty of August 3d, 1795, contain
ed a stipulation repugnant to that provision of the treaty
with England, securing to the two countries the mutual
enjoyment ofthe trade with the Indians, in their contigu
ous territories on the continent. Against this article, Mr.
• V. Marshall, p. 562. the majority, fearful of the question under
b It was on this occasion that Mr. its influence, adjourned at its conclusion.
Ames' noble speech was delivered, a = Speech on Biennial Elections. —
speech, the effect of which was such, that Ames' Works, p. 24.

1796.] OF WASHINGTON. 319
Bond, the British Charge, was instructed to remonstrate,
and his communication, received on the 26th of March,
considerably embarrassed the government. In the begin
ning of May, Mr. Pickering was empowered to agree to
an explanatory article, providing that no stipulation con
tained in the Indian treaty should derogate from the rights
secured by the prior one with Great Britain. This was
concluded and ratified by the Senate. A reference to the
affair will be found in the letter of April 29th, to Mr.
Hamilton. Of the merits of Mr. Jay's treaty, Wolcott's opinion
may be gathered from his letters. He considered that it
secured some important advantages ; that while it passed
over in silence some points desirable to be gained, it re
linquished no rights without compensation, and left the
national honor untarnished ; that we could, in our then
defenceless state compel no better terms from Great Bri
tain ; and finally, that it was the last hope of saving us
from a war equally ruinous to our commercial, and fatal
to our political interests. As to the question of the right
of Congress to refuse at its discretion to carry into effect
a treaty in cases where its action is necessary, it is suffi
cient to say that the doctrine maintained by the anti-
federalists on this occasion, although declared by a con
siderable majority in the house, and affirmed by high
authority out of it, may now be considered as obso
lete. Opportunities have been frequently offered by sub
sequent treaties, particularly that with France in 1803,
and those with the Indian tribes, but it has never been
revived ; and it is well worthy of remark, that the same
Edward Livingston who led the opposition in the winter
of 1795 — 96, found no diflficulty in sustaining the contrary
side of the question when, in 1831, he negotiated the
treaty with France.* » Dwighf 3 " Character of Jefferson," p. 123.

320 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 11.
Of the Other treaties a few words wiU be sufficient.
That with Spain secured the boundary as claimed by the
United States, and the navigation of the Mississippi. In
executing their stipulations, however, the Spanish govern
ment afterwards showed but httle good faith. A peace
was made with France in about a month after its conclu
sion, which of course rendered the influence of the repub-
pubhc supreme in the Spanish councils, an influence
speedily directed to our embarrassment. The treaty
with Algiers was more exceptionable, as it stipulated
among other things the payment of an annual tribute as
the price of peace. Other nations and those more pow
erful in a maritime sense, had, it is true, submitted to
the same exactions, but the humiliation was at most only
diminished by the fact. Without a naval force to pro
tect itself, it could not however be expected that a com
mercial nation would escape the depredations of one
professedly piratical, nor, as it was abundantly shown,
of those who found occasional piracy convenient.
The foUowing letters will convey an idea of the pro
ceedings during the remainder of the session.
JONATHAN TRUMBULL TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Philadelphia, 9th March, 1796.
Sir, I presume that you -will soon be acquainted in some other way than from me,
that Mr. EUsworth has accepted an appointment as Chief Justice of the United
States, whereby he has vacated his seat in the Senate of the United States. I
give you this early information, that you may be revolving in your mind the steps
which may be necessary to be taken by the state to supply the vacancy, whether
by an immediate executive appointment, or whether it may be convenient to
wait the approaching meeting of the legislature. On this question it is not per
haps for me to give an opinion ; I will beg the liberty, however, just to mention,
that as respects the probable great events of the present session, we are very dif
ferently, I might say more favourably circumstanced in the Senate, than they are
in the House of Representatives. In the Senate, the treaty majority is stiU
strong, in the House I fear it is quite otherwise.
You -wiU please pardon me, sir, for going so far as I have done towards an

1796.] OF WASHINGTON. 321
opinion, and believe me to be, with very great regard and respect, sir, your obe
dient and humble servant, JONA. TRUMBULL.

TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Philadelphia, March, 1796.
Congress have presented a singular spectacle during the present session.
Three months have elapsed and almost nothing has been done and nothing ma
tured. The majority are of the iU-natured class ; the care of the friends of the
govemment is therefore to prevent mischief, there being but little expectation
that much good can be accomplished.
The treaty with Great Britain has been proclaimed, and -wiU be carried into
execution so far as depends on the Executive. A treaty with Spain has just
passed the Senate, but I suppose that it must wait the ratification of the Catho
lic majority before it can be published officiaUy. The na-rigation of the Missis
sippi and a free port at New Orleans (free of duties) have been obtained. The
boundary claimed by us is recognized by Spain, and is to be marked by commis
sioners ; the spoliations upon our commerce are to be settled by commission
ers, who are to meet at Philadelphia ; the commerce with Spain is put on the
footing of the most favoured nation, but no admission is allowed into the Span
ish colonies. This treaty, though a good one, is hable to the constitutional ob
jections which have been raised against that with Great Britain. It " defines
piracy," as is said by the opposers of the British treaty ; it " regulates trade ;" it
" adjusts boundary ;" it requires the " expenditure of money" for which there is no
appropriation ; and what is worst of aU, it repeals in a smaU degree an act of
Congress. It is not trae that it clashes with the British treaty, as has been as
serted in Bache's paper. The treaty with Algiers wUl be grateful, as it restores
the prisoners and is good in its kind. Owing to our defenceless situation it will
prove enormously expensive, and probably cost $800,000, besides an annual tri
bute of about $24,000. This, in the money particular, is also unconstitutional
on the principles of the objectors to the British treaty. Matters are now in such
a train that all the treaties must be swallowed by the Virginians, or their factious
designs be fully disclosed. It is uncertain whether they will not venture to pre
cipitate the country into the confusions which would result from a non-com
pliance ; but if they do, the govemment -wiU be at an end. At any rate there
will be a serious straggle, and no adjournment wiU be aUowed tUl thia matter ia
finally settled.
Mr. EUsworth has been appointed Chief Justice.' I do not even conjecture
who will be his successor, but I presume no appointment will be thought neces
sary tUl May, the Senate being sufficiently strong and united.
The business of my department, so far as depends on executive administration,
is, I am certain, in good order ; but I am not sure of proper support from the

• Mr, Rutiedge'^^^ation was not confirmed by the Senate, and Mr. Cush-
ingi who was next nominated, deolined the appointment.

322 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 11.
present House of Representatives. If anything iU happens, I shaU not be an
swerable for it. I mention this for your satisfaction, as you must feel interested
for my character in these contentious times. I am more and more confident of
the danger which exists, that the House of Representatives -wiU finally be found
too strong for the Executive, but the government wiU not yet be betrayed. For
some time, what is essentiaUy necessary wUl be done, if we can but settie the dis
pute about the treaty. This is weU understood by both parties, and hence their
zeal on the occasion.

OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen., TO JONATHAN TRUMBULL.
LiTCHPffiLD, 14th March, 1796.
Sir, Your letter of the 9th instant, announcing the appointment of Mr. Ellsworth
to the office of Chief Justice of the United States, and the consequent vacancy
of his seat in Congress, has been duly received. The session of Congress has
considerably advanced ; the business which wUl be before the Senate -wiU be in
safe hands ; therefore no anticipation will be made in the appointment of a
Senator, but the subject referred to the next session of the legislature. Mr.
Ellsworth's appointment wiU be very satisfactory to all who are wUling to be
pleased. If our country shall be preserved from anarchy and confusion, it must
be by men of his character. I hope that the session of Congress wUl be contin
ued until it shall be indubitably ascertained whether there is a latent constitu
tional power in some part of Congress, which can defeat a national treaty made
by a power especially constituted for that purpose, and ratified with aU the so
lemnities requisite to give it effect ; and which has also become the supreme law
of the land. The full discovery of such a lurking power, if any such exists, wiU
be a desideratum which the pubhck have a right to be gratified with the full view
of ; and indeed the nations of the world have a right to know of the existence
of such a rare curiosity, that so far as they may be affected by it, they may gov
ern themselves accordingly. With much respect and esteem, I am, sir, your
most obedient humble servant, OLIVER WOLCOTT.
FROM OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Litchfield, March 21st, 1796.
Sir, * * * * To appoint a Senator to supply the place of Mr. Ells
worth, I neither think necessary nor expedient tiU the General Assembly shall
meet. The estabhshed principles and abilities of Mr. Ellsworth render his ap
pointment proper.
The progress of business in the House of Representatives gives but Httie sat
isfaction to my acquaintance, though it is such as was expected. The President,
it seems, is to be called upon to exhibit the course of negotiation relative to the
British treaty. In this I devoutly hope that they wiU not be gratified. I think

1796.] OF WASHINGTON. 323
that such usurpation and encroachment wiU be resisted in the first instance, and
that these men will be obliged to exhibit themselves in all their deformity. Let
them, if they dare, decide upon the merits ofthe treaty ; if they consider them
selves competent to decide ; the treaty is the only object. Their base view is
to confound the negotiation with the treaty, and to exhibit to the publick any
perplexities which might attend the business, so as to cloak their own motive in
not giving it support. These men must have great confidence in the stupidity
of their constituents, to hope to elude the subject in this manner. I shall ex
tremely regret, if their request shall be gratified. Let them come out boldly and
say, we will not provide for carrying the treaty into effect, because we dislike it,
and because it is attended with expense, and because it respects commerce.
The most ignorant wUl then know what their claims are, and compare them
with the constitution. These men will not be able, under the specious garb of
their being the representatives of the people, to conceal their usurpation and
hypocrisy. I have ever considered the national constitution as a matter of experiment —
excellent, if conducted by sensible and honest men — but the vilest of men will
frequently gain a popular ascendancy, and many weak men will always be in all
popular assemblies ; but I had no apprehension that our system of government
would be so soon threatened as it is at present. This must in some measure be
owing to the zealous friendship of the French, who -wish to see us disorganized
that we might be more impressible to their councils. Indeed, there is not a
maritime government in Europe, but what wish to see us in that wretched con
dition ; and there are sagacious idiots enough in America, who are forward to
help them in their designs. Our constitution appears to me to be rapidly tending
to operate substantiaUy upon the principles of the old confederation ; and if so,
disorganization may be expected to follow, and the states who precipitate the
event will, I believe, be left to themselves, and wUl be gratified by becoming
pro-rinces of France ; but I will hope that the Providence which has in a
manner almost miraculous, hitherto preserved us, wiU still be extended to us. There
may be reasons which do not occur to my mind, for opening a land office. The
value of such sales can be but imperfectly known. Such emigration through all
the western world, cannot but greatly impoverish the old settlements ; by such
sparse settlements the people become ignorant, savage, and ungovemable.
My kindest regards to aU ray friends and connections with you, and to your
self I am, &c. OLIVER WOLCOTT.

CHAUNCEY GOODRICH TO OLIVER WOLCOTT. Sen.
Philadelphia, March 26th, 1796.
Sir, Since my last letter, one from you has been received. Its date I cannot note,
as it is at my chamber, and I -write in Congress Hall.
Mr. Livingston's raotion has undergone a very aniraated discussion, and finaUy
been carried as was expected by a great majority. Sixty-two in the affirmative.

324 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. II.
and thirty-seven in the negative. The President's sentiments as yet are un
known in respect to an answer. The Connecticut delegation have taken an ac
tive part in the resistance given to this violation of the constitution ; and if an
error has been made m the degree of opposition, or in the opposition itself, they
must largely participate. AU of us spoke on the subject, except Mr. Swfft, and
he was prevented by the abrupt and almost violent manner in which the com
mittee closed the debate. Mr. HiUhouae was not perfectiy satisfied of the ex
pediency of our opposition, nor of some of the principles we maintained. This
is, however, to be considered as one of those shades in sentiments we must ex
pect. His conduct is firm and decided. My esteem for aU the gentiemen is
every day increased ; and it wiU give you particular pleasure to be told our re
lation, Mr. Griswold, is one of the most able and worthy of men. There is no
duty he wiU not be found adequate to, nor any one from which he wUl shrink.
On this question we trust the opinion in Connecticut wiU be correct. The
importance to the govemment can only be estimated by those who know
the difficulties we have to encounter. We believe we shaU execute the treaties.
I doubt not the vacancies in the important offices of the state wUl be judiciously
iUled, as every reflecting man must see the danger of the crisis we are verging
upon. I have received two letters from Frederic, one enclosing some U. S. paper.
Excuse the abruptness with which I subscribe myself, your obedient servant,
CHAUNCEY GOODRICH.

OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen., TO OLIVER ELLSWORTH.
Litchfield, March 29, 1796.
Sir, I have been duly honored -with your letter of the 8th instant, giving informa
tion of your having accepted an office in the judiciary, and of the consequent
vacancy of your seat in Congress as a Senator from this State. I doubt not but
that the State would very reluctantly part -with your services under their imme
diate appointment, but upon the conviction that they will be rendered more ex
tensively useful by your discharging the duties of the very important office to
which you are appointed.
I am happy to know that amicable settlements have been made -with nations
with whom we have had differences. The convention with the Barbary States
is indeed truly humiliating, but the greatest naval powers in Europe have long
submitted to a sirailar degradation frora those piratical people, who, it seems
cannot be conquered, and from whom nothing can be got.
Accept, sir, my sincere wishes that your present appointment may be as agree
able to yourself, as, I doubt not it will be useful to your country. With great
esteem and regard, I am sir, your most ob't humble seiVt, OLIVER WOLCOTT.

1796.] OF WASHINGTON. 325
CHAUNCEY GOODRICH TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Philadelphia, AprU 1, 1796.
Sir, Imagining you wUl be much pleased with the President's message communi
cating his reasons for a denial of the papers, I do myself the pleasure to enclose
a paper that contains it. This act on his part, entitles him to additional confi
dence and attachment from our country, and I sincerely pray it may inspire sen
timents corresponding with the correctness of the step.
As the message came to the House yesterday, no opinion as yet, can be form
ed of the probable effects on the temper of the majority. You need not be in
formed, that never was any communication less palatable to them than this.
Some of their leaders vrill endeavor to avaU themselves of the denial of papers,
as an apology for non-execution of the treaty. I still believe the whole party
cannot be persuaded to go with them. One principle must be inculcated, that
however important the treaties are, they are not of sufficient importance to claim
the prostration of the executive to the legislative. Our affairs are critical ; the
friends of the govemment wiU not be wanting in firmness, and I hope not in
prudence, to carry us through this tempest.
I learn with much pleasure the prospect of the establishment of the officers of
our State, with more imanimity than was at first expected ; its weight in the
Union cannot be too highly estimated nor too carefiiUy preserved.
No conjecture can be made when the session wiU end ; our business awaits the
eventual determination on the treaty. If the Senate suffer Congress to rise till
aU the important business is done, they -wUl essentially desert the interests of
their country. My opinion is that no adjournment vrill be suffered tUl the
treaties shall be executed. But no mention of it is at present to be made.
We are in health, and send you our respectful sentiments of affection. I am,
sir, your humble and ob't servant, CHAUNCEY GOODRICH.

Philadelphia, AprU 9, 1796.
Sk, By several of the last maUs we are assured of a -risit from Col. Wadsworth
within a few days ; on advising -vrith him, we shaU be able to return a direct
answer to your last favour. Our letters from Connecticut apprise us of a pre-
vaiUng sentiment that Mr. TrambuU wiU be chosen Lieutenant Govemor, and
his friends with us depend on his acceptance. The newspaper I enclose, gives
you the occurrences of the day, and the " Censor," a work by Peter Porcupine,
administers his monthly correction to, our disorganizers. The author is said to
be an EngUshman who has kept a school in this city."
We still continue in a state of disgust and anxiety. The prospect ofthe pub
lic business being saved from wreck, has not diminished. The westem part of
* WUliam Cobbett.
VOL. I. 28

326 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 11.
this State are petitioning for the treaties. I am told if Findley and GaUatin don't
ultimately vote for their execution, their lives wUl scarcely be spared. New Jersey
is becoming electrical, and expresses no smaU indignation against the pusiUani-
mous conduct of some of their raembers. Our Speaker is evidentiy alarmed.
Probably the resolves passed by the House on the President's message, have
come to you. The majority have the baseness to say, that the President entirely
misconceived their ideas on the treaty power. Their resolutions are purposely
vague. We early determined to vote against any abstract resolves explanatory
of the Constitution, and treat with sUent indignation, all their speeches on the
message. After a Jesuitical speech from Madison, we had the good fortune to
close the business.
Though not officially communicated, we know that Mr. Bond's orders from
his court direct the surrender of the posts the 1st June, on condition that
the House of Representatives evince an honest intention of executing the treaty ;
and otherwise to forbear. An officer waits to convey despatches to the British
commanders, so that we have only about twenty days to accompHsh the business,
and every subterfuge the will of man can use, will be practiced to create delay
and embroil us on irritating questions once more with England. Many of my
congressional friends despair of ultimate success ; I confidently trust we shall
yet in season, despatch this interesting matter satisfactorily.
All your connexions are in health except Mrs. Goodrich, who for a few days
has been slightly indisposed with a cold. The intelUgence of the eventual con
duct of the British Court as to the posts, is no otherwise confidential, than I
would not wish it to get into our papers. I am, sir, with sentiments of affection
and respect, your ob't humble servant, CHAUNCEY GOODRICH.

Philadelphia, AprU 12th, 1796.
Sir, Since my last, some circumstances have transpired indicative of a determinate
design on the part of the leaders of the majority to defeat the treaty. The mes
sage of the President has had no effect to change opinion. In case they have
the hardiness to take this step, we are to expect a vigorous onset to change our
government, and for that purpose to make Jefferson President, and Burr Vice
President. I have been more confident than my congressional friends of our ultimate suc
cess, and still trust that -will be the case. Our affairs are very critical, and be
come daily more darkened . No circumstance could have been more unfortunate
than the British impressment of seamen. There is » mystery in the business
we can't fathom. What can induce them to cripple the vessels carrying them
prorisions and horses under contract is unknown. I hope however that the peo
ple wUl continue temperate till this evU can be remedied. Mr. Livingston's bill
for protection of seamen, is very defective, exposing a numerous class now in
our service, and placing the United States on very dangerous ground. The
merchants here and at New York disapprove of it. I hope it wUl be amended
by the Senate. In haste, your obedient and humble servant,
CHAUNCEY GOODRICH.

1796.] OF WASHINGTON. 327
TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Philadelphia, AprU 18th, 1796.
I have received your letter of March 21st. The issue of the debate upon the
call for papers, and the President's reply, will, I know, give you satisfaction. At
present the house are debating a resolution for appropriating money for the
British Treaty. This wUl be lost. Mr. Madison has come out decidedly in
opposition, and with GUes and GaUatin, wUl risk all consequences ; how far the
party wiU follow is uncertain. After the present motion shaU have failed, a re
solution which has been moved by Mr. McClay of this State, wiU be taken up.
This proposes that the House should declare that it is inexpedient to give effect
to the British Treaty, because they have not the papers to inform them of the
necessity of the sacrifices contained in it, and because the British continue to
take our vessels and impress our seamen. The design of this affirmative decla
ration against the treaty is to ensnare weak men, by committing them upon
principles frora which they cannot consistently recede, to alarra the British gov
emment and to set the privateers upon our commerce under an expectation of
war. The leaders of the party know that the British governraent does not con
ceive the treaty to be any great boon, and that unless we execute, they wiU not.
They also know that by defeating the treaty, losses and injuries wiU happen,
which will renew the animosities between us and Great Britain, and by which
they shall profit. French intrigue has also much to do with this business. The
minority in the House will give a decided opposition to Mr. McClay's motion,
and the Senate will, I presume, combine all the treaties together and insist that
they shall share one fate. Perhaps this combination of the treaties will divide
the party. If it does not, we must wait for the operation of public opinion upon
the House ; if this last resource fails, the govemment fails, and_ we must com
mence de novo. „
I believe there never was a public body deserved less the public confidence ;
who were more ignorant, vain and incompetent, than the majority ofthe present
House of Representatives. The whole session has been a disgraceful squabble
for power, and a display of unworthy passions. Mr. GaUatin evidently leads in
all raeasures, and it is neither unreasonable nor uncandid to believe that Mr.
Gallatin is directed by foreign politics and influence.
I understand from aU quarters that you will succeed to the office of Govemor.
At this I rejoice, as it is proper in itself, and as it is a proof of the stability and
gratitude ofthe people ofthe state. Mr. TrumbuU, it is said, wiU be chosen Lt.
Govemor ; this is also well, except that it will take a good man from the Senate.
It appears to me to be important that the good old habits of Connecticut should
be maintained. Among those habits, that of promoting men in a regular grada
tion is one of the best. This principle wiU, I think, have its influence on the
appointment of senators. All the members ofthe old Connecticut representation
have acquitted themselves weU ; there is therefore, no principle upon which a
preference can be made among them except talents and seniority. In respect to
talents, there wiU always be great differences among men ; but nothing is so dia-

328 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 11.
agreeable as comparisons of this nature. Seniority in office being a matter of
chance, fiimishes a ground for discrimination which is not offensive, and where
there are not soHd objections agamst admitting it as a rule of promotion, it ought,
in my opinion, to be foUowed.
As the legislature of Connecticut have never yet meddled with the affairs of
the general government, perhaps they ought not to do it on the present occasion.
The firmness ofthe state is not doubted here, and not one commands more
respect. The preceeding letter makes mention of Mr. Madison's
hostihty to the treaty with England. The position now
occupied by that gentleman seems to require a notice in
passing. Since the publication of Mr. Jefferson's correspondence
has exposed to the world his duplicity and worthlessness,
anti-federalism has sought in the supposed purity of Mr.
Madison, a redemption firom the sins of its original chief.
When, indignant at its pretensions to exclusive virtue,
and disgusted at its real exhibitions of corruption, the
federahsts have held up the self drawn portrait of its great
representative to pubhc odium and contempt ; the more
sagacious of his followers, confessing the repulsiveness of
his moral features, have pointed to his friend as one at
least whose career was immaculate. Uninformed and
misinformed men, even of the opposite ranks, have by
tacit assent or feeble denial admitted the justice and
truth of the claim ; but so did not the federal cotempo-
raries of Mr. Madison. They saw in him one doubly
guilty, because sinning against the hght that was in him ;
twice culpable, because untrue to his real convictions.
They saw in him the renegade to his party and his faith,
the man who having grown to mature age and gained
his first laurels in their ranks, abandoned his principles,
surrendered his independence to the will of another, and
united his talents and his influence to break down the
system he had aided in establishing. In the federal con
vention he had stood side by side with HamUton, batthng
for the Constitution ; in that of Vh-ginia he had met al-

1796.] OF WASHINGTON. 329
most single handed the eloquence of Patrick Henry ; he
stood before the world as a distinguished co-author of the
great creed of our national faith, the essays of " The
Federalist;" the first session of the first congress had
found him in the extreme right of the government party
and even exceeding in zeal the limits of their wiser dis
cretion, and he was known even, to have favored most of
the leading features of the funding system, the great bone
of political contention. But as the Virginia party under
the management of Mr. Jefferson, gradually formed itself
and drew round it the scattered elements of opposition,
Mr. Madison was seen passing over to its ranks. The
cautiousness which formed part of his character, may
have indeed for a time withheld him, where before no
toriously committed ; but no sooner was that faction ma
tured in its plans, than throwing off the mask, he showed
himself the reckless opponent of all he had once contend
ed for. His insidious resolutions founded on Jefferson's
report, and his course in regard to the treaty, set the seal
upon his apostacy ; they lost him the remaining confi
dence of Washington, and the friendship of those who
had hoped for better things. Thenceforward the anti-
federalists had no more ardent or more unscrupulous
champion. FROM ALEXANDER HAMILTON, New Yoke, AprU 20, 1796.
I have received your letter of the 18th instant. The money sent me shaU be
placed to your credit in the office of discount and deposit as you desire. The
British ministry are as great fools, or as great rascals as our Jacobins, else our
comraerce would not continue to be embarrassed as it now is by the new propo
sition. Not knowing the precise form of that proposition, I cannot have an
opinion of what is right on the part of the Executive ; but if I understand it, it
ought to be sufficient for the Executive to declare that the article in the treaty
with the Indians can never operate nor will be permitted to operate in contra
vention of the treaty with Great Britain. It relates to a right reserved for our
benefit which we can and wiU waive, and being in a treaty of subsequent date,
it naturaUy gives way to another of prior date, with which it is inconsistent,
28*

330 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 11.
The Executive ought to be careful about admitting the propriety of a new condi
tion, though it ought to be ready to give aU due satisfaction. It should not even
refiise a new explanatory article, if reasonable in itself, but should agree to it
upon the strength of its own reasonableness, not as a new condition foreign to the
treaty. This affair requires great caution. But as I said, I do not know enough
to give adrice worth much.
Yet the government must take care not to appear pusillanimous. I hope a very
serious remonstrance has long since gone against the wanton impressment
of our seamen. It will be an error to be too tame -with this overbearing cabinet.
Our city is in motion against the plan of the majority in the House of Repre
sentatives, -with regard to the treaty. The current appears to be strong with us.
The papers -wiU teU you the measures in contemplation. But I was sorry to leam
that a proper, qualified communication was not made to the House of Represen
tatives of the late communication from the British agent. The Executive may
hereafter be blamed for withholding so important a fact. Yet, not knowing the
whole affair, I cannot well judge on this point more than on the other. Yours,
A. HAMILTON.

CHAUNCEY GOODRICH TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
PmLADELPHIA, April 20, 1796.
Sir, As yet, no change of conduct is discoverable in any of the majority of the
House of Representatives, either from the debate or private conversation. A
plurality of eight votes at present is counted on against an appropriation for the
treaty. What impression the serious alarm excited in this and the city of New
York vrill produce, cannot be foreseen. The petition in favour of the execution
of the treaty, wiU be generally, if not universally signed by persons of worth and
property. A counter one, it is apprehended, would command as many names.
Thousands of people reside here who have no interests in the country, and are
even unknown ; there is no detection even of fictitious names. 'Tis probable
the debate will continue some days on the resolutions before us. Mr. Liringston's
resolution for an indemnification to the merchants for spoliation, is a mere guU,
which his party weU know the government cannot adopt. We are humiliated
by the election of Austin into the Senate in Boston, and Mr. Adams as Gover
nor. Neither perhaps, ought to be reUed on as indicative of pubhc opinion ; no
circumstance has given greater encouragement to the majority. People of pro
perty in Baltimore are now in sentiment -with those of this city, and are framing
instractions for Mr. Smith, their representative.
You may be assured of the determination of the Senate to join the appropria
tion for the British treaty, with some one or aU the others, and inflexibly resist
any appropriation for the rest, unless it be also made for that. Our greatest dif
ficulty wiU be to keep our friends here ; but as we don't despair of that, neither
do we of eventual success. So desperate are the leaders of the party, we know
they wUl hazard every thing. Our affairs are critical, confidence in the govern
ment is vanishing fast, and immense evU is already done.

1796.] OF WASHINGTON. 331
When vriU the people of this country open their eyes, and despise their false
guides? WUl nothing but serious c^amity teach them their present happy
state, and the path of safety? We trust the State of Coimecticut wiU preserve a
correct and firm course of conduct. Their good sense and staid temper are
greatly respected. I am, respectfully, your ob't humble serv't,
CHAUNCEY GOODRICH.

Philadelphia, April 23d, 1796.
Sir, I thank you for your letter of the 18th, which has this moment come to hand.
The certain knowledge we have of the, desperate determination of a majority
of the House of Representatives to defeat the treaty, has induced us to risque the
consequences of delay, and prolong the debates, in expectation of an impulse
from some of the districts on their representatives. You will see in the papers,
the proceedings of the several cities. After all, in these places it is but a strife
between the opident, and the discontented and factious at the head of the
poor. What its final impression on the House wUl be, can't be foreseen. As
yet, on the most favourable calculation, six votes are to be secured, for an exe
cution of the treaty. It is not probable that they can be gained on the resolu
tion before the committee ; in that case, Mr. Mc Clay's resolution is likely to be
brought forward, to which, I think we ought to prolong our stand as long as pos
sible; but 'tis well known that the Senate -will, as soon as a vote shall be had on
the resolution before us, if unfortunate, tack an amendment providing for the
British treaty, to the Spanish treaty biU, and inflexibly adhere for all or none.
I am not warranted to assert, but I trust they also wUl arrest the federal city
loan bUl,land office, perhaps appropriation for the army, refuse to rise ; in short,
arrest the whole govemment, and let the people decide. The exigency of the
case only can justify such perilous steps ; but what can be done if the House of
Representatives wUl not execute the govemment 1. I hope however, we shaU not
be forced on such extremes, and though I consider the crisis an awfiil one, I don't
despair of extricating ourselves in season to save our ship. Few know at present,
what mischiefs she has already undergone. I hope Connecticut will preserve her
steady and temperate conduct.
Col. Wadsworth arrived last evening. I will vmte you soon, in answer to a
part of a former letter. I am, with esteem, your ob't humble, servant,
CHAUNCEY GOODRICH.
N. B. Some circumstances attend Mr. Bond's communication, that strongly
miUtate against its communication in the papers.

FROM OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Litchfield, April 25, 1796.
Sir, Your letter of the 18th inst. is received. The answer given to the House by
the President has been extremely gratifying to every person whom I have heard

332 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. II.
mention it, and great anxiety was felt lest it should have been given otherwise.
A different answer would only have increased the difficulty, and given a deep
stab to the constitution. I am most fuUy persuaded that the House are opposing
aU the good sense, and by far the greatest part of the property of America, and
that they must finally sink into abhorrence and contempt ; but no one can say
what foUy led by villainy wUl not do. Ybu may, I believe, be assured that the
conduct of the House has excited the most serious alarm and indignation in this
part of the country, and I do not believe that any material change of opmion of
Massachusetts is to be inferred by their electing Mr. Adams their Govemor ; he
is an old and infirm man. They would not wish, at least many of them, to ha
zard the peace of the state by a contest, but when their legislature shaU meet, I
think that the same general sentiment will prevail as in their last. The resolu
tion of the House to call for the papers was carried to Boston in fifty hours. The
Chronicle was immediately published, a day sooner than usual, to promulgate the
news through the state, and this at the moment of their election, which was
probably a preconcerted plan.
Most interesting events raust soon be ascertained. I wUl risk an opinion with
considerable confidence, that it is the secret wish of George the Third and his
ministry that the treaty may be defeated, and that there are secret orders given
to irritate the Americans to induce a violation. Great Britain can coUect their
debts when they please. The conduct of Congress proves the impotence and
distraction of our government ; with such proof they -wUl not wish to part -with
the westem posts. They have nothing to fear from America ; they can plunder
our commerce at once. A respect to mercantUe opinion and interest are their
only restraints. The French Minister is better supplied with money than Fau
chet said he was, which he distributes liberaUy, and the patriots of Virginia
are promoting the views ofthe enemies of our peace, and prostrating the honour
of America in the dust, vrith a view to bring in Jefferson as President. Whether
the present tempest shaU end in fume or not, I believe we are to calculate upon
an early termination of our present system. The principle of government at
present is to be understood as founded on the predominancy of popular faction
only, and he who "per fas aut nefas" can engage the greatest number is to
rule. I sincerely wish that the President would not announce a wish to retire from
the cares of government during the present pubhc distraction, how great soever
his wishes may be for retireraent. I think it will be most for his honour at any
event not to quit the helm during a storm. I am certain that it wiU be utterly
inconsistent with our safety, and I am very certaui that it is impossible for these
people to dispossess him of the pubhc confidence. It is too firmly rooted to be
moved. You wUl easUy beUeve that I have not taken one step to influence the public
elections of this state. It is said that I am elected to supply the place of Gov
ernor Huntington, and without opposition. Mr. TrambuU wUl probably have a
plurality of votes for Lieutenant-Govemor. » * *
Yours, &c.,
OLIVER WOLCOTT.

1796.] OF WASHINGTON. 333
FROM JOEL BARLOW. Algiers, 27 AprU, 1796.
My Dear Friend,
You see I am dra-wn into another scrape which detains me still on this side of
the Atlantic. On arriving in Paris last sumraer, I found that the work which I
contemplated on the history of the French revolution, would detain me there tUl
it would be too late to make the voyage that season, and as I suffer so terribly
-with sea sickness, I could not think of embarking for a winter passage. After
this, Mr. Humphreys, thinking I might render some sendee to the pubhc by com
ing to this place, persuaded me, much against my inclination to come, and I shall
probably have more than one reason to repent of the undertaking. I found our
affairs here in such a desperate state, that in order to secure a chance of doing
any good, it was necessary to make engagements which are very likely to be
disapproved. If you wiU take the trouble of looking through what I have written to the
Secretary of State on the subject, which goes by this conveyance, yon wUl see
the ground on which we now stand, and have some idea, though an imperfect
one, of that on which we have stood, and you wiU be able to judge of the mo
tives which guided me in the part I have taken in this transaction. I was so
strongly impressed with the great advantage, and even necessity of being at
peace with Barbary, that had I been sure of increasing censure, I could not in
conscience act otherwise than I have done.
In my letters to the Secretary, Nos. 1,4, and 5, 1 have laid before him as com
plete a vievr, as the short time I have been here has enabled me to take, of every
subject connected vrith our interests in this quarter. What I have said with re
spect to placing ourselves on a friendly footing -with Turkey and the states of
Italy, appears to me important, and that the business ought not to be delayed.
Should the Executive adopt the measure of sending a commissioner to establish
treaties with those powers, I have a favour to ask of you in which you may ren
der me a service, if you think there is no impropriety in it. It is that you would
recommend me to be sent on that mission. My reason for -wishing this is a very
simple one, and I have no hesitation to expose it to you, though to you it may
appear frivolous. My only motive that is in any way personal, is that it would
give me an opportunity to see those countries. I do not wish for the appoint
ment as a place, and I did not intend to hold one, either in or under any govem
ment. When I get to America, I intend to sit down to my books. What might
be seen in such a tour would increase my little stock of knowledge, and I can
not afford to make the journey at my own expense. I should regret, indeed,
that it would keep me another year from America ; but I think it would be use-
fiiUy employed for myself, and I wiU farther add, that I do not think that any
person they -wiU be likely to send, could do the business better than I, or would
do it at so little expense.
But whatever may be the fate of the proposition I here make to you, I hope
the general object wiU not be neglected. It appears to me that this measure
would extend our commerce considerably in some points, and secure and faciU-

334 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 11.
tate our navigation in aU. It must be done some time or other, and I think the
sooner the better. I am, dear sir, with sincere attachment, your friend and
servant, JOEL BARLOW.

TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON. PHILADE.LPHIA, AprU 29, 1796.
I have received your favour of the 20th. The affair with Bond stands thus,
and is truly attended with some perplexing circumstances.
The communication states that provisional orders have been given for the sur
render of the posts whenever the House of Representatives shaU have indicated
an intention to give effect to the treaty, and when an article shall have been ne
gociated explanatory of the sense of the two nations, that the 8th article of our
treaty with the Indians shaU not derogate from the rights stipulated in favour of
British subjects by the 3d article of the treaty with Great Britain. The style of
the memorial is respectful, and the doubtful article in the Indian treaty is attri
buted to want of information on our part of the stipulation in the British treaty.
I have thought that a declaration by the Executive, that we admit the doctrine
of the law of nations, ought to be sufficient, and that insisting upon an explana
tory article was pressing a point rather unreasonably against us. As, however,
Mr. Bond says that he is instructed to insist on an article, and as the terms can
be adjusted so as completely to save the national honour, perhaps we are bound
to consent. I feel, however, that the Executive ought not to have been embar
rassed at present.
There being two points to settle before we obtain the posts, one concenting
the Legislature and the other the Senate, it has appeared to me that a partial
communication would be improper, and that a general one would be inexpedi
ent. A message to the House would, moreover, unnecessarily stimiUate the pas
sions of the opposition. A resolution for giving effect to the treaty is under
consideration. The presumption ought to be that they will do their duty. On
this ground the Senate have forbome to connect a provision for the British treaty
with the bills which have been sent up respecting the other treaties. The prin
ciple which has governed the Senate,if correct, requires the Executive to forbear
his interference. Some difficulty raay be apprehended in obtaining a ratification
of the explanatory article in the present state of the Senate ; but it wiU be sur
mounted. I think the govemment will succeed in the present contest ; but it remains
doubtful whether order can be long preserved. Unless a radical change of opin
ion can be effected in the southern states, the existing establishments wiU not
last eighteen months. The influence of Messrs. Gallatin, Madison and Jeffer
son must be diminished, or the pubhc affaiis wUl be brought to a stand. No
proper attention is paid to the current business of the govemment by the House.
Every thing is in the hands of the committees. Nothing is understood, and few

1796.] OF WASHINGTON. 335
matters of importance in a train for being completed. Before the treaty question
commenced, the treaty furnished a pretext for delay. The length of the session,
and the languor of the members, will furnish another pretext after that question
shaU have been determined.
Mr. Patten, the postmaster, communicated to me yesterday a singular circum
stance. Some time since, letters were dehvered into his office for Robert Cow-
per and a Doctor Graham of Suffolk, in Virginia. By some means Mr. Patten
discovered that these letters had been brought frora Virginia ; and this, he says,
induced hira to suspect some mischief, and to write to Virginia. I have seen the
answer which he (Patten) received from Robert Cowper, in which he says that
the letter to him was signed with your name ; that to Dr. Graham with the
name of Mr. Van Allen of Congress. It seems that the letters were forgeries,
and contain something which, if true, might injure yours and Mr. Van Allen's
character. This is doubtless some Jacobin trick. I shaU try to detect it, and
give you information. At present, I have no particulars.

CHAUNCEY GOODRICH TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Philadelphia, May 4th, 1796.
Sir, After the anxiety and disgust you, in common with the discerning and virtu
ous friends of the government, have experienced in respect to an opposition to
the treaty, it wiU give you pecuUar satisfaction to learn that a bill yesterday
passed, making appropriations for its execution. To increase our happiness on
this occasion, the main point is not only secured, but without any marks of stig
ma fixed on the Executive, or its measures. The public papers I send by this
mail, render any detail unnecessary. Congress will rise, probably, about the first
of June. We shall probably pass the laws essential to the safety of the govem
ment ; means which are requisite for its improvement must be left for a more
favourable opportunity. The members will now, one after the other be daily set
ting out for home. I hope the public will begin to discern that our government
confides too much to private sacrifices. It costs individuals too much. Our ex
ecutive estabUshments are not sufficiently extended in the states, and the whole
texture is too weak for the stress that bears upon them. The energy of the
President's popularity has not yet been estimated at one-half its value. We
expect, if the circumstance of his retirement from office must be submitted to, a
more federal house will succeed the present, and a chance be offered to set things
more to rights. Certainly the leaders are crest faUen. They were wretchedly
deceived in the firmness of the President, the spirit of the country, and the union
and unbending resolution of their opposers in our House. All of these circum
stances have had their perfect work ; and when the biU passed it was evident
that they were as solicitous as we to end the business. One of the party, who
the day before had declared his resolution to call the yeas and nays, desisted
therefrom, no doubt by preconcert. The members from Virginia who opposed
in the committee, voted for the bill. Mr. Hancock was with us on both ques
tions. Varnum was accidentally out when the question was taken in commit-

336 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 11.
tee, and voted for the biU in the House. No persons are more inveterate than
Lyman, Dearborn and Smith.
We have sufficient inducements to inrite our retum to our firesides in Con
necticut. The mortifying scenes which we have had to encounter, of themselves
make me impatient to quit Congress Hall. One of the representatives from
New York state informs me, his letters from the city apprise him, that though
the votes have not been canvassed, there is almost a certainty of Mr. Burr's not
having succeeded in the election for State Senator. I am, sir, respectfuUy your
obedient humble servant, CHAUNCEY GOODRICH.

CHAUNCEY GOODRICH TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Philadelphia, May 6, 1796.
Sir, I am to acknowledge the favour of your two letters, received since the date of
my last to you. Nothing new has happened. We receive by every maU, evi
dence of the determinate sense of our country for an execution of the treaty,
and of the confidence of the people in the executive administration. So far as
opportunity has been had in Virginia for an ascertainment of pubhc sentiment,
it appears in unison with other places. Whole cotmties have petitioned ; and
yesterday a very spirited petition or remonstrance, said to have been drawn by
Gov. Lee, was read. This spirit mortffies their representatives beyond expres
sion. It excites the chagrin of spirits doubly damned.
Yesterday a joint committee of both Houses reported for an adjournment on
the 20th of this month, and a long list of business is to be completed. It is
probable neither will happen ; but that we may rise about the first of June. The
plan of the Secretary of the Treasury -wiU be now adopted. Yesterday the bUl
was read in committee of the whole, and passed to a third reading without op
position. I refer only to the plan for funding the anticipated sums borrowed of
the banks, and payment to them by a stock irredeemable tiU 1819. If this ope
ration had been adopted early in the session, the stock could then have been sold
at or above par. The delay, and the wound to public credit, from the preposter
ous conduct of the House, during the session, has created some embarrassments
to a successful administration of the finances. I beheve they wUl be surmount
ed. An opinion seems to prevaU, that it is advisable to defer an extension of
the revenue system to other objects, till next session. In the present temper of
the House, we cannot promise an increase of compensation to the officers of
govemment ; the present incompetency of which threatens serious evUs. The
best informed and disposed, as yet have no idea hbw much remains to perfect a
system of a free and energetic govemment. At present we exist on the labours
of our predecessors. Every exertion ought now to be pointed to form the pub
lic mind ; and in case the effervescence of sansculottism in our House shaU serve
the valuable purpose of giring the union a more virtuous and inteUigent repre
sentation, the opportunity must be improved to fix our system on a more un
shaken foundation.

1796.] OF WASHINGTON. 337
The opinion generaUy prevails, on what authority I don't Icnow, that the Pre
sident wiU retire on the expiration of his present term. I know he has embraced
an opinion, that the effort this session is the last grasp of an expiring faction, and
that the European war out of which it grows, and on which it feeds as its natu
ral aliment, wUl end vrith the present year. I hope, but without any other
ground perhaps than my own wishes, that he will still continue in office, if his
expectations shall not be gratified. So far as I can learn, opinion here designates
Mr. Adams as his successor, and some fit character in the southern states for
Vice-President j perhaps Mr. Pinckney, now at London, or Patrick Henry of Vir
ginia. I believe the business ought to be confided to some persons to find out,
on what decided and federal character most votes can be centered. Every
movement of the disorganizers evinces their electioneering zeal for Jefferson, and
a total overthrow of the executive systems. Probably some are duped in the
expectation of his conduct when in office. If however he does not justify their ex
pectations, he will have a difficult part to play, and as his election can be avoided
by union, we must not suffer a lukewarmness to mar our designs. It may be
well to watch circumstances in Connecticut, to see if any temper peeps out there
indicative of an exertion for Jefferson or Burr. Letters have been received from
an unexpected quarter there, urging an execution of the treaty. The friends of
the government have full right to wait for continued, long and consistent fruits
of change of opinion, before they yield their entire confidence. I hope to accom
pany this with another, in answer to a part of a forijcr one of yours that had
been too long neglected ; in case I do not it shaU not be delayed longer than the
ensuing mail.
Accept my sincere thanks for your letters, and be assured we shaU be happy
if your leisure shall serve to communicate the proceedings of your legislature.
I am, respectfully, your obedient and humble servant, CHAUNCEY GOODRICH.

JONATHAN TRUMBULL TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Philadelphia, 6th May, 1796.
Sir, Our situation in Congress has lately been so critical and alarming, that it has
been feared I should have been obhged to request an immediate appointment of
an additional senator from our state ; but happUy Providence has interposed,
and our circumstances are so much altered for the better, that the necessity is
now removed, and the legislature will be left to their own time to fill the vacancy.
Happy indeed has been the issue of the great question on the execution of the
British treaty ; much happier than it might have been, had the decision come to
a contest between the two branches of the legislature. Although in that event
I had no doubt of the final issue, yet the division of sentiment, and perhaps ani
mosity which might have been produced, would have been serious in their exist
ence, and unhappy in their consequences. Much danger has been encountered
from the delay in the House of Representatives, to make the necessary provisions
for the British treaty, and some iU consequences are stUl to be apprehended,
VOL. I. 29

338 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 11.
resulting from their late opposition and hesitation, but none I hope which may
not be eventuaUy surmounted. The 1st of June is near at hand, and the final
orders for the evacuation of the posts have been suspended on this issue in the
House. Other points of execution on the British part have also been probably
retarded by this non-executing disposition of the Representatives in Congress,
but all I hope -wUl terminate weU. A new British minister is daUy expected in
this city from New York. What his disposition or instructions may be, must be
left tiU his arrival. The character however which has preceded him is favourable.
I hope it may prove so on trial.
Since the opposition in the House of Representatives has been broken, our
business in both Houses goes on briskly and harmoniously, and it is expected
that the session of Congress may be brought to a close in aU this month, per
haps sooner. The 20th has been reported by a joint committee, as the day on
which we may be adjourned. With much respect and esteem, I am, sir, your
obedient and humble servant, J. TRUMBULL.

CHAUNCEY GOODRICH TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Phtladelphli, May 13, 1796.
Sir, By this morning's mail I had the pleasure of receiring your favour of the 8th
instant, and fiilly accord with the sentiments you express, and particularly in that
of our ultimate success, in the treaty being accomplished by the President's repres
sion of the outrageous assumption of power on the part of the House. Present
defeat may learn some of the ffie leaders a more cautious policy, but we shaU
promise ourselves too much in expecting any substantial change in their general
course of conduct. Of aU animals, a perverse or weak poHtician is the least
teachable ; on most questions where there has been a division, it has been nearly
the same since, as before the treaty was acted on.
Of this, their proceedings oh the organizing and admitting the territory ofthe
United States [Tennessee] into the Union as a state, is a singular instance. The
people of that country have cashiered the temporary govemment, self created
themselves into a state, adopted a constitution, chosen their officers, taken a census
under a law of their own, apparently on the face of it open to fraud, and now
claim to be a state already in union with the original states. A resolution of that
purport has been in our House. Some of the leaders strenously insist that a
simple resolution of each branch is necessary.
One of their spurious senators has arrived, and a few days since went into the
Senate and claimed his seat, by virtue of his credentials from our new sister
Tennessee, as she is caUed, and the rights of man. As the former was a new
kind of coin, and the latter has been often declared, and even counterfeited by
rogues and rascals, a majority of the Up stair foUis determmed to take time to
inspect both, and with some difficulty persuaded the bearer to leave them. Mr.
Burr and his associates are quite zealous for a declarative resolution of their pre
sent right. Probably the report of a committee ofthe Senate, which I enclose as

1796.] OF WASHINGTON. 339
a fair state of the case, vriU be adopted in that branch, and a bUl be sent to the
House of Representatives. No doubt this is one twig of the electioneering cabal
for Mr. Jefferson. It probably originated from the quarter where much mischief
is brewed. It threatens disquiet to that country, and vexation to the govern
ment. Mr. Liston arrived here last evening. The resolution of the court of Great
Britain in respect to the posts, originated from the mad conduct of the democrats
in our country. In that we can't so highly blame them, but their impressments
are to me, unaccountable and provoking. I hope, however, the country wiU
continue quiet, and trust in the Executive for redress and future protection. Mr.
Liringston's bUl on that subject was a mere firebrand, calculated to embroil the
two govemments, and expose a numerous class of our«eamen. Many of those
I commonly act vrith, I know were as much opposed to the bUl, as those who
voted against it, but supposed it expedient to consent. It is amended by the
Senate, but as it is purged of its inflammatory particles it is uncertain whether
it wUl finaUy pass.
We are rejoiced to find the session dravring to a close, both on a pubhc and
personal account ; the exact day of adjournment cannot be predicted, I beheve it
wiU not exceed the first of next month. In this uncertainty I wUl not request
any further letters, as it is possible we may rise even earlier. Yours, respectfiiUy,
CHAUNCEY GOODRICH.
Philadelphia, May 27th, 1796.
Sir, I am happy to find from your letter of the 15th, and others from my friends,
that your election has been conducted -with so much unanimity, and so highly
for the honor and welfare of the state. I need not add my sincere wishes that
your rirtuous administration may be followed with your o^vn personal hap
piness. Mr. HiUhouse set out for home this morning and wUl be at Hartford early
next week ; the cause of his early return, is his aid being necessary on the ap
phcation ofthe college before the legislature. He will teU you the state of pub
Hc business. The most seriotis embarrassment is in the treasury department,
owing to the perverse and ruinous delay of the House of Representatives in not
seriously and early adopting the system devised by the Secretary of the TrcEisury.
That, I have before advised you, was to create stock to pay the anticipations at
the bank. Two months ago stock wotdd have sold at par — now that can't be
done. The Senate have given an unexpected and unfortunate direction to the
business. You -wiU be informed by Mr. HUlhouse relative to it. Our anxiety
has this session been constantly in exercise on the perUous aspect of pub
Hc affairs, but to our mortification it has been increased by the absence of too
many of the friends of the govemment in both Houses.
So far as I am advised by my letters from Hartford, I imagine the current sets
in favour of Mr. HiUhouse's appointment as Senator. If that should be the case,
I StUl hope Col. Wadsworth -wiU not refiise being a candidate. Not ha-ring an
opportunity of seeing Mr. TrumbuU since the receipt of your letter, I dont know

340 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 11.
what arrangements he will make ; so many are absent or have Hberty of absence,
I should conclude he vnH think his presence cannot be dispensed with. I am
not authorized to give any information about his final answer as to the appoint
ment ; the opinion of his friends is that it -wiU be an affirmative one.
We have this instant passed a resolution for an adjournment of Congress on
Wednesday of next week. Mrs. Wolcott and the chUdren wiU spend the hot
months of the sumraer a few mUes from the city. I forgot to mention that Mr.
Liston, the English Ambassador, appears to be an amiable and worthy man ; if he
proves a candid envoy, he wiU be a new and valuable acquisition to the United
States. A biU of more than usual consequence is in reading, which obUges me to con
clude with my respects to> yourself and my sentiments of affection for Mr. Mose
ly and Laura. I am, your obedient and humble servant, CHAUNCEY GOODRICH.

JONATHAN TRUMBULL TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
PHiLADELPmA, 19th May, 1796.
Sir, I have received your favour ofthe 4th instant. Disposed as I am at aU times,
to foUow the voice of my fellow citizens in their call for my services, I now
cheerfully listen to the late honourable expression of their will, and accept with
gratitude and pleasure the appointment which your ExceUency has announced to
me, of Lieutenant Governor of the State. But as our State has at this time but
one member on the floor of the Senate of the United States, and as several sena
tors are absent from that body, I shaU think it my duty to remain in my present
situation, either untU I am especiaUy caUed from here, or untU the close of the
present session of Congress, which I expect wUl probably terminate in the course
of next week.
Your Excellency justly observes that Congress ought to do some material pub
Hc good to compensate for the vexation they have occasioned. Some valuable
acts wiU be completed, but .perhaps it will appear that the most material good
that wUl be accomplished, wUl be the prevention of the eril which was intended.
A traly valuable object this, if pretty fully effected. AU necessary treaty appro
priations are completed, and aU arrangements are made and making for their
fiiU execution — in consequence of which our happy country wiU, I trast, continue
to enjoy the blessings of neutrality, peace and security.
The new British Minister has arrived, and has been presented to the President.
It is said he is furnished with full instructions to concUiate the affections, and
to fhrtber the interests of our country, and that he possesses the best dispositions
towards effecting these desirable objects. I am sure the President and Execu
tive wiU be prepared to meet him in these estimable views.
I beg leave most sincerely to congratulate your Excellency on your election
to the first chair of the State, and have the honor to be, with great esteem and
regard, sir, your obedient and humble servant, J. TRUMBULL.

1796.] OF WASHINGTON. 341
CHAUNCEY GOODRICH TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Philadelphia, May 20th, 1796,
Sir, Yesterday Mr. King was nominated as Minister to the Court of London, in
stead of Mr. Pinckney, who requests permission to return.
On the eve of an election for a part of the Senate, we regret that so many of
its ablest members vrill either resign or decUne a re-election. Mr. Strong intends
a resignation to their present legislature ; Mr. Cabot, the Hke in case of certainty
of a right successor. Others now express a determination not to accept a future
appointment. Theretis not danger of an anti-federal Senate, but the loss of
tried characters is a misfortune, and when old rats leave a house, it has always
been considered as a bad omen. There is now left only a bare majority of good
men in the Senate, so many are absent. I believe, however, we shall get along,
Yours respectfully, C. GOODRICH.
Philadelphia, May 22d, 1796.
Sir, The expectation of an adjournment of Congress the present week is become
doubtful. On the biUs relative to military establishment, and the payment of the
debts due the bank are different votes of the Houses, and a great deal of busi
ness remains unfinished. I wUl not set any day for our quitting this place.
In the papers I enclose for yourself and Mr. Moseley, you wUl find the only
news. The ostensible design of the leaders in one House, as to the question of
a major general being retained in the army, is that of economy. The trae ob
ject is to get aid of General Wayne, and place the army in the hands of a Jacobin,
and what is worse, a western incendiary. I am respectfully, your obedient servant,
CHAUNCEY GOODRICH,
TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen. Phila., May 26, 1796.
It gives me great pleasure to observe the result of the election, and the evi
dences of stabfiity and moderation in the conduct of the Legislature." WhUe
the northern States continue firm, and while honest and able men can be induced
to hold public offices, we shah be- able to maintain the present govemment. It
wiU faU whenever it shaU be administered by the demagogues of the day.
As yet. Congress have done nothing of consequence. The measures for improv
ing the revenue, for obtauiing loans, for estabhshing the mUitary department, and
many objects which require appropriations, remain undetermined. By absence and
other causes, the Senate is become weak, and the majority of iU-disposed men in the
» Of Connecticut. 29*

342 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 11.
House greater than at any former period. The principal mischief which wUl be
attempted, is the admission of Tennessee, and this I think probable.
After the session is over, I wiU write you a fuU account of t'ne state of our
affafrs ; at present I vriU only say, that they are precarious, in consequence of the
prevalence of faction. They might go on well, if the Legislature was weU dis
posed ; and if they feU, the House of Representatives wiU be solely responsible.
' People here are alarmed with the report that the New Englanders are over
running the lands of this State, and suspect that they are encouraged covertly by
the State of Connecticut. I teU thera that it is not trae. It is said that Gov.
Mifflin has apphed for some act to be done by way of restraint or disavowal of
irregular settlements. I do not know what wUl be proper, though I should
thmk that measures ought to be taken to secure the honour of the State from in
jurious imputations.

JONATHAN TRUMBULL TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Philadelphia, 27 May, 1796.
Sir, When I wi'ote your Excellency last, I expected Congress would have been ad
journed in all this week, but it is now found that our business wiU press us into
the next week, not however (I hope) beyond the 1st of June. The claim of the
intended new State of Tennessee for admission into the Union, has given us
much trouble, and is not yet brought to a close between the two Houses ; the
financial prorisions are not yet worked into the shape that the Secretary would
wish, but are stiU suspended between the Houses. I hope however, they -wUl
eventuaUy assume a shape more favourable than has been feared. The military
establishment, with its necessary appropriations, has also been a subject of con
test, but will probably be favourably terminated. These contested points, with
some other objects of smaUer consequence, have protracted the session beyond
what had been contemplated ; but we shaU finally close, I hope, in tolerable har
mony, and with tolerable satisfaction as to its great objects.
I have entertained the hope that I should have had the pleasure of meeting
your Excellency and the Legislature before your adjoumment, but I fear a disap-
pointment in this expectation. I shaU however, hasten to Connecticut as speed
ily as possible, after ray releaseraent from my present duty. With very great
respect and esteem, I am, sir, your Excellency's most ob't and humble servant,
J. TRUMBULL.
TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON. Philadelphia, May 28, 1796.
I much fear that the new stock -wiU not seU on the terms proposed, nor on any
terms without an enormous discount, probably not in sufficient sums at more
than 17s.
Treasury drafts cannot be negociated for the sums wanted, without a still
greater loss, unless they are made payable at a short date, aay three or four

1796.] OF WASHINGTON. 343
months ; this wUl endanger the public credit and affect the banks, especiaUy that
of the United States. The consequence is, the frigates must stop, or the new
stock must be sold on any terms. Sales of bank stock are urged ; this idea
has, however, been strenuously opposed by me. There is but one other resource
which I can think of, and that is, to pledge sufficient sums of the new stock to
be sold, after the expiration of six or eight months if not redeemed. * *
FROM ALEXANDER HAMILTON. May 30th, 1796.
Dear Sir,
I perceive Congress are invading the smking fund system. If this goes
through and is sanctioned by the President, the fabric of public credit is pros
trate, and the country disgraced. Treasury bills and every expedient, however
costly, to meet exigencies, must be preferable hi the event, to such an overthrow.
Yours truly, A. HAMILTON.

CHAUNCEY GOODRICH TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
PniLADELPmA, June 1st, 1796.
Sir, Congress meets this afternoon to close the business of the session, and we have
Httle more to do than mere matters of form, before we adjoum. Inclosed is a
list of acts ; the one for the admission of the State of Tennessee, was carried
by the casting vote of Mr. Livermore, President of the Senate. It must be left
for him to account for his conduct ; his friends are chagrined. It is possible this
act may have most serious effects ; I don't think it so probable as others, whose
opinions I respect.
After the perUous and irksome part of the friends of govemment in the House ,
it has wounded vis extremely that no remonstrances or respect for public business
have been able to keep the Senators and members of our House here a few days
or a week, and, what was not to be expected, that most mismanagement has
happened in the Senate. More mischief, has however been prevented, than could
have been expected, and the most essential laws have been passed to keep the
govemment moving. Its wheels are not to stop. If, however, we promise our
selves an end of .difficiUties, we shaU disregard prognostics. Every summer for
several years past, has waked up some ferment, and this, it is likely, wiU have its
share. We set out for home to-morrow morning, in a carriage with our Connecticut
fiiends. I am, your ob't, humble servant, CHAUNCEY GOODRICH.

To return to the concerns of the Treasury, excepting

344 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 11.
the treaty with Great Britain, the most important and the
most exciting subject of debate.
A few of the suggestions of the Secretary were adopt
ed during the session. Thus the time for receiving on
loan the domestic debt of the United States, stUl unsub
scribed, was further extended. The change in the method
of reimbursing the six per cent, stock was made, and the
reimbursement extended to the stock issued for balances
due the states. Some alterations were also made in the
internal revenue laws, and the mode of coUection was
rendered more efficient.
But the subject of an increase of the revenue was not
easily arranged. While both parties acknowledged that
more was wanting for an effectual diminution of the debt,
they differed totally as to the mode of providing it. The
federahsts proposed extending the system of indirect tax
ation ; but while a majority in the House were in the op
position, this was impossible. " From an opinion," says
MarshaU, " that direct taxes were recommended by in
trinsic advantages, or that the people would become more
attentive to the charges against the administration, should
their money be drawn from them by visible means ; those
who wished power to change hands had generaUy mani
fested a disposition to oblige those who exercised it, to
resort to a system of revenue by which a great degree of
sensibility will always be excited."* There was now
perhaps less disposition than ever, to relax in their efforts
to make the administration unpopular, and quite as httle
to assume the onus of an unpopular act themselves.
The committee of ways and means on the 17th of
March made a report, based on the representations of the
Secretary, stating two sums, either of which annuaUy ap
phed, in addition to the present revenues, would, though
within different periods, be sufficient for the liquidation of
« Life of Washington, V. 566.

1796.] OF WASHINGTON. 345
the debt not already provided for. The report concluded
as follows :

" The committee having contemplated the various resources of the United
States, which may be resorted to in the present exigency, and having in'the first
instance turned their attention to the subject of indirect taxes, were not able to
agree upon objects suitable for that kind of taxation, from which an adequate
revenue could be obtained without great inconvenience and embarrassment. On
recurring to objects of direct taxation, they are of opinion that those are alone
competent to yield such a revenue as appears necessary ; the subject being, how
ever, of a new impression, and presenting various difficuUies which, although of
a nature to be overcome, yet are such as prevent the completion of a proper sys
tem, during the present session, the committee have concluded to go no further
at this time, than to report a resolution preparatory to that object."
The committee are, moreover, of opinion that some farther revenues, in addi
tion to the improvements of the present intemal revenues, already and herein
after proposed, may during this session be obtained from an extension of the in
direct taxation, and therefore submit certain resolutions to that effect.
But inasmuch as the actual receipts into the Treasury -wiU be inadequate to
discharge the current expenses of the government, and the loans had of the Bank
of the United States, which faU due in the course of the present year ; and aa
future loans and anticipations may become necessary, the committee are of
opinion that a loan to the amount of five mUHons of dollars ought to be opened,
for the purpose of discharging the said debt to the Bank of the United States."
A series of resolutions were subjoined — one directing
the Secretary of Treasury " to prepare and report to the
House at the next session a plan for raising two miUions
of doUars by apportionment among the several states,
agreeably the rule prescribed by the constitution ; adapt
ing the same to such objects of direct taxation, and such
modes of coUection as might appear by the laws and
practice of the states respectively, to be most ehgible in
each." Others proposed a duty on testamentary disposi
tions, descents, and successions to estates of intestates,
other than to parents, husbands, wives, or hneal descen
dants ; on stamps ; an increased duty on carriages for
the conveyance of persons ; and a loan.
« By " direct taxes" in the constitution, revenue of the people ; by indirect, such
it was generally considered were meant as are raised on their expense. GaU-atin's
those which are raised on the capital or " Sketch ofthe Finances," p. 12.

346 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 11.
A biU was introduced into the House, authorizing the
commissioners of the 'sinking fund to issue 6 per cent.
stock to the amount of $5,000,000, to be apphed to the
payment of such debts of the United States as were due,
or should become so during the year, including both for
eign and domestic loans ; but providing that the stock
should not be sold under its par value. As this, however,
did not cover some of the extraordinary appropriations,
and was hable to contingencies, the Secretary, on the 6th
of May, addressed the chairman of the committee of ways
and means, enclosing a second statement of the probable
receipts and expenditures of the United States, including
the appropriations already made, and those contemplated
by bills then before Congress, the results of which show
ed that the further sum of $1,310,605, must be obtained
from loans or new revenues, for those objects, and for the
instalment of the foreign debt, of which the amount was
necessarily to be raised in the United States. In other
respects, the statement agreed with that accompanying
the report made at the commencement of the session.
The estimates for the service of 1796, as thus deter
mined, were as follows :
ExPENDITtlEES :
Interest on the debt of aU kmds, - $4,015,197 27
Reimbursement of Dutch loan, - 414,100 00
Ciril hst, mint, annuities and grants, light houses and mis-
ceUaneous expenses, - - 568,064 94
Indian trade, - - - - 158,000 00
CivU list, (additional) ... . 24,000 00
War department, - - . 1,480,247 00
Naval department, - - 73,934 00
Naval department, (former grant) - - 296,917 82
MUitary pensions, ^ 85,098 00
Contingent expenses of government, - - . . 20,000 00
Diplomatic department, 341,132 00
Expenses incident to treaties, 134,491 00
$7,611,182 03

1796.] OF WASHINGTON. 347
Receipts;
Duties on imports and tonnage, .... $5,679,418 58
Internal revenues, ...... 337,255 36
Postage of letters, ..... 35,000 00
Letters patent, ...... 660 00
Dividends on bank stock, .... 160,00000
Proceeds of the sinking fund, .... 88,242 79

$6,300,576 73
Sum to be provided, ..... 1,310,60530

$7,611,182 03

In respect to the mode of obtaining this sum, the Sec
retary observed : " It being known to the committee that
no loans can at present be negotiated in Europe, and that
the high profits which reward commercial enterprise,
though benefieial to the community, are obstacles to the
success of domestic loans beyond a fimited amount ; I
cannot, consistently with my duty, omit expressing it as
my opinion, that some effectual measures for improving
and extending the revenue, ought to be adopted during the
present session of Congress."
The proposition of further indirect taxes, which had
been strongly opposed in the committee itself, failed in
the House, except as to an additional duty on pleasure
carriages. With regard to the tax on devises and succes
sions, there seems to have been some doubt entertained
as to its nature. Some of the federal members opposed
the resolution concerning the actual direct tax ; by others
it was advocated as a wise precautionary measure.
The biU funding the bank debts passed the House with
the clause restricting the sale ofthe stock below par ; but
the United States Bank claiming the payment of the in
stalment and loans due them, and urging that the provis
ion made should not be thus defeated, Wolcott, on the
12th, addressed a letter to the Senate, stating that the
biU, with this restriction, would not furnish an adequate
resource. There being no possibihty of obtaining the

348 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Csap. 11,
money abroad, or that effectual provision of revenue
would be made during the session, he suggested the ne
cessity of vesting in the commissioners power to obtain
loans, unclogged by any conditions which could possibly
occasion a failure of public credit. The act was in con
sequence modified, so as to aUow not more than one-half
the stock to be sold under par, and it was rendered irre
deemable before 1818. In case they saw fit, the com
missioners were allowed as a final resource, to seU the
bank shares held by the United States for the same pur
pose. Provision was made in the foreign intercourse biU
and the supplementary appropriation act, for the other
requisite funds, by tem' orary loans.
The expedient of seUing the bank stock was reproba
ted by Mr. Hamilton, as a violation of system ; its use
was opposed by Wolcott, and was only resorted to by
the Commissioners upon the most urgent compulsion.
On aU these questions the debates were vehement and
protracted. It was only towards the end of May that the
several acts passed, insufficient as they were for their ob
ject. The loan, as will be hereafter noticed, proved un
successful ; and thus for another year, a year of perplexity
and distress, was an adequate provision for the debt de
ferred, while events were fast thickening to render the
provision more difficult, as it was more urgent. The
course pursued by the opposition justified the charge, that
these embarrassments were not without design ; that their
motive was, in the language ascribed to one of their lead
ers, " to stop the wheels of the govemment." All the
accumulations which had hitherto taken place, had
occurred during the years in which they possessed a
majority in the Representatives, and while the appropria
tions were made by them, the means of payment were
withheld. It was thus that they enabled themselves to
charge the increase upon the administration.
Some of the other laws of this session may be enumer-

1796.] OF WASHINGTON. 349
ated as of historical importance ; such were those estab
lishing trading-houses with the Indians ; regulating trade
and intercourse with them ; providing for the sale of the
public lands in the territory north west of the Ohio, and
estabhshing the military force of the United States. By
the act providing for the relief and protection of Ameri
can seamen in foreign countries, the President was au
thorized to appoint agents, of whom one was to reside in
Great Britain, whose duty it was made to procure the
release of seamen impressed or detained.
Authority to complete three of the six frigates whose
construction, under the act of the last session, depended
on the result of the negotiation with Algiers, was obtain
ed. No peace having been concluded with the remaining
Barbary powers, this measure was vitaUy" important for
the safety of our commerce in the Mediterranean ; but
the hostility of the anti-federalists to any national estab
lishments was unabated, and it was only with great diffi
culty that even this miserable embryo of a navy was
permitted, at a time of general war, and when our com
merce was every where subject to depredation. A law
also passed, admitting the state of Tennessee into the
Union. On the first of June a long and stormy session
terminated by the adjournment of Congress.
Several changes took place in the legations this spring.
In May, Mr. King was appointed minister plenipotentiary
to Great Britain, in place of Mr. Pinckney, who had re
quested his recaU ; Col. Humphreys was transferred to the
court of Spain as minister resident, in place of Mr. Short,
and Mr. John Q. Adams as plenipotentiary to that of
Portugal, in place of Col. Humphreys. The several
boards of Commission under the treaties with Great
Britain and Spain were filled.
VOL. I. 30

CHAPTER XII.

SUMMER AND FALL OF 1796.

The following papers are memoranda of certain disclos
ures, which induced the belief that the Directory now
meditated some decisive movement in the western parts
ofthe United States, or at least that it was disposed to
put itself in a position to accomplish such a plan in case
of war. The conduct of Genet before the conclusion of
the peace between France and Spain, in setting on foot
expeditions against Florida and Louisiana, and in promot
ing a separation of the western people from the Atlantic
states, manifested that France was capable of entertain
ing such a scheme, while the increase of French emis
saries, and with them increasing discontent in that section
of the country, had already given rise to suspicions that
it had not yet been abandoned. The facts now discov
ered were weU calculated to strengthen them.
Philadelphia, May 19th, 1796.
In the latter part of March last, a gentleman in whose honour and veracity I
have entire confidence, called upon me at my office and informed rae, that M.
Collot and M. Warin, with another Frenchman, whose name he did not know,
were shortly to proceed on a tour through the westem parts of the United States ;
that they were to risit the western parts of Pennsylvania, the northwestern ter
ritory, Kentucky and the southwestern territory, and that they were to be fur-
nished with maps and drafts of those countries.
That they were instructed by M. Adet, the French minister, to observe the
posts ofthe United States on the lakes and elsewhere, and to note all places pos
sessing remarkable natural advantages, either for defence or commerce ; that they

1796.] SECOND ADMINISTRATION, ETC. 351
were to proceed down the Mississippi to New Orleans, and were there in concert
with officers ofthe Spanish government, to ascertain the proper place for a depot ;
that in their travels they were to ascertain and note the names of the persons of
most influence, in every town and village, and were to avail themselves of proper
opportunities of observing the temper of the country in respect to a pohtical con
nection with France ; that they were to cherish sentiments favourable to such a
connection, by observing that the interests of the eastern and western parts of
the United States were in collision, that the period was not distant when a sepa
ration must take place, and the range of mountains on this side the Ohio, was
the natural boundary of the new government, and that in the event of a separation
the western people ought to look to France as their natural ally and protector.
The Frenchmen before mentioned were moreover instructed to use all means
in their power to promote the election of Mr. Jefferson as President of the United
States. The gentleman who gave me the information before related, said that I might
rest satisfied -with its truth, as he had seen the instructions in writing from M.
Adet, the French minister. He moreover said the expenses ofthe mission to the
western country were to be borne by the French government.
It is not to be understood that what is herein said ofthe instructions, is literally
exact, as the gentleman relied upon his memory. He said however, that he had
seen and read the instractions but two days before he informed me of their pur
port as above stated.
I communicated the information immediately to the President, wjth the name
of the gentleman from whom I received it, and took measures for observing the
conduct of the Frenchmen, particularly CoUot, and am well assured that they
left Philadelphia for the westward about the latter part of April. I have reason
to believe that they carried letters from Messrs. GaUatin and Findley.
Having conferred this day with the gentleman who gave me the information
before stated, he admitted it to be correctly related in this paper.

MEMORANDUM. Philadelphia, May 21, 1796.
I was yesterday again with the gentleman who informed me of the object of
CoUot and Warin's journey to the westward, and collected the foUowing circum
stances. That GaUatin has been in frequent conferences with M. Adet, and had doubt-
less assisted in devising the plan and instructions, which manifest a minute know
ledge of the westem country. That he had seen Hutchins' map in the possession
of Collot, with a line of march marked on it with red ink, which Collot said was
done by Gallatin. This line was partially copied on a map by the gentleman,
which he lent to me, and is the same which I have traced with a pencil on a map
belonging to the Secretary of War.
In this conversation I collected, though it was not intended to be mentioned,
that aU the information which I have was extracted from Collot himself, who as

352 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 12.
the gentleman observed, is too communicative for the serrice -with which he has
been entrasted.
It was said to me that the plan of a memorial was to be dra-wn by GaUatin,
showing the policy of a cession of Louisiana by Spain to France, founded partly
on suggestions contained in the archives of the French legation, in the time of
Compte de Moustiers, and partiy on circumstances resulting from recent events.
Of the latter, the foUo-wing ideas were most materiaL
1st. That the Atlantic States would remain commercial and defenceless, and
of course susceptible of influence from Great Britain ; that the only or best
means of continuing the influence of France,, would therefore be to give her the
command of the Mississippi, which would enable her of course to control the
westem country.
2d. That Sjpain would by a cession to France, form a barrier against the
incursions of the Americans, and secure the safety of her American dominions.
It was told, me that M. Jaudenes had furnished CoUot and Warin with pass
ports. In consequence- of this information a confidential per
son was sent to foUow CoUot, and ascertain if possible
his motions. The foUowing extract of a letter firom him
confirms these statements. What steps were ultimately
taken by government to defeat the plan are unknown,
though it appears that sa far at least as these persons
were concerned, they were eflfectual. PiTTSBiTEGH, June 15, 1796.
This morning I paid a visit to Gen. 0*'***, in company with his adjutant, who
came to see me about 10 o'clock and desired me to go and see the General, who
arrived last evening from Makee's port and' is lodged at the Green Tree. I found
I was expected, and was very poHtely received. After the usual compliments of
introduction, the conversation tui-ned upon the situation of this place which he
had viewed in the course of the morning. He passed a very severe censure on
FOrt Fayette with respect to its weakness, and more so on account of the im
proper situation in which it stands. The British treaty came next in play. His
observations on it were such as could be expected from an Enrag^ or a Jacobin,
who carmot bear any contradiction to his opinion. After many caricatures both
on the Executive and the Legislature of the United States, he concluded that we
would reap very little benefit by the surrender of the western posts, as he knew
weU the British had buUt a new fort opposite, and effectuaUy commanding that
of Detroit ; that upon trial the buUets had reached with success.
He observed that he was most sure that the Court of Spain would not ratify
the treaty, because it was through the French influence that such generous terms
had been granted, on the supposition that the British treaty would be rejected by

1796.] . OF WASHINGTON. 353
the United States, and that if necessary the Americans would join France and
Spain against England, to which plan it was very probable Portugal would ac
cede. At all events he had no doubt that the administration of Louisiana would
not comply with the clause respecting the Mississippi, &c. I have been informed
by his adjutant, that when in Philadelphia he was daily and hourly in conference
with the Spanish Minister, Jaudenes ; indeed, he says so himself, and that ex?
plains his speaking so boldly and confidently of the Spanish interest.
* * » »
About 4 o'clock in the aftemoon he came to Jno. Marie's where I had dined,
and where I was in conversation with his adjutant. He seemed pleased to see
me again, and poHtely intimated that he intended to pay me a risit. He re
newed the conversation of the morning, in the course of which he informed me
that the plan of his voyage was to go down the Ohio as far as Limestone, where
he would leave his boat and procure horses to go to Lexington and IJanviUe, and
from thence ride across the country to Fort Washington. He'prp'mises himself
a great deal of satisfaction in Kentucky, as he had 12 or 15 letters ofiritroducr
tion for gentlemen of the first rank in that country, and where his friend Sebasr
tien would introduce him to many others. From Fort Washington he proposes
to procure fresh horses and visit all the posts as far as Greenrille, where he ia to
spend sonae days with General Wilkinson, for whom he has several letters of
strong recommendation. When returned to Fort Washingtoij he wUl cross again
the Ohio and ride through the country to Danville and LouisriUe. Within six
mUes of this last place lives Mr. Sebastien, and with him he proposes to stay ^
week or ten days. From thence he intends to ride to Cumberland ^nd visit the
whole southwestern territory. His next excursion will be to Port Vincennes, and
perhaps go by land to Kaskaskias and Cahokia ; then to cross the Mississippi to
St. Louis on the Spanish side, view the country, conje down to St. Generi^ve,
New Madrid, and all the other Spanish posts down the Mississippi to New Orr
Jeans, where he proposes to spend the winter.
He asked me a great many questions about Galliopolis, how many people rer
jnained there, what they were doing, and in what dispositions they were towards
our govemment. » » * *
General C. gave me to understand tjiat the French government would not
quietiy put up with the ratification of the British treaty, and that the moment
ihe despatcljes sent by Adet were arrived, an order would issue to stop any
American vessel bound to England or any part of the British possessions ;* that
in aU probabUity Spain would adopt the same measures, and perhaps Portugal.
He went as far as to say that he would bet that seizures would begin in less than
jhree months. We shall see, said he, how the mass of the people of this country
wUl like the British alliance, find how they will treat those characters who have
given it support ; the energy and resources of France are not known in this country,
for if they were, they should have been a sufficient motive to defeat British in-
" An arr^te of the Directory had ac- same treatment as they submitted to
tually been announced iii August, sub- from England.
jecting the commerce of neutrals to the
30*

354 SECOND ADMtffJSTRATION [Chap. 12.
fluence. The tunid Executive of the United States- was afraid of a war with
Britain, because she has a powerful navy and has Canada, &c. France has also
a navy, though perhaps not so great, but sufficient to take American vessels.
France has no footing on this continent, but who knows how soon they may get
possession of Louisiana and both- Floridas from the Spaniards in exchange for
some other property t If that should be the case, as there is a great probabUity,
what wiU become of the produce of your KentuckiS, your western territory, in
deed of aU the country this side of the AUeghany raoun tains? You vriU be re
duced to the necessity of throwing yourself into the arras of the French, and
abandon the Union which cannot give you a market, &c.,- &c., &c.

Further elucidation af this affair is found in Mr. Jeffer
son's " Ana," where the foUowing account is given, ap
parently for the purpose of perpetuating something dis
creditable to Senator Ross :
"March the 27th, 1800. Judge Breckenridge gives me the foUowing infor
mation. He and Mr. Ross were originally very intimate ; indeed he says he
found hira keeping a Httle Latin school, and advised and aided him in the study
of the law,- and brought him forward. After Ross became a Senator, and par
ticularly at the time of the western insurrection, they -were stUl in concert. Af
ter the British treaty, Ross on his retum informed him that there was a party in
the United States who wanted to overturn the government, who were in league
with France ; that France by a secret article of treaty with Spain was to have
Louisiana ; and that Great Britain was Kkely to be our best friend and depend
ence. On this information, he, Breckenridge was induced to become an advo
cate for the British treaty. During his intimacy with Ross, he says that General
Collot, in his journey to the western country caUed on him, and he frequently
led Breckenridge into conversations on their grievances under government, and
particularly the western expedition ; that he spoke to him of the advantages that
country would have in joining France when she should hold Louisiana ; showed
him a map he had drawn of that part of the country ; pointed out the passes in
the mountains and the facility with which they might hold them against the Uni
ted States, and vrith which France could support them from New Orleans. He
says that in these conversations Collot let himself out without common prudence.
He says Michaux (to whom I, at the request of Genet, had given a letter of in-
trod-action to the Governor of Kentucky as a botanist, which was his real pro
fession) called on him ; that Michaux had a commissary's commission for the
expedition which Genet had planned from that quarter against the Spaniards ;
that  , the late Spanish commandant of St. Genevieve, with one Powers, an
Englishman, caUed on him ; that from aU these circumstances, together vrith
Ross's stories, he did beUeve that there was a conspiracy to deUver our country
or some part of it at least to the French ; that he made notes of what passed be
tween himself, and Collot, and the others, and lent them to Mr. Ross, who gave

1796.] OF WASHINGTON. 355
them to the President, by whom they were deposited in the office of the board
of war ; that when he complained to Ross of this breach of confidence, he en
deavoured to get off by compliments on the utiUty and importance of his notes.
They now cooled towards each other, and his opposition to Ross's election as
Govemor, has separated them in truth, though not entirely in appearance."*
Corroborative proof of the main fact, the intentions of
the French government with respect to the western coun
try, was also, during the summer, furnished by Mr. Mon
roe. From a hint, in a letter to the Secretary of State,**
written in July, it appeared that a design of some kind
was entertained, and the foUowing extracts from that
dated August 27th,' pretty clearly indicated what it was.
The coincidences between the statement of Collot in the
spring, and the rumours at Paris in August, are at any
rate curious.
" I am told that a treaty with Spain is probably concluded, by which France is
to have Louisiana and the Floridas. This might have been obtained when
peace was made -with Spain ; but was declined from the fear it might ultimately
embroil them -with us. The acceptance of it now, therefore, shows that that mo
tive has less weight at the present time than it had then. * * * * It is
even whispered that an attempt on Canada is to be made, and which is to be
united with Louisiana and the Floridas to the south, taking in such parts of our
western people as are wUUng to unite. This is worthy your attention though it
may be mere report."
In a subsequent letter, it is true, Mr. Monroe states that
in a conversation with the French Minister of foreign af
fairs, such an intention was denied, but the denial ap
pears not of much weight, as he could hardly have been
expected to avow it. That a cession of Louisiana and
Florida to France at this time was actually contemplated,
is now known, although it was not included in the treaty
made between those powers, and did not actuaUy take
place until 1800, when it was made secretly. The reason
of the abandonment of the project, and consequently the
"¦ Jeffeison's Writings, p. 514. ' Monroe's " View of the Conduct of
« Ibid. p. 376. the Executive."

856 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 12.
loss of present motive for further machinations in the west,
was the fact that Spain, being then at peace with Great
Britain, could better retain the possession of those pro
vinces than France. It may also be remarked as possi
bly having a connection with this subject, that the arrest
of Collot, on civil process by a citizen of the United States,
formed the subject of a very angry correspondence be
tween M. De la Croix and Mr. Monroe, in September of
this year.
The situation of affairs with France was now daUy be
coming more perplexing. During the course of Mr. Jay's
negotiation the same anxiety had been manifested by
the Directory, in its correspondence with Mr. Monroe,
that their minister and agents had exhibited in this coun
try, to wit : that the treaty, if concluded at all, should be
confined to a mere redress of grievances. Unfortunately
Mr. Monroe had encouraged the supposition that this was
the case, and the discovery that it extended to other ob
jects, to " amity, commerce and navigation," excited
therefore a displeasure the more vehement. This state of
feeling was not decreased by the delay of that minister to
to meet the objections he knew to be entertained, until
they should be specifically urged upon. They had been
offered by M. Adet and answered by Mr. Randolph in
the summer of 1795, and the notes passed were forward
ed to Mr. Monroe. Mr. Pickering had also, in September
of that year, transmitted to him a complete reply to all
anticipated objections to the treaty, as well as to the other
complaints of France. As early as February, 1796," M.
De la Croix informed Mr. Monroe " that the Directoire
had at length made up its mind how to act in regard to
the treaty with England ; that it considered the alhance
as ceasing to exist from the moment that the treaty was
ratified ;" that an envoy extraordinary would be appoint
ed to attend and represent the same to the govemment of
¦» Vide Monroe's " View," p. 321.

1796.] OF WASHINGTON. 357
the United States, and that Adet had asked and obtained
his recaU ; and yet it was not until March of that year,
when the Directory were about to dispatch their ambas
sador to remonstrate against the treaty, that Mr. Monroe
asked and obtained a specification of their complaints. So
far as regarded the treaty, they were the same that had
been offered in the previous year by Adet — ^that the
United States, to the injury of France, had not insisted, in
treating with Great Britain, that that power should recog
nize as part of the law of nations, two principles unknown
to that law, and which in treating with France itself had
been a subject of specific agreement. The construction
put upon Mr. Jefferson's consular convention was another
and fruitfiil source of disagreement. Mr. Monroe's reply,
although arefutation of these complaints, was not the more
satisfactory to the Directory on that account. This reply
too, though decreed on the 15th of March, was not sent in
until sometime after, and he delayed notifying the depart
ment of state of even this tardy movement, until the 2d of
May. Before the receipt of his communication his recaU
had been determined on.
Relying upon a refusal ofthe House of Representatives
to execute the treaty which their partizans in America
had confidently expected, the French government did
not press the subject at this time. But the final vote on
that question, the news of which was received late in
June, destroying this hope, determined their poficy. From
this time the ione ofthe French government became more .
and more accrimonious, and in the beginning of October
all dissimulation ended by the issuing of an arrit, in di
rect violation of their treaty with the United States, order
ing the seizure of British property on board of American
vessels and of provisions bound for England. Why they
went no further at this time, will presently appear. Such
was the course of affairs in France during this summer.
Besides the evil consequences arising firom the luke-

358 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 12.
warm and dilatory conduct of their minister, the govem
ment was yet more embarrassed by the seditious spirit of
his friends at home. The agents of France had never de
fended the pretentions of their government, or the particu
lar acts of injustice and violence ofthe citi2;ens with more
zeal than did the Jacobin Americans. Supported by an
unprincipled and ahen press, by numerous pamphleteers
and by hosts of orators, sustained too by the countenance
of such men as Jefferson, Madison and other leaders, if
not by their undisguised influence, they openly and bold
ly vindicated and encouraged every aggression, every in
sult, every demand. "Not with more zeal," indignantly
exclaims Marshall, "can the ardent patriot maintain the
choicest rights of his country than was manifested in sup
porting aU the' claims of the French Repubhc upon the
United States." No wonder that these claims multiplied,
or that insult and aggression were repeated. No wonder
that Adet was led to suppose that he could obtain by
menaces, what his predecessors had failed to obtain by
intrigue, and that he held out to his government induce
ments to persist in their course. That minister, although
he had obtained his recall, was suffered at his own re
quest, to remain for one great and final trial of his power
by direct interference in the approaching election.
A circumstance calculated to add to the existing fever,
was the disclosure at this time of the queries propounded
to the cabinet in the spring of 1793, on the course to be
pursued in reference to England and France. They ap
peared at large in Bache's Aurora, of June 9th. As they
had been communicated in the strictest confidence and to
. four persons only, Jefferson, HamUton, Knox and Ran
dolph, and as two of these were beyond suspicion in the
matter, the identity was confined to narrow limits. Mr.
Jefferson thought proper to address a letter to the Presi
dent stating that it was not he who was guilty of that
breach of official trust. The President in reply observed :

1796.] OF WASHINGTON. 359
"If I had entertained any suspicion before, that the
queries which have been published in Bache's paper pro
ceeded from you, the assurances you have given to the
contrary would have removed them — but the truth is, I
harbored none. I am at no loss to conjecture from what
source they flowed, through what channel they were con
veyed, nor for what purposes they, and similar publica
tions appear." TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON. Philadelphia, June 14, 1796.
» » « t
The plan of the French and our patriots begins to develope. The history of
the capture of the Mount Vemon, and the apology, or rather hypothesis offered
in Mr. Bache's paper of this morning, are important facts when taken in connec
tion with what we before knew. If more seizures shall be made, or if M. Adet
shall not give a satisfactory explanation, I do not see but that Mr. Monroe must
be recalled, and a special confidential minister sent. I shall be glad to know
your opinion of what is to be done. If a minister is sent, who should he be ?

FROM ALEXANDER HAMILTON. '
New York, June 15, 1796.
Dear Sir,
The post of to-day brought me a letter from you. From some recent information '
which I have obtained here, I have scarcely a doubt that the plan of the French
is, 1st. To take all enemy property in our ships, contrary to the treaty between
the two countries. 2d. To seize and carry in aU vessels laden -with provisions
for any English port. Among this, all that they choose to think enemy property,
wiUbe seized, and for the residue they -will promise to pay. This state of things
is extremely serious. The government must play a skilful card, or all is lost.
No doubt an explanation has been asked of Mr. A. There is room enough for
asking it, and the residt if explanatory, ought, in some convenient way, to be
made known. Moreover, the govemment must immediately set in p amest about
averting the storm. To this end, a person must be sent in place of Mr. Mon
roe. General Pinckney, John Marshall, Mr. Desaussure of South Carolina,
young Washington, the la-wyer, Mc Henry, Secretary of War, Judge Peters, oc
cur as eligible in different degrees — either of them far preferable to Monroe. It
may be understood that the appointment is permanent or temporary, at choice of
the person sent. Under this idea, perhaps Pinckney may be prevailed upon — per
haps MarshaU, it being well urged as a matter of great-importance to the coun-

360 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 12.
try. I mentioned to Col. Pickering an idea which has since dwelt perpet
ually in my mind. Mr. King ought not to be empowered to do any thing to
prolong the treaty beyond the two years after the war. This will afford the
government a strong argument. I eamestiy hope this idea wUl prevaU in the
instructions. Yours truly, A. HAMILTON.
P. S. After turning the thing over and over in my mind, I know of nothing
better that you have in your power, than to send Mc Henry. He is not yet ob
noxious to the French, and has been understood formerly, to have had some kind
ness towards their revolution. His present office would give a sort of importance
to the mission. If he should incline to an absolute relinquishment, his mission
might be temporary, and Col. Pickering could carry on his office in his absence.
He is at hand and might depart immediately. I beheve he would explain very
well, and do no foolish thing. Though unusual, perhaps it might be expedient
for the President to write himself, a letter to the Executive Directory, explainmg
the pohcy by which he has been governed, and assuring of the friendship ; but
this would merit great consideration. Our raeasures, however, should be prompt.
Sometiraes I think of sending Pinckney who is in England, but various uncer
tainties of possible delays, deter me from this plan. Remember always as a
primary motive of action, that the favourable opinion of our own country is to be
secured. A frigate or two as convoys, would not be amiss. If the Enghsh had
been wise, they would neither have harrassed our trade themselves, nor suffered
their trade with us to be harrassed. They would see this a happy moment for
conciliating us by a clever little squadron in our ports and on the coast. A hint
might perhaps, do no harm.

TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON. Philadelphia, Jmie 17, 1796.
I have your letters of the 15th and 16th instant. That for the President vrill
go by the next maU.
The affair of the capture assumes a more equivocal character, as respects
the French government, than at first. In a confidential way from some of
our merchants, I have reason to beheve that proposals were made to Mr. Mur-
gatroyd who built the ship, by a Mr. Dunkinson, an English gentleman not yet
naturalized, to become the purchaser ; that Dunlrinson on finding that he could
not obtain a register in his own name, made a conditional purchase of the vessel
deliverable in England, after which, the vessel was registered in Murgatroyd's
name ; that the loading, though m the names of Wilhngs and Francis, is in fact
British property, and that these circumstances were known or strongly suspected
by the owner of the French privateer. If these things are true, and the sole
motives of the capture, the thing, though perhaps wrong, is not alarming. I do
not find that any other capture has been made.
M. Adet, I understand, has written to Col. Pickering, that the priva-

1796.] OF WASHINGTON. 361
teer was commissioned by the French govemment of St. Domingo, but
that he is ignorant what the orders of the privateer are, or what orders the
French Directory in the West Indies are authorized to give in respect to neutral
vessels. This answer is neither satisfactory nor the contrary. It is nothing ex
cept that it leaves ground to suspect that the West India Directory possess some
discretionary authority which may he used to distress us, if circumstances should
render it expedient. What now gives me more concern than the capture, is the
complexion of Bache's paper, which is, I think, calculated to prepare the pubUo
mind to expect a new course of conduct by the French, contrary to our treaty
and distressing to our commerce.
I have for some time been inchned to think that Mr. Monroe ought to be recalled ;
but as others have doubted, and as the thing was not demonstrable, I have never
urged it. Every event shows, however, new reasons for beheving that we must
stop the channels by which foreign poison is introduced into the country, or suffer
the government to be overturned. At all hazards, the attempt raust be made.
I have the power of the President toborrow, and have been making attempts
in the manner you have intimated, but without prospect of success. BUls can
only be used in a case of the utmost emergency, as the discount would be ruinous.
I will however, carry on the public business this summer, some way or other,
though I know that we shall ultimately fail unless some miraculous change in
the public measures shall speedily take place.

TO WILLIAM HETH. Philadelphia, June 19th, 1796.
I acknowledge and return you thanks for your favour of the 9th instant, and as
the gentieman for whom the enclosed paper was designed is absent in the coun
try, I shall dispose of it agreeably to your permission.
I rejoice that the conduct of the President is, as it ought to be, approved ; not
that I imagine that his well earned character can be elevated or depressed by the
variable and uncertain breath of popularity. Public favour is frequently enjoyed
for a time by the worst of men ; at the present time it is in fact enjoyed in a
great degree, by some whom I know to be very undeserving. I rejoice at the
President's popularity, because under present circumstances the pubhc confidence
in his administration is essentially necessary to the preservation of the peace and
happiness of this country. If our pretended patriots had succeeded in their
projects, the President would have been rendered raipopular, but he would not
have been less a man of distinguished wisdom and virtue, than he is at present ;
his claims to the public veneration would have been what they are now justly
considered to be, the truth would finaUy have been known, the President's char
acter would have been justified to the world, and the names of his opposers
branded with deserved iniamy — in the mean time, however, our country would
have been torn by factions, villainy and hypocrisy would"have enjoyed a triuraph,
we might have been involved in war, and our governraent raight have been sub
verted. But though truth has at this time prevaUed over cunning, our troubles
VOL. I. 31

362 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 12.
are not at an end ; faction, calumny and opposition -wiU be continued -with as
much riolence as ever, until the great body of the people are brought to form a
true judgment of the characters of those men who perplex the public councils.
It is folly to suppose that this govemment can be long administered against the
opposition which now exists — either the people must change their representatives,
or change their government. Light and darkness can as well exist together, as
the hostUe principles in our govemment with a regular administration. The
people of this free and happy country would not probably believe what I have
stated, on any authority, certainly not on mine ; they have heard of contests in
public bodies, and as yet they have found no very bad consequences resulting
from thera. Let any raan, however, review the history ofthe last three years, and
consider the progress of opposition during this short period — what dangers have
been experienced 1 what inroads have been made upon characters 1 who, except
the President, has not been assailed with success ? Is not malice now attempting
to destroy his fame by perfidiously creating misfortunes for our country, with
which to excite discontents 1 If the men who have done these things have not
fiiUy succeeded, have they not made progress towards the accomplishment of
their purposes 1. Supposing them to succeed, what then triU be our situation ?
Have they virtue, courage, talents to conduct the govemment 1. These are, in my
opinion, serious questions, and much happiness or misery depends upon the reply
which Virginia shall give to them. At any rate, this is certain, that the new fan-
gled systems of democratic phUosophy will not suit in practice the people of
any part of the United States, and the people of Virginia less than any other ;
and that if once these systems are introduced, irreconcilable animosity against
the authors wUl be the consequence.
The decision to recaU Mr. Monroe Was accelerated by
the affair of the Mount Vernon, alluded to above.

FROM THE PRESIDENT. Mount Vebwon, 24th June, 1796.
Dear Sir,
If in the opinion of judges, it is thought best for my India wine to remain un
disturbed where it now is, I am content it should remain there. I had however
directed Mr. Kitt, ray household steward, to learn when it should be ready for
landing ; and to have it brought up and stored in my own ceUar, where it would
not only have been safe, but would also have remained undisturbed ; which may
not be the case in a merchant's cellar, which is continuaUy receiving and dis
gorging its Hquors, and frequentiy removing one cask to get another.
You wiU perceive by a copy of a letter which goes from me to Col. Pickering,*
by the post of to-morrow from Alexandria, that, be the circumstances of the
Mount Vernon as they nfty, there is strong ground to beheve that the French
« Vide Sparks' Writings of Washington, Vol. XL, p. 130.

1796.] OF WASHINGTON. 363
mean to continue the practice of seizing our vessels in their commerce with
Great Britain. It is the buzz of the democrats, and the Aurora is eridently pre
paring the public mind for the event, as the natural consequence of the ratifica
tion of the British treaty.
This measure will merit serious consideration, and close investigation ; and I
hope it wiU meet with them accordingly, that the decisions of the government
may be -wise, temperate and consistent. With very great esteem and regard, I
am, dear sir, your affectionate, GO: WASHINGTON.

My Dear Sir,

FROM THEODORE SEDGWICK. SiocKBKiDeE, 26th June, 1796.

The views of the disorgaruzers of our government were never so well under
stood by the people here, as at the present moment, and yet I much fear that
Mr. Skinner wUl prevail ih the election in this district. In politics he is exactly
the counterpart of the Hon. Mr. Varnum, and yet he has had the address to
make many good people beheve him to be highly federal. Though, however, I
do fear, my hopes preponderate. I need not say to you that the election of a
Senator in the place of Strong, is very disagreeable to me. I had contemplated
retirement vrith much pleasure, and when that event can now happen, consis
tently with my idea of duty, God only knows.
I know it -wiU give you pleasure to be informed, that Mrs. Sedgwick is restored
to her family perfectly recovered, and happy in it. I beg you to present to Mrs.
Wolcott my affectionate regards, and believe me to be, aa is true, with much
esteem, your sincere friend, THEODORE SEDGWICK.
FROM ALEXANDER HAMILTON. New Yokk, June 26, 1796.
Dear Sir,
I learn from a gentleman of character, that a prize, brought into Boston by a
French privateer, is about to be sold. This being in direct breach of our treaty
with Great Britain, how does it happen 1 Though no particular law passed, the
treaty being the law of the land, our Custom Houses can and ought to prevent the
entry or sale of prizes upon executive instraction. If any thing is wanting to
this end, for God's sake, my dear sir, let it be done, and let us not be disgraced.
Yours,
A. HAMILTON.
P. S. Considering what is going on, and may go on in the West Indies, it
appears to me essential that the President be empowered to lay embargoes, in
the interval between the present and the next session of Congress.

364 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 12.
This seizure ofthe Mount Vernon occurred thus. The
Flying Fish, a French privateer, which had been for some
time lying at Philadelphia, watching the departure of
vessels, on the 9th of June dropped down to the capes
of the Delaware, and there captured and carried off that
ship, the property of an American citizen ; although, as
afterwards appeared, contracted to be sold to an Enghsh
resident. To all demands for an explanation, the French
minister answered as usual, evasively. The case being
one which could not be passed over, and it moreover ap
pearing probable that general orders must have already
issued for ' the seizure of American vessels engaged in
commerce with England,* Washington caUed upon the
cabinet for their opinions as to the course to be pursued.
The President had long since been dissatified with the
impotency of Mr. Monroe's negociations, and Mr. Picker
ing had, on the 13th of June, written to the latter expressing
that dissatisfaction, and requiring him to come to an im
mediate explanation with the French government. As
has been already mehtioned, information of what he had
at length done, was not received till sometime after this
period. But upon the refusal of Adet to give a satisfac
tory reply to the first letter on the subject, the members
of the cabinet became convinced that the longer continu
ance of Mr. Monroe abroad was impolitic ; that aU fur
ther delay in bringing the directory to a settlement of the
disputes between the two nations, was injurious and de
grading ; and that a minister inust be sent, whose views
should be in accordance with those of the administration,
and upon whose efficiency it could depend.
The foUowing letter from the Secretaiy of State to
Wolcott, contains the questions which Washington had
submitted for consideration.

» In the beginning of July, a decree fiscation, searches or capture, as they
was actually issued, that neutral flags permitted the English to treat them.
should be treated by France, as to con-

1796.] OF WASHINGTON. 365
FROM THE SECRETARY OF STATE. June 30th, 1796.
Dear Sir,
The questions of which you requested a memorandum, are these :
" 1st. Whether immediate explanations shotUd be asked on this subject, from
the minister of the French repubhc, in PhUadelphia 1 And in that case, (which
I am inclined to think is right) to proceed without delay of sending to me to
make the requisition accordingly ; unless, from the tenor of the answer to the
letter you had draughted before I left Philadelphia, respecting the capture of the
Mount Vernon, it should in your judgment be rendered unnecessary 1
2d. Whether there is power in the Executive, and in that case whether it would
be expedient, in the recess of the Senate, to send an extra character to Paris to
explain the views of this govemment, and to ascertain those of France ; and in
the affirmative of these, to suggest for my consideration, the names of such per
sons as in your opinion are best qualified to subserve these purposes."
Note. The President desired that the treaties, the laws of nations, and of the
United States, might be consulted as far as they may have relation to the subject.
I shall, by all means, be desirous of sending the answer to-morrow, and there
fore of seeing you and Mr. McHenry this evening. Your ob't servant,
T. PICKERING.
TO THE PRESIDENT. Philadelphia, July 4th, 1796.
I have had the honour to receive your letter of June 27th, and have disposed
of the enclosures agreeably to direction.
Last evening I called upon Mr. F. W. Francis, and he informed me that your
vrine was in good condition, and perfectiy safe, stored in the compling house -with
two pipes of Mr. Willieg's : it was Mr. Francis" opinion, that the situation was
much better for the improvement of the wine than any cellar. I am no judge
of the raatter myself, and can cause a removal at any time, if the President
judges it advisable. There is nothing new in town. Bache's paper continues,
as usual, to be filled with abuse against the governraent, and predictions of
French hostihty. I believe, however, that his publications produce but little im
pression. Brown's paper of last evening, stated that the President was expected
to retum here in a few days. I have not been able to trace the origin of the
report, but I presume it to be a trick of some person to excite alarm. It wiU
be contradicted.
The questions proposed by the President, being of great consequence, we have
thought it best to keep them under consideration a few days. The pressure of
business with me is such, that I have not been able to bestow all the attention
which I wish. The new stock wiU, I fear, remain unsold, notwithstanding the
long credit which was offered : some new expedient must be adopted : what
31*

366 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 12.
-will be best, I cannot yet determine. I shaU act with caution, and pursuant to
the best adrice which I can obtain.
FROM THE PRESIDENT. MotJBT Veknokt, 6th July, 1796.
[Private.]
Dear Sir,
Your private letter (without date) by the last post has been received.
It is quite agreeable to me that my -vrine should remain in the store of Messrs.
WiUing & Francis, tiU I shaU have occasion to remove it.
There is Htfle doubt but the insertion in Brovm's paper of my sudden return,
was put there to answer some insidious purpose ; for sure I am, nothing ever
dropped from me to authorize such a publication, and that it is to be regretted that
the authors of them could not be brought to Hght.
A report has circulated here that the WUliam Penn has been captured by the
Flying Fish, but as it is of some days standing, and your letter is silent on the
subject, I hope it is void of foundation. That Mr. Bache wUl continue his at
tacks on the governraent, there can be no doubt, but that they wiU make no
impression on the public mind is not so certain, for drops of water -wiU impress
(in time) the hardest marble.
I hear with concern that the new stock is likely to remain unsold, notwithstand-
the long credit which was offered. Let the expedient (whatever it be) be weU
considered. If any thing should occur of an interesting nature, although it should not
require official communication, let me hear it. With very great esteem and
regard, I am, dear sir, always yours, GO: WASHINGTON.
The following reply was at length agreed upon.
THE SECRETARIES OF DEPARTMENTS TO THE PRESIDENT.
Philadelphia, 2d July, 1796.
Sir, Agreeably to your directions, we have consulted together on the subject of your
letter of the 24th of June, and we are of opinion that a direct explanation should
be asked of M. Adet, the minister of the French republic, in the terms of the
enclosed draft of a letter to him, which, as you desired, wUl be sent without delay.
We are aU of opinion that the Executive has not the power, in the recess of the
Senate, to originate the appointment of a minister extraordinary to France ; and
' that the recal of Mr. Monroe, by creating a vacancy, can alone authorize the
sending of a new minister to that country.
On the expediency of the change we are agreed. We think the great inter
ests of the United States require that they have near the French government

1796.] OF WASHINGTON. 367
some faithfiil organ, to explain their real views and ascertain those of the French.
Our duty obliges us to be expHcit. Although the present minister plenipotentiary
of the United States at Paris, has been amply furnished with documents, to
eijplain the views and conduct ofthe United States, yet his own letters authorize
us to say that he has omitted to use them, and thereby exposed the United States
to all the mischiefs which could flow from jealousies and erroneous conceptions
of their views and conduct. Whether this dangerous omission arose from such
an attachment to the cause of France, as rendered him too little raindful of the
interests of his own country, or from mistaken views of the latter, or from any
other cause, the evil is the same. We therefore conceive it to be indispensably
necessary, that the present minister plenipotentiary ofthe United States at Paris
should be recalled, and another American citizen appointed in his stead.
Such being our opinion, we beg leave to name for your consideration, Patrick
Henry and John Marshall of Virginia, and Charles Cotesworth Pinckney and
WiUiam Smith of South Carohna ; either of whom would, we believe, so explain
the conduct and views of the United States as to satisfy the French republic, and
thereby remove the danger of a rapture, or inconvenient controversy with that
nation ; or failing of this desirable effect, to satisfy the citizens of the United
States, that the fault was not to be imputed to their own government.
In confirmation of our opinion of the expediency of recaUing Mr. Monroe, we
think the occasion requires that we communicate a private letter from him, which
came to our hands since you left PhUadelphia. This letter corresponds with
other intelligence of his political opinions and conduct. A minister who has thus
made the notorious enemies of the whole system of government his confidential
correspondents, in matters which affect that government, cannot be relied on to
do his duty to the latter. This private letter we received in confidence. Among
other circumstances that wUl occur to your recollection, the anonymous letters
from France to Thomas Blount and others, are very noticeable. We know that
Mountflorence was the writer, and that he was the chanceUor of the consul Skip-
with ; and from the connection of Mr. Monroe with those persons, we can enter
tain no doubt that the anonymous letters were written -with his privity.
These anonymous communications from officers of the United States in a
foreign country, on matters of a pubhc nature, and which deeply concem the
interests of the United States in relation to that foreign country, are proofe of
sinister designs, and show that the public interests are no longer safe in the hands
of such men.
The information contained in the confidential communication you were pleased
to make to us, on the project of the French govemment relative to the commerce
of the United States, is confirmed by the open pubhcation of the same, substan
tiaUy and more minutely in the newspapers. Mr. Fenno's, in which it first
appeared, we now enclose. Even the execution of the project appears to have
been commenced. The following article is in Mr. Fenno's paper of the 28th
ultimo. " New London, June 23d. — Arrived, brig Am-ora, S. Wadsworth, of Hartford,
in fourteen days from Port Paix. Left; there sloop Crisis, Cook, of Warwick,
with mules ; sloop Scrab, WUUams, of Middletown ; and a brig from PhUadel-

368 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 12.
phia, all carried in by French privateers. It was not pretended to make prizes
of them ; but their cargoes were taken by the administration at their own price,
and due bills given therefor. Those who go there to trade, and those carried
in, are all treated alike. Captain Wadsworth received a due biU for eleven
thousand livres."
The foregoing we respectiuUy submit to the consideration and decision of the
President ofthe United States.' TIMOTHY PICKERING, Secretary of State,
OLIVER WOLCOTT, Secretary of the Treasury,
JAMES McHENRY, Secretary of War.
The Attorney General, who was absent from PhUadel
phia at the time of writing the above letter, addressed a
separate one to the President, containing the same views.
The opinion of the cabinet was therefore unanimous.
The President, in pursuance of this advice, determined
to supersede Mr. Monroe. Much dehberation was em
ployed in the choice of his successor, and Gen. Charles
Cotesworth Pinckney, brother of the late minister to
Spain, was at length selected ; and on the 22d of August
Mr. Monroe was notified of his recall. Gen. Pinckney
embarked for France early in September.
It was high time that Mr. Monroe should be recaUed,
though Washington did not at the time know aU the rea
sons. It has remained for a French historian, in disclos
ing the relations between Mr. Monroe and the French
government, to throw new hght upon his conduct, and
justify the wisdom of Fauchet's advice to the Directory,
to " consult Monroe." M. Thiers says :
" In the French government there were persons in favor
of a rupture with the United States. Monroe, who was
ambassador, gave the Directory the most prudent advice
on this occasion. ' War with France,' said he, ' wiU force
the American government to throw itself into the arms of
England, and submit to her influence ; aristocracy wiU
gain supreme control in the United States, and hberty
will be compromised. By patiently enduring, on the
contrary, the wrongs of the present President, you wiU

1796.] OF WASHINGTON. 369
leave him without excuse, you wiU enlighten the Ameri
cans, and decide a contrary choice at the next election.
All the wrongs of which France may have to complain
wiU then be repaired.' This wise and provident advice
had its effect upon the Directory. Rewbel, Barras and
Lareveillere, caused it to be adopted in opposition to
the opinion of the systematic Camot, who, though in
general favorably inclined to peace, insisted on the cession
of Louisiana, with a view to attempt the establishment of
a repubhc there."*
During this month, Mr. Van Polanen announced him
self minister resident from the United Netherlands. Don
Carlos Martinez d' Yrujo, the new Minister Plenipotentiary
from Spain, had arrived in June to succeed Jaudenes.
Col. Pickering, by the President's direction, again ad
dressed the French minister, requesting the explanation
whether any new regulations or orders, relative to the
commerce of the United States, had been issued by his
government. Some time elapsed before a reply was re
ceived. It stated the ignorance of the minister on the
subject, and in turn demanded whether the sale of prizes
taken by French privateers had been forbidden in the
ports of the United States. This subject of the right to
sell prizes formed one of considerable difficulty, and much
mutual complaint during this summer. The treaty with
France gave to its armed vessels a right to conduct their
prizes whithersoever they pleased, without paying duty,
and to depart whithersoever their commissioners express
ed. The French minister claimed the hke right to seU
them without payment of duty. AU sales as regarded the
prizes of privateers were prohibited by the Secretary of
the Treasury, in a circular to the collectors, as inconsist
ent with the British treaty. For the present, the question
as respected national vessels was reserved. The legality
* Histone de la Rev. Frangais, Tom. 9. ch. 1. Idem, Trans, by F. Shoberl. HI. 189.

370 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 12,
of this order was disputed by the minister, and every
artifice to avoid it practised by the consuls.
FROM THE PRESIDENT. Mount Vernon, 4th July, 1796.
Sir, Your letter of the 28th ult. with its enclosures, was received by the maU on
Friday. I wanted no delay in the commissioning of Mr. John Davis to be Attomey for
the district of Massachusetts ; if you or those who were better acquainted
with his professional knowledge (before he embarked in the ComptroUership)
than I am, thought them competent to the duties thereof
That an entire section of a bill which had passed both Houses of Congress
should be omitted in copying of it, and that such omission should have escaped the
Committee of Enrolment, is a circumstance so singular in its nature, as scarcely
to have a parallel. Being desirous, however, of carrying the intention of the
legislature into effect, I have, though I confess unwiUingly, endeavored to supply
the defect by the Executive act, which is herewith enclosed. The consequences
that might result from delay, have produced this act on my part ; otherwise, as
its operation is to be exterior, I shoiUd have hesitated longer before the signature
was given, if at all.
By the last maU, I received a letter from the Govemor of Pennsylvania, re
questing " that I would direct such co-operative raeasures on the part of the
officers of the United States, as may effectuaUy counteract the danger which is
apprehended from vessels holding an intercourse with the shores of New Jersey,
in evasion of the quarantine prescribed under the authority of the laws of this
State." I expected, from what passed prerious to my learing PhUadelphia, that
circular orders had issued long since, to the collectors of the different ports, and to
the officers commanding the fortifications of our harbor, to afford such aid agree
ably to the act of Congress relative to quarantine. As there are two letters from
the Govemor on the same subject, I shall send both of them by this day's post to
the Secretary of State ; and desire that if anything needful remains to be done,
that orders to that end may issue immediately. GO: WASHINGTON.
To the Secbetart of the Tkeasdhy.

FROM THE PRESIDENT. Mount Vernon, 6th July, 1796.
Sir, When the letter herewith enclosed [the preceding one] dated the 4th instant,
was written in answer to yours of the 28th ult., part of it, as you wUl perceive,
was dictated under the impression of much hesitation and doubt ; for I am not
fond of rectifying legislative mistakes by executive acts. I determined how
ever, to take the Attorney General's opinion on the case ; resolring if it ac-

1796.] OF WASHINGTON. 371
corded with those which had been sent me, to give the act you forwarded, my
signature. For this purpose I requested that his opinion might be fuUy stated to me in
writing, and delivered at Alexandria on the 4th, where I had promised
to be at the celebration of the anniversary of Independence, that I might by
the post of next day, or rather the maU of that evening, if his opinion had not
a tendency to increase my own doubts, forward the act to you.
Knowing that neither time nor opportunity would be aUowed at a crowded
meeting to write, I prepared my letter in the morning before I left here, on the
supposition of a concurrence, and in that case, that I might have nothing to do
but to sign an enclose the act ; but his opinion being adverse to this (as you wiU
see by the enclosure which I request may be returned to me) I decline doing it ;
and have desifed him to draught something anew.
This, when it comes to hand, (which I expected would have been in time for
this day's post) shaU be sent. GO: WASHINGTON.
To the Secretary of the Treasury.
The fiscal transactions of the United States during this
summer, were of but little interest. The same causes
which had operated to the embarrassment of the Treas
ury during the preceding year, continued to exist, and
of the loan of $5,000,000 created by the act of May 31st,
and known as the 6 per cent, of 1796, but $80,000 was
subscribed. In consequence ofthe failure of other means,
the Commissioners of the sinking fund were eventually
driven to the sale of a portion of the Bank Stock belong
ing to the government, to reimburse the instalment of
foreign debt and the Bank loans. The act authorizing
this measure was at the time denounced by Hamilton as
a fatal invasion of the system, and his remonstrances
against carrying it into execution were renewed during
the summer. In this opinion Wolcott coincided, and he
opposed it until there was found to be no alternative.
FROM OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Litchfield, July 4, 1796.
Sir, The inadequate support which the most important officers of the govemment
receive, their high responsibihty, severe serrices, the maUgnity which they have
to encounter from the envy and venal influence of some, and the stupid pride

372 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 12.
and ignorance of others, must be very discouraging to men to continue in services
in which they are conscious that the pubhc derive every attainable benefit from
their greatest exertions and most able and faithful conduct.
I have always had the pleasure to know that you were respected by the sensi
ble, the rirtuous and the good. These are great rewards which a man ought to
receive for faithfuUy conducting a business of the greatest national importance
under government. In this State, which is very economical, I never heard of any
complaint of the extravagant pay of the officers of the United States. I beUeve
that they are very vrilHng they should have more than is necessary for a bare
subsistence. Men -without merit wiU always endeavour to level every man to
their ovm standard of meanness. If the policy of many in the United States
continues, and the President, whose character has hitherto supported the govem
ment against the attacks of the base and perfidious, refiises a re-election, and a
provision, not merely for a parsimonious subsistence according to pubhc opinion,
but for a pecuniary reward, be not made, I think that you should seriously reflect
whether a more eligible situation cannot be obtained. A man who properly con
ducts the national finances, an interest of such high importance, ought, within
not many years' service, to obtain a competent estate ; but this is not to be ex
pected, if a GaUatin, a Madison or a GUes should be able to influence the na
tional councils — not from avarice but from a worse motive, if worse there be.
Avarice indeed is the national vice of a Swiss ; we may I believe, impute all his
conduct to this motive in every respect.
While the war shaU last, it wUl probably become more predatory and crael.
The French have told their armies it is to continue ; the necessities of the war
ring nations, the increased inflammation of their passions, and their casting, as it
were, the last die, wiU lead to a violation of every right. I suppose we are to
expect that an almost general piracy -wUl-ensue. This the democrats have in
vited, and they will be much consoled if it shall take effect. Should all Europe
be involved in general strife, a democrat would consider it as the Age of Reason ;
a christian would riew it with horror, and as an evidence of the divine maledic
tion inflicted on nations for abusing the reason which God has given them.
I sincerely wish that the President would suspend the enjoyment of retirement
tUl the wars of Europe shall be brought to a final close. No one, on the ground
of serrices, c^n have a greater claim to it than he has ; but our country -wUl be in
a very precarious condition if he shall retire before they are ended. It wiU be
impossible for this country not to be deeply affected whUe they continue.
My congratulations on the day. Our country at the period comraemorated,
was united but distressed ; they are now dismiited, rich and unhappy. I am,
with the most affectionate regard, OLIVER WOLCOTT.
FROM FISHER AMES.
MAETiNSBURe, Ls VIRGINIA, July 5th, 1796.
Dear Sir,
I am on my way to the Berkeley Springs, where friends and physicians think
health may be had by drinking. My faith in the bath is not strong, but the
good effects of traveUUng are aheady considerable ; I am, however, stUl feeble.

1796.] OF WASHINGTON. 373
Opinion is at last yielding in Virginia to trath. That sort of men who are
every where federal, are already so in the northern neck of Virginia, and no
small impulse of the like kind is felt, as I am told and believe, in the residue of
the state. Patrick Henry, if he would serve, would have more votes than Jef
ferson. The latter in every event will fail of four. Madison wUl be opposed by
a very popular General Clark. Most of the others -wiU be opposed, and on the
whole a change is confidently promised to give four trae federal representatives
in the next Congress j more are hoped for. John Marshall might be chosen, but
will not offer.
I am greatly consoled by the style of conversation here, and I do not foresee
that in the event of coming to issue with the democrats, this State would not
compel obedience to the laws within its limits. Mr. Rutherford is as Httle re
spected here as in Philadelphia, and yet the many whom he flatters and deceives,
-vrill support hira against General Morgan. This is the opinion of federal men.
I expect to see you early in August, and I hope with raore flesh and colour
than' I left PhUadelphia. Respects to Mrs. W. and my best wishes for yours
and the chUdren's health. Yours, &c., FISHER AMES.
Hagerstown, July 25th, 1796.
Dear Sir. «
I am on my retum from Winchester and Bath in Virginia. I passed a week
at the latter and drank freely of its waters. Their powers seem to be undoubted,
although their analysis wiU not fuUy account for them. They are purgative, stim -
ulant, alterative, and require a longer use than I could stay to make, to evince
their efficacy on my poor system. Debility and bUious cases are said to be
within its powers as a specific. I had, unfortunately, a tum of fainting, at the
place, but it was accidental, and although I was reduced to extreme wealmess,
and much discomposed in consequence for two days, I hope and trust I am al
most as well as before. I expect to see yon in two weeks -with a face ten or
twenty per cent, better than I wore when I saw you last.
Virginia has been grossly deceived, and is yet unperfectly informed. Good
men depend too much on the honesty of a faction, and the intelligence of a pub
lic. We owe more to the precipitate rashness of the party than to either or
both. Some aid to good government and some change in the representation
and the votes ofthe electors for President and Vice, may be expected. Four of
twenty-one seem to be reUed on. Virginia is infinitely nearer right and more
impressible than I expected ; much in this way ought to be attempted. Excuse
bad and soiled paper from the bar of a tavern. South or Low Virginia, I ought
to add, is worse disposed than the Northern Neck.
Bankrupts and rogues did not come near me, but the other sort who did, seem
to think as the Yankees do. Union, constitution, laws, and above aU the Presi
dent, are the objects of all their zeal. But they do not seem so riew the
danger as nearly and clearly as they ought. • I am almost cured of the habit of
croaking by finding how they are disposed. When I think how they may be
luUed, and whom they will choose, I relapse. Yours and Mrs. W's,
FISHER AMES.
VOL. I. 32

374 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 12.
FROM ALEXANDER HAMILTON. August 3d, 1796.
Dear Sir,
I have received your letter of the 1st. I deplore the picture it gives, and
henceforth wish to forget there is a Bank or a Treasury in the United States"
though I shaU not forget my regard to indiriduals.
I do not see one argument in any possible shape of the thing, for the sale of
bank stock, or against that of the other stock, which does not apply vice versa,
and I shall consider it as one of the most infatuated steps that ever was adopted.
God bless you. A. HAMILTON.
It wUl be known on Thursday whether anything is to be expected here.
TO THE PRESIDENT. Philadelphia, August 3d, 1796.
Sir, I have received your favour of July 29 ; the one referred to in answer of mine
dated the 11th, never came to hand ; to what cause the accident is to be attri'
buted I cannot conjecture.
We have no news more than appears in the papers ; our country was never
more tranquil than at present ; so far as I know, the public business is in a good
train, except that the treasury is in want of loans. I shall be able to prevent in.'
jury to the public credit, but the building of frigates will proceed more slowly
than I could wish, and some arrears in the war department will accumtdate.
There will be a meeting of the commissioners of the sinking fiind, to consider
whether circumstances do not require sales of the bank stock held by the United
States. Nothing wiU be done without the most mature consideration, in which
I shall be assisted by the adrice and opinion of the Chief Justice and the Attor-
. ney General.
I take the Hberty to enclose a copy of an oration delivered by Mr. Smith at
Charleston, which I understand was weU received by a numerous audience of all
descriptions of people. This I consider as a proof that the prejudices which
lately existed in that city have greatly moderated.
TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Philadelphia, Aug. 9, 1796.
I am weU, and so is my famUy. Mrs. Wolcott lives at a farm-house about
six miles from the city. The place is healthy, but inaccessible to company, there
being no road near the house. If I were a democrat, I might raise a fiind of
poptdarity upon a circumstance of this lund, but it is well known that we hve
as we do because we cannot afford to Hve better, and this destroys aU title to
merit.

1796.] OF WASHINGTON. 375
The affairs of the country are prosperous, except that the preservation of the
pubhc credit is a work of increasing difficulty. I shall get along for the present,
and at any rate prove that nothing has been wanting on my part.
Whether the President will decline or not, is not certainly known to the pub
lic — to you I can say that I think he will not. This decision ought not, how
ever, to be anticipated.
I shall be able to write you shortly upon some political subjects ; as yet I have
not been able to dispatch the business of the last session.
FROM THE PRESIDENT. Mount Vernon, 10th Aug., 1796.
[Private.]
Dear Sir,
Your letter of the 3d instant did not get to my hands untU the 8th. I most
assuredly wrote the letter mentioned in ray last, but I find it is no uncommon
thing for my letters to miscarry. The originals to Gen. Pinckney ofthe — ult.,
(one of which contained $300 in bank notes for the sufferers by fire in Charles
ton) had not been received by that gentleman on the 26th of that month, altho'
duphoates despatched eight days afterwards had. I have heard of no miscar
riage of a mail, and I have eridence that the above letters (under one cover)
proceeded safely as far as Richmond.
General Pinckney accepts the appointment to France, and -will very shortly
-with his lady be in Philadelphia to embark. As this circumstance will fumish a
new subject for envenomed pens, it merits consideration how far the causes which
have occasioned it, should unofficiaUybe spoken of by the officers of govemment.
Let me desire that you would begin to note such occurrences (not only those
in your own department, but all others which may occasionally present them
selves) as raay be fit and proper to communicate to Congress at their next ses
sion. It is from these materials and such memorandums as I take myself, my
speech is composed. It is better to note down everything which may be requi
site on this occasion, than to omit anything, because it is easier to select than to
collect matter at the moment I am going to compose it.
I am sorry the treasury is unable to answer all the appropriated calls upon it,
My present intention is to leave this for Philadelphia in the course of next week ;
but as I shall travel slow, and have to halt a day or two on the road, my arrival
there is a little uncertain. With very great esteem and regard, I am, dear sir,
your affectionate GO: WASHINGTON.
FROM RUFUS KING. London, Aug. 14, 1796.
Dear Sir,
I have been here too short a time to pronounce anything respecting our affairs
with this govemment. The newspapers wUl be the heralds of the French con-

376 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 12.
quests, which raust corapel the neighbouring nations to submit to, or purchase
peace from France. Hammond is sent to the continent. His object is peace,
but his success must be precarious from causes too obvious to require recital.
A late order of the Directory to stop the cargoes of all neutral vessels bound
to Enghsh ports, if the paper is genuine, -will prove vexatious to our commerce,
especially in the West Indies. This government disavow the ha-ring issued the
order cited by the Directory, and say they have issued no new order on that
subject. Every account that I have received since my arrival, confirms my belief that
some of our countrymen at Paris have been the means of deceiving the French
government respecting the temper and inclination of our people. We may suffer
inconvenience fi-om this indiscretion. Yours sincerely, RUFUS KING.

FROM COL. JOHN TRUMBULL. London, 7th September, 1796.
Dear Sir,
I have to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 18th Dec. last, which
remained, with many others from my friend in America, in the hands of the
Minister here, until my return a few days since from a long excursion on the
continent. I did not often write to my friends from thence for various reasons,
and particularly lest they should suspect that my opinions partook either of the
warrath of the climate, or the fumes of the brandy in which I was conversant.
You will know from letters which Dr. Edwards (who is so good as to charge
himself with this) carries, that this warrath of climate has lately had its influence
on the discussion of certain points between us and a neighbouring nation. It is
the extraordinary fate of the late treaty to originate harsh discussion on both
sides of the ocean ; but I hope its destiny also is to be on aU sides the better es
teemed in proportion to the greater latitude and earnestness of the inquiries to
which it gives rise. Such has been its fate with you, and (so far as I know the
state ofthe correspondence between the nation which is most interested, and our
minister there,) such wUl be its fate I presume in Europe. It is certainly an odd
spectacle to see the work of Jay in the hands of this defender ; but it is also an
interesting one, and I have hopes that both our country and her representative
will derive honour frora this source. So far as I ara perraitted to know, the
argument is entirely with him ; and whatever his private opinions may be, he
has so weU spoken the opinions and language of his country as to put his oppo
nent in the wrong upon almost all points, and indeed to have forced hira to aban
don all the original grounds of controversy, except one little spot which he ap
pears to have rendered as untenable as aU the rest. I hope and trast we are safe
frora the effects of the political tempest which has so universally shaken this
quarter of the globe.
You wiU know from the Secretary of State's office, that I am placed, by the
singular concurrence of choice and destiny, in a state of the most absolute neu
trality. I shaU find it sometimes difficult, perhaps, to distinguish the precise

1796.] OF WASHINGTON. 377
point of justice and equity, and my endeavours to ascertain it, wUl perhaps al
ternately give offence to both the interested parties ; but as I neither sought this
situation, nor shall ever seek any other situation of public responsibility, it may
at least be relied upon by both, that what I do will be the true result of ray best
knowledge and judgment, imperfect in truth, but at least honest in its intentions. »
As I am thus banished frora my friends for another two or three years, it is but
charity in them to write me as often as leisure from important objects wiU allow
them time to attend to little ones. I must therefore beg you to steal a minute,
oftener than once a year, to write to your friend and servant, JNO. TRUMBULL,

The presidential election was now fast approaching.
General Washington having dechned a third nomination,
Mr. Adams and Mr. Pinckney were named by the fede
ral party as their candidates for President and Vice
President. As Washington's determination had not been
certainly known except by a few, until the publication of
his farewell address in September, the opposition had,
during this last summer, broken ground openly against
him. Pamphlets and papers teemed with personal abuse,
and his whole hfe, mihtary and civil, was attacked with
out discrimination. In this warfare, Callender, a Scotch
fugitive from justice, and Thomas Paine, both of whom
it has been proved. were subsidized by Jefferson, were
conspicuous. The torrent of party spirit, however, changed
its course, when it was known that he was no longer a
candidate for reelection.
Mr. Adams had, from the time of Washington's illness
in 1791, been a standing mark for the friends of Mr. Jef
ferson, as a formidable rival. It was supposed that these
attacks had, by this time, sufficiently undermined his
popularity to render his success more than doubtful, and
when Washington's intention was made public, the elec
tion of Jefferson was confidently expected. Wolcott thus
alludes to this idea:

' Col. TrumbuU was 5th Commissioner responsible duties with an impartiality,
or umpire, under the 6th Article of the ability and good sense, that secured the
treaty of London, and discharged his esteem of every one.
32*

378 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 12.
" When President Washington announced his intention
of retiring from the government, the Virginia ohgarchy
entertained no doubt of being able to accomphsh the
election of Mr. Jefferson as his successor ; and their cal
culations on this subject were founded on grounds appa
rently certain. It was known to a few, that the President
had reluctantly consented to be a candidate for a second
election, and the inference that he would decline a third
was almost certain. The popularity of Mr. Adams, who
from official situation and other circumstances, was the
inost prominent candidate on the federal side, had been
systematicaUy assailed ; while the popularity of Mr. Jef
ferson had been as systematicaUy nourished."*
Mr. Adams, to borrow a recent French phrase, was an
" inevitable" candidate of the federal party. He had
been an early, an honest, and an unflinching supporter of
the revolution ; he had represented the country abroad
with fidelity and zeal, if not with tact and prudence ; he
was known to be attached to the existing institutions of
govemment, and generally believed to maintain the views
and opinions of the federalists ; he had, moreover, served
for eight years as the second executive officer of the na
tion, and had from that reason alone, forcible claims to
advancement ; he was fitted, at least by experience and
attainments, for the presidency ; and lastly, he was from
Massachusetts, which was in fact the citadel of the one
system as Virginia was of the other. There were, how
ever, those in the federal ranks who entertained doubts of
Mr. Adams' fitness in some essential particulars. He was
thought by them to be deficient in coolness, judgment,
and in consistency ; and they feared that the strength of his
prejudices, and the violence of his temper, rendered him
particularly unfit in the then critical state of affairs. The
result unfortunately justified their apprehensions.
' Extract from a paper written some time afterwards.

1796.] OF WASHINGTON. 379
It should be remarked, that some of these gentlemen
were desirous that the votes of the north should be cast
equally for Mr. Pinckney and Mr. Adams, and that the
election of the former as President, by his receiving a
greater number of southern votes over his fellow candi
date, would not have been displeasing to them. The
knowledge of this by Mr. Adams afterwards led to seri
ous results. Wolcott, though aware of this distrust, fa
vored the choice of Mr. Adams. He believed that the
will of the party generaUy, demanded his election to the
first office ; that no other candidate could be successful,
and he then, at least, thought that the risk of unsoundness
was preferable to the certain consequences which would
have attended the election of Jefferson.*
On the part of the anti-federahsts, Mr. Burr was the
most prominent of the various candidates for the Vice
Presidency. Some of the causes which at this time pre
vented his receiving more united support from them, are
intimated in the following extract from the same paper
with the preceding.
" The character which Mr. Burr acquired with the leaders of his o-wn party,
during the period of his serrice in the Senate of the United States, was fuUy de
lineated in the year 1794, in a convirial moment, by a public character from
Virginia, in terms of nearly the foUowing import :
' The two most efficient actors on the political theatre of our country, are Mr.
HamUton and Mr. Burr ; and as a friend to the interests of the southem states, I
sincerely wish that they had both appeared on the federal side ; as in this case,
they must have essentially acted in concert, and but little more time and labor
would have been necessary to subvert the popularity of both, than we have found
necessary to employ against Hamilton alone. I have watched the movements of
Mr. Burr with attention, and have discovered traits of character which sooner
or later wiU give us much trouble. He has an unequaUed talent of attaching
men to his views, and forming combinations of which- he is always the centre.
He is determined to play a first part ; he acts strenuously with us in public, but
it'is remarkable that in all private consultations he more frequentiy agrees with
' Wolcott, in connection -vrith WiUiam tentions of Thomas Jefferson to the
Smith of South Carohna, prepared a Presidency examined, and the charges
pamphlet which had some celebrity at against John Adams refuted."
this time, under the title of "The Pre-

380 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 12.
us in principles than in the mode of giving thera effect. Mr. Burr's habits of
thinking are of a mUitary cast. His manners create him no personal enemies,
and we aU know that mere pohtical animosities cease vrith the causes which
produce thera. I shaU not be surprised if Mr. Burr is found, in a few years, the
leader of a popular party m the northern states ; and if this event ever happens,
this party wiU subvert the influence of the southern states. Not-withstanding all
the scoffing and reproaches against us as slave-holders, the cause of repubhcan-
isra in this country is connected with the political ascendancy of the southern
states. Freemen cannot be employed generally in laborious and serrile occupa
tions, without debasing their rainds. It was a wise and profound observation of
Edmund Burke, in a speech at the commenoeraent of the war, that the people of
the southern colonies were much more strongly, and with a higher and more
stubborn spirit, attached to liberty than those to the northward. Such will aU
masters of slaves be, who are not slaves themselves.'
These sentiments of a prime agent of the Virginia party, fumish a clue by
which many intricacies of our poUtical labyrinth may be traced."
The period of this election was marked by an outrage
on the part of the French minister which should have
aroused some outward expression of displeasure from
even his most devoted partisans. Genet had defied the
President, and threatened an appeal from his decisions to
the people who made him President. Adet now went
one step farther, and in his final despatch, published im
mediately in the leading Jacobin paper, threatened the
wrath of the Directory in case that people did not aban
don their policy and pursue a course consonant with the
wishes of France. And this, the grossest insult ever of
fered to a nation not yet subjugated — an open interference
by another in its elections — was welcomed by the " pa
triots " and used by them to further the success of their
candidate. Mr. Jefferson was elected Vice-President,
and came within a few votes of the higher office, by the
support of the men who applauded Adet and sustained
his cause, and with a French minister electioneering for
their candidate and the French government threatening
war in case of his defeat, the " republican " party raised
anew their war-cry of British influence.
It may be expected that some testimony will be given

1796.] OF WASHINGTON. 381
in Wolcott's life of the authorship of Washington's fare
well address. The only notice of it existing among his
papers is the following paragraph :
" The principles which governed President Washing
ton's administration are perspicuously detailed in the final
address to the people, which he personaUy prepared and
which passed through my hands to and from General
Hamiltdn." FROM JONATHAN DAYTON.
Elizabethtown, Sept. 4th, 1796.
Dear Sir,
WUl you be so obliging as to inform me whether a Surveyor-General has yet
been appointed pursuant to the act of last session for that purpose, and whether
it is probable that the surveys of the public lands wUl commence this faU. I
make this enquiry, both because I deem it important to the United States that
this business should be completed as far as possible in the present autumn and
winter, and because there are persons of ray acquaintance, both in this state and
New York, who are applying to me for inforraation upon this subject and whose
journey thither depends upon that event alone.
Do you yet know, and are you at liberty to make known the President's de-
tennination as to the acceptance of the office which he now holds, for the next
term of four years 1 All ranks of people in this state very anxiously wish that
he may consent to serve still longer. There have been great apprehensions lest
he would decline, but some circumstances and late intipiations seera to encour
age the hope that those apprehensions wUl not be realized. I pray to God that
this hope raay prove well founded, and that that man, whom most of aU I love
and respect, will permit his fellow-citizens once more at least to reelect him.
I cannot, whilst writing in this friendly and confidential manner, forbear to
express to you the satisfaction which I experienced upon learning that our Exe
cutive had recalled Mr. Monroe from France. It has been a source of continual
alarm with many of the best iriends of our govemment, lest influenced by an in
temperate democratioal zeal, or impelled by a desire to connect us more insepa
rably and exclusively to France, he should implicate us in some acts or some en
gagements, from which it would be difficult to extricate ourselves without very
serious risks. Even in matters of etiquette merely, much will always depend
upon the right disposition and prudent discretion of the Minister, to preserve his
government free from unnecessary difficulties and embarrassments, and in some
instances, perhaps his country from war. I ara hkewise much pleased with the
appointment of General Pinckney as his successor. Possessing great frankness,
candour, and integrity, he unites with a nice sense of honour, talents, which,
though not the most briUiant, are nevertheless good and may be equally useful.
Is he arrived in PhUadelphia, and is it yet ascertained when and at what port ha

382 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 12.
wUl embark for Europe ? ShaU we not have the pleasure of seeing Mrs. Wol
cott and yourself in this place this season, for a few days at least 1 Mrs. Dayton
joins -with me in requesting that happiness and to be remembered affectionately
to your lady. With the sincerest esteem, I ara, dear sir, your most obedient
servant,
JONA. DAYTON.

TO JONATHAN DAYTON.
Phila., Sept. '7, 1796.
I have received your fiivour of the 4th instant. No appointment of Surveyor-
General has been announced, and I am not certain that any character has been
designated in the President's mind. He is apprised of the importance of com
mencing business speedUy, and you may be assured that he has not been inatten
tive. It is, however, a difficult raatter, as you wiU easUy beheve, to find a man
who wiU accept the office, and who unites proper qualifications with that noto
riety and respectabihty of character which is desirable. I hope and presume
that the office -wUl be soon filled.
I can say to you, but in confidence,that the President wiU decUne a reelection.
We must therefore take aU the risks of a change in the interesting situation he
now possesses. Your regrets on this occasion cannot exceed mine. I fear the
country is not sufficiently united to make a choice by the electors. A choice by
the House of Representatives would be a very unfortunate event.
It is fully ascertained that the opposition party calculate upon diriding the
votes of the State of New Jersey between Mr. Adams and Mr. Jefferson ; the
majority, they say, -will be for Mr. Jefferson. On what ground this opinion is
formed I cannot say, though I know it to be a fact that active exertions wUl be
made. Will you favour me with your calculation on this subject ¦? Who do you
understand is intended to be associated with Mr. Jefferson 1 The reports circu
lated here are various.
I am happy to find that the appointment of General Pinckney is likely to give
satisfaction. The measure was necessary. Every day adds to the proofs which
before existed of the importance of impartiahty and sincerity to American poli
tics and interests, in whatever concerns foreign powers. We must rely upon
ourselves, and must manage our affaiis according to our own views, or we shall
be grievously deceived. I believe General Pinckney in every respect deserves
the confidence you express in his favour. He is expected daily to arrive here or
at New York, but at which place is uncertain. I have been overwhelmed in
business every day this summer. Though my situation is unusually difficult from
causes with which you are acquainted, yet I shall be successful in conducting the
public business ; all is now safe. It wUl not be possible, however, to leave the
office. Mrs. Wolcott lives in a part of a farm-house in the country with the
chUdren, and is weU. Whatever aristocratical principles she may have contract
ed by an acquaintance with rae, she is obliged to conform to a style of living
which will not excite the envy of the most strict democrats. She is contented,

1796.] OF WASHINGTON. 383
however, and that is sufficient. If she was here, she would join me in present
ing respects to yourseff and Mrs. Dayton, and in thanking you for your obliging
offer, which it is our misfortune not to be able to accept.

FROM JONATHAN DAYTON.
Elizabethtown, Sept'r. 15th, 1796.
Dear Sir,
I have received your favour of the 8th inst. You say it is fully ascertained
that the opposition party calculate upon dividing the votes of New Jersey be
tween Mr. Adams and Mr. Jefferson, and upon obtaining a majority of them for
the latter. If such are their expectations, you may be assured, sir, that they
will be egregiously disappointed. They cannot, I am very confident, however
active they may be in their exertions, procure a majority of our votes in favour
bf the man of MonticelU, nor is it thought with us at all probable, that he will
have the suffrage of a single elector.
I cannot answer with certainty, your enquiry who is to be associated with Mr.
Jefferson by his party, but I know that Chancellor Livingston has been talked of,
and I do not learn that he has been as yet relinquished with a riew to any other
candidate. Their attachment to hira, however, is not supposed to be such as to
prevent their giving him up when they discover that he cannot strengthen their
interest, or when they can find a man from some other middle or eastern State
disposed and able to aid them more effectually. Altho' the admission of Tenn
essee into the Union must render Mr. Adams' success less certain than before that
event, yet I persuade myself that he will have a majority of the votes of all the
electors, especially if any interest can be made for him, or even a diversion
brought about by good management in the State of South Carohna. Unfortunate
indeed would it be, if the result of the first competition should be such as to
throw the choice upon the House of Representatives.
I ara happy' to leam from you that the pubhc business is extricated from the
embarrassments under which it was labouring, and that " all is now safe."
How have you fulfiUed our engagement at the Bank 1 Have you satisfied
their demands by sales of six per cents, at par or under par, or by disposing of
Bank shares, or have you obtained frora them a fiirther indulgence 1
The appointment of a Surveyor General is anxiously expected, and wiU, I hope,
be announced within a few days, and given to some person who will enter upon
his duties without delay. If the subordinate appointments of deputies should
soon be made, the lands may yet be surveyed this fall and winter, and brought
into market the next autumn ; but a delay of one month more in the nomination
of the deputy surveyors, must occasion a year's delay in the surveys, and of con
sequence in the sales. Those officers and soldiers who yet hold the warrants for
lands, the reward of their serrices, (and there are not a few in this State) are
very impatient, and even murmur at their not having been enabled to locate
them from the time of peace to the present day. Seventeen officers and about
seventy men, lodged their warrants in my hands to be laid on the Wabash tract,
set apart for the military, two or three years ago, and they received, not very

384 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 12.
placidly, the information that after waiting eleven or twelve years, the tract to
which they had turned their attention, was given up by the government to the
Indians. I mention these things to impress upon you the importance of an iraraediate
provision for the survey and location of the lands selected for raUitary donations,
by an act of the last session ; it wiU reconcUe raany meritorious persons who
conceive themselves neglected and injured ; it wUl pacify their friends who listen
to their complaints and make a comraon cause with them, and it wUl be doing
an act of real justice.
I hear some of them remark with pain, that the President and raerabers have
lands of their o-wn to sell, or they would not be so neglectfiil in providin_g for the
location of the mUitary warrants, which then might come in competition with
them. The fact as to raany of us holding such lands being undeniable, the im
putation becomes, from that circumstance, more plausible, and enforces the neces
sity on the part of our government to defeat, as soon as possible, the charge of
neglect. With very sincere esteem, I am, sir, your most obed't. serv't.,
JONA. DAYTON.

FROM FISHER AMES. Dedham, Sept. 26, 1796.
Dear Sir,
WhUe I have gained health by riding, I hope you and yours have not lost or
impaired it by remaining at rest in PhUadelphia, where indeed, the summer heat
sometimes forbids rest. The chill of this season has a little deranged my relaxed
system, and exposed me to suffer some languid and half sick hours in a day, for
some time. I trust I shall take a new start soon, after baring becorae hardened
to the fall. I carae first to Dedham and then retumed for ray family to Spring
field, which has given me good exercise. I contemplate a trip to see Tracy and
Sedgwick, but I have many doubts whether I shall effect it . I need a good deal
of drUling to fit me for a winter's joumey to Congress in the stage.
The address of the President is just published here, and wUl be read with ad
miration. It wUl serve as a signal, like dropping a hat, for the party racers to
start, and I expect a great deal of noise, whipping, and spurring ; money, it is
very probable will be spent, some rirtue and raore tranquUhty lost ; but I hope
public order wUl be saved. Here the horizon is clear. You vriU see the toasts
at a feast of fraternity in Boston for M. Adet ; there is an incorrectness in them
and in the whole business ; some good men incautiously yielded to the project
which the antis set on foot, but could not execute even decently, unless their
betters in character and principle, should concur. A second set foUowed the
first, who were entrapped because they would not leave them to be mortified.
This raay paUiate it to you and a few others, but the face of the business is bad
and foolish at home and abroad.
In and near Boston, the cause of order seems to stand better than ever ; but
you know how changeable our sky is. I hope my successor wUl be a federal man,
but there is danger of a trimmer. On the whole, I think Massachusetts wUl im-

1796.] ' OF WASHINGTON. 385
prove in the next House, as to federaUsm. I even flatter myself we shaU not
have one democrat. W. Lyman is not countenanced by many in his district.
Varnum wiU be displaced, it is thought, though not by Dexter. Dearborn is
said to be almost the only anti in his district. Should Virginia adopt the senti
ments in the President's address, and choose better men than formerly, the next
House may perhaps think it a duty to aid, instead of obstructing the business of
the govemment. With my best respects to Mrs, W., I am, dear sir, yours
truly, FISHER AMES.
P. S. I have begged of Mr. Rundle to caU on Mr. Cox about my Windsor
chairs, which possibly the latter may be green enough to refuse sending, unless by
a command from Mrs. Wolcott. If it should be so, I request a little treasury
influence. Captain Anthony -vriU send them on.
FROM OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
LiTCHFIEL'D, Oct. 3d, 1796.
Sir, * * * The President's declining to be again elected, constitutes a
most important epoch in our national affairs. The country meet the event
with reluctance, but they do not feel that they can make any claim for the fiir
ther services of a man who has conducted their armies through a successful war,
has so largely contributed to establish a national govemment, has so long presi
ded over our councils and directed the public administration, and has, in the
most advantageous raanner, settled all national differences, and who can leave
the adrainistration when nothing but our foUy and internal discord can render
the country otherwise than happy. His secession from the administration will
probably, within no distant period, ascertain whether our present systera and
union can be preserved. It raay exist a few years, but the violent symptoms
which have attacked it so early, evince to my mind that it will be but of short
duration. We have not the least evidence that this is the age of reason. The
retireraent of the President will induce among many very serious reflections, and
his advice to his country, which is the best which could possibly be given, -wUl
be much read and will make a pretty strong temporary impression ; but like all
other advice, however good, wiU not be lasting. Pride and ambition, supported
by ignorance and vice, will not be confined within the limits he has prescribed.
The extreme scurrility and abuse with which the President has been treated,
gives an additional proof of human baseness. Constant reiterations of this kind,
suffered to pass with impunity, would lead to debase the character of an angel.
As reluctant as I feel at the retirement of the President, I beheve, upon reflec
tion, it is probable he has chosen the proper time, both for himself and the coun
try. Matters will be brought to a test. If Jefferson shall supply his place, which
I trast will not be the case, however plausible his conduct wUl be, he never wUl
have the northern confidence. Literary abilities and practical knowledge are
not frequently conjoined, and he never will be thought to act but undei; the veil
VOL. I. 33

386 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 12.
of hypocrisy. The pohtics which he has adopted and which he wiU always
insidiously support, are inconsistent with the honor and safety of our country,
and his mind is too limited not to act under a partial bias.
« * « *
I am, &c., OLIVER WOLCOTT.

FROM GEORGE CABOT. ,
Brookline, Oct. 11, 1796.
My Dear Sir,
It is about a fortnight since I received the letter you had the goodness to
write on the 9th of July, by Mr. Mercier. This gentleman put your letter into
the hand of Mr. Higginson, who neglected to deliver it to me until two weeks
ago. I have twice been to town for the sole purpose of finding Mr. Mercier,
. and at last discovered he was gone to Newburyport. If he returns to Boston, I
shall be happy to see him, and to promote his views in any thing in my power.
By a vessel, now on the point of saUing for PhUadelphia, (I think she is a
schooner called the Industry, and the Captain's name Thomas) I have shipped
a barrel of St. Germain pears, which, it is hoped, will arrive in good order, and
prove acceptable to you and Mrs. Wolcott, as frora Mrs. C. and me. In this
climate they are easily preserved till December and January, and are the best
winter fruit we have.
The President's advice is an excellent coronation of an excellent public life.
I think it will do as much as any thing can, toward saving us from the miserable
serritude to which our folly and vices seem to destine us.
Mr. J. B. Cutting tells us that the French successes in Italy wUl entirely secure
the election of Mr. Jefferson. France, he says, raust be appeased, by our making
the President she likes. If the report be trae that she has a powerfiil fleet at
Halifax, I imagine Mr. Cutting's opinion will be adopted by many, who have
always considered, and some of them desired, that our national independence
should depend on France.
Mr. Quincy tells me he saw you and Mrs. Wolcott, and that you, with your
little ones were all well, ten days since. Mrs. Cabot is in good health, and joins
most cordially in ray prayers that you may long be happy. Yours truly,
G. CABOT.

TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Philadelphia, October 17th, 1796.
I have received your several letters, and am glad to know that I have been
anticipated in my apology for not replying to them. _ _
The present is trtly a critical epoch in our affairs ; if the elections are favoura
ble, aU wUl be safe ; if unfavourable, French democracy may prevaU, in which
case all will be lost. '

1796.] OF WASHINGTON. 387
The candidates for President and Vice President wUl be Mr. Adams and Mr.
Thomas Pinckney on one side, and Mr. Jefferson and Col. Burr on the other.
The antis, however, do not expect that Col. Burr will succeed, and they secretly
wish that Mr. Adams may be elected to his present station. They wiU vote
against him, however, to prevent his election to the office of President. It is
expected that Mr. Adams wiU decUne, if not chosen President. This wUl enable
them to impute ambition and resentment to him, and the public will in any event
lose his influence and services in the Senate. It wiU, besides, give the party an
opportunity of stimulating the ambition of some Northern character to cooperate
in their schemes. It is of the utmost moment that Mr. Adams and Mr. Pinckney
should both be elected. This, I expect, may be accomplished ; but system in the
Northern States will be necessary. It has been apprehended that Mr. Pinckney
may be elected President ; of this there may be a degree of risk, though I am
satisfied that it is not desired by Mr. Pinckney's most intimate and influential
friends. The votes may be calculated as follows :
For the Federal candidates, all the votes of the five eastern States, except
those aUowed for accidents, all New York, New Jersey and Delaware, one half
of Pennsylvania and Maryland, and about four chance votes to the southward for
Mr. Adams, and perhaps seven or eight for Mr. Pinckney. This result would
place Mr. Pinckney President, and Mr. Adams Vice President. To guard
against this, some ofthe votes which might be obtained for Mr. Pinckney, raay be
given to an indifferent character ; care raust be taken, however, that such a num
ber is not thrown away as would leave Mr. Jefferson President or Vice President.
Measures have been taken here to ascertain the complexion of the electors as
soon as possible. It will be best that the preponderating voice in favour of
Mr. Adams, should be given in the middle States ; if Mr. Pinckney should lose
the election for want of support at the eastward, a distrast may be excited which
both now and hereafter may be very prejudicial. You will see, therefore, that
in ray opinion, the eastern States ought to support both gentlemen fairly and
impartially. It is possible that the event may be different from our wishes, but
it will be the fault ofthe constitution if such be the case.
The French are assuming a very haughty tone, and wiU, if possible, dictate sub
mission to the world. The late order against neutral nations may not be precisely
as has been published, but it is certain that something offensive and injurious has
been adopted. A new minister, said to be Mangourit, lately one of Genet's
consuls, is expected. The violence of this man's character, if he has been in fact
appointed, is no good omen." The French are practising every species of
seduction to divide this country, but they wUl be detected and defeated. What
I most fear is, that by the terms of peace which they mean to dictate, they may
gain a footing on this continent. If they succeed, we shall find they wUl be the
worst and most dangerous neighbours we could have. With England we may
now and then have a war, which though a bad thing is not the worst thing possi-
• Adet was to have been recalled in Adet's actual recaU did not take place tUl
August and Mangourit sent as Charge November. See Monroe's " View of
only, but on Mr. Monroe's remonstrance the Conduct ofthe Executive," p. 360.
the appointment was not made, and

388 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 12.
ble. The French wUl, if they have an opportunity, be lUce ants and weasels m
our bams and granaries. Out of pure love to us and to Hberty, they wiU put our
property and interests into a common stock with their own, and wUl then assume
the sole management of both. In short, we shaU be in danger of being first
\cormpted, and afterwards enslaved.
The probabihty of absolute success on the part of France is great ; the avarice
of England has tempted her to divide her force, and of course to make establish
ments disproportioned to her population. A wound to her commerce, now the
sole basis of her strength, may be a death blow to the nation. K the United
States can be wise and united, we may derive strength from the calamities which
afflict mankind. The arts, the comraerce, and the wealth of Europe, raay be
rapidly transplanted here. This strength, though not to be desired by means
incompatible vrith justice and humanity, is an advantage which happUy may be
purchased by means compatible vrith both.
The subject of the sale of prizes by French national
ships, as distinct from privateers, continued to be a sub
ject of discussion. TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON. Philadelphia, Oct. 17, 1796.
Permit me to ask your opinion on the following points : —
1st. Ought we, or ought we not, to permit sales of prizes to French national
ships of war as formerly, on payments of duties 1
2d. In case of an affinpative answer to the first question, what is to be regarded
as eridence of a national ship — wUl the certificate of a French Commissioner in
the West Indies, or of a Consul or the French minister in the United States, be
sufficient, provided nothing appears in the commission ofthe vessel contradictoiy
to their certificate.
3rd. May we keep an Inspector on board a prize during her continuance in
our ports?
4th. In case a prize requires reparation, may a part of her cargo be sold,
sufficient to defray expenses on payment of duties ?
5th. In case a prize vessel is condemned as incapable of reparation, may the
prize goods be exported in our own or other neutral vessels, as French property ?
6tli. Who is to judge when it is necessary to unlade a vessel for the purpose of
making reparations? Is the suggestion of a French prize master or consul
sufficient t
7th. May the cargoes of prizes be sold or any part of them, for the reparation of
any vessel, or the payment of any expense not incidental to the identical vessel in
which the cargoes arrived ?
8th. Who is to judge ofthe quantity sufficient for making reparations, in case
any sale is lawful ?

1796.] OF WASHINGTON. 389
9th. If, after a vessel is condemned as incapable of reparation, she should be
notwithstanding repaired, is she to be permitted to depart 1
10th. Is it, or is it not, the right of a Collector to treat French prizes in the
same raanner as vessels which report themselves as bound to a foreign port, or
which arrive in distress 1 See Section 18th and 38th of the Collection Law.
The 18th and 38th sections of the Collection Law appear to have prorided for
cases not very dissimilar frora those of prizes to privateers, which in contemplation
of law, must be considered as coming into our ports merely for refreshment ; the
requiring of a bond on their departure may not, however, be proper.
We shall, on the subject of these prizes be vexed with evei-y kind of uncandid
ingenuity. There is danger of losing the revenue, while at the same time sales
may not be prevented. You will see that not only public questions which affect
our neutrality, but revenue questions are concerned ; there are too many who
wiU not miss a good opportunity of purchasing West India produce, when it can
be had below the market price.
In every point of view the subject is embarrassing. Please to reply as soon as
possible.

FROM OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
New Haven, Oct. 22d, J 796.
Sir, Mr. Tracy is chosen senator, vice Mr. TrumbuU ; Mr. J. HUlhouse is re-elected
to serve from the third of March. The present representatives and Mr. Dana
are elected for the fifth Congress. Mr. Davenport is elected representative till
next March, vice Mr. HiUhouse. This criss-cross election is probably owing to
a confusion in the rainds of many freemen, who supposed it would be improper
for them to vote for the same person twice, at the same time. A new writ of
election will soon issue, when probably both these gentlemen will be elected to
supply the existing vacancies.
Nothing material has been transacted yet in the session. I shall hope to write
to you again before I leave the town. I am, &c., OLIV. WOLCOTT.
FROM ALEXANDER HAMILTON. Albany, Oct. 27, 1796.
Dear Sir,
Your letter ofthe 17th instant found me at Albany, attending the Supreme
Court. I have no copy of the treaty with Great Britain at hand, but I ara well
satisfied from memory that the true interpretation of that treaty, enforcing in this
respect the trae rule of neutrality, forbids our permitting the sale of a prize taken
and brought in by a French national ship, equaUy as if by a privateer, and that
the prize vessel herself, with her cargo, ought to depart our ports. I hasten to
give you my opinion thus far. I reserve to consider more at leisure, what excep
tions absolute necessity may justify ; but this is clear, that as far as it may admit
33*

390 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 12.
any, the exceptions must be measured and restricted by the necessity, and as soon
as possible you must return into the path of the treaty. Thus, if the prize vessel
was absolutely unfit to proceed to sea, her cargo ought to be sent out of the
country in another vessel, and care ought to be taken that it does not go out
under false colors. Our own officers, no doubt, must inspect and ascertain any
case of necessity which may be suggested.
Pray, my good fiiend, let there be no evasions. Yours, affectionately, A. HAMILTON.

New Yore, Nov. 1, 1796.
Dear Sir,
I wrote you a Uiie from Albany, expressing an opinion from memory, that our
treaty with Great Britain prohibited the sale of prizes made by French national
ships. Being just returned to town, I have looked into the article which relates
to the point, and I fear that opinion was wrong. In a day or two I wiU write
you more particularly.
Adet's late communication demands a very careful and well managed answer.
Yours, ..-.A. HAMILTON.

TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Philadelphia, Nov. 1, 1796.
I have received your letters from Hartford and New Haven, and am glad to
hear of the issue of our elections. The services of good men were never more
needed than at present.
Inter nos there is good reason to believe that the French have got a cession of
Louisiana and the Floridas from Spain. The object is to have the means of in
fluence over the westem country.
There is something very uninteUigible in the movements of France towards
this country. Whether they really mean to distress our comraerce generally, or
only to excite alarm for the purpose of influencing the approaching election, is
uncertain. I hope all will turn out right.
FROM ALEXANDER HAMILTON. New York, Nov. 3, 1796.
Dear Sir,
I have more carefidly examined our treaty with Great Britain, and I return to
the opinion given you from Albany. My hesitation yesterday, arose from the
tei-ras of the 24th article, which were confined to privateers, a word that has an
appropriate sense, meaning ships of private persons commissioned to craise.
But the foUowing article contains the equivalent one to that with France, upon
which we refused all bringing in and sale of prizes by her enemies. The words
are " no refuge," &c., the major including the minor. And though France, by

1796.] OF WASHINGTON. 391
our treaty with her, may bring in prizes, yet the treaty gives her no right to sell.
The clause in question in the Enghsh treaty cannot take away the right she be
fore had to bring in her prizes ; but as she had not a positive right to sell, it wUl
obhge her to depart with them. In other words, it will preclude her from what
ever she has not a positive right to. This, also, is Mr. Jay's opinion, and it is
certainly agreeable to the whole spirit of the treaty. Yovu-s, A. H.

TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON. Philadelphia, Nov. 6, 1796,
I am inclined to think that your opinion of Nov. 3rd, is founded on a partial
view of the case.
You know that it has aU along been a received opinion that the French had a
right by treaty, to an indefinite asylum for their ships ; but that they could not
claim, as a right, the privilege of selling prizes in our ports. The right to an in
definite asylum was also granted to British ships of war and letters of marque,
prorided they had not made prizes of French vessels. On this ground the 25th
article of the British treaty cannot be constraed to impair the right of an asylum
accorded by our prior treaty with France.
The right of selling prizes stands on different grounds ; it might have been
refused, in aU cases, to France ; it was, however, granted in all cases. The
British treaty, however, has taken away this privilege from privateers ; but it
leaves the other cases of prizes to national ships, as formerly. The United
States may take away this right of selling prizes wholly ; but they have passed
no law on the subject. What the President does raust be consistent with his for
mer decisions, or be sanctioned by some subsequent law. There is no law on
the point, and according to all former decisions a stipulation affecting privateers,
has not been deemed to affect national ships. It is remarkable that the 25th
article, stipulating against an asylum, is the very article by which the rights ac
quired under the French treaty are saved — this wUl be much abridged if your
opinion should prevail, which, though I very much wish to see established, is, I
fear, liable to insuperable objections.
There was no enclosure in your letter. Have we done right in respect to Mr.
Adet's note ? I wish to know, as we may hear more on the subject.
The Pennsylvania election has, I think, issued in favour of Mr. Jefferson ;
there is yet hope, but that is all.
FROM ALEXANDER HAMILTON. [New York,] Nov. 9, 1796.
Dear Sh,
I received yesterday your letter of the 6th, and immediately wrote some addi
tional letters to the eastward, enforcing what I had before written. Pennsylva
nia does not surprise me.

392 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 12.
I have reconsidered the opinion given to you on the 3rd, and see no reason to
change it. The reasoning which leads me to the conclusion, has not been suffi
ciently explained. I will therefore be raore particular.
The articles in our treaty with France, which respect the subject, are the 17th
and 22d. The 17th consists of two parts. 1st. It grants asylum in our ports
for French ships of war and privateers, with their prizes, and -with liberty to car
ry thera freely thence to their own ports. 2d. It prohibits the giving refuge in
our ports to such as shall have made prizes of the subjects or property of the
French. It grants no right to sell prizes in our ports, neither does the letter of
the article prohibit prizes made of the French from coming into our ports ; it
only prohibits the instrument of maldng the prizes. But the constraction justly
adopted by the President, was thit the prohibition, in its true spirit, excluded the
bringing in of prizes, whether coming -with or -without the capturing vessels.
It is upon this part of the treaty alone that prizes made by national vessels of
Great Britain were excluded frora our ports. For the 22d article with France
is whoUy confined to privateers, prohibiting those of other nations to fit or sell
their prizes in our ports. This article, if it had stood alone, would have left us
free to admit British national ships, with their prizes, into our ports, as our 24th
article -with Great Britain leaves us free to admit French national ships with
their prizes, for these articles are the exact equivalent of each other. So that,
as before remarked, the prohibition to the coming in or sale in our ports of prizes
made upon the French by British national armed ships, was derived by construc
tion and implication from the 17th article of our treaty with France. '
It follows then that this article was considered as competent to prevent the
coming in and sale of prizes. If so, the same or equivalent terras, in the British
treaty, must be competent to the same thing. Now the 25th article of our treaty
with Great Britain has equivalent terras. We there read that " no shelter or
refuge shall be given in their ports, to such as have made a prize upon the subjects
or citizens of either of the contracting parties ; but if forced by stress of weather
or the dangers of the sea, to enter therein, particular care shaU be taken to cause
them to retire as soon as possible." This prohibition includes here, as in the
17th article of our treaty with France, u prohibition to seU prizes in our ports;
not the prizes of privateers only, but prizes generally.
But France, it is answered, had a prior right by the 17th article of our treaty
with her, " to come and bring prizes into our ports." Trae, she had this right,
and raust have it still, notwithstanding the 25th article of our treaty with Great
Britain ; but she had no prior right by treaty to seU prizes in our ports, and con
sequently, as the 25th article of our treaty with Great Britain excludes, as the
minor of a major, the selhng of prizes in our ports, the exclusion so far is in
force, because it contravenes no prior right of France, As far as the treaty with
France gives a right inconsistent with the above 25th article, that right forms an
exception, but the exception must be coextensive with the right. The conclusion
is that France retains the right of asylum, but is excluded from the right of sel
ling. This gives effect to the 25th article with Great Britain as fiir as the treaty
right of France does not require an exception ; and this construction ought to be
favoured, because it best comports with the rale of neutrahty. It wUl also best

1796.] OF WASHINGTON. 393
agree -with the President's former decisions. He permitted France to sell prizes ;
not because the treaty gave her a right, but because he did not see clearly any
law of the country or of nations that forbade it. But consistency does not re
quire that this permission shall continue, if there be any thing in the treaty with
Great Britain against it. Consistency, however, does require that the same lati
tude of construction should be given to the 25th article of the treaty with Great
Britain, as was before given fo the 17th article of our treaty -with France. The
same latitude wiU, as I apprehend, exclude the sale of prizes by France in the
case in question.
I regret extremely the publication of the reply to Adet, otherwise than through
the channel of Congress. The sooner the Executive gets out of the newspapers
the better. What may now be in its power, wUl depend on circumstances which
are to occur. Yours, A. HAMILTON.

FROM FISHER AMES. Dedham, Nov. 14, 1796.
Dear Sir,
You would deceive yourself, if you suppose I rate the value of your corres
pondence exactly in proportion to the promptness of my replies. Your letter
of the 6th October is my daily remembrancer? I look at it to see how our
repubUc is like to fare. 1 perceive that PhUadelphia and its environs have de
cided the votes for Jeffersonians. I have supposed that Pennsylvania held the
balance, and I aril sorry to infer frora the votes of PhUadelphia that it wiU be
wrongly inclined. IJiave long jeen -with terror that our destiny is coramitted
to our pradence, whichi have ever believed to be weaker than our prejudice and
passion ; yet the issue, such as it is, must be tried by the country. Here the influ
ence of the Boston Chronicle and the orations in the market, is most pestiferous,
I have proclaimed open war against aU this, but a rower against the stream soon
grows weak and weary. AU that is folly and passion in man, is opposed to aU
that is virtue and wisdom ; and I fear that our govemment supposes him too
good, and wUl prove him too weak for the trust. Good men, and especiaUy
those of Connecticut, where folly is not in fashion, do not know the extent of
the Hes against the govemment. Many of my plain neighbours who read the Chro
nicle wUl not commend the President. Their reasoning is from what they know,
and they take facts from that paper. Yet at the same time I see the men of
sense more zealously in the right than ever. Yet as the seekers of popularity
are corrapters of the multitude, the malady is endemical and incurable. I went
to the meeting in this place ; almost every gentleman was there and acted with
me ; but a word about liberty and putting bridles in the people's mouth routed
us aU, altho' we were very cautious on that tender ground. In a word, my dear
sir, I am far from clear as to the event of things ; as to the duty of pubhc men,
I have no doubts. We are to persevere and hold up the govemment and the
constituted authorities as long as we can. I have my anxiety much engaged to
know the extent of Adet's threats. I thirUi our pubHc wUl cling to the govern-

394 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 12.
ment, if it should proceed with proper spirit. Any hesitancy would spoU aU.
I know Httie of the popular impression of the correspondence. Col. Dawes is
elector, and H. G. Otis representative for this district. Yours, &c.,
FISHER AMES.
I thank you for continuing to hope for my repubUc. I am far from stout, but I
am slowly making progress. I expect to reach PhUadelphia before the 5th
December.

CHAUNCEY GOODRICH TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, ISen.
Hartford, November 15, 1796.
Sir, I received your letter by Juba, and the enclosures for Mr. Davenport. I shaU
forward by next maU. We are much obhged by the trouble you have taken
about Peggy.
Col. HamUton sent Col. Wadsworth an extract of a letter by Friday's maU
from your son, which informs us that the federal ticket for electors was lost in
Pennsylvania. His opinion has since been confirmed by private letters. Our
hopes are a Httle revived by papers last evening, as in the account they contain,
the federal ticket leads. The retums of the western and some other districts
were not received, which probably wUl turn the scale for Jefferson. This, if it
happens, will render the election raore critical, but not desperate. The votes
in Massachusetts for electors are so scattered, that little can be known about
them at present. Since Govemor Adams' defeat, it is an universal opinion that
the Vice-President wUl have aU the votes. Present appearances are that Skin
ner and Varnum -wUl be the only anti-federal representatives from New Eng
land in the next' Congress. WiUiam Lyman has but few votes, except in Spring
field. It is not ascertained whether General Shepard be chosen or not. Fos
ter, Sewall and Otis are chosen. 'Tis said Mr. Dearborn has lost his election ;
we have not heard about the others.
The Daily Advertiser from New York, of last evening, has an account (ria
Baltiraore) from Dutch papers, of further and decisive defeats of Jourdan's and
Moreau's divisions of the French armies. As yet the account stands single, and
wants additional intelligence. Among other instances of the cullabUity of a
certain class of our countrymen to the French, it is reported that the supporters
of the Jefferson ticket as 'tis naraed, went to the polls with French cockades in
their hats at Philadelphia. I can't vouch for the truth of this story. The mob
of that city, led on by their knavish purse-proud democrats, are ripe for any out
rage upon decency and a government of laws. It is probable that nothing but
some calamity from the hands of Sans Culottisra can thoroug'nly reforra them.
It was nothing but the yellow fever checked the dominion of Genet in that city —
the western insurrection held them at bay a while, and I hope and trust there
is some seeming calamity in the stores of heaven to laugh at and correct them,
now that their pride and folly have come. This government yet rests on New
England pradence and firmness ; it is a tower that hitherto has abode in strength

1796.] OF WASHINGTON. 395
under the smUes of a good Providence, and I confidently beheve that it will not
hereafter disappoint the wishes and hopes of the virtuous. I am, sir, with sin
cere attachment and great respect, your obedient humble servant,
CHAUNCEY GOODRICH.

TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON. Philadelphia, Nov. 17, 1796.
You must feel interested in knowing how our affairs stand with France. I
give you a summary of them.
The note to Col. Pickering contains a summary of all the complaints ofFrance
since the commencement of the present war. They are as follows :
That the courts of the United States have taken cognizance of prizes to French
vessels. That the treaty has been misconstraed by permitting the admission of British
ships which have at some time made prizes of French vessels. M. Adet's con
struction is, that a British ship which at any time or in any place has made a
prize, ought to be denied asylum.
Complaints are made of the proclamation of neutrahty, and of the prompt
ness with which the President requested Congress to enact laws for preserving
our neutrality. The questions proposed by the President before Genet's arrival,
are recited at length, and commented on as evidences of unfriendliness to France.
Lists of almost all the particular cases respecting privateers, &c., are made
out, and the decisions of the Executive censured.
It is said that the govemment has manifested partiaHty against France, by the
alacrity which marked its conduct in enforcing the laws against them, and by
tardiness in prosecuting the British.
That the American government deceived France in respect to Mr. Jay's
treaty. That the treaty with Great Britain is a riolation of the treaty with France ;
is equivalent to a treaty of alliance, and ought not to have been made during
the war.
A fulfilment of the 11th article of our treaty with France is required, which
stipulates that favours granted to other nations shall become common. This, M.
Adet says, wiU justffy the French in taking British property on board of Ameri
can vessels, and in excluding contraband as defined by the British treaty.
For these reasons the commercial relations, founded on treaty, are to be sus
pended until the government " returns to itself." Nevertheless the French
nation regards the people as its friends.
The people in a declamatory rhapsody are directly addressed in the s^le " O
ye Americans." An appeal is made to their passions, the injuries of the British
during the last war are recounted, and the assistance of the French nation ex-
toUed. It is said that the suspension of the minister's functions is not to be
regarded as an act of hosliUty, but of just resentment against the government.
When the govemment returns to itself, the French wiU forget the injury.

396 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 12.
France is said to be terrible to its enemies, but magnanimous to its friends ;
qm'ck to resent injuries, but easily appeased.
The Executive and Mr. Jay are treated with personal indignity.
On the whole, this is by far the boldest attempt to govern this country which
has been made. It is necessary to come to an issue. Measures lo prevent any
panic or depression of the pubhc opinion are necessary. We have the right of
the question, but whether we shaU be overruled by force, wUl partiy depend on
the spirit of the people, partly on the issue of the campaign in Italy and Germany.
TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Philadelphia, November 19th, 1796.
I duly received your letter of the 4th instant. Myself and family are now weU.
The issue of the Pennsylvania election is not known ; but though hopes are en
tertained that the federal ticket raay prevaU, I think the contrary most probable.
Various causes have conspired to produce this effect, such as jealousy of New
England, toryism, democracy, and folly ; but these would have been insufficient
without the publication of M. .4det's note. If Mr. Jefferson is elected it wiU be
owing entirely to the influence of tliis paper.
The conduct of France, though apparently raysterious, admits of an explana
tion. It has been for some time certain that the United States are averse to en
gaging in the present war. It has been constantly said by the democrats, that
the treaty vrith England was adopted under the influence of fear, and the French
have been invited to try the effect of threats in order to maintain the influence of
their party. The real wants of the French coteries, and the insolence inspired
by uncommon success, have rendered the French but too willing to adopt this
adrice which they are now pursuing with a boldness without example, except in
the annals of the French Revolution.
M. Adet has notified the Secretary of State that his functions are suspended.
The pretexts are of an extraordinary nature. The proclamation of neutrality,
the act of Congress in support of that neutrality, the decisions of the Executive
and Judiciary are censured in the most rude and severe terms, The relations
founded on treaty, are declared to be at an end untU these acts are rescinded and
tUl the government reverts to itself The people are spoken of with affection, and
it is regretted that they should suffer, but they are told that it is not France, but
their government which should be censured. In short, I understand that it is
made an ultimatum that certain acts and decisions in which the three branches
of our government have concurred, must be rescinded or France wUl not be sat
isfied. What is the consequence of non compliance is uncertain, perhaps much
wUl depend on the result ofthe battles to be fought in Italy and Germany.
It is of the greatest importance that the public mind should not be discouraged.
If the people are firm, we shall succeed ; otherwise this country will be govemed
by a domestic faction supported by foreign mfluence.
Mr. Jefferson wUl not be elected President if the eastern states support Mr.
Adams and Mr. Pinckney ; but which of the last -wiU succeed is now uncertain.

1796.J OF WASHINGTON. 397
M. Adet's conduct vriU perhaps make such impressions on wavering federaUsts
at the southward as to incline the chance in favour of Mr. Pinckney. This cer
tainly is far from being proper or what is best, as Mr. Adams ought on many
grounds to be preferred, but risks must be incurred rather than favour the elec
tion of Mr. Jefferson. I hope Connecticut wUl support both equaUy and leave
the issue to Proridence. Mr. Pinckney is an honest man and cannot be made
the tool or dupe of faction. Mr. Adams has the superior claims of age, station,
firmness, and understanding, and it wiU hurt our public character and betray
lerity and ingratitude if he is not elected. The election of Mr. Jefferson, I con
sider as fatal to our independence, now that the interference of a foreign nation in
our affairs is no longer disguised.
You wiU probably see M. Adet's note in the papers in a few days.

FROM OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Litohpield, Nov. 21st, 1796.
Sir, The present situation of our country presents a more scandalous riew than is
often recorded in history. Most powerful and formidable factions contend
whether they shall not be govemed by foreign councUs rather than their own.
I question whether the impudent pretensions of Russia and Prassia, to preserve
the liberties of Poland, were equal to the claims and exertions of the French to
influence and control the administration and property ofthe United States.
The declaration of Adet, by order of the French Directory, made in the first
instance tS the pubhc, it is said has been received by the middle and southem
states with satisfaction, and -with a determination to gratify France with an
administration which will accord with its wishes.
I never beheved that our present system of govemment or union would be very
permanent ; but I never could have believed that a people who had so recently
gone through the distresses of a revolution, and risen from a state of almost ex
treme poverty, into an affluence more real than that of any other nation, could so
soon have forgot then sufferings as wantonly to sport with the enjoyment of the
greatest social happiness and expose the continuance of it to the utmost hazard.
The conduct of these states for some time past, exhibits a melancholy proof of
the folly and deprarity of mankind. The energy of the French influence soon
after their revolution began, especially operated in the southem and westem
parts of the Union. The first impression of Genet was made in these regions,
and they have ever since then been particularly attended to by his successors and
their adherents. If the French arms continue to predominate, and a governing
influence of this nation shaU continue in the southem and western countries, I am
confident, and indeed hope, that a separation wiU soon take place ; and I am
very sure that the northern people wiU never submit (but by the event of a war)
to the domination of a foreign power, whether open or insidious. Of aU poUcies
which ever existed among mankind, the French is the worst.
It is said that the anti-federal or Jeffersonian ticket strongly predominates, if
not universaUy, in Pennsylvania and Maryland, and that the events" ofthe genered
VOL. I. 34

398 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 12.
elections are very precarious. I shaU believe, untU I am otherwise informed,
that Mr. Jefferson wiU not be elected President ; as I do not think he wiU have
a single vote north ofthe Delaware, and it -will be strange indeed, if upon this
calculation he shall have enough south of it to bring him in.
This mode of electing a President wUl probably operate finaUy, pretty much
Hke a Pohsh election, and produce the same effects. If Mr. Jefferson had but a
small share of that good sense which some attribute to him, he would refuse to
be a candidate. He raay be assured that his hypocrisy and plausibUity can
never deceive the northern people ; that they never will have any confidence in
him, and that he never will be able to gratify his adherents unless he does what
will produce a renunciation of his administration.
I never heard any one censure the President for dechning after the present
session, the national administration. The length and vast importance of his ad
ministration from the commencement, entitled hira to repose if he chose it. No
one ought to insist upon his services, however apparently necessary ; but I have
to regret that he will not in retireraent enjoy the comfort which every good man
-wishes he might. It will be out of his power not to feel equal solicitude for his
country as when in the administration, and it is my fervent wish that it may not
by untoward events be increased. I wish to hear from you the state of your
health and family, and the probable event ofthe election. I am &c.,
OLIVER WOLCOTT.

FROM ALEXANDER HAMILTON. Nov. 22, 1796.
Dear Sir,
I thank you for the note sending me Adet's letter. The present is, in my
opinion, as critical a situation as our government has been in ; requiring all its
pradence, all its wisdom, all its moderation, all its firmness.
Though the thing is now passed, I do not think it useless to say that I was not
well pleased with the Secretary of State's answer to Adet's note communicating
the order respecting neutral vessels. There was something of hardness and epi
grammatic sharpness in it. Neither did I think the position trae, that France
had no right to inquire respecting the affair of seamen. I am of opinion that
whenever a neutral power suffers liberties to be taken with it by a belligerent one,
which turns to the detriment of the other belhgerent party, as the acquiring
strength by impressing seamen, there is good ground of inquiry, deraanding can'
did explanation. My opinion is, that our communications should be calm, reas
oning, and serious, showing steady resolution more than feeling, having force in
the idea, rather than in the expression.
I am very anxious that our government should do right on the present occa--
sion. My ideas are these :
As Adet has declared his functions suspended, the reply ought not to be to
hira, but through Mr. Pinckney to the Directory.
It ought to contain a review of our conduct from the beginning, noticing our
first and fiiU acknowledgement of the repubhc, and the danger we run by it )

1796.] OF WASHINGTON. 399
also, the danger we incurred by other large interpretations of the treaty in favour
of France, adverting to the sale of prizes.
It should meet all the suggestions of the Minister, correct his misstatements
of facts, and meet argumentatively his principles. Where arguments already
used are repeated, it ought to be in new language, or by quotations in the body
of the reply — not by reference to other communications, annexed or otherwise,
which embarrass the reader's attention.
It should review calmly the conduct of France and her agents, pointing out
fuUy and clearly the violations of our rights and the spirit which was manifested,
but in terms the most cautious and inoffensive.
It should advert to the pohcy of moderation towards the enemies of France,
which our situations and that of France, especially as to maritime powers, im
posed upon us.
It should briefly recapitulate the raeans of obtaining redress from Great Bri
tain, employed by our government, and the effects they have produced.
It should explain why the govemment could not safely adopt more expeditious
modes ; why the Executive could not control the judiciary ; and should show that
in effect the opposite party, as weU as France, suffered the inconveniences of delay.
It should make prominent the consequences upon the peace and friendship of
govemments, if all accidental infractions from situation, from the negUgences,
&c., of particular officers, are to be imputed with severity to the govemment it
self; and should apply the remark to the case of the injuries we have suffered in
different ways from the officers and agents of France.
It should make prominent two ideas : the situation in which we were with
Great Britain prior to the last treaty, so as to show, that by the law of nations
as admitted to us, and declared to France and the world prior to that treaty, all
the things complained of as resulting from that treaty, previously existed ; and it
should dweU on the exception in that treaty of prior treaties.
It should point out strongly the idea, that the inconvenience at particular junc
tures of particular stipulations, is no reason for one party superseding them ; but
should intimate that the President is wUling to reriew the relations between the
two countries, and by a new treaty, if the same shall be approved by the Senate,
to readjust the terms of those nations.
The article in the treaty with France, respecting an admission of the same
pririleges which are granted to other powers, should be examined. This plainly
means where there is any concession of a positive privUege which the United
States were free to refuse, not when there is a mere recognition of the principles
of the laws of nations.
It should be made prominent that the United States have always wished, and
StiU vrish to cultivate the most amicable relations, and are still disposed to evince
this disposition by every method in their power. That in what they have said,
they mean only to show that they have acted with sincerity and good faith, and
have rather received than given cause to complain. That they have been dis
posed to make a candid constraction of circumstances which might seem incon
sistent with a friendly conduct in France, and claim a simUar candour in the es
timate of their situation and conduct.

400 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 12.
There should be an animadversion upon the unfitness of looking beyond the
government to the citizens.
And there should be these ideas properly couched : that the United States can
not admit that a just cause of resentment has been given ; that they appeal from
the misapprehension wliich dictated this sentiment to the justice and magnanim
ity of France for a retraction of it, and for meeting them freely in the complete
restoration of friendly intercourse ; that France wiU not deliberately expect that
they could make a sacrifice of self-respect, since she must be sensible that a free
people ought in every event to cherish it as a sacred duty, and to encounter vrith
fu-mness every danger and calamity which an attempt to make them forget it, or
degrade them from their independent character, may involve.
This would be the general complexion of the reply which I would give. The
manner should be extremely cautious, smooth, even friendly, but yet solemn and
dignified. The alliance in its future operation must be against our interest. The door to
escape from it is opened.
Though we ought to maintain with good faith our engagements, if the con
duct of the other party releases us, we should not refuse the release, so far as we
may accept without comproinitting our peace. This idea is very important.
Yours,
A. H.

TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Phila., Nov. 27, 1796.
I have the pleasure to reply to your letter of November 21st. The anti-federal
ticket has succeeded in this state except in respect to two persons, one of whom
is of somewhat doubtful principles. Many persons have supposed that the pro
clamation ought to have been issued on a certain day fixed by law, when the re
sult would have been different. How this point really is, I wiU not undertake to
say, although it is certain that different declarations have been made to different
persons by the Governor, and that his whole conduct has borne marks of finesse
and partiality. The retums of the county have not yet been received ; it is said
that their probable effect would have been the election of the two anti-federalists
now excluded. I have some reason to think that raeasures are in conteraplation
for obtaining these returns before the first Wednesday of Deceraber, when a new
proclamation may be issued, or at least the votes of the excluded persons taken
returned with a special statement to Congress. There is no injustice in sup
posing that DaUas, who is the real Governor, would be pleased -with occasioning
a disputed election of President.
The votes of the city and county of Philadelphia afforded a majority of two
thousand against Mr. Adams ; the state of the poll through the state, exclusive
of the transmontane counties, afforded an entire balance in his favour of more
than three thousand votes ; the ticket has been lost by the votes of the insurgent
counties and the city and county of PhUadelphia.

1796.] OF WASHINGTON. 401
As for the westem counties they have acted according to their nature, and are
not to be censured ; the conduct of the city fills me with chagrin and indignation.
Many men who have been considered as friends to the govemment, yielded on
this occasion, and publicly assigned as their reason, that the election of Me,
Jefferson was necessary to prevent a rupture with France ! ! ! This reason
had a powerful influence with the Quakers ; motives more base, if possible, gov
erned others. It is publicly affirmed in many companies, that the indications of
bribery were unequivocal. I have been informed in a most direct, and as I con
ceive, authentic manner, that M. Adet has said that the future conduct of
France towards this country, would be influenced by the result of our
election. This execrable issue of the election has been owing to State vanity.
The majority of the last legislature was federal, and the antis were desirous of
having the electors chosen by districts. This would have divided the vote of
Pennsylvania, and left the general result favourable. The conceit of holding
the balance between the parties, and deciding who should be the President, was,
however, too tempting to be resisted. A die has been cast for the whole fortune
of our country, and the game most probably is lost. It is the misfortune of this
State that talents and integrity are rarely found in alhance.
The vote of Delaware will be favourable to Mr. Adams ; Maryland will give
seven votes for and three against him ; Virginia is expected to give two, and pos
sibly four ; North Carolina one, and South Carolina three. AU the residue will
be decidedly against him. .
The smallest number of votes required is - 70
It is hoped the States east of Pennsylvania wUl be unanimous, 58
In Pennsylvania we calculate on 2
In Delaware, 3
In Maryland, 7
In Virginia, - 2
In North Carolina, 1
In South Carolina, - - 3
Total expected, 76
It is to be observed that all the States will appoint electors, and that a majority
of the electors appointed, not a majority of those who vote, is required by tht
Constitution, The absence of any person who would have voted for Mr. Adams
wiU therefore be equivalent to a vote for Mr, Jefferson, by tending to refer the
choice of President to the House of Representatives,
It is said with confidence here in the conclaves of the antis, that Mr. Jeffer
son wiU have several votes east of Pennsylvania, Whether there is any grouna
for the assertion I know not. You may rest assured, however, that no means of
influence wUl be neglected, and that M, Adet is weU informed of most pubHc
characters. His notes may frighten some ; they may be assigned as a means to
cover motives not to be avowed ; in short, foUy and wickedness may alike be
found enemies in this contest.
The calculation of seventy-six votes in favour of Mr. Adams, is the highest
which can be made. I do not, however, expect any votes in South Carolina,
34*

402 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap, 12,
Many of the best men wUl exert aU their influence, but as the back country is
anti-federal, as the Rutledge famUy and their powerful connections are dis
gusted, and as the electors are to be chosen by the legislature, I do not see
why three votes are to be expected. It is most likely that the vote wUl be
uniform. In North Carolina one raan has been elected who has declared he would vote
for Mr. Adams ; but I understand that he is a raan of no consideration. The
people of the State are ignorant and fickle, their -wishes may change.on hearing
of Adet's note ; if this should happen, the vote of the elector would probably
foUow the opinion of his constituents. There are one or two federal candidates
set up in other districts frora which we have not heard, but I am told that there
is but littie probabihty that they -wUl be elected.
In Virginia, two votes may be relied on, and there is some ground to hope for
two others. We have heard of but six federal electors in Maryland, but it is
said that seven wUl be chosen. Pennsylvania is uncertain, it being highly prob
able that some device wiU be practiced either to gain over the two federalists, or
to defeat their votes.
Mr. Pinckney wUl, in South CaroHna, have an unanimous vote, and possibly
he may gain a few more votes than Mr. Adams in the southern States. The
zealous antis wUl, however, endeavour to defeat his votes out of partiaHty for
Mr. Jefferson.
Haring thus stated aU the facts -within my knowledge, and aU reasonable pro-
babUities, it remains for the eastem States to determine what shaU be done. To
me, it appears of the utmost consequence to prevent the election of Mr. Jeffer
son as President or Vice President. In the first situation he would graduaUy
innovate upon and fritter away the Constitution, and in the mean time there
would be no confidence in the Executive. In the second situation he would be
come the raUying point of faction and French influence ; he would probably re
side at the seat of government, where, without any responsibiUty, he would by
epicurean and other artifices, divide, undermine, and finaUy subvert the rival ad
ministration. It is my sincere opinion, that as Vice President, Mr. Jefferson
would at present be more dangerous than as President.
Under a conriction that the vote -wUl be so equaUy dirided between Mr. Adams,
Mr. Pinckney and Mr. Jefferson as to be insusceptible of calculation, and with a
certain knowledge that Mr. Jefferson vriU be preferred if the choice is made by
the House of Representatives, it is my opinion that the eastern States ought to
support Mr. Adams and Mr. Pinckney generaUy. If Mr. Pinckney should be
elected, I cannot but hope that tiie pecuHarity of our situation vrill justify the
proceeding to Mr. Adams, and that he would consent to serve in the office of
Vice President. This is a matter, however, upon which he alone must deter
mine. Is is certainly a painful idea to think of exposing his election to any
risque — his long serrices, his talents, integrity and patriotism demand the proofe
of confidence which the present election offers ; not to improve it wiU be an in
jury to our national character. Besides, it is disagreeable to think of elevating a
person to the Cliief Magistracy who has been recentiy hacknied and vulgarized
as Mr. Pinckney must have been in Europe. It would be weU if the pubhc

1796.] OF WASHINGTON. 403
opinion cotdd be united in a person, the measure of whose abUities and whose
opinions, foibles and peculiarities were little known. This is, however, impossi
ble ; we must take things as they are, and if any men distrust the permanency
of our systera, they more than others ought to be careful that the present experi
ment should be fairly tried, that at least the country may not suffer twice from
the same errour.
As for Mr. Jefferson, the circumstance that he permits himself to be naraed as
a candidate, is a sufficient proof of some defect of character which renders him
unworthy of confidence. No rirtuous and wise man would, in my opinion, ex
pose his country to the dangers, and his character to the imputations, which must
issue from an election under the unmasked interference of a foreign nation.
FROM OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Litchfield, Nov. 28, 1796.
Sir, I have had the pleasure to receive your letters of the 19th and 21st instant,
with an enclosure of the communication of M. Adet. I shall blush for my
CQuntry if its pubUcation can produce any effect but the deepest resentment ; his
conduct is as affronting to our understanding as it is to our rights as a nation.
It will produce in Connecticut a result, very different from what was intended.
If the impressions be yielded to by the southern states, and produce the alteration
in the system of national adrainistration, which the Directory wish, it wfll ac
celerate an event which our southem people above aU others ought to dread.
It is perfectly well understood, that their conduct for some years past has involv
ed this country in almost every eril it has and does suffer ; and if matters are
brought to an extremity, they never wiU derive the least aid from the northem
states, but a line of demarcation wUl, and ought to be made, and they left to the
plenary enjoyment of French Hberty. Such an event wUl be unhappy for -us,
but much less so than to be under the administration of a French agent.,' Mr.
Jefferson must not be President of the United States ; his foreign Machiavelian
policy has aheady done his country great injury and dishonour. We ought to
be independent, not in the name only but in reahty, and I trast that one part of
the country at least wUl, by the blessing of God be so, although they be exposed
to the severest trials.
This state I apprehend wUl be firmly united in their election. I hope they
wUl be so throughout New England. I doubt not but the majority ofthe people
in Berkshire are federal. An effort to set up a man for representative, of at least
a very dubious moral and rehgious character, has failed. By the papers I perceive
Vermont has chosen Elisha Sheldon, a compound of folly and knavery, and
one GaUup, who, it is said, is a vocfferons anti-treaty tavern-keeper, electors.
How they wUl act in the choice of President I have not been told. The event of
the elections ofthe heterogeneous mass of the Pennsylvanians is very interesting ;
it seems their decision must have been made by a smaU majority. I trust that
the federal interest vrill prevaU, and if so, I sincerely wish that Mr. Adams may
be President, and Mr. Pinckney Vice-President, but this vUlainous interference
of the French renders aU calculations precarious.

404 SECOND ADMINISTRATION, ETC. [Cuap. 12.
M. Adet's powers it is said are restored. I believe there can be no doubt but
the immediate objects ofthe French are plunder, and the election of Mr. Jeffer
son ; what other uhimate objects they may have can be only a matter of the
most uncertain conjecture, and wUl as it respects us, probably depend upon
events. If they make peace with Great Britain, perhaps it maybe by her ces
sion of Canada ; the westem waters have been an object of the French wish for
half a century. By quarreUing -with America they may hope to obtain them ;
they have predisposed the people of those countries to receive their government,
Spain may possibly think they may be less dangerous to them than these states
united, and may be disposed to adopt the dangerous experiment, but European
calculations respecting America, I beUeve wUl be fallacious, for I think it not
probable that their governments wUl operate in America, a third of a century.
Yours, &c,, OLIVER WOLCOTT,

FROM GEORGE CABOT, Brookline, Nov, 30, 1796,
My Dear Sir,
I am glad to see M. Adet's manifesto, which you were so good as to send
me. If the de-ril is in company it is always best to see his cloven foot. Although
I ara not sure that our country can escape all the evils which threaten it from
without, yet I ara persuaded that our chance will be best when we no longer in
dulge ourselves in the fooHsh behef of French friendship. The copy you sent
me was the only one I heard of by the post, and consequently I cannot state to
you the opinions of others, but my own is clear, that this measure wiU serve to
strengthen our govemment.
No decisive judgment can yet be formed respecting the votes of our electors
for a second man. They wUl doubtless give Mr. Adams every vote, and I think
a large majority (perhaps aU) for Mr. Pinckney. Upon this last point they will
probably be governed by the best intelligence which can be had on the day of
voting. If they could certainly make Mr. Adams President, and Mr. Pinckney
Vice-President, or if it should be pretty evident that Mr. A. cannot be carried,
and that Mr. P. may, I should not doubt they would give Mr. P. every vote.
At any rate, you may rely that proper attention is given to the business.
Mrs. Cabot unites with me in every sentiment of friendship and affection to
wards aU your family. Yours, sincerely,
G. CABOT.

CHAPTER XIII.

FOURTH CONGRESS  SECOND SESSION.
During the past summer some progress had been made
in the execution of the Treaty with Great Britain, not
withstanding the late period at which Congress had taken
the necessary initiative. The posts were surrendered up
on the passage of the appropriation giving the treaty ef
fect. Preparations had also been made on the part of the
United States for carrying into effect the treaty with
Spain ; a final settlement with Algiers was in progress,
and measures had been adopted for effecting treaties with
Tripoh and Tunis.
Congress formed a quorum on the first day of the ses
sion. On this day a delegate from the newly added State
of Tennessee appeared, was quahfied and took his seat ;
one who, young and unknown as he then was, destiny
had marked out as the future ruler of the nation, into
whose grand council he now came as the first represen
tative of -its youngest member ; and how many on that
floor foresaw, in his gaunt frame and iron visage, a suc
cessor of him who was now to bid them farewell, the
man who for good or for evU was to wield the future des
tinies of his country with the power of a Caesar !
On the 7th the President's speech was dehvered to
Congress. After reviewing the progress of foreign nego
tiations during the past year, he proceeded to recommend
the measures which, in his opinion, were necessary for

406 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 13,
the national prosperity or defence. The increase of the
navy ; the establishment of an effective mihtia ; the pro
vision of public stores ; the encouragement of manufac
tures and of agriculture ; the foundation of a national
university and a military academy ; finally, additional
' provisions for the public debt were pointed out to the at
tention of the Legislature. He concluded as foUows :
" The situation in which I now stand, for the last time,
in the midst of the representatives of the people of the
United States, naturaUy recals the period when the ad
ministration of the present form of government commenced;
and I cannot omit the occasion to congratulate you and my
country on the success ofthe experiment, nor to repeat my
fervent supplications to the Supreme Ruler ofthe Universe
and Sovereign Arbiter of nations, that his providential
care may still be extended to the United States ; that the
virtue and happiness of the people may be preserved ;
and that the government which they have instituted for
the protection of their hberties may be perpetual."
Solemn indeed was the scene as the warrior, the pa
triot, the statesman, venerable alike from his age and his
character, thus before the delegates of the people pro
nounced this beautiful invocation. And as they now
drank in the words of him who should no more thus ad
dress them ; as they gazed on that reverend form, and
heard his fervent prayer for the safety of his country,
what eye was not dimmed ; who did not join in the aspi
ration ; who did not honor him whom that countiy had
called Father ! Yet those very Representatives, within
a short week after, were gravely discussing a motion to
amend the responsive address, by strilring out aU expres
sions of confidence and trust, and the envenomed attack
came from a Virginian !
The issue of the election, so fiercely contested and so
nearly balanced, now absorbed, as may well be suppos-

1796.] OF WASHINGTON. 407
ed, aU thoughts. The following letters will present a
pretty faithful view of prevalent motives and opinions.
URIAH TRACY TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Philadelphia, 6th Dec, 1796.
Sir, You will doubtiess hear from your famUy, who were in company with me, that
we aU arrived safely in this city on Sunday moming. Yesterday there were
sixteen members of the Senate present ; of course we could only adjourn till this
day, when I presume we shall have u quorum and proceed to business. Proba
bly we shall have the President's speech to-morrow. The House of Represen
tatives made a house yesterday and went to business.
The election of President and Vice President engrosses the conversation of all
parties. Gov. Mifflin of this State, has acted a most extraordinary part, by post
poning his proclamation of elections in Pennsylvania ; by which step it is prob
able all, or aU but one or two, will vote for Mr. Jefferson. Yet I think Mr.
Adams wiU be chosen, unless Mr, Pinckney has it. This letter will not reach
you until after your votes in Connecticut are given. Of course nothing can be
done in consequence of any suggestions I can make ; otherwise I should suggest
to you, with due deference to your better judgment, whether it would not be advi
sable to throw some votes away from Pinckney. With my present sentiments,
Mr. Adams will certainly have raore votes than Mr. Jefferson — if so, the chance
of Mr. Jefferson's having such a plurality as to carry him in Vice President, is
less to be feared than that of Mr, Pinckney being President, However, sir, I
beg you to consider this as not being done with a view to dictate, I feel a con
fidence all will issue properly, I shall take the liberty to write you again upon
any occurrence which I may think wiU permit your notice. In the mean time, I
am, sir, with esteem, your excellency's humble servant,
URIAH TRACY.
N. B. Your particular connexions and relations here are well.
TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON. December 8th, 1796.
* * * The President will lay the correspondence with France,
since Genet's time, before Congress. A letter is preparing by Col. Pickering to
Mr. Pinckney, in answer to Adet, Tom, Paine has published a book against
the President containing the raost infaraous caluranies. It is a systematical
measure of France to destroy the public confidence in the friends of government
or " Washington faction," The question, whether our commerce is or is not to
be attacked, depends entirely on the mihtary operations in Germany and Italy.

408 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 13.
FROM OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
liiTCHFiELD, Dec. 12, 1796.
Sir, * * * When I went to attend the election at Hartford, I supposed we
should aU vote for Mr. Adams and Pinckney. At the same tirae I felt a strong
repugnance to prefer Mr. Pinckney to be Chief Magistrate, but such was the de
lirium of the times, that I suppose the chance must be submitted to. In con
versing with the electors, a strong propensity was discovered, to secure, if possible,
Mr; Adams' election as President. Mr. EUsworth, with whom I conversed, was
clear in the opinion, that that should be our main object. Information was
called for, and aU that could be obtained was had. The election was delayed
tUl the evening, to wait the arrival of the maUs ; these brought no material in
forraation but what we before had, and which indeed was substantially the same
as what you coramunicated in your last letter. Upon this information, we believ
ed we raight entertain a pretty well-grounded expectation, that Mr. Adams
would obtain as many as seventy-three Votes, or at least a majority, then it was
considered whether it was prudent to lessen the number of votes for Mr. Pinck
ney to check the predilection and anti-federalism of South Carohna, and whether
Massachusetts might not do it, (respecting which we had not the least informa
tion) and whether, if we abated our votes for Mr. Pinckney, Mr. .Tefferson might
not be elected, which was considered by all, the worst of evils. Upon this point,
whether to give both Mr. Adams and Mr. Pinckney equal support, there was
some difference of opinion. We stood upon very conjectural grounds, but upon
such information as we had, and after a perplexing consideration, I was of opin
ion, and the majority of the electors adopted the same, that we ought to run
very considerable risk, rather than not secure, if possible, the election of Mr.
Adams, and that it would be expedient to lessen Mr. Pinckney's vote to the
amount of four or five. In such an uncertainty of affairs no one could act with
much satisfaction, and doing business of the last importance upon precarious
principles is very perplexing. Upon the whole, I beheve that we could do
nothing better, and as I have heard nothing how the electors have proceeded in
any other state, I ara not, upon reflection, displeased with ji^hat we have done ;
though, at the same time, I am sensible that it is an affair of the greatest uncer
tainty ; but so it must be.
My strong -wish that Mr. Adams raight be elected President, independent of
the raerit of his services and his present situation, which ought not to be forgot,
arises frora his knowledge of all the public characters of his country ; his expe
rience, (of which a person long absent and not much conversant with characters,
opinions and biases in the various parts of the Union, must be destitute) and
[from the fact] that the particular acquaintances of Mr. Pinclmey are people,
whose political opinions we do not approve of; that Ids residence in Great Bri
tain and being conversant vrith the ministers of foreign courts, must have let
them into too minute an acquaintance with any foibles of his character, (and he
is very fortunate if he has none) and an unguarded faraUiarity may have lessened
his respectabihty for the exalted character of President of the United States ;

1796.] OF WASHINGTON. 409
that his acquaintance with the finesse and hypocrisy of foreign courts may have
induced him to believe such conduct necessary, although President Washington
has given the most glorious example to the contrary ; that the election of Mr.
Pinckney would be a partial triumph of the French and their traitorous American
partizans ; that Mr. Adams, it was faUy believed, would never serve under him,
and meet with all that French and American insult and reproach which he
might expect ; and that probably enough there may be in Mr. Pinckney, that
facihty and want of intuitive perception which might expose him to the success
ful assault of artifice and address. Under these and some other views which
might be mentioned, as that after the retirement of a President, who has had the
unlimited confidence of all the northem states, I know of no southem character
who can secure more than a small part of that confidence in case of a war ; and
if the phrenzy of the southern states shall render a disunion, or an energetic sup
port of it [of Union] necessary, in the one case we retire with more ease, in the
other Mr. Pinckney wiU not be able to support it if requisite Besides, we
shall not be satisfied to have a President appointed contrary to our wishes, by a
negro representation only ; this last circumstance is perhaps a vulgar prejudice,
as the constitution fixed this matter, but still it is a mortifying one. Mr. Ells
worth is of opinion that Mr. Jefferson would not accept the office of Vice Presi
dent. I wish his opinion may be well founded, if such an election shall be made ;
but as I consider him as an enlisted French partizan, and of unbounded self-
confidence, I believe that he would accept.
I have hastily sketched the reasons which may have probably existed in the
minds of the Connecticut electors, and can only wish that our proceedings may
produce the salutary effects which were intended, and wait with anxiety to know
the final result of this important business.
I am sensible that - person placed with a people who are united and deter
mined, will be apt to think and speak more decidedly than another who is dif-
ferentiy situated ; yet I wUl say, that if French agency places Mr. Jefferson in
the seat of the Chief Magistrate, (and if he is placed there it wUl be by their in
trigues) that the government of the United States ought at that moment to dis
continue its operations, and let those who have placed him there take him to
themselves ; for although I am sensible, by our last revolution, of the evils which
attend one, I sincerely declare that I wish the northern states would separate
from the southem the moment that event shaU take effect, and never reunite with
them except it shaU be necessary for mUitary operations. I trust that such pu
sillanimity wiU never exist in the northem states, as to submit in any degree to
a foreign power, unless compelled to by the bayonet. The age of reason has not
yet come ; for I beheve that at no period have mankind at large acted raore con
trary to its dictates than at present, and America wiU add a paragraph to the
history of nations in the manner which has been recorded of others.
We have no clue to guide us to. what wUl be the termination of the present
war. I do not expect that peace wiU be settled between Great Britain and
France, or that either govemment expects or desires it. The intolerable inso
lence and oppression of the French, have made all who know them their impla
cable foes. I find the peasants of the country, where their armies have been,
VOL. I. 35

410 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 13.
murder without pity a Frenchman whenever they find him. I think this univer
sal exasperation, and the circumstances of their internal affairs, will probably
produce a great reverse in their fortunes.
* * * *
I am, &c., OLIVER WOLCOTT.

CHAUNCEY GOODRICH TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Philadelphia, Dec. 13, 1796.
Sir, I place under cover to Frederic, a paper of yesterday, in which you wUl find
Gov. MiflSin in his address has done the governraent of Connecticut the honour
of particular mention. It merits, and I presume wiU meet only with contempt.
A few days after this display of patriotism and a holy zeal against speculation,
the President and Cashier of the State Pennsylvania Bank had been guUty of an
embezzlement of its monies or malversation. The President had by connivance
taken fiora the bank one hundred thousand doUars and more, without consent of
the directors, which, though charged, he kept without interest. He and the
Cashier are both displaced. It was yesterday rumoured that Governor Mifflin,
whose son-in-law was Cashier, had in the same way taken fifteen thousand dol
lars, and that he had given his security for restitution. I beheve the story, but
a few days wiU make it more certain, and in the meantime no mention need be
made of it. This place furnishes indication of great depravity ; bankruptcies
are frequently happening. Mr. Morris is greatly erabarrassed. 'Tis said that
Nicholson has fled to England ; that Judge Wilson has been to gaol and is out
on bail ; but there are so many ramours I vouch for the credit of neither. Blair
McClenachan, lately chosen Representative, has conveyed his estate to his chU
dren to cheat his creditors.
We yesterday had the news of the destraction of two-thirds of Savannah — being
burnt. You wiU not give any credit to the statements of the votes for President,
taken from the Aurora. Accounts are,
Pennsylvania, Jefferson 14 Adams 1 Burr 13 Pinckney 2 P. Henry
Delaware, "3 "3
Maryland, " 4 " 7 " 3 " 4 " 2
N. Jersey, "7 "7
N.York, 12 " 12
According to calculations here, Mr. Adams -will be President ; the event is yet
however, anxiously waited for. I have just received your letter, and close in
haste by subscribing myself, your obedient, humble servant,
CHAUNCEY GOODRICH.

1796.] OF WASHINGTON. 411
Philadelphia, Dec. 15, 1796.
Sir, Accounts of votes just received from Virginia, are Jefferson 20, John Adams
1, Samuel Adams 15, Washington 1, Pinckney 1, Burr 1, Clinton 3.
We are on the answer to the President's address. GUes leads in the opposi
tion, but I think he can't carry the party the length he wishes. I am, respect
fully, your obedient, humble servant, CHAUNCEY GOODRICH.
Philadelphia, Dec. 17, 1796.
Sir, Before your letter of the 8th instant came to hand, I had anticipated the per
plexities you mention, in fixing on the arrangement of votes for President and
Vice President. I fully appreciate the correctness of the views which preponde
rated in the choice of difficulties, and now have the pleasure to enclose a paper
containing a list of votes, which only awaits the retum from Vermont to assure
us of Mr, Adams being chosen President. As yet, it is not sufficiently complete
clearly to ascertain the result as to Vice President. If Mr. Jefferson should be
chosen, it is cause of some consolation that the votes are so cast in New England
that it raust be owing to support in South Carolina, or Mr. Pinckney's want of
it. State or individual attachments, when ^compared with the interests of the
country, are of inconsiderable consequence. There have been three sets of
opinion ; that Mr. Adams' election to be President was so important as to justify
the supposed risk as to the federal characters ; that it was wise to hazard or even
sacrifice Mr. Pinckney's election as Vice President, if necessary, to secure Mr.
Adams, but in the nice state the business was known to stand, the whole federal
interest was put in too imminent risque by diminishing Mr. Pinckney six votes.
That Mr. Pinckney as President, and Mr. Adams, Vice President, was better
for the government than the latter being President, and Mr. Jefferson Vice
President. Each of these opinions has had respectable advocates among federalists, who,
perhaps raore than could be expected, have sincerely supported Mr. Adams'
election. On doubtful ground, as this clashing of sentiments must conrince every
one, the matter was placed. When the electors meet, the friends ofthe govem
ment ought to acquiesce cordially in the arrangement that has taken "place. In
my opinion, they have evinced more sagacity than under so raany perplexing
embarrassments ever attended the deliberations of numerous and unconnected
assembUes. A good Proridence has been with them, to fix a determination in
favour of Mr. Adams' Presidency. It has been rumoured that Mr. Jefferson will
not accept the Vice Presidency ; his Virginia partisans say he shaU, and wUl ;
some suppose it is what he most covets. He can't do otherwise without disobli
ging his friends, and he has too long had a lurching for the Presidency to give up
his hold on his party. We must expect him to be the nucleus of a faction, and
if it wiU give hira some greater advantages for mischief, it draws him more from
his covert. We better know what he will wish to do, than what he wUl dare

412 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 13.
or wiU have the power to attempt. And where there are so few data to make
an estimate, it is not worth while to anticipate e-vUs as certain or extensive. It
wUl, ff it happen, be a mortifying circumstance to the friends of the government,
and a partial triumph to faction. It is desirable the two first magistrates should
harmonize together, in my opinion, as long as the govemment has to conffict
with rival parties, and which -wiU be as long as it lasts, that wiU be but seldom
the case. We need not distress ourselves greatiy about it ; the age of reason
vriU settle the matter when it has brought man to the point of perfectibihty— and
in the rapidity of its strides, we may wait patiently.
Mr. Adams' age, long public Hfe, important services, consequent weight, and
the weight of that part of the country where he lives, and his present office, are
obvious and inrincible reasons for supporting his election, to the exclusion of any
other candidate. He has never deserted his country, nor its trae friends. His
opposition to i:s insidious enemies, has exposed him to their calumny and
intrigues ever since Mr. Jefferson's return from France. There is a tie of confi
dence and honor which binds men of this stamp together, that ought not to be
violated, except in extremes. While hope lasts for their election, they should
not be let down in favour of neutral characters. The'precedent contaminates,
through the grades of office ; it is a wound of the severest kind — it is a wound in
the cause of rirtue, and from her friends.
By instituting the office of Vice President, the Constitution contemplates a
succession ; it means to provide a candidate on probation for the Presidency ; it
means to avoid the erils of hereditary succession, and the turbulence of the
public mind being entirely left afloat. Unfortunately it has left the citadel
exposed by the preposterous mode of election. The raost important principle on
this occasion, has been respected to regard the principle of succession primarily.
No doubt the conflict we have to maintain against French intrigue, had its
influence -with the electors. The unanimity east of this place shows serious
apprehension among the people.
The confidence the people have in the Executive, raore than any minute
knowledge of the affairs of the whole branches, keeps the people steady. The
Executive is the only single object at which they can or will look. The experi
ment would be hazardous to place the Executive in a character little known in
New England, and without any preeminent features of public character, in any
part of the Union. More than hundreds, on the score of merit, have a preferable
claim to Mr. Pinckney. I do not mean to depreciate his worth. I value it. But
he has had no intimate relation with the government. Whatever philosophy
might say, Mr. Adams would feel liimself, on the President's retirement, degraded
in a subordinate station. He would go to the govemment of Massachusetts. In
that I don't merely conjecture. His friends would not feel cordial to any other
administration. State pride in Massachusetts, of which they have enough, would
be chagrined. So far as I have information, there is no reason to suspect but
what Mr. Adams has had a warm support of the federalists, in the southem States.
If there is any cause of suspicion to the country, it is in respect to some federal
ists in this State. It is not always easy to discriminate betwixt their folly and
their craft. They are caught in the snare if they have played legerdemain as to

1796.] OF WASHINGTON. 413
Mr. Adams. Had the federal ticket prevailed here wholly, the southem faction
would unanimously have voted for Pinckney.
Attempts were made by the antis to persuade Mr. Adams and his friends, that
certain characters designed to make Mr. Pinckney, President. The insinuation
was a vile and rascally fabrication. It was pointed at Col, Hamilton, who I am
told, wrote to the eastern electors to vote unanimously for Pinckney, Since the
votes of Connecticut came, I have heard nothing fiirther about it, Mr. Adams
has reason to consider, and I know does consider the arrangement of votes in
Connecticut as a very honourable testimony of attachment. Pains wiU be taken
to disseminate jealousy if Mr. Pinckney is unsuccessful ; but ah candid men
must, when the first impulse of disappointment shall be over, do justice to the
integrity of motive, and sensible ones, to the sagacity which has attended the
business. The length of this detaU claims an apology ; it is to be found in a de
sire to communicate to you what has passed here on this subject. To dismiss it
with only informing you we are not entirely without hopes Mr. Pinckney may
find some support in Kentucky, and Jefferson less in South Carolina than has
been calculated on. We have not any particular information on which to ground
our hopes.
The answer to the President's speech has been a bitter pill to our democrats ;
they fear they have belied past conduct. Madison declines a future election,
Adet's note has not done them the service they intended, and they are apprehen
sive the spirit of the country will not bear it. There is no real friendship among
the leaders, Virginia has treated Burr sourrily in the election, and North Car
olina not much better. Langdon is simple enough to say he might have known
they would lurch him, Mr. Wolcott has given us a long report on direct taxes.
As soon as it comes from the press, I -will endeavour to find some conveyance
for it.
We are all well, and join in affectionate remembrances of respect. I am, sir,
your ob't humble serv't, CHAUNCEY GOODRICH.

Philadelphia, Dec. 22, 1796.
Sir, In Claypoole's paper of this moming is a letter from Columbia, South Carolina,
dated the day of election, informing that the electors had unanimously voted for
Jefferson and Pinckney. I have had no opportunity to enquire uito the authen
ticity of this account. There are contradictory accounts of the votes in New
Hampshire. One that they are for Adams and Pinckney, the other that they
were for Adams and EUsworth. We want more decisive information. In an
Albany paper, the votes in Vermont are said to be for Adams and Pinckney.
This week -wUl eclaircise the business.
The accounts of the election in the State of New York, so far as rumors can
be trusted, don't forebode so favourable a change in the representation as we have
been promised. Congress is yet on the routine of business. The weather is
uncommonly cold. Our cities are infested with incendiaries. A second fire at
Savannah has destroyed about twenty houses ; both fires there are supposed
35*

414 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 13.
to be accidental. No European news. I am, sir, with respect, your ob't humble
serv't., CHAUNCEY GOODRICH.

Philadelphia, Dec. 23, 1796.
Sir, I am much obHged by your early notice of my letters, which I have the plea
sure to receive, from yours of the 10th instant. The papers I have sent you,
with the one enclosed, wUl give you the proceedings of Congress, and the other
occurrences. We are assured the votes of New Hampshire are not for Mr. Pinckney as has
been confidently given out, which renders Mr. Jefferson's election more than pro
bable. This event is a new call on your patience, which I flatter myself wiU be
attended with no other evil than present vexation of spirit. The unanimity of
the country east of this State in favour of Mr. Adams' election, is at once singu
lar and honourable, and if continued, wUl eventually prevail. The elections
south of the Potomac don't denote any change of systera. In all those States
there is a respectable nuraber of federalists ; as yet they operate even without
partial success.
It is already known that the House of Representatives will be better the next
Congress ; the extent of change is not ascertained. We fear from the imperfect
accounts we have of the election in the State of New York, that caprice and
Bupineness among the friends of government, have been favourable to a number
of the present raerabers, and that the representation in that State will not be
araended. In this State there are six good raerabers ; in Maryland three more
than in this last session ; in South Carolina there is considerable change without
any advantage, as is the case in North Carolina. The election in Virginia
does not take place till March. We have no accounts frora Georgia.
The conflagration of our towns is a mysterious business. No doubt seems to
be entertained of their being infested with incendiaries ; the received opinion is
that gangs are associated for the object of plunder. I was told by Mr. Baldwin
that he was conrinced by accounts he had from Georgia, the fires in Savannah
were accidental — from late accounts I observe that opinion is not universal.
The bank business here is hushed ; there is enough of palpable disgrace for
Pennsylvania to stagger under without dragging any from the vaults of the ¦
banks. The legislature could not help a formal enquiry, so far as to ask an ac
count frora the directors ; nothing further is intended.
I hope the beginning of the week we shaU have the treasury reports from the
press. Accept Peter Porcupine's address on Adet's note, a part of which accom
panies this, and the residue goes under cover to Frederic. I have nothing of
family news to communicate, and only repeat the sentiments of respect with
which I am, your obedient humble servant, CHAUNCEY GOODRICH.

1797.] OF WASHINGTON. 415
Philadelphia, Jan. 6th, 1797.
Sir, I have the pleasure of your favour of the 2d instant, which is made the more
agreeable by the account of your health in this inclement season.
As I write in the midst ofthe spouting ofthe House, I can't give you the detaUs
of public affairs ; to-morrow, leisure wUl afford me an opportunity for that re
spect. The report on the subject of direct taxes, is in my opinion one of the
most useful public documents our government has produced. If the public opin
ion at present forms an objection to its fuU incorporation into our system of
revenue, I believe more correct views will eventually prevail. It is too volumin
ous to go through the raaU, but I hope some priyate conveyance wiU offer for
this and other public documents.
You will see among the proceedings of Congress, a resolve laid upon the table
for the appointment of a coraraittee to examine the title of Connecticut to the
Westem Reserve. It is a spiteful measure of Mr. Liringston to retaliate, be
cause Mr. Coit moved the question as to the payment of the balance due from
debtor states. I presume the resolve will die where it is. Nobody need be
disturbed about it. We are all in good health. Yours,
CHAUNCEY GOODRICH.
URIAH TRACY TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Philadelphia, Jan. 7th, 1797.
Sir, Your letter of the last month is hereby acknowledged. Before you receive
this you wiU probably know that all the votes for President and Vice President
are retumed. That Mr, John Adams has 71 votes, Mr, Thomas Jefferson 68,
and Mr, Pinckney 59, Of course the two former fiU the two first offices in our
government for the next four years. Although I should be better satisfied not to
have Mr, Jefferson in the government, yet I think it better that he should be
Vice President than Mr, Pinckney President ; especiaUy as in that event we lost
Mr, Adams, who would not have served as Vice President under any man but
G, Washington.
Our French patriots are much cooler than when we first carae together. The
success of the Arch Duke and General Wurraser in Germany and Italy, has
staggered their overweening faith. They begin now, since they find Mr. Adams
-will be President, to say he is a very good man, and will not be for fimding sys
tems and bankUig, and that he is too independent to be governed by Hamilton
&c. I really believe the Austrians have saved us from much difficulty, if not
from a war. Had the French armies been victorious, the nation would have
been so imperious, that war or something very troublesome and humiliating would
have succeeded, considering the powerful party of Americans who would have
more than kept pace with their French friends in haughtiness, had they not been
checked by the Austrian successes. Information from the Hague, derived
through indisputable and very creditable channels, which I am not now at liberty
to disclose, is full, that the French Directory were governed entirely by advice of

416 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 13.
Americans who were in Paris, and by information received there from Ameri
cans on this side ofthe water, in aU their moveraents respecting America. On
the 17th Sept., 1796, the President pubhshed his intention to decHne further
service after next March ; on the 9th of August, next preceding, measures were
taken by the Directory of the RepubUc of France, to effect the election of Thomas
Jefferson, and to bring over aU our ministers abroad to unite their exertions -with
the French in that particular measure . This plan did not succeed to their wishes,
upon which they concluded to attempt to give us a President by attackmg our
comraerce and giring Adet, the French Minister here, discretionary orders to
suspend his functions, &c., ff he found it necessary, and to cooperate -with the
patriots of this country to effect their wishes, both as to a President and to cause
a rapture between this country and Great Britain. Part of the general system
against Great Britain, was to bring about a war between the Turks and the
Emperor of Germany, draw in Sweden and Denmark to engage in a war -with
England, together with Spain, and to cause a rapture between Spain and Por
tugal, -with the flattering idea for Spain to annex Portugal again to that king
dom. America was to guarantee the West Indies to France, and Hkewise fight
Great Britain. In this way the aspiring leaders of the aspiring French were
busied in schemes for employing the world in their favour, and again calHng into
reriew the old French vision of universal dominion, when the Arch Duke
Charles, by a raore brUUant mUitary achievement than has been effected in the
course of a century, cut up Jourdan's conquering army ; and Wurmser, by an
an action little less briUiant, put the rictorious Buonaparte at check at Mantua,
the key of Italy and Germany. The French General, Moreau, has not yet
crossed the Rhine, and the Austrians are in force on the left bank to intercept
his crossing, and are in force on the right bank to interrapt his attempt. The
Turkish government has now undergone a total change of officers, who have
unanimously declared in favour of Austria, Sweden, and Denmark, have put the
French at defiance ; Spain, if she has declared war on Great Britain wUl enrich
the English, and Portugal laughs at them. America, I hope and trust wUl
behave properly on this occasion tliroughout, as she has done in the choice of a
first magistrate, and every other circumstance upon which it has been proper to
act at aU, Thus the intrigues, lies, and immense suras of secret serrice raoney,
paid and promised by the French, have faUed. The conteraplative mind can
hardly fail to recognize the hand of Him, who " rides in the whirlwind and directs
the storm," and to acknowledge that he causes the wrath of man to praise Him
and graciously restrains the remainder.
By information from the Hague, through the sarae channels, we are assured
that the ^h-nheers are heartUy sick of being so riolently forced to be free • that
the French Directory are now -with much humility, coaxing the Belgians to make
rigorous efforts with them against the common enemy, and in short, that their
tone is taken down raany degrees, upon finding their armies defeated abroad,
and mutinying at home. The Germans are, as a people, totally enraged against
the French, and in no danger of joining then- regenerating principles against
their own government ; and even the effeminate ItaUans are begiiming to slav

1797.] OF WASHINGTON. 417
their preservers (as the French call themselves). I hope at least, we in Ameri
ca, may be liberatfifl from French hugs and guUlotines.
I have trespassed much longer on your patience than I raeant ; please to ac
cept the compliments of the season, and believe me, with much respect, your
very humble servant, URIAH TRACY.

CHAUNCEY GOODRICH TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Philadelphia, Jan. 9, 1797.
Sir, There have been only two subjects before the House of Representatives since
the answer to the President's speech, which have occasioned much debate ; a
resolution for the reUef of Savannah, and demand for payraent by the debtor
states ; the first was rejected on the ground of opening the treasury to incalculable
expense ; the latter was stirred without previous concert, and when before us,
a choice of difficulties only remained. By an adoption of the resolution we
risqued a disturbance of federalism in New York and Delaware ; by its rejection,
discontent of the creditor states on the eve of increasing the revenue. If. the
State of New York shall possess the philosophy to treat the matter dispassion
ately, no iU will come of the measure, if the Senate should adopt it.
I am told by some of the members of the House, that the Secretary of State
has nearly completed the communications in respect to our relations with France.
In what attitude we can place our country as to that, is somewhat probleraati-
cal. If a developement of foreign artifice shall enlighten our country, and cure
it of extraneous attachments, the essential point will be gained ; they wiU desist
from their present vexatious conduct. Barney, who went from this country with
Mr. Monroe, or soon afterwards, has come to Virginia vrith two ships as a com
modore. The Jacobins at Baltimore have given him the honour of a military
salute. He has undoubtedly instructions to capture American vessels. I am
informed several gentlemen have seen his instructions. He is expected here.
Ours, I believe, is the only country where such insults would be tolerated from a
native citizen.
In the paper I send, is an account of a letter said to be received from Mr. Jef
ferson, expressive of esteem for Mr. Adams, and his satisfaction on his election.
I can't vouch for the correctness of the publication. That he has wrote a letter
of meek humUity as to himself, and complimentary of the Vice-President, is
asserted by several who have seen it. The democrats are besetting Mr. Adams
with attention. Since his election has become ascertained, the scurrihty in Bache's
paper has ceased, and it is said the democrats are recommending to him concilia
tion of parties.
I suspect there is a plan on foot to change public opinion in Connecticut, and
set the people in opposition to the governraent. If it be so, you wUl see the first
symptoms of it lurking about New Haven and its ricinity, and progressing in
the circuit of the court. There has not been any period, in my opinion, when
an attempt of this kind could be undertaken with more promising hopes of sue-

418 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 13.
cess. Private ambition will be powerfully succoured by the derangement of the
affairs of individuals. It is also a period when there is a stress on the depart
ments of public business, that requires patience and a conflict with popular pre
judice to cure. I doubt not we shall get safely over aU difficulties.
The weather is more incleraent than known for raany years. I hope to find
some private conveyance for a packet of the pamphlets of the day. I am, sir,
your obedient humble servant, CHAUNCEY GOODRICH.

The President, in his speech, had mentioned that some cir
cumstances of an unwelcome nature had recently occurred
in relation to France ; that our trade had suffered, and
was suffering extensive injuries in the West Indies, from
the cruisers and agents of the French repubhc ; and that
communications had been received from its minister here,
which indicated danger of a continued disturbance of our
commerce by its authority. Further communications on
these subjects were transmitted, in January, by a special
message, inclosing copies of a letter from the Secretary of
State to JMr. Pinckney, and other documents.
The complaints of M. Adet, contained in his final note,
as weU as the communications of his predecessors, em
braced most of the transactions of our government in re
lation to France, from an early period of the war. The
whole were reviewed in Col. Pickering's despatch ; the
justification of the government being supported by copies
of the correspondence and documents relating to the af
fairs of the two countries. As a state paper, this produc
tion was admirable. Comprehensive in its details of
facts, and forcible in its reasoning, it secured to its author a
reputation for ability which, had he left no other evidence,
could not be shaken. As an historical document, refuting
the charges against Washington's administration, and the
conduct of the federal party towards France, it is also
one of great and paramount interest.
To enter at large into an examination ofthe complaints
of the French minister, covering as they did every sub-

1797.] OF WASHINGTON. 419
ject, from alleged grave violations of treaty, to the order
in which foreign ministers were named in a PhUadelphia
directory, or to note the manner in which they were met,
would require too much space ; but it may be remarked
that almost aU the questions of actual importance had oc-
cured during the periods in which Mr. Jefferson or Mr.
Randolph held the department of State, and Mr. Monroe
that of Minister to France ; that in regard to the princi
ples of international la^v, the construction of the treaty of
1778, and the British treaty, the grounds maintained by
the American government had been assumed and defend
ed by them ; that the difficulties already existed, and in
a formidable aspect, when Col. Pickering came into the
cabinet ; and that with the exception of a few matters of
inferior importance, no new ground of complaint on the
part of France had since arisen. This circumstance has
been carefully overlooked by anti-federal writers, and by
no one more carefully than Mr. Jeflferson himself, when it
suited him to represent the conduct of the federal admin
istration as partial, unfriendly and unjust. The archives
of our government, however, will demonstrate that its
principles of action, on these points, were all advocated
or countenanced by these three chiefs of Virginian oppo
sition. If in this they had deserved credit, as is not de
nied, the infamy of their double dealing was not thereby
palliated but increased.
There was another class of complaints of a less tangi
ble nature, which owed much of their gravity to the or
naments of rhetorical eloquence with which the fervid im
agination of Adet had clothed them. Of this class was
the alleged ingratitude with which we had returned the
affection, the sympathy and assistance formerly shown
by France to the United States. This charge, which
formed a standing theme of French declamation, was
caught up and stereotyped by the anti-federahsts, as an
evidence of the monarchism of their opponents, and the

420 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 13.
prevalence of British influence in their councUs. It might
have been thought that the exhibition which the Directory
had made ofthe motives which led the since faUen throne
to assist the states in their struggles, would have cancell
ed the obhgation ; but in their view the debt stiU existed
and survived to its destroyers, as the stolen garments of a
malefactor, become the perquisite of his hangman.
M. Adet's note contained no reference to the complaints of
the United States, and the Secretary's letter to Mr. Pinck
ney was simply a reply to those alleged on the part of
France. The grievances which this country had suffered,
were set forth in a report made during February, in obe
dience to a caU of the House of Representatives. The
history of the numerous decrees affecting neutral com
merce, exposed a depth of hypocrisy and viUainy unpar
alleled. It had been the practice of the Directory, on the
remonstrance of our ministers, to repeal or suspend for a
time some obnoxious order, as a proof of friendship to
their " ally" ; and when commerce had again extended it
self, to renew it without notice, to sweep the ocean of its
wealth — again to repeal, and again renew and capture.
More than this, orders which had been revoked were re-
enacted, and a retrospective effect given them, that sei
zures made in the interim might be covered. France had in
this way carried on a system of maritime plunder which,
equally infamous in character with the piracies of Algiers
and Tripoli, was more gigantic in extent. The African
tribes, whom modern civilization has hunted from the
ocean, were pirates by trade. The laws which among
civilized communities regulate their intercourse in peace,
or their conduct when at war, were unknown to them.
Outcasts from the family of 'nations, their hand was
against every man, and every man's hand against them.
France, on the contraiy, in the course she had pursued,
not only infringed a code, the obhgations of which she ad
mitted, but violated the faith of compacts entered into

1797.] OF WASHINGTON. 421
with all the solemnities of which national engagements
are susceptible. She was robbing friend as well as foe,
neutral as well as belligerent, following out a stupendous
system of national piracy. With a view to booty alone,
had been framed the quick succession of orders, arrets
and decrees, which were promulgated in reference to
commerce, and from which American trade had suffered
such enormous losses. The pretexts under which it was
disguised, were too shaUow to be long maintained in sober
argument ; she had therefore assumed the offensive in di
plomacy as well as in force, and clamorously demanded
satisfaction for supposititious injuries, while committing
wholesale depredations herself
An instance in proof of this assertion is furnished in the
official correspondence of their agents at St. Domingo,
who, writing to the minister of marine in January of this
year, state, " that having found no resource in finance, and
knowing the unfriendly dispositions ofthe Americans, and
to avoid perishing in distress, they had armed for cruis
ing ; that already 87 cruisers were at sea, and that for
three months preceding, the administration had subsisted,
and individuals been enriched with the product of those
prizes."* The colonial agents had in this but imitated
their superiors at home.
The truth is that the thirst of universal conquest of the
French nation, had swallowed up every consideration,
every principle. Under the pretence of extending the
blessings of liberty, she was subjugating in turn aU the
nations of Europe ; professing to make war only against
kings, she annihilated or absorbed every repubhc. Each
conquest led to new wars — with every battle the prospect
of peace receded. Thus, already her fields and her work
shops were abandoned ; already had commerce and credit
perished. Drained of her own resources, she had recurred
' See Report of Secretary of State, January, 1799
VOL. I. 36

422 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 13.
to the barbarous custom of making war support war. Upon
the land, the track of her armies was desolated;
upon the ocean, the blazing wrecks of a thousand vessels
indicated the course of her navies.

Treasury matters as usual, occupied much of the ses
sion. On the 14th of December, Wolcott reported his
plan for laying and collecting dikect taxes. The subject,
it will be remembered, had been discussed in the House
of Representatives during the last session, the majority of
the committee of ways and means having among other
plans, reported in its favor. The opposition members had
indistinctly advocated the raising the whole sum then re
quired, in this manner the federal members had chiefly
preferred indirect or internal taxes, as more productive and
less unpopular. This latter character had, however, been
with the opponents of the government no recommenda
tion. Desirous of a change, they wished to force the ad
ministration into the adoption of a measure, which, most
directly affecting every one, should most provoke dissatis
faction. They manifested at that time, no disposition to
incur the odium of the imposition themselves, but in re
fusing their concurrence in other modes to an extent sufl&-
cient to defray the national wants, they calculated shrewd
ly enough on driving their adversaries into the adoption
of the measure which they pointed out to them. The
effort had then failed, but the extension of the indirect
tax being impossible in the face of the opposition, the
reference to the Secretary of the Treasury had been
agreed to, that other means wanting, the pubhc credit
should at aU events be sustained.
With respect to direct taxation, it is to be observed that
Wolcott himself was in its favor, not as a temporary or a
sole resource, but as a permanent system, coexistent with.

1797.] OF WASHINGTON. 423
and auxihaiy to the systems of revenue from inaposts and
from indirect taxation ; as one not liable to the fluctua
tions of the former, and capable of being made product
ive, in connection with the latter, of a certain revenue
when that from imports would be cut off by war.
As the resolution did not specify the amount of the pro
posed tax, the Secretary assumed that the sum to be appor
tioned should be sufficient to consummate the system estab
hshed in March, 1795, and should be commensurate with
the probable exigencies of the government. The resort
to new loans for the purpose of paying instalments falhng
due, excepting in cases of urgent necessity, he reprobated
as tending to perpetuate the debt, and as subject to con
stant difficulties. On this subject he said :
" The public faith having been pledged to reimburse a great portion of the
debt which lately rested in permanent loans, sufficieiit revenues for this object,
and all necessary expenses of government must be provided, or recourse had to a
continued system of borrowing. If this last expedient should be resorted to, the
public burdens — though the debts may change their form — wiU remain substan
tially the sarae. The governraent will moreover be liable to certain risks and
expenses which inevitably attend extensive contracts ; and unless it shall be found
practicable to obtain new loans on terms at least as favorable as those to be ex
tinguished, the public debts will be somewhat increased by the inefficiency of the
measures which were intended to reduce them.
"It will not escape the attention of the House, that the causes which at pres
ent most favour the prosperity of the United States, and consequently increase
the abihty of the people to pay taxes, are such as oppose obstacles to the negoci
ation of new loans, or at least render their terms pecidiarly burdensome and ex
pensive ; but while it would be improper to encourage an expectation that the
affaurs of this extensive and enterprising country can be successfully conducted
without an occasional application to this resource, it ought to be a fixed principle
to estabhsh a permanent revenue, adequate to every permanent expense, and
sufficient to discharge in a reasonable time, all loans arising from extraordinary
and unforeseen contingencies. This principle has been already recognized by the
act of March 3d, 1795, which has solemnly pledged the public faith for the reim
bursement of the debt now existing ; it therefore only remains to embrace the
present period as the most auspicious which has yet occurred, and. as favourable
as any which may be expected, for establishing and maturing such systems as
wiU efficaciously fulfil the intentions of the legislature."
In pursuance of these views, and in order to arrive at

424 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 13.
a correct estimate ofthe amount required for this purpose,
a concise statement of the finances was presented^ As
suming that some systematic plan would be adopted for
satisfying the existing contracts by direct payments from
the treasury, instead of by new loans, the report proceed
ed to estimate the sums, which, dividing the time into four
periods corresjwnding with those contracts, would be an
nually required during each of them to defray the expen
ses of government, and provide for the final extinction of
the debt in the year 1824. This annual amount during
the first period ending with the year 1800, was stated at
$7,429,398 99, of which $2,700,000 was allowed as the
probable expenses of the government, an estimate liable,
however, to be increased by the gradual increase of the
nation, and by future contingencies. The revenues alrea
dy established amounted to $6,200,600, and to meet
the balance of annual demands, the further sum of
$1,228,794 50 was therefore to be provided for the first
named period. To provide this, and allowing a defalca
tion of fifteen per cent, for expenses of coUection and con
tingencies, it was proposed that there be laid upon the
United States, a direct tax of $1,484,000.
Three modes of imposing the proposed tax had been
suggested ; they were stated as follows :
" 1st. That an act of Congress should be passed, declar
ing the quotas of the different States, assigning a time for
payment into the treasury, and prescribing in cases of
delinquency, that the said quotas should be assessed and
collected by authority of the United States upon the same
objects of taxation, and pursuant to the same rules by
which the last taxes were assessed and coUected by the
respective States.
2d. That the act of Congress should direct that the
proposed tax should be assessed and collected under au-
' The estimate ofthe debt was of that ding. This it is not considered necessary
which existed on the 1st of July prece- to repeat here.

1797.] OF WASHINGTON. 425
thority of the United States upon the same objects of tax
ation, and pursuant to the rules of coUection by which
taxes are coUected in the States respectively.
3d. That the act of Congress should define certain ob
jects of taxation and principles of assessment, according
to which the proposed tax should be assessed in all the
States, to be collected pursuant to uniform regulations."
The first of these three modes the Secretary considered
as subject to aU the objections of the old system of requi
sitions on the States, to remedy which, was one great mo
tive for the change of government. The second also
presented some weighty objections. The system of tax
ation in the States were in many instances utterly differ
ent from each other in respect to objects of taxation and
the principle of apportionment and collection. The argu
ments from these facts against the plan were stated at
large. The third mode was the one preferred.
The report finaUy, after entering into a consideration of
the various objects to which a direct tax was applicable,
and the advantages and objections to each, recommended
that it be confined to the following, viz :
1st. Lands, which it was proposed should be taxed ad
valorem, but under hmitations to be prescribed by law in
respect to the estimated value of uninclosed and unim
proved lands, in districts to be defined.
2d. Houses exceeding in value those most generally occupied
hy farmers and laborers, which were proposed to be distri
buted in each of the States into three classes, with refer
ence to their value ; to be taxed uniformly in each class
at specific rates to be proscribed by law.
3d. Houses in general, and of such descriptions as should
be determined by law, to be taxed at one uniform rate.
This report, which, with the accompanying documents
extends to fifty pages fofio, presented a complete exhibi
tion of the subject. Besides a statement of the existing
condition of the national finances, it embraced a view of
36*

426 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 13.
the system of direct taxation as adopted and m use m
each State ; of the principles which should be observed
in creating a national system ; its influence upon the sev
eral objects to which it was applicable, and its relation
to other modes. The various plans suggested or in use,
were reviewed at length.
No purchases of debt had been made by the Commis
sioners ofthe Sinking Fund during this year ; butthe sum of
$544,066 54 had been apphed, under the act of March
3d, 1795, as the first year's reimbursement of the six per
cent, stock. The board had also caused 2,160 shares of
the bank stock to be sold during the months of August
and September, under authority of the act of the last ses
sion, at an advance of twenty-five per cent. The pro
ceeds, amounting to $1,080,000, together with the sum of
$120,000 obtained upon an issue of six per cent, stock,
authorized by the same act, had been- applied to the
payment of a corresponding amount of the domestic
loans. A report in obedience to a resolution of June preceding,
was at the end of December made by the Secretary, on the
subject ofthe Public Debt, intended to exhibit its compara
tive amount at different periods. The dates assumed were
the first of January 1790, 1791 and 1796 respectively. It
stated in brief that the foreign and domestic debts of the
United States, including the assumed debt and the balances
due to creditor States as adjusted and funded, exclusive ofthe
specie debts of the late government, paid at the treas
ury-, under the present government, amounted on the 1st
of January, 1790, to $75,414,427 97. That the same
debts amounted on the 1st of January, 1791, by the ac
cruing of interest during that year, to $77,361,428 70, and
if the debts incurred by the late, and paid by the present
government in specie, instead of being funded, were in
cluded, to the sum of $77,833,730 04. That the funded
and unfunded debt of the United States, including the

1797.] OF WASHINGTON. 427
sums purchased, redeemed and vested in the sinking fund,
the instalment of six per cent, stock reimbursed on the
last day of December, 1795, and all domestic loans,
amounted on the 1st of January, 1796, to $85,065,423 22.
That the debts purchased, redeemed and reimbursed by
the new government, the shares of bank stock owned by
it, and the revenue bonds remaining uncoUected on that
day, amounted, however, to $9,254,235 43.
The items which constituted the gross amounts at the
last two periods, are here stated in a condensed form for
the purpose of showing the transformations through which
the debt assumed its present shape.
Statement of Foreign and Domestic Debt, of the United States, including the
assumed debt, on the 1st January, 1791.
FoKEiGN Debt, viz :
Debt due to France and interest, - $8,190,531 58
Debt due in HoUand, - 3,863,000 00
Debt due in Spain, - - - 250,582 50
Foreign Officer's debt, - - - 209,426 08

Amount of foreign debt contracted by the late
govemment and due 1st January, 1791, 12,513,540,16
Domestic Debt, viz :
Principal, deducting amount paid into the trea
sury in certificates for sales by the late govem
ment and cancelled, - $27,197,489 00
Interest, deducting payments, 13,030,168 20
Unhquidated claims, - - 2,127,513 89
Assumed Debt, viz :
Principal, - 12,181,254 07
Interest, - - . 6,090,560 67
Balances of creditor states, - - 4,921,10100

Amount of Domestic Debt, including the assum
ed debt, on the 1st January, 1791, - 64,848,086 83

Total amount foreign and domestic debt, $77,361,626 99

428 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 13.
Statement of the Foreign and Domestic debt ofthe United States, including the
assumed debt, January 1st, 1796.
FoREi&N Debt, viz :
Loans effected by the late govemment at Ams
terdam, StUl unpaid, - $2,539,000 00
Loans effected by the present government at

Amsterdam and Antwerp,
Amount of foreign debts, Jan. 1, 1796,
Domestic Debt, viz :
Six per cent, stock, nominal amt.,
Deferred six per cent., " "
Three per cent., " "
Five and a half per cent, stock.
Four and a half per cent., "
Assumed Debt, -riz :
Six per cent, stock, nominal amt.
Deferred six per cent., " "
Three per cent., " "

Reoisteked Debt,
Unsubscribed Certificates,
Unregistered debt, estimate,
Domestic Loans, unpaid.
Foreign Officers' debt.
Total debt, Jan 1, 1796,

9,400,000 00

$11,939,000 00

21,204,321 02
10,508,666 77
13,492,995 47

45,205,983 26

1,898,900 00
176,000 00

2,074,900 00

8,120,836 23
4,060,417 84
6,090,560 67

18,271,814 74
235,811 90
¦ 242,316 10
1,105,424 60
6,200,000 00
75,984 52
^85,351,235 12

The sums which were considered as offsets to so much
ofthe debt, were :

Stocks included in the above amounts, but )
redeemed and vested in the sinking fund, ^
Instalment of six per cent, stock, reimbursed
December 31, 1795,
Bank stock held by the United States oil that
day at par value.
Bonds for duties accrued but stiU uncoUected,

2,710,168 89
544,066 55
2,000,000 00
4,000,000 00

Total amount,

$9,254,235 43

1797.] OF WASHINGTON. 429
The principles upon which this and other comparative
statements were founded, furnished materials for a nota
ble and long continued controversy between the two
parties. It was contended by the federahsts on the one
hand, that the debt as it was finally settled and funded,
was the real debt devolved upon the new government by
its predecessor ; and that therefore in computing the in
crease or diminution of the debt, the 1st day of January,
1791, when the system went into operation, must be taken
as the starting point. On the other side the opposition
denied that all the debts funded by the present had been
contracted by the former government ; they insisted that
the assumed debt was not properly a debt of the United
States, that even admitting the propriety of assumption,
it could have been effected with a less amount, and that
the difference was chargeable to the new government as
an increase of debt ; and they maintained that the inter
est which accrued on the debt after it went into operation,
or, at any rate, after the 1st January, 1790, and which
had been funded instead of being paid, was to be con
sidered as an increase of debt by the latter. To this it
was rephed by the supporters of the system, that the as
sumed debt was contracted by the states for an object
common to all, aiid was properly a charge upon the Union ;
that therefore in assuming the payment in place of the
states, they had contracted no obligation which did not,
in fact, previously exist. As to the argument that the
same relative situation of the states might have been pro
duced by funding the aggregate differences instead ofthe
aggregate amounts, this was not the question, as the as
sumption had been effected with other views than the
settlement of balances. In respect to the interest which
accrued between the adoption of the constitution and the
taking effect of the funding bill, they held it to be proper
ly chargeable to the old government, for the very sub
stantial reason, that the latter had left nothing to pay it

430 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 13.
with, neither money in the treasury nor accruing revenue ;
and they insisted that the time to which it had been fund
ed, was the earhest at which suitable provision could
be made.
The objections of the anti-federahsts to the method of
statement pursued at the treasury, wiU be found argued
with great subtlety, by Mr. GaUatin.^ Two statements
ofthe debt ofthe old government were presented by him,
both on the basis of January 1st, 1790. The first was
made on the admission, that the state debts assumed by
the union, including therein the balances funded in favor
of the creditor states, were actuaUy debts due by the
United States. This statement differed in result from the
treasury statement ofthe same day, Mr. GaUatin estima
ting the total amount of debt on the 1st January, 1790, at
$72,775,893 92. The second was made on the princi
ple that the state debts were not properly debts of the
union, and that only such an amount of the same had
been assumed, (after the settlement of the accounts be
tween the several states and the union) as would have
placed the accounts of the United States with the indi
vidual states in the same relative situation on which they
then stood, by leaving outstanding the same aggregate
amount of the balances due, either to or from the several
states, as then remained outstanding. By this method,
the " true amount of debts on the 1st January, 1790,"
appeared to be $64,260,294 33. The whole amount of
the principal ofthe pubhc debt on the 1st Januairy, 1796,
deducting the amounts of stock purchased and redeemed,
was $81,811,368 27, and deducting the bank stock and
cash on hand on thatday, was $78,697,410 12. Deducting
from the amount first stated the balance of cash on hand,
Jan. 1, 1790, the " increase of debt from 1790 to 1796,"
»" A Sketch of the Finances of the United States, by Albert GaUatm,," Svo.
New York, 1796. Section III '

1797.] OF WASHINGTON. 431
was, according to him, $6,084,155 49, and making the
same deduction from the second statement, the increase
was $14,437,115 79.
To explain the "principles" on which the original
amount of debt was thus figured down, would require an
investigation of the whole system upon which the debt
was funded, and an extended defence of the assumption
of the state debts and balances. This forms no part of
the present design. It is sufficient for the purpose of this
work to assume the state of facts as settled under Mr.
Hamilton's plan, and to foUow down the subsequent man
agement of the treasury according to the existing condition
of thihgs. Fairness, however, and the due understanding
of the views of parties, has required this explanation of
the doctrines of the opposition. The subject will be again
necessarily recurred to in a subsequent chapter. Mean
time, one observation requires to be made upon the al
leged amount of increase of debt, viz : that even in Mr.
GaUatin's view it was not pretended that the whole of
this sum had been expended, or otherwise contracted, than
as assumed beyond the amount which properly should
have been done. The increase of $6,084,155 under the
first statement, was reducible to these two heads : 1st,
from the excess of expenditures over receipts, and 2d,
from such parts of the interest accrued on the debt since
the 1st of January, 1790, as had been funded instead of
being paid.
The excess of expenditures beyond the revenues re
ceived, which was in his view of the receipts and expen
ditures stated at $3,228,961 19, was, according to his own
admission, subjected to deductions as foUows :
First, the excess of nominal amount of stock purchased
by the commissioners of the sinking fund beyond the
monies apphed to purchases, $688,725 67. Secondly,
gain by the conversion of premiums on the old Dutch
debt into an annual charge, $66,775 58. Thirdly, monies

432 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Cbap. 13.
actually coUected, but not passed into the treasury ac
counts, estimated by him at $600,000 00. Which sums,
amounting altogether to $1,355,501 25, made the real
amount of excess of expenditure beyond revenue only
$1,873,459 94.
The other items, were interest upon the proper domes
tic debt, the assumed debt, and the state balances,
amounting together 'to $4,210,695 55, which were funded
instead of being paid ; so that after aU, the great part of
the increase said to have taken place was to be referred
into a mere question of opinion as to the correctness of the
principles on which the debt was funded. To go back to
Wolcott's statement, the difference between the amount
of debt as represented by him to have existed on the 1st
January, 1790, and that stated by Mr. GaUatin, lay in the
allowance or disallowance of this last amount as being a
debt on that day. The diflference between their results
in the comparison of debt of 1790 and of 1796, sprung
from this, that Wolcott had set off against the gross amount
of debt, the amount of uncoUected bonds. Mr. GaUatin,
on the other hand, admitted only the supposed cash in
hand as an offset.'^
This matter of bonds requires a moment's notice in
passing. The treasury, it has already been mentioned,
were in the outset obliged to anticipate the revenues of
the year by temporary loans. But a smaU sum had been
left on hand by the old department, and no revenues at
first existed. Credits were necessarily given to importers
for the duties imposed under acts of Congress, and tempo
rary loans were obtained of the bank of the United
States in advance of fhe actual payment of their bonds,
payable on the coming in of the revenue. The usual an
ticipations were annual, and had been annually repaid ;
» It is not to be understood that Mr. report. It is, however, applicable to this
Gallatin's statements had reference to as well as to other statements made on
this individual account. His work was the same basis.
pubhshed in November preceding the

1797.] OF WASHINGTON. 433
but the stock loan and the extraordinary loans, already
mentioned, were payable in instalments. It had been
usual to consider the bank stock, cash in the treasury, and
bonds for duties accrued but not collected, as counter
balancing this temporary debt. But the opposition, who
were too much interested in making out the charge of in
crease of the public liabifities to let slip an occasion,
strenuously contested the correctness of the postulate.
The applicability of the bank stock and cash on hand
they could not very weU dispute, but the custom-house
bonds they most strenuously denied as admissible among
the assets acquired by government. The arguments on
either side will be found embodied in the report of the
committee of ways and means of May 8th, 1800, and the
pamphlet published by Mr. GaUatin in reply.
The subjects of these bonds, and the propriety of con
sidering the funded interest as part of the old legacy of
obligation, run through the whole history of discussion on
the finances. The actual obligations of the country could
neither be understated nor overstated, and the "question
of how much the debts had been increased or diminished
rested entirely upon argumentation on these and similar
points. The committee of ways and means on the 3d of Jan
uary reported resolutions in favor of a direct tax on land
and slaves, but the session passed away without final ac
tion. Other sources of additional revenue were sought,
and in reply to the inquiries of the committee, Wolcott
suggested salt, brown sugar, teas, and cotton manufac
tures not printed, stamped, or colored, as the most proper.
As to a general increase of duties he remarked :
" With respect to a general augmentation of the duties on imports, I consider
it to be my duty to observe that the average rate already imposed, exceeds six
teen per cent, ad valorem ; that the last advance of the duties was made at a
time when the commerce of the United States was far frora being in a natural
state ; that the lemptatioss to iUicit trade will increase in proportion to any re-
voL. I. 37

434 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap, 13.
duction of the general rate of mercantile profit ; and that a considerable reduc
tion of this general rate is to be expected whenever the present war in Europe
shall terminate. On these grounds, I conclude that present experience affords
us certain data for an opinion respecting the pennanent operation of the existing
duties." The committee agreed upon these articles except salt,
and an act passed accordingly, the duties being appro
priated, first to the payment of the foreign debt and after
wards to. that to the bank. This was the only revenue
biU passed during the session. An ineffectual attempt was
made to obtain from the states, found indebted to the Uni
ted States on a settlement of the accounts, the payment
of thefr balances. The committee of ways and means
reported that application be forthwith made to the states
for that purpose ; the balances to be receivable in the
same proportions of six per cent., deferred, and three per
cent, stocks, in which those due to the creditor states
had been paid. These balances were due from New
York, Pennsylvania, Delaware; Maryland, Virginia, and
North Carohna, and amounted to about four and a half
miUions, over one-half being due from the State of New
York. An act in pursuance of the recommendation
could not, however, be procured. The amounts due from
these states, being in all about $4,500,000, which would, if
paid, have been a reduction of so much of the debt, and
were a rightfiil offset to the same amount of stock issued
for the balances to the others, were never coUected.
The course of the Barbary negotiations had rendered
necessary a further appropriation. Owing to accidental
detention, the money provided for the execution of the
treaty did not arrive at Algiers at the stipulated time.
The impatience of the Dey at this circumstance was in
creased to violence by another occurrence. This was the
pubhcation of the papers relative to the original neo-otia-
tions which had been communicated in confidence to the
Senate. A copy of these having been sent him through

1797.] OF Washington. 435
some secret channel, he threatened to break off the treaty
altogether, when Mr. Barlow, who had been sent by Mr.
Monroe and Col. Humphreys to join Mr. Donaldson, pro
mised a frigate in addition to the stipulated sum. The
sudden faU of the stock remitted for payment, together
with this new demand, required a further appropriation
of $250,000, which was made.
Reports were ma'de by the Secretaries of State and of
the Treasury to the President, relative to the situation of
affairs with the Dey and Regency, which were transmitted
to the Senate in a confidential message from the Presi
dent, on the 19th of January. These reports detaUed all
the circumstances of this unhappy negotiation in a man
ner perfectly satisfactory, so far as the government was
concerned. The fact of the expense and the loss was,
however, enough for the purpose of the anti-federahsts,
and the secrecy of the message was violated by some
senator through the medium of Mr. Livingston, to render
the transaction more odious. The disclosure was the
more disgraceful, as the vote had been so nearly unani
mous, twenty-four senators voting for the ratification to
three against. It is almost needless to say, that Mr.
Mason of Virginia, was one of the latter.
So much was said at the time and afterwards, about
the payment of this tribute, that it is worth while to see
who were the tributaries.
The foUowing is an extract from a paper by Wolcott,
written during Jefferson's administration.
" The facts relating to this subject are, that the granting of subsidies to the
Barbary powers as a condition of their remaining at peace, was not a measure
of Washington. It was his opinion that a naval force ought to be found to de
fend our rights. He believed that in our then defenceless situation, a peace pur
chased with money would increase the cupidity of the piratical states, and ex
pose great numbers of our countrymen to capture and consequent slavery, or
entail on our country the necessity of incurring a heavy and disgraceful expense.
Congress would not consent to build ships, and for six years after the present
govemment was formed, a number of our citizens remained in captivity, The

436 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 13.
people of our commercial cities, influenced by a generous sensibUity for their
countrymen in bondage, were about forming a subscription to redeem them at
private expense. The payment of tribute, if such it must be called, became
popular, the objections of Congress to the expense vanished of course, and a
large sura for the ' purchase of peace' was appropriated by law. This was no
party work ; the grant was raade with the approbation of all parties, and especi
ally with the approbation of Mr. Madison.
* * » *
" But if the frigate must be mentioned, would it not have been candid to men
tion that the frigate was promised after peace had been concluded, and by an
agent designated by Mr. Monroe, without the knowledge of the government,
and that this agent had no authority to make tnis promise ? Have none of the
present [Jefferson's] administration 'clear perceptions,' that they opposed an
appropriation of raoney for this frigate, until they discovered that the engage
ment had been raade by a popular character of their own party ? Have they for
gotten that they required from the executive administration a disclosure of the
most confidential papers, relating to the Barbary negotiations ; that they were
furnished under an injunction of secrecy ; that the injunction of secrecy was dis
solved ; that papers of the most important nature were published in the news
papers, by one of their friends, and by some unknown channel perfidiously con
veyed to the Dey of Algiers? Are they apprized of the existence of official
evidence, that this conduct furnished pretexts for extorting frora the United States
an additional sum, not much less than 200,000 doUars 1 Were not these trans
actions aU justified on the grounds, that ' free governments ought to have no
secrets ? ' "

CHAUNCEY GOODRICH TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Philadelphia, Jan. 18, 1797.
Sir, I send you an evening paper. If the account of the French depredations
under the Norfolk head be trae, (and it is believed) it is further evidence of their
system of plunder. We expect the President's communication about our rela
tions -with that power this week. As the prmcipal design is to justify the con
duct of our govemment, I presume the communication will be for public infor
mation. Our country must get over its love sickness for France, and if one
degree of insult and suffering won't answer that valuable purpose, they wUl have
madness enough to administer a sufficiency.
The subject of direct taxes has been several days before the House ; what
course it wiU take can't be conjectured. We must come to additional substan
tial revenue before long ; I believe to direct taxes. As yet I can't say public
opinion wiU bear the measure this session. I don't find any conveyance to for
ward the Secretary's report.
The session does not present any object so universally interesting as the last,
but on the whole it is more perplexmg. The govemment raust come to a num
ber of principles by which to steer its course. If the war contmues in Europe,

1797.] OF WASHINGTON. 437
we shaU yet find difficulty to steer the ship. Is the ambition of the country to
be kept up in all its enterprizes at home and abroad 1 If so we must have
money. It is idle to murmur at the government because it does not protect
commerce, and not give the Executive the means. We raust leave the nariga-
tor to hiraself, and not extend our point of honour beyond our soU, or else begin
arrangements to protect commerce. If we mean to pay our debt we must finally
come to the mass of property ; whiskey and carriages won't do it. We must
arm the Executive with powers to curb the lawless efforts of our citizens to em-
broU us abroad, and repel all insults on the governraent. These things can't be
done with this House of Representatives. I hope the next wUl be federal. We
are in good health. I am, sir, your obedient humble servant,
CHAUNCEY GOODRICH.

JAMES HILLHOUSE TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Philadelphia, Jan. 23d, 1797.
Dear Sir,
I have not troubled you with any letter since the meeting of Congress, as
nothing important has occurred which could claim your particular attention, until
the receipt of the special message of the President of the United States, prom
ised in his speech at the opening of the session, containing a more particular
communication in relation to France. In this coraraunication are detailed facts
which were very iraportant to be known, to manifest the solicitude and scrapu-
lous exactness with which the government of the United States have, at all times,
observed their treaties with France, and discharged every engagement and obli
gation they were under to that nation. And as the United States have suffered
so much insult and injury frora the French, and have been so often charged vrith
the base crime of ingratitude, the Executive must, J think, stand justified to that
nation and all the world, in going into a full development of the subject, to evince
that the present ruling powers in France are actuated by the same motives, and
guided by the same views as those which influenced the old governraent ; and
that the plan always has been to raake this country subser^'ient to the interests
and projects of France ; and whenever the interests of the two countries came
in competition, to sacrifice that of the United States, even at the expense of, and
in direct opposition to, their treaties with us. I have enclosed you the commu
nication as far as it is pubhshed, which contains the substance of the whole ; the
residue being only documents to substantiate the facts here stated. This disclo
sure wiU, I hope, silence aU further complaints from France, of our not having
executed our treaties with them, and fulfilled every obhgation we ever were un
der to them ; and convince them that it is the fixed deterraination of our govem
ment to observe an impartial neutrality, and not to suffer our councils to be gui
ded or influenced by any foreign nation whatever. I do not apprehend any fur
ther danger of France declaring war against us ; we have certainly given them
no just cause. Though I should deprecate such a calamity as much as any one,
yet if we have but the alternative of war, or submitting to have our councils un
der the influence and guidance of a foreign nation, I should not hesitate a single
37*

438 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 13.
moment to prefer the former. Our independence is what we ought to guard
with the most watchfiil jealousy, and spurn every attempt to intioduce for
eign mfluence— an evU to which free govemments are vastly more Hable than
any other. Our losses and suffermgs have been great, but I flatter myself that
some good wUl spring out of the much eril we have experienced ; and that by
being buffeted by aU nations, we shall be weaned from all foreign attachments,
leam that we are Americans, and be taught that self-restraint which alone can
make us respected by other nations.
With sentiments of the highest respect and regard, I am, dear sir, your excel
lency's most obedient and most humble servant, JAMES HILLHOUSE.

URIAH TRACY TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
PniLADELpmA, 24th Jan., 1797:
I wrote you some days since of the aspect of our public affairs. We get noth
ing new ; a continuation of spoliations on our trade, especiaUy in the West
Indies, is what was expected. We have had some intimations that the Span
iards -were taking our vessels. The Spanish minister denies this ; but it is not
very important, as the French are able to molest us so materiaUy without Span
ish assistance.
The House of Representatives are very seriously at work on the Secretary's
report on direct taxation. What will be done I cannot divine ; but unless driven
by more serious depredations on our trade, I believe no tax will be laid this ses
sion. We have about 770,000 tons of shipping subject to tonnage ; of this,
about 200,000 tons is improved coastwise, and in fishing ; of the remaining
570,000 tons' about 70,000 tons belong to foreigners ; the remainder, about half
a miUion of tons, belongs to Americans, and is in foreign trade. Tonnage and
impost form the principal part of our revenue ; and yet, sir, not a ship of force,
not even a gun boat, is in preparation to protect this immense floating, defence
less property. The country, with the prodigious duty levied on trade, is not able
to fiilfil its contracts. What must be the result of this riew of the subject ?
Will it not be this, that some mode of raising a revenue, either by direct or in
direct taxation, which depends not on the sport of winds and waves, and what is
worse, the fraternal hugs of our friends the French, raust be resorted to 1
The British nation, with their unparalleled commerce and fleet to protect it,
have not usuaUy raised more than one-fourth part of their revenue by impost,
and not ordinarily raore than a fifth part of it. In 1788 their revenue netted
thera something more than £15,000,000 sterling ; of this their customs, as stated
by St. Johns St. Clair, amount lo j63,780,000, or thereabouts. If the United
States can, under the present discouragements to their defenceless commerce,
expect to succeed in their fiscal arrangements, by the assistance of impost only,
I think the result is certain disappointment, and consequent confusion. Direct
and indirect intemal taxes must be resorted to. I acknowledge the idea of direct
taxes, by apportionment, has never worn a pleasant appearance to me, but on the

1797.] OF WASHINGTON. 439
contrary, a very unpleasant one ; but of evUs we must choose the least, and of
exceptionable measures adopt the most unexceptionable. It seldom occurs, in
pohtical warfare, that the poHtician can be perfectly gratified. A choice of evUs
is almost the only alternative which presents itself in many of the most trying
emergencies. I do not hesitate to say,.that it is incumbent on the governraent,
before a separation, to organize as far as may be, a direct tax, and likewise to lay
as much internal indirect taxation, as wUl possibly go down. I am convinced
that, by excises of various kinds, a million and a half or two miUion of doUars
of revenue might be raised. I do not think the import wUl bear much raising,
even if commerce were unmolested. An excise on salt even to a half doUar per
bushel, would be an equal and very productive tax, &c. &c.
But our friends in Congress who have uniformly opposed the government, are
determined that no tax shall be laid but a direct one, and I believe equally deter
mined that a direct tax never shall be collected. They now intend, sir, to alarm
with fear of a direct tax, but to be sure and never collect it, and to prevent any
more excises from being either collected or laid ; and they encourage French
depredations to cut up our import. This prospect of our affairs affords them the
Satanic hope, that they can enjoy the fulfilment of their prophecies conceming the
administration ; and by introducing their beloved confusion, enjoy the measure
of liberty for which the French partisans have long been planting. God grant
they may be disappointed ; but unless our people from the northward consent to
every tax, direct as well as others, they intend to throw the blame on us, by
claiming that all would have been well, had we not defeated a direct tax.
You may call me a croaker, but I really feel the present as a most eventful
period. Our President whose factitioils support to this government was almost
infinite, withdraws, and a divided, I wiU not say disturbed people, are to have
reason sufficient to allay their passions and undergo severe seff-denial, for what 1
to support a government which more than half of them hate ; for truly they hate
it in all its possible shapes. However, sir, I am not one who despairs of the com
monwealth ; I have sworn to support the Constitution ; my inclination induces
me to attempt its support by every fair and proper measure, and I hope for the
best possible events.
It is impossible to form much conjecture concerning a peace in Europe. I am
rather of opinion that Lord Malraesbury does not effect a general pacification,
and a partial one is certainly not within his orders. Mr. Adams (who is still at
the Hague) has lately written home that the Belgians are paying somewhat
dearly for their Hberty. The provinces of HoUand have taxed every citizen
within a year on the incomes and profits of their estates, till they found the
revenue incompetent, and they have laid a tax on the whole of each man's proper
ty to the amount of twelve per cent. This must of course absorb more than all
the profits made, and trench considerably on each man's capital. To support a
govemment at such expense, one would suppose the government must be a very
good one, at least it must be a strong one if it can exist long.
We have at length effected a treaty with the Creeks which is a good one, and
if the Georgians and Tennesseites can be kept in order, we shaU have peace on
that frontier. I am convinced that you wiU be fatigued with this long letter.

440 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 13.
Your famUy here are weU. I am, sir, with great respect, your yery humble
servant, URIAH TRACY.
N. B. I enclose you a paper containing a defence of our govemment against
Adefs notes.

JAMES DAVENPORT TO OLIVER WOLCOTT,^ Sen.
Philadelphia, Jan. 24th, 1797.
I was honoured with your ExceUency's letter of the 9th instant, four days ago,
but as nothing of any importance has taken place since, I concluded to defer an
swering it untU the communication, promised by the President on his speech at
the opening of the session of Congress, (which was daUy expected) should be
made. It is now received, and I enclose you the part of it which has been print
ed ; the whole was very voluminous, but the part not printed contains only the
vouchers to support the facts in the letter. The communication will, I hope, have
the effect of rehering us from that debt of gratitude the French Ministers and our
Jacobins have endeavoured to fix upon us, and which would only be dis
charged by yielding up our independence.
The public mind appears to me to be preparing for a change, and I ara inchn
ed to believe the time is not far distant when the conduct of that nation wUl uni
versaUy be viewed with detestation. Such an event wUl be ofthe utmost eon-
sequence, as its tendency wiU be to excite in us national feelings and attach
ments, -without which the American name never wUl be respectable. It wiU
also arrest the depravation of morals which has so universally taken place among
those who have attached themselves to the interests of this (the French) people.
The distresses, occasioned by the depredations on our trade, and the inter
ferences in our internal concerns to which we have been obliged to submit, may
be attributed in a degree to our own countrymen. It is an unfortunate fact that
all our pubUc persons employed in France, have been open eneraies to the ad-
, ministration of our government, ^nd have, instead of exerting themselves to ward
off erils, assisted to produce those we are now suffering. The letter of Thomas
Paine to the President, was written while Paine was Hving -with Monroe, and
was read in his house. It is beheved when the French find their riolent measures
do not have the effect they were led to expect, that they wUl change their system.
The subject of direct taxes has been before Congress, and the Committee on
Ways and Means are directed to bring in a bUl for levying and coUecting one.
I doubt its final passage.
When the raotion for calling for the balances from the debtor states was un
der discussion, Mr. Liringston made a motion to enquire into the title of the
United States to the reserved lands sold by Connecticut. I presume by letters
from the state, this has occasioned much alarm. I do not beheve the motion
¦«all be again called up, or that any measure wiU be adopted that -wiU affect the
title of those who purchased the land.

1797.] OF WASHINGTON. 441
I thank you for the manner in which you inform me of my election to the
next Congress, and for your wishes that my situation may be happy. I can only
say that aU ray exertions shaU be to make it useful and beneficial to my country.
With great esteem and regard, I am, your Excellency's most ob't. servant.
JAMES DAVENPORT.

CHAUNCEY GOODRICH TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Philadelphia, Jan. 27, 1797.
Sir, I feel myself under peculiar obligations for your letter of the 23d instant. If
information from us to our friends is valuable, their sentiments on pubhc business
in retum, are at once necessary and very grateful.
The course our measures are taking in the House of Representatives can't, I
think, afford pleasure to the discerning friends of our country. The resolve for
a direct tax was carried by a small majority, among whom are several who voted
for it merely to give opportunity for a bill. My own opinion has been that we
ought to organize a systera, and leave the imposition and apportionment to a fu
ture session. In that case, the public mind might be drawn gradually to the sub
ject, and the measure rendered more palatable. On this ground, the federal side
of the House ought to have stood. It has as yet been impossible to produce any
union of sentiment or concert. I fear that wiU continue notwithstanding any
exertions to avoid the mischievous consequences of division on so interesting a
matter. The House already has voted a reduction of the mUitary estabhshment, and I
foresee an onset is to be made on the smaU naval estabhshment. Yesterday, the
report of a select committee for an increase of the salary of the officers of gov
emment was rejected by a considerable majority.
I sent to your son a few days since a paper containing the President's com
munication on our relations -with France. I wUl take care to forward the " Cen
sor" of the last month. I have the pleasure to inform you of our health, and to
be with respect your obedient, humble servant, CHAUNCEY GOODRICH.

Philadelhhia, Feb. 10, 1797.
Sir, I am honoured with your letter of the 6th instant. The continuance of public
confidence amidst the embarrassmelits of the pubhc councUs is a gratifying cir
cumstance ; I hope the proceedings of Congress will not impair it. In that case
one of the erils to be apprehended from disunion on interesting points -will be
avoided. The attempt in the House to reduce the mUitary establishment frora four to
three regiraents failed. Two corapanies of light dragoons are deranged. Two
biUs for increase of compensation, the last from the Senate, have been rejected.
Nothing effectual, if anything at all, wiU be done in that respect this session.
The paper I send herewith, contains the report of a committee on the naval ar-

442 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 13.
mament. An amendment to the first resolution proriding for the suspension of
manning the three ships mentioned in the first resolution, has been moved and
carried to-day in a committee of the whole. Although it is not probable they
would be completed so as to put to sea before next session, the measure wears
the appearance of instabihty, and a dereliction of the actual use of their smaU
force, at this time unfortunate to our affairs. The second resolution wUl be lost,
and small hopes remain of the success of the last.
It would be unjust to ascribe to our friends, who differ in opinion fi-om us on
this and other important measures, a want of attachment to our own country or
a crouching spirit to another. Their conduct is to be traced to an unreasonable
prejudice against past expense, and a want of comprehensive riews, or an en
lightened policy in arranging and steadUy conducting the affairs of an indepen
dent nation. It is not certain that a more decided opposition than a silent vote,
would promote the public good. It is certain in the House it would have no ef
fect ; it might only serve to increase disunion among ourselves, be followed by
distraction of pubHc sentiment, and although on a personal account it is accom
panied with extreme chagrin, sUence may be .a sacrifice which pubhc duty
requires. A letter from Mr. Pinckey at Bordeaux announces a favourable reception from
the people of that place, and that he was hastening to Paris ; adrices of conse
quence from him may soon be expected.
I form no conjectures of the course that wiU be pursued as to revenue ; the
want of concert at the beginning of the session has lost us advantages we pos
sessed, and I fear now put thera out of our power. The Secretary of the Treas
ury has dra-wn two biUs, one apportioning and imposing the tax, the other for
collecting it. Both are reported with no essential alterations. The last I wished
might be passed and the other postponed.
We have received two celebrated letters written by Mr. Burke against the
ministry for entering on negotiations of peace. Though but lately put to the
press, they have run to the eighth edition. He considers the repubUc of France
as an Algiers in the centre of Europe, with whom the civiHzed world can hold
no communion. Whether he be correct or not in his main point, the pamphlet
is full of original sentiment relative to the Jacobins in England, France, and the
world, highly valuable to every country, and to ours as much as anyone. There
are but one or two here ; I hope they will soon be reprinted.
Judge Ellsworth, the next day after his arrival, was taken with a fever which
has confined hira ever since. It is meliorating, and I expect he wiU get out in a
few days. I forgot to mention that Mr. Adams has been declared to be chosen
chosen President, and Mr. Jefferson Vice-President. I understand the latter may
be expected here before the session ends. I shall put under cover some newspa
pers containing the last advices from abroad.
If there be nothing in this detail to give you pleasure, you vrill rejoice in the
continuance of the health of the famUy, who join me in the respectful and affec
tionate sentiments with which I am, your obedient, humble servant,
CHAUNCEY GOODRICH.

1797.] OF WASHINGTON. 443
FROM ALEXANDER HAMILTON. [New York,] Feb. 17, 1797.
I groan, my dear sir, at the disgraceful course of our affairs. I pity all those
who are officially in the vortex. The behaviour of Congress in the present cri
sis, is a new political phenomenon. They must be severely arraigned before the
bar of the pubhc. How unfortunate that our friends suffer themselves by their
passiveness, to be confounded in the guUt ! Yours, traly,
A. H.
TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Philadelphli, Febraary 20th, 1797.
The session has nearly come to a conclusion ; nothing has yet been done ; even
the appropriations for the current expenses of government, are not yet made.
The conduct of Congress is a political phenomenon, over which I would if possi
ble draw a veil ; but it cannot be concealed that there has been no system, no
concert, no pride, and no industry. This has arisen from various causes, but
chiefly frora the raode of estabhshing committees after having excluded the ex
ecutive officers from that just and reasonable influence which is due to experience
and information ; they have found that the popular advantages which their chair
men derive frora an access to official docuraents, renders them too conspicuous
in the eyes of the country. A spirit of envy, of rivalry and ambition has been
excited in their own body which they are not able to manage. Hence, eternal
speeches,, captious criticisms, and new projects, are found to consume all the time
which ought to be devoted to business. A sense of disgrace, and an experience
in the country of some eril consequences, can alone produce a cure, and a sure
one in this way will be soon effected.
Nothing has been heard from Mr. Pinckney since his arrival at Bourdeaux. I
have not a doubt that he wUl be received, and that what he wiU say will be ac
cepted as satisfactory, The game of hypocrisy will, however, be probably con
tinued, and our commerce disturbed for some time to come. I shall send here
with, the papers relating to France. Nothing wiU probably be done this session
on the subject of direct taxes. AU men know that a tax was indispensable ; there
has, however, been so much said formerly against direct taxes, that but few have
the courage to speak out. I have, however, done my duty. I knew the tax to
be necessary — the plan I have prepared is a good one, and if adopted, would not
only establish the government and public credit more than any one measure, but
would lead the States to improve their own systems. Moreover, it would not be
generally unpopular ; the people have more sense, patriotism and justice than
to complain ; , they -wish to have the debt extinguished, and they are desirous of
seeing the national establishments equal to the maintenance of the rights and
honour of the country ; in short, I know that the measure will be adopted, and
with the general consent of the people. I enclose bUls which I prepared, devel
oping the system.

444 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 13.
JAMES HILLHOUSE TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Philadelphla, March 4, 1797.
Sir, It was with peculiar satisfaction I received your favour of the 13th ult., and
am fuUy of opinion with you, that a very great proportion of the evUs we suffer,
have been brought upon us by the imprudence and indiscretion of the people of
our own country. If we mean to preserve to ourselves the rights and benefits of
neutrality, we ought to be perfectly impartial in all our conduct towards the bel
ligerent nations.
Congress closed their session at a late hour last night, and tho' they have not
done all that could be -wished, yet we have been able to get through those things
that were of indispensable necessity. We have given some aid to the revenue,
though not so great as was to be wished, or as is necessary to make such an im
pression upon our national debt as the public good requires ; if we could proride
revenue adequate to the discharge of our foreign debt as fast as the instalments
feU due, it would in ray opinion be a very important attainment.
Mr. Tracy is much out of health, but I cannot but hope that on his return to
the salubrious air of Connecticut, he will recover his health. With sentiraents
of the highest respect and esteem, I am, your excy's raost ob't hurable seiTant,
JAMES HILLHOUSE.
N. B. We have no news from Mr. Pinckney since his arrival at Paris.
With this session ended Washington's administration.
Not to review here the benefits which had accrued to the
country from the direct action of the government, in the
retrieval of ruined credit, the creation of a sound curren
cy, the settlement of foreign relations, the revival of ag
riculture, of arts, of commerce and manufactures — in
contemplating this, the most momentous period of the
Constitutional Government, there is one object which
those eight years had effected, of greater moment than
aU ; that which the Constitution itself had been designed
to effect, and towards the accomphshment of which, aU
the measures of the administration had tended. It was
the creation of national unity.
Habituated as we are at this later day, to regard the
individuality ofthe American people as a thing of course,
to look upon its division as an order of things which would
be new, accustomed rather to speculate on the fiiture pros-

1797.] OF WASHINGTON. 445
pects of that nation than the means by which it was ren
dered one, there are few persons who rightly appreciate
the difficulties which attended its nationalization. His
tory does not present us another example of different
states or colonies, with different opinions, prejudices, in
terests, and in a certain degree, institutions, who by the
mere action of a political system, have been fused into
one. Conquest has sometimes merged the vanquished na
tion into the victor. A common danger has often caused,
as in the original case of the colonies, alliances and
leagues. It was reserved for the American Constitution
to turn such league into national union — and a pohcy hke
that of the first administration was necessary to render
that union enduring. It was this intended union which had
been the source of opposition ; it was according to the
degree in which particular measures favoured it, that they
were contested. Though the grounds of actual dispute
were often different, in almost every case the motive was
the same. The Judiciary, the funding system, the as
sumption of the State debts, the creation of the National
Bank, the revenue system, all th^se were devised, with
other and great objects, it is true, but stiU all shaped to
bear upon the one great plan of union, and were all op
posed on that ground. The measures were successful ;
minor interests were swallowed up in the greater, and by
the time that Washington left the presidential chair, they
had become an integral part of the government. Oppo
sition, and a powerful one existed, but that opposition was
no longer sectional, it was diffused. Henceforth it might
overturn the government, but it could not separate the
Union. It was to the gigantic intellect of one man, perhaps
more than to all others together, that the developement of
this principle of unity was owing. With a cleax estima
tion of its necessity — with a scope and comprehensiveness
of mind which enabled him to grapple with every diffi-
vol. I. 38

446 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 13.
culty ; as bold in execution as he was profound in sug
gestion ; occupying a station above all others adapted to
the object, Alexander Hamilton projected that system
of measures which completed what the Constitution had
begun ; measures which, affecting all classes, in every
part of the country, should interest, if not every man, at
least men every where, in the preservation of the govern
ment. Once carried out, he knew that though he himself
might fall — though his party might be annihilated, still
his end would be accomplished, and whatever party fol
lowed must hold power at the expense of the object for
which they pretended to seek it. Experience has long
since proved not only the truth of these views, but the
adaptation of the measures intended to effect them.
The purity and wisdom of Washington's administration
needs no longer a defence. The time has been when
such men as Paine, and Callender, and Bache, and Du-
ane, libelled and were listened to, but it has passed. The
best commentary on that government is found in the fact,
that the country has been most prosperous when its
policy has been most nearly imitated, and that its bitter
est opponents have been driven to adopt in turn almost
every characteristic measure.
Just before his final retirement, Washington held his
last formal levee. An occasion more respectable in sim
plicity, more imposing in dignity, more affecting in the
sensations which it awakened, the ceremonials of rulers
never exhibited. There were the great chiefs of the re
public of all parties and opinions ; veterans of the war
of independence, weather stained and scarred ; white
haired statesmen, who, in retirement, were enjoying the
fruits of former toU ; there were his executive counsellors
and private friends ; ministers of foreign govemments,
whose veneration approached that of his countrymen ;
citizens, who came to offer the tribute of a respect, sincere
and disinterested. Little was there of the pageantry

1797.] OF WASHINGTON. 447
of courts, little of the glitter which attends the receptions
of royalty ; yet in the grave assemblage that stood in that
unadorned chamber, there was a majesty which these
knew not. The dignitaries of a nation had come toge
ther to bid farewell to one, who at their own free call, bj'
their own willing trust — not as an honor to be coveted, but
as a duty to be discharged — had in turn led their armies
and executed their laws ; one who now, his last task
worthily fulfilled, was to take his place again among them,
readier to relinquish than he had been to undertake pow
er ; a soldier, without stain upon his arms ; a ruler, with
out personal arnbition ; a wise and upright statesman ; a
citizen of self sacrificing patriotism ; a man pure, unblem
ished and true in every relation he had fiUed ; one to
whom all ages should point as the testimony that virtue
and greatness had been and could be united.
And he who was the object of this gathering — what
thoughts crowded upon his mind, what recoUections filled
the vista of the sixty odd years which had passed over
him, what changes of men, opinions, society had he seen !
Great changes, indeed, in the world and its old notions ; the
growhng dissatisfaction of certain English emigrants at
customary tyrannies and new intended ones, had taken
form and shape ; embodied itself into principles and vin
dicated them ; blazed up an alarming'beacon to the world's
eyes as the Sacred Right of Rebellion ; fought battles ; as
serted independence, and maintained it at much cpst of
bloodshed ; made governments after its own new fangled
fashion ; impressed a most unwilhng idea on history — the
doctrine of popular sovereignty ; one which had proved
contagious and had been adopted elsewhere, running
riot indeed in its novelty. And out of all this confusion
there had arisen the nation which he had presided over,
already become great and factious in its greatness, with
a noble birthright, noble virtues, energies and intellect ;

448 SECOND ADMINISTRATION [CgAP. 13.
with great faults and passions, that unchecked, would as
in lusty individual manhood, lead to its ruin.
What was to be the Future of that nation? Dark
clouds hung over it, dangers threatened it, enemies frown
ed upon it — the worst enemy was within. License might
blast in a few hours the growth of years ; faction destroy
the careful work of the founders. On this he had left his
great, solemn charge, like the last warning of a father to
his children.
The men who stood round him, the men who had
passed away, and whose forms were there in his mind's
e3'e only — Franklin, Morris, the two Adamses, Hancock,
Greene, Jay, and that host of compatriots living and
dead, honored already as of remote and ancient days,
canonized in men's minds, the ancestry of their virtuous
of all times, the objects of " hero worship " even in their
own generation.
Himself — uneducated son of a farmer in the provin
ces of a distant empire ; wandering surveyor of the
Alleghany forests; partisan officer; representative of some
revolted colonists in a congress of other like outlaws ;
leader of an army of half armed rebels ; general, victori
ous over the tried veterans of Europe ; statesman, who
had helped to solve the vast problem of government ;
ruler by acclamation of the youngest born of nations,
treating with kings and princes as their equal ; now sink
ing back into the great mass of three milhon indi
viduals, to be no more among them in the eye ofthe law
than any other.
What strifes had he gone through, not least with him
self! How had he made passion bend to principle, im
pulse yield to will ; how had he borne misunderstanding,
calumny, desertion ; withstood temptations ; refrained
from vengeance ; how had he trod firmly the road he had
marked out or which destiny assigned, sustained by cou
rage, faith, conscience !

1797.] OF WASHINGTON. 449
Was it strange that there were few smiles at the last
reception day of Washington, or that tears fell from eyes
unused to them upon the hand that many pressed for the
last time ?
The relation in which the Secretaries had stood with the
President had been one of respectful but affectionate in
timacy. Familiarity with him was a thing impossible,
but the most cordial and unreserved friendship was ex
tended to all whom he trusted and esteemed. The Sec-
retaries of State and of War had been his feUow soldiers ;
the Secretary of the Treasury had, as it were, grown up
under his eye. The pure morals and straight forward
ness of these men had secured his confidence, and a mu
tual feeling of attachment arose from their association.
The simplicity and military frankness of Pickering, the
kindly nature and refinement of McHenry, the warm
heartedness and bonhommie of Wolcott ; aU won upon his
regard. On their part there was a no less sincere love
for their chief There are those, devotion to whom is
no degradation. Washington was such an one, and to
him it was rendered in the spirit of men who respected
themselves. Among all connected with him, either in
military or civU life, this sentiment was retained. His
death hallowed his memory in their hearts to a degree
and with a sanctity which none can know who have not
heard from their own hps, none can feel who were not of
them. And in like wise the wife and family of Washing-
ington were cherished. They had been universally be
loved on their own account ; and the hand of fate, in de
priving them of a husband and father, as it were be
queathed them to the tender care of a nation. There
was something beautiful in these sentiments, in a land
where the ties that bind men depend so httle on associa
tions. Wolcott, among others, had enjoyed much of the do
mestic society of the President's house. His gentle and
38*

450 SECOND ADMINISTRATION, ETC. [Chap. 13.
graceful wife had been regarded with maternal tender
ness by Mrs. Washington, and was the friend and corres
pondent of her eldest daughter. His child had been used
to climb, confident of welcome, the knees of the chief;
and though so many years his junior, while Wolcott's
character and judgment had been held in respect by
the President, his personal and social qualities had drawn
towards him a warm degree of interest.
On leaving the seat of government, Washington pre
sented, it is believed, to all his chief officers, some token
of regard. To Wolcott he gave a piece of plate. Mrs.
Washington gave to his wife, when visiting her for the last
time, a relic still more interesting. Asking her if she did
not wish a memorial of the General, Mrs. Wolcott replied,
' yes,' she ' should like a lock of his hair.' Mrs. Washington,
smiling, took her scissors and cut off for her a large lock
of her husband's, and one of her own. These, with the
originals of Washington's letters, Wolcott preserved with
careful veneration, and divided between his surviving
children. " On the retirement of General Washington," says Wol
cott, " being desirous that my personal interests should
not embarrass his successor, and supposing that some
other person might be preferred to myself, I tendered my
resignation to Mr. Adams before his inauguration. The
tender was declined, and I retained ofl!ice under my for
mer commission."

CHAPTER XIV.

SPRING OF 1797.

On the 1st of March, Washington had addressed a note
to the Senate, desiring them to attend in their chamber on
Saturday, the 4th, at 10 o'clock, " to receive any com
munication which the President of the United States
might then lay before them, touching their interests." In
conformity with this summons, the Senate assembled on
that day, and commenced their thirteenth session. The
oath of office was administered by Mr. Bingham to Mr.
Jefferson, who thereupon took the chair. The new Sen
ators were then sworn, and the Vice President delivered
a brief address. The Senate then repaired to the cham
ber of the House of Representatives, to attend the ad
ministration of the oath of office to the new President.
Mr. Adams entered, accompanied by the heads of depart
ments, the Marshal of the district and his officers, and
took his seat in the Speaker's chair ; the Vice President
and Secretary of the Senate were seated in advance on
his right, and the late Speaker and Clerk on the left ; the
justices of the Supreme Court sat before the President,
the foreign ministers and members of the House in their
usual seats. Washington, once more a private citizen,
sat in front of the judges. The rest of the chamber was
occupied by citizens.
Mr. Adams then arose and delivered his inaugural
speech. This address was brief and well suited to the

452 ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 14.
occasion. After adverting to the circumstances which led
to the formation of the new constitution, he expressed the
unquahfied approbation with which, in a foreign land and
apart from the seat of controversy, he had first perused it,
and the undiminished confidence which, after eight years
of experience, he entertained of its fitness. He remarked
briefly on the abuses to which it was subject, and against
which it became the duty of the people to guard ; and
having disclosed his opinions of general policy, pledged
himself anew to the support of the government. The
oath of office was then administered by Chief Justice
Ellsworth, the other justices attending, after which he re
tired. As the history of the period now entered upon is ob
scure — existing in fact, so far as the public knowledge ex
tends, chiefly in newspapers and fugitive publications ; as
misrepresentation and misunderstanding have prevailed
widely respecting the pohcy of the dominant party, and
the designs of its leaders ; and as the then Chief Magis
trate has himself recorded statements corroborative of
these calumnies and errors, a more detailed narrative of
its principal occurrences will be entered upon, than has
hitherto been thought necessary, when following the beat
en track of Washington's administration. To this object,
an indispensable prehminary is an examination of the
character of the new President.
Among the sources from which it may be deduced, he
has himself furnished some of the most important. His
letters to the Boston Patriot," the papers known as the
Cunningham Correspondence,'' and the letters to his wife
recently published, with some scattered documents, will
« " Correspondence of the late Presi- endmg in 1812." Boston. 8vo., 1823.
dent Adams ; originaUy published in the See, ttiso, " A Review of the Coi'respon-
Boston Patriot." Boston, 8vo., 1809. dence between the Hon. John Adams,
b " Correspondence between the Hon. late President of the United States and
John Adams, late President of the Uni- the late Wm. Cunningham, by Timothy
ted States, and the late William Cun- Pickering," Svo. Salem, 1821.
ningham, Esq., beginning in 1803 and

1797.] OF JOHN ADAMS. 453
prove to be extensive, and it is believed, unexceptionable
materials. The Cunningham papers, as it is already known to
many, consist of his correspondence with a relative of that
name, extending from 1803 to 1812. They contain ani
madversions on many leading men of both parties, inter
spersed with much laudation of himself and of his son.
Though of no other historical importance, and with little
connection of subjects or ideas, they afford, in their un
guarded confidences, some valuable hints and suggestions.
The letters to the Patriot were pubhshed in 1809, and ap
pear to have been commenced under the sting of some
newspaper reflections, which had awakened his ire against
his former political friends, and led him into a fragmen
tary histoiy of his administration. Much of it is in an
swer to the pamphlet published by Mr. Hamilton in 1800.
The intensity of feeling under which they were written,
may be imagined from a description, by their authorj of
the passion which must have dictated them. "The de
sire of the esteem of others," he says, " is as real a want
of nature as hunger, and the neglect and contempt of the
world, as severe a pain as the gout or the stone."* And
of their object, he says in a letter to Cunningham, " The
great body [of the federalists] are silent and inactive, and
not a man of them has ever stepped forth to vindicate me,
or express the slightest indignation at the eternal revilings
which appear in their newspapers." * * * "I wiU
either throw off that intolerable load of obloquy and inso
lence they have thrown upon me, or I will perish in the
struggle. In vain you wiU sooth me with the hopes of
justice from posterity — from any future historian. Too
many falsehoods are already transmitted to posterity that
are irrevocable. Records themselves are often bars. No
human being but myself can do me justice, and I shaU not
" " Discourses on Davila," No. 4. — Pickering's " Review," p. 3.

454 ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 14.
be beheved. AU I can say wiU be imputed to vanity-and
self-love."* In the Patriot letters, nevertheless, Mr. Adams at
tempts to do himself this justice, not a httle, it must be
confessed, at the expense of others. They purport to hft
the veil from the recesses ofthe cabinet chamber — to dis
close the moving causes of events, and the hidden secrets
of men's hearts. The scenes narrated in them are almost
melo-dramatic in their character. Even a plot is not
wanting. Mr. Adams is surrounded by a band of despe
rate conspirators in the shape of his secretaries and their
friends, in and out of Congress — Hamilton being the
chief villain of the piece. War with France, and through
it the subversion of the government, and the estabhsh
ment of a monarchy on its ruins, are the least of their in
tended crimes. As the intrigue ripens, a good genius in
the shape of Mr. Gerry, reveals its existence, and points
out the mode of thwarting it. Mr. Adams happily effects
this, makes peace with France, and becomes thereby the
saviour of his country. His vivid imagination has clothed
the chief actors with all the requisite attributes of their
respective parts. At once gloomy and ferocious, the sec
retaries vary the cabinet councils by sullen silence or fu
rious outbreaks of passion, and from time to time Hamil
ton, muffled and masked, stalks over the stage, directing
his subordinates or menacing the hero, who, amidst all,
preserves the dignity and calmness for which he was so
remarkable. The later Cunningham letters show the
melancholy sequel of this drama. Mr. Adams has expe
rienced the usual fate of patriots — ingratitude. Reviled
by the Hamiltonians, whose designs he had exposed ;
neglected by the democrats, to whom he could be no lon
ger useful ; deserted, in short, by all, he had retired to
private hfe, soured and discontented, to vent his spleen on
aU men, and principally on the federalists.
" Letter XXXVI.

1797.] OF JOHN ADAMS. 455
When an individual whose patriotism, integrity, and
public services have rendered his name sacred, among
his countrymen, elevated by their gratitude to a more
conspicuous and trying post, requiring different qualifica
tions, is found too late to be unfitted by nature for its du
ties ; every good and virtuous citizen, lamenting the errors
of honest but mistaken judgment, will desire to palliate
or overlook them. But when in addition to errors of
judgment, faults of the heart also are disclosed ; when
the magistrate yields himself to suspicion and envy, to
the indulgence of personal animosity and the gratification
of a vanity which refuses counsel and is obstinate in
wrong ; when from mortified pride and disappointed am
bition he turns against his original friends and lends his
countenance to falsehoods invented by their enemies ; our
sorrow gives way to indignation and we forget the patriot
in the apostate. The presidential career of Mr. Adams
furnishes a pitiable instance of how completely the mis
takes, and still more the faults of maturer years blot out
the remembrance of early and important services. By
the federalists, with few exceptions among the more prom
inent, he came to be ultimately regarded as the main
cause of their defeat and the subversion of their pohtical
system ; by the great body of the anti-federal party, he
has been handed down with opprobrium as a supporter of
the very system he betrayed. The writings which have
been referred to, totaUy unsuccessful as a defence of his
public course, did not redeem him in the opinion of the
latter, and exasperated still more the resentment of the
former part}''.
His chief magistracy commenced at a critical period.
The influence of revolutionary France in this country,
though still powerful from its theoretical democracy, still
dangerous from its active intrigue, had nevertheless re
ceived a severe shock, as the instability of its government,
and its violence and injustice became apparent. The

456 ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 14.
tide of popular enthusiasm in her favor was already on
the ebb, and the first event which followed his inaugura
tion hastened its recession. It needed only consistency
on his part to have forever prevented its return. But
consistency unfortunately, to borrow a phrase of his own,
"belonged to other people." Of a restless and irritable
temperament ; jealous of other's praise, and suspicious of
their influence ; obstinate and yet fickle ; actuated by an
ambition which could bear neither opposition nor luke
warmness, and vain to a degree approaching insanity ; he
was of himself incapable alike of conceiving or of acting
upon a settled system of policy, and was to others as
easy a subject for indirect management as he was im
practicable to more legitimate approach. He possessed
an active but an ill regulated mind, varied learning
without elegance in its employment. His patriotism was
undoubted, his morals beyond reproach. With the noblest
impulses and the meanest passions, he presents a portrait
which, in its contradictory features, resembles more the
shifting image of a dream than the countenance of an ac
tual being.
As was his character, so proved Mr. Adams' adminis
tration ; flickering, unstable, without fixed rule or definite
object. Many causes contributed to this, but two were
especially active. Mr. Adams never was consistently
a federalist. The bias of his mind on the one hand was
towards radicalism ; his temper on the other was despotic.
In his unguarded hours, he sometimes startled his hearers
with doctrines destructive of all order ; in his moments
of irritation, by the avowal of principles as subversive of
liberty. He by turns defended the mob, and advocated
hereditary power. The other cause was the conflicting
influences to which he was exposed. There was the set
tled, far sighted, national policy of the federalists, who
at the commencement of his administration were cordially
united. Interchange of opinion between the cabinet and

1797.] OF JOHN ADAMS. 457
distinguished men in different parts ofthe country, a com
mon object and mutual concession for its attainment, pro
duced a unity of action which, though slower to set in mo
tion, was yet in the end always superior to mere party
diciphne. On the other side, the weaknesses of the Pre
sident's character and the instability of his principles were
well known and skilfuUy taken advantage of by the op
position. It has been stated that the idea was entertained of se
curing a double chance against Mr. Jefferson by supporting
equally Mr. Pinckney and Mr. Adams for the Presidency,
and that among the federalists there were some, even at
the northward, who would not have regretted an accident
-which should have given the first place to the former.
Among them Mr. Hamilton was conspicuous ; and the
fact, when known to Mr. Adams, awakened that enmity
which, studiously aggravated, pursued its object even be
yond the grave. This was the entering wedge by which
it was calculated, and as the end proved, not without
foresight, to separate Mr. Adams from his party. It was
important to efface from his mind as far as possible the
remembrance of Mr. Jefferson's rivalship, and to restore
their earlier intimacy ; to revive what there was of accor
dance in their opinions, and most of aU to destroy the in
fluence with him of the man Mr. Jefferson himself most
hated and feared. Merely to throw a brand into the fed
eral camp was of itself an object. An instance of his
manner of effecting these ends may be found in a letter to
Mr. Adams, written on the 28th of December preceding
the. election and shortly before its issue was known.
After remarking that "the public and the public papers had
been much occupied lately in placing them in opposition
to each other," and that he " confidently trusted they had
felt less of it themselves ;" he proceeds to notice the pro
bable result in the choice of Mr. Adams.
VOL. I. 39

458 ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 14.
" I never for a single moment expected any other issue ; and though I shaU not
be beheved, yet it is not the less true, that I never wished any other. My
neighbours, as my compurgators, could aver this fact, as seeing ray occupations
and my attachments to them. It is possible indeed, that even you may be cheat
ed of your succession by a trick worthy the subtlety of your arch friend of New
York, who has been able to raake of your real friends tools for defeating their
and your just wishes. Probably, however, he will be disappointed as to you,
and ray inclinations put me out of his reach. * * * I have no ambi
tion to govern men. It is a painful and thankless office. And never since the
day you signed the treaty of Paris, has our horizon been so overcast. I devoutly
wish you may be able to shun for us this war which will destroy our agriculture,
commerce, and credit. If you do, the glory will be all your own. And that
your administration may be filled with glory and happiness to yourself, and ad
vantage to us, is the sincere prayer of one who, though in the course of our
voyage, various little incidents have happened or been contrived to separate us,
yet retains for you the solid esteem of the times when we were working for Qtur
independence, and sentiments of sincere respect and attachment."'
This letter was enclosed in one to Mr. Madison, who,
it seems " exercised a discretion" committed to him, by
communicating its contents alone. To that gentleman,
Mr. Jefferson expressed the same sentiments with regard
to his preference of the second place in the government,
concluding with the significant remark, that "If Mr. Ad
ams could be induced to administer the government on its
true principles, quitting his bias for an English constitu
tion, it would be worthy consideration whether it would
not be for the public good to come to a good understand
ing with him as to his future elections.'"' In a subsequent
letter, he reverts to the subject.
" Mr. Adams and myself, were cordial friends from the beginning of the rev
olution. Since our return from Europe, some Httle incidents have happened
which were capable of affecting a jealous mind like his. His deriation from that
line of politics on which we had been united, has not made rae less sensible of
the rectitude of his heart ; and I wished him to know this and also another
truth — that I am sincerely pleased at having escaped the late draught for the
helm, and have not a wish that he stands in the way of That he should be
convinced of these traths is important to our mutual understanding, and perhaps
to the harmony and good of the pubhc serrice." "
* Jefferson's Writmgs, III. p. 338. ^ Ibid. p. 340. c Ibid. p. 348.

1797.] OF JOHN ADAMS. 459
Never was the n/)lo episcopari more strenuously asserted,
and never more credulously beheved. Mr. Jefferson says
again :
" My letters inform me that Mr. Adams speaks of me with great friendship,
and with satisfaction in the prospect of administering the government in concur
rence with me. I am glad of the first information, because, though I saw that
our ancient friendship was affected by a Httle leaven produced partly by his con
stitution, partly by the contrivance of others, yet I never felt a diminution of con
fidence in his integrity, and retained a soUd affection for hira. His principles of
government I knew to be changed, but conscientiously changed. As to my par
ticipating in the adrainistration, if by that he rneantthe Executive cabinet, both
inclination and duty wUl shut that door to me." *
The good effects of this policy in removing any preju
dice against Mr. Jefferson, was substantially shown at the
outset of Mr. Adams' administration ; the manifestation
of its success in exciting his animosity against Hamilton,
was later, but as sure. To such a height did that ani
mosity finally rise, that it extended itself to every one
suspected of attachment to the Ex-Secretary, and indeed',
to every public measure of which he was or had been an
advocate. His very name was to the President's imag
ination as hateful as that of Banquo to Macbeth, and from
the same sort of apprehension. The parallel might be
carried further.
It is remarkable that the persons with whom Mr. Ad
ams was in reality upon terms of actual friendship, or
perhaps rather the men who possessed most influence
over him, were never to be found among those most dis
tinguished for their attachment to federal principles, or for
their exertions in support of the federal administration.
They were chiefly among a certain clan of anti-federal
ists, those of the ultra democrats who had chanced to be
his a;Ssociates in his earher political hfe. Of all meuj
however, the one who seems to have obtained and kept
¦ Jeflerson's Writings III. p. 346.

460 ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 14.
the greatest power over him, was Mr. Gerry, a known
opponent of the Constitution, and always an anti-federal
ist. This gentleman is almost the only man of whom
Mr. Adams has, in his writings, uniformly spoken weU.
Of nearly every federahst of note, he has recorded some
contemptuous, or some disparaging observation, even
when his feelings have not not led him to do more. Be
sides Mr. Hamilton — Pickering, Mc Henry, Wolcott,
Cabot, Ames, the Pinckneys, Goodhue, HiUhouse, Bayard,
Harper, Gore, Sedgwick, Tracy, and others, have shared
his dislike. The leaders of opposition, Mr. Jefferson,
Mr. Madison, and others, have been by turns praised and
censured ; of Mr. Gerry alone, but one language is ever
used. The consequences of this partiality were impor
tant. Most of the federalists who have been named, were
personally favorable to Mr. Adams — aU of them certainly,
sincerely desirous of contributing to the success of his ad
ministration ; and yet at its very commencement, he con
trived to excite their anxiety and distrust — its termination
found almost every one ahenated from, if not openly hos
tile to him. It is so rarely that one man is right against
all the world, that this fact alone would render it proba
ble, that some inherent defect in Mr. Adams' organization,
was its cause. The explanation is to be sought in the
characteristics that have been attributed to him. Men
thus constituted, forever have before their eyes the dread
of being considered under management or influence, the
fear that others will absorb the glory they themselves co
vet. They will be found oftener personally at variance
with their colleagues, their political alhes and supporters,
than with their opponents. By the la.tter indeed, they
may be defeated, by the former they may be over
shadowed. Some of the instances in which Mr. Adams has attacked
more specifically the characters of his friends, will be
hereafter noticed. One or two will serve for the present

1797.] OF JOHN ADAMS. 461
Ulustration of his general temper. They are taken from
letters to his wife, written at a period when no coUisions
with his party had yet embittered him. The first was
written about the middle of January, the second just after
his inauguration. Whatever may be thought of his ilhb-
eral rerharks on Messrs. Cabot and Ames, there can be
but one opinion with regard to his observations on Wash
ington's retirement. The " being of too much sensibUity"
to take part in that " exhibition," might at least have im
agined the cause of the grief shown there. The jealousy
of Washington's superior popularity, thus manifested, be
sides its direct light on Mr. Adams' character, sheds that
of probability on a fact stated by both Mr. Hamilton and
Mr. Pickering as of current report ; that Mr. Adams, at
the time of the first Presidential election, openly express
ed his irritation that some votes had been intentionally
diverted from him, to avoid an equality with Washington ;
thereby preventing his having an equal chance for
the first office. His resentment at those who wished
to put Mr. Pinckney on a par with him, is well estab
lished. Phila., Jan. 14, 1797. " Mr. Madison is to retire. It seems the mode of be
coming great, is to retire. Madison, I suppose, after a retirement of a few years,
is to be President or Vice President. Mr. Cabot, I suppose, after aggrandizing
his character in the shade a few years, is to be some great thing too ; and Mr.
Ames, &c. &c. &c. It is marvellous how political plants grow in the shade.
Continued day-Hght and sunshine show our faults and record them. Our persons,
voices, clothes, gait, air, sentiments, &c., aU become famiUar to every eye, and
ear, and understanding, and they diminish in proportion, upon the same princi
ple that no man is a hero to his -wife or valet de chambre. These gentlemen are
in the right to run away and hide. Tell Mr. Cabot so, if you see him. His
countrymen wUl soon believe him to be a giant in a cave, and will go in a
body and dig him out. I wish, but don't teU Cabot so, that they would dig up
Gebry !"«
March 7, 1797. " It is the general report that there was more weeping than
there has ever been at the representation of a tragedy. But whether it was from
« Letters of John Adams, addressed to Francis Adams. 13mo. Boston, 1841,
his wife, edited by his grandson Charles vol. II. p. 240.
39*

462 ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 14.
grief or joy, whether from the loss of their beloved President, or from the acces
sion of an unbeloved one, or from the novelty of the thing, or from the sublimity
of it arising from the multitude present, or whatever other cause, / krmw not;
one thing I know, I am a being of too much sensibihty to act any part well in
such an exhibition. Perhaps there is Httle danger of my haring such another
scene to feel or behold.
The stillness and sUence astonishes me. Every body talks of the tears, the
fiiU eyes, the streaming eyes, the trickling tears, &c., but all is enigma beyond.
No one descends to particulars to say why or wherefore ; I ara therefore left to
suppose that it is all grief for the loss of their beloved."*

The very first step of Mr. Adams on entering upon the
duties of his office, was both cha.racteristic of the heed
lessness and imprudence of his nature, and indicative of
the success of Mr. Jefferson's manoeuvres. The account
which, in 1809, he himself gave of the transaction, is
sufficiently curious to be worth extracting. It should be
premised that intelligence had arrived that Mr. Pinckney
had not been received or recognized by the French au
thorities, and that the question of the course proper to be
pursued by the United States on the occasion, engrossed
the attention of aU parties. The political opinions, the
official rank of Mr. Pinckney, were severally aUeged by
the anti-federahsts as sufficient grounds for his non-recep
tion ; and the great body even of the usual supporters of
the government seemed still unwilling to relinquish the
hope of accommodation. The principal characters of the
federal party were themselves divided in opinion as to the
measures to be adopted.
It was in this state of things, one demanding cool de
liberation, and it would seem, the opinions at least of his
constitutional advisers, that Mr. Adams found the coun
try. But to his own narration :
" The morning after my inauguration, Mr. Fisher Ames made me a visit to
take leave. His period in Congress had expired, and the delicacy of his health,
» Letters of John Adams, H., p. 247.

1797.] OF JOHN ADAMS. 463
the despondency of his disposition, and despair of a reelection from the increase
of the opposite party in his district, had induced him to decline to stand a can
didate. I was no longer to have the assistance of his counsel and eloquence,
though Mr. Hamilton continued to enjoy both until his death. Mr. Ames was
no doubt one of Mr. Hamilton's privy council when he resolved to send a new
commission of three. Mr. Ames, with much grarity and solemnity, advised rae
to institute a new commission to France. Our affairs with that republic were in
an unpleasant and dangerous situation, and the people in a long recess of Con
gress must have some object on which to fix their contemplation and their hopes,
and he recommended Mr. George Cabot for the northem states to be one of the
three, if a comraission was sent, or alone if but one was to go. I answered Mr.
Ames that the subject had alraost engrossed my attention for a long time ; that I
should determine nothing suddenly ; that I should make deliberate inquiries con
ceming characters, and maturely consider the qualities and qualifications of can
didates before anything was finaUy determined. Mr. Ames departed for Mas
sachusetts. " I had rolled aU these things in my own mind long before. The French na
tion and -their government were in a very umbrageous and inflammable disposi
tion. Much delicacy and deliberation were necessary in the choice of charac
ters. Most of the prominent characters in America were as well known at Paris
as they were in Philadelphia. I had sometimes thought of sending Mr. Madi
son and Mr. Hamilton to join Mr. Pinckney in a new commission. I had thought
of^Mr. Ames himself, as well as Mr. Cabot, Judge Dana, Mr. Gerry, and many
others in the northem, middle, and southem states. I had thought much of Mr.
Jefferson, but had great doubts whether the constitution would allow me to send
the Vice-President abroad. The nation at large had assigned him a station
which I doubted whether he had a right to abandon, or I a right to invite hira to
relinquish though but for a time.
" I had great doubts about reappointing Mr. Pinckney. He might have been
so affected with horrors he had seen or heard in France, as to have uttered some
expressions, which, reported by spies to the ruling powers, might have excited
prejudices against him which would ensure his second rejection and that of his
colleagues too ; but as I knew of no such accusation, I could not bear the thought
of abandoning him. I had not time lo coraraunicate aU these reflections to Mr.
Ames, and moreover I had business of more importance to do.
" I had long wished to avail myself and the public of the fine talents and
amiable qualities and manners of Mr. Madison. Soon after Mr. Ames left me,
I sought and obtained an interview with Mr. Jefferson. With this gentleman I
had lived on terms of intimate friendship for five-and-twenty years, had acted
with him in dangerous times and arduous conflicts, and always found him as
siduous, laborious, and, as far as I could judge, upright and faithful. Though by
this time I differed with liim in opinion by the whole horizon concerning the
practicabihty and success of the French revolution and some other points, I had
NO KEASON TO THINK THAT HE DIFFERED MATERIALLY FROM ME WITH REGARD TO OUR _
NATiONAi~coNSTiTCTiON. ~ I did iTof 'fErnklhat the rumbling noise of party calumny
ought to discourage me from consulting men whom I knew to be attached to the

464 ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 14.
interest of the nation, and whose experience, genius, learning, and travels had
eminently qualified thera to give advice. I asked Mr. Jefferson what he thought
of another trip to Paris, and whether he thought the constitution and the people
would be wiUing to spare him for a short time. Are you determined to send to
France ? . Yes. That is right, said Mr. Jefferson ; but without considering
whether the constitution wUl aUow it or not, I am so sick of residing in Europe
that I believe I shaU never go there again. I replied, I own I have strong doubts
whether it would be legal to appoint you ; but I beheve no other man cotdd do
the business so weU. What do you think of sending Mr. Madison f Do you
think he would accept of an appointment ? I do not know, said Mr. Jefferson.
Washington wanted to appoint him some tirae ago, and kept the place open for
him a long time ; but he never could get hira to say that he would go. Other
characters were considered and other conversation ensued. We parted as good
friends as we had always Hved ; but we consulted together very little afterwards.
Party riolence soon rendered it impracticable, or, at least, useless ; and this party
violence was excited by HaraUton more than any other m'an. I will not take
LEAVE OF Mr. Jefferson in this place wiTHoni declarinh my opinion that the
ACCUSATIONS AGAINST HIM OF BLIND DEVOTION TO FRANCE, OF HOSTILITY TO ENGLAND,
OF HATRED TO COMMERCE, OF PARTIALITY AND DUPLICITY IN HIS LATE NEGOTLITIONS
-WITH THE BELLIGERENT POWERS," ARE WITHOUT FOUNDATION."''
So far Mr. Adams on the conference with his great rival.
Mr. Jefferson, in his " Ana," gives a slightly varied ac
count of the same visit :
" He found me alone in my room, and shutting the door himseff, said he was
glad to find me alone, for that he wished a free conversation vrith me. He en
tered immediately on an explanation of the situation of our affairs vrith France.
and the danger of a rupture with that nation, a rupture which would convulse
the attachments of this country ; that he was impressed with the ne ssity of an
immediate mission to the Directory ; that it would have been the first wish of his
heart to have got me to go there, but that he supposed it was out of the question,
as it did not seem justifiable for hira to send away the person destined to take
his place in case of accident to himself, nor decent to remove from competition
one who was a rival in the public favour. That he had therefore concluded to
to send a mission, which by its dignity should satisfy France, and by its selection
from the three great divisions of the continent should satisfy aU parts of the Uni
ted States ; in short, that he had determined to join Gerry and Madison to Pinck
ney, and he wished me to consult Mr. Madison for him.""
Mr. Jefferson says, in continuation, that he concurred
with Mr. Adams as regarded himself He thought, too,
that Mr. Madison would not go, and on a conference with
' Those during Jefferson's administration. i> Boston Patriot, Letter YTTl.
= "Ana," Jefferson's Writmgs, IV., p. 501.

1797.] OF JOHN ADAMS. 465
the latter he confirmed the idea. A few days after, March
6th, he communicated this to Mr. Adams. " He imme
diately said that on consultation, some objections to that
nomination had been made which he had not contem
plated, and was going on with excuses which evidently
embarrassed him," when they parted. Mr. Jefferson's in
ference was, that on that day when Mr. Adams first met
the cabinet, they had dissuaded him from the idea.
Mr. Adams' account of the manner in which the propo
sition was received by the heads of department is as fol
lows. The person to whom he first mentioned it, is sup
posed to have been Wolcott :
" Frora Mr. Jefferson, I went to one of the heads of departraent whom Mr.
Washington had appointed, and I had no thoughts of removing. Indeed, I had
then no objections to any of the secretaries. I asked him what he thought of
sending Mr. Madison to France, with or without others 'l Is it determined to
send to France at all 1 Determined 1 Nothing is determined till it is executed,
smiling. But why not ? I thought it deserved consideration. So it does ; but
suppose it determined, what do you think of sending Mr. Madison 1 Is it de
termined to send Mr. Madison 1 No : but it deserves consideration. Sending
Mr. Madison will make dire work among the passions of our parties in Congress
and out of doors through the states ! Are we forever to be overawed and direct
ed by party passions 1 All this conversation on my part was with the most per
fect civUity, good-huraour, and, indeed, famUiarity ; but I found it excited a pro
found gloom and solemn countenance in my companion, which after some time
broke out in : ' Mr. President, we are willing to resign.' Nothing could have
•been more unexpected to me than this observation. Nothing was further from
my thoughts than to give any pain or uneasiness. I had said nothing that could
possibly displease, except pronouncing the name of Madison. I restrained ray
surprise, however, and only said, I hope nobody will resign. I ara satisfied with
all the public officers.
" Upon further enquiries of the other heads of departments, and of other per
sons. I found that party passions had so deep and extended roots, that I seri
ously doubted whether the Senate would not negative Mr. Madison, if I should
name him. Rather than expose him to a negative, or doubtful contest in the
Senate, I concluded to omit him. If I had nominated Madison, I should
have nominated Hamilton with him. The farmer I knew was much esteemed
in France, the latter was rather an object of jealousy. But I thought the French
would tolerate one for the sake of the other. And I thought too, that the man
ners of the one would soon wear off the prejudices against him, and probably
make hira a greater favourite than the other. But having given up Madison, I
ought to give up HamUton too. Who then shoiUd I name 1 I mentioned Mr.

466 ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 14.
Dana and Mr. Gerry to the heads of departments, and to many leading men in
both Houses. They all preferred Mr. Dana. But it was evident enough to me
that neither Dana nor Gerry was their man. Dana was appointed but refused.
I then called the heads of departments together, and proposed Mr. Gerry. All
the five voices were unanimously against him. Such inveterate prejudice shock
ed me. I said nothing, but was determined I would not be the slave of it. I
knew the man infinitely better than aU of them. He was nominated and ap
proved, and finaUy saved the peace of the nation ; for he alone discovered and
furnished the evidence that X., Y. and Z. were employed by TaUeyrand ; and
he alone brought home the direct, formal and ofiicial assurances, upon which the
subsequent comraission proceeded and peace was raade.
I considered Mr. Araes' candidate, Mr. Cabot, as deliberately as any of the
Others, and with as favourable and friendly a disposition towards him as any
other, without exception. But I knew his character and connections were as
weU known in France, particularly by Talleyrand, as Mr. Gerry's were ; and
that there were great objections against the forraer, and none at all against the
latter. It would be therefore inexcusable in me to hazard the success of the
mission merely to gratify the passions of a party in America, especially as I
knew Mr. Gerry to say the least, to be full as weU qualified by his studies, his
experience, and every quahty for the serrice, as the other.
* * * *
" This preference of Mr. Gerry to Mr. Cabot, was my first mortal offence
against my sovereign heads of departments, and their disciples in aU the states.
It never was, or has been forgiven me by those who caU themselves, or are caUed
by others, ' the leading men' among the federahsts." »
It wiU be noticed that there is much confusion in Mr.
Adams' own account of the matter, and some discrepancy
between it and that of Mr. Jefferson. Mr. Adams states
that if he had nominated Mr. Madison, he would have.
nominated Mr. HamUton also ; Mr. Jefferson, that he had
determined to join Gerry and Madison to Pinckney.
Which of these two versions is accurate, it is difficult to
say. It does not appear from Mr. Adams himself, that he
named Hamilton to' Mr. Jefferson, or to any member of
the cabinet. To the first, it is probable he did not. It
would at once have been objected to by Mr. Jefferson,
and such an association would unquestionably have de
terred Mr. Madison from going, even had he been other
wise wiUing. Had Mr. HamUton been named to the cab-
' Boston Patriot, Letter XIII.

1797.] OF JOHN ADAMS. 467
inet, it would have removed much of their objection to
his proposed colleague, and the circumstance would cer
tainly have been mentioned by some of them. The de
termination, if made, must have therefore been kept to
himself On the other hand, Mr. Jefferson positively states,
that Gerry was to have been sent with Madison, and al
though that gentleman is not always high authority in
matters of fact, yet as he had in this case no visible mo
tive for deception, and as his memoranda appear to have
been recorded at the time, while Mr. Adams' account was
written twelve years after ; there is strong ground for be
lieving that the memory of the latter had betrayed him.
The supposition is otherwise corroborated. Why has Mr.
Adams given as a reason for relinquishing Mr. Madison,
that he doubted whether the Senate would not negative
him, w^hen Mr. Jefferson had communicated his refusal of
the nomination? Why, as he asserts, was it necessary
to drop Hamilton, because Madison was dropped ? Other
members of the opposition there were, not inferior to
Madison in ability and eminence, to connect with Hamil
ton. Nor are these the only instances of confusion. Mr.
Adams, forgetting the nomination of Gen. Marshall alto
gether, continues, that he then mentioned Mr. Dana and
Mr. Gerry, and that the heads of departments ?i)i.preferred
Mr. Dana. According to the face of his account there
were yet two to be appointed, and the preference of one
would therefore be inexplicable. There was, however,
but one vacancy left in the commission, and of the two
names suggested, the secretaries wisely preferred Mr.
Dana ; it was not until the meeting of Congress, after Mr.
Dana had been appointed and refused, that Mr. Gerry
was finally nominated. Of the first appointment Col.
Pickering relates that " Elbridge Gerry was Mr. Adams'
choice, and it was with some difficulty that the heads of
departments prevailed on him to substitute Mr. Dana ;

468 ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 14.
but Mr. Dana declining the service, Mr. Adams recurred
to the first object of his partiality, Mr. Gerry. Further
opposition was in vain. One reason assigned by Mr.
Adams for preferring Mr. Gerry was, that besides posses
sing the requisite talents, he was a firm man and superior
to all the arts of French seduction !" * The truth of this
commendation, as well as of the merits attributed to him
above, will be hereafter examined.
But the discrepancies in the narrative are of less mo
ment than the fact which is admitted. What but insani
ty could have led Mr. Adams, before even meeting his
cabinet, to seek out in his defeated rival an adviser on a
great question of pohcy, the one too, on which he differed
from him, " by the whole horizon," and that, when the
contest just gained had been fought on the very ground
of that policy ! How successful must have already been
the impressions upon his miud to have led him to such a
course, and how completely, yet unwittingly, has he be
trayed them ! Mr. Ames was one of the most distinguish
ed, the most upright, the most honored patriots in the na
tion. He was on the point of retiring from public life, and
Mr. Adams "was no longer to have the assistance of his
counsel and eloquence ;" yet his counsel at this moment,
the la.st that it might ever be offered or obtained, was
slighted. Although Mr. Adams had afready revolved in
his mind the subject of Mr. Ames' visit, he had not time
to communicate his reflections to him ; he had things of
more importance to do ; to consult not his cabinet, not his
other political friends, but Mr. Jefferson. Mr. Ames was
a well known friend of Hamilton ; he was to enjoy his coun
sel and his eloquence, and herein lay the secret of the
neglect shown to his advice, although in consonance with
Mr. Adams' own views, and imdeed intentions. Mr. Ames
is therefore told by Mr. Adams, that he should " deter-
1 Pickering's " Review," Section IV.

1797.] OF JOHN ADAMS. 469
mine nothing suddenly ; he should make dehberate en
quiries concerning the quahties and qualifications of can
didates before anything was determined ;" and Mr. Jeffer
son the next moment is informed of his resolution to send
a mission, and the characters already fixed upon to con
duct it. His references to Mr. Cabot further disclose the
hidden but deep seated motive. The preference of Mr.
Gerry to INIr. Cabot was, he asserts, his first mortal offence
against his sovereign heads of departments and their dis
ciples, one for which he never was forgiven by them. The
idea was but the echo of his own thoughts. Their prefer
ence of Cabot, another friend of Hamilton's, and one who
as such receives Mr. Adams' abuse, first excited his cold
ness towards those " sovereigns" without sceptre and
without dominion.
But a further light is thrown upon the origin of these
events from another source. " There was supposed," to
use the subdued expression of Mr. Jefferson's biographer,
" to be not entire harmony of views between Mr. Adams
and his cabinet, as Mr. Jefferson's sagacity had quickly
perceived, and subsequent events fliUy confirmed the
fact." * Mr. Jefferson had, as is intimated in the para
graph quoted from his " Ana," attributed to the opposi
tion of his ministers, the defeat of Mr. Adams' intention to
nominate Mr. Madison. He was acquainted with the
President's friendship for Mr. Gerry, and his desire that
he should be one of the envoys. An excellent opportu
nity thus afforded itself for checkmating the cabinet, and
stirring up afresh Mr. Adams' suspicions of the Hamilton
party. Accordingly ju.st before the meeting of Congress,
he writes to Mr. Geriy :
" I entirely commend your dispositions towards Mr. Adams ; knowing h;s
worth as intimately, and esteeming it as much as any one, and acknowledging the
preference of his claims, if any I could have had, to the high office conferred
« Tucker's Life of Jefferson, II. p. 19.
VOL. I. 40

470 ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 14.
upon him. But in truth, I had neither claims nor wishes on the subject, though
I know it wiU be difficult to obtain belief of this. When I retired from this
place and the office of Secretary of State, it was in the firmest contemplation of
never more returning here. There had indeed been suggestions in thp public
papers, that I was looking towards a succession to the President's chair, but feel
ing a consciousness of their falsehood, and observing that the suggestions came
from hostUe quarters, I considered them as intended merely to excite public odi
um against me. I never in my Iffe exchanged a word with any person on the
subject, till I found my name brought forward generally, in competition with
that of Mr. Adams. Those with whom I then communicated, could say if it
were necessary, whether I met the call with desire, or even with a ready acqui
escence, and whether from the first moment of my first acquiescence, I did not
devoutly pray that the very thing might happen which has happened. The second
office of this govemment is honourable and easy ; the first is but a splendid misery.
" You express apprehensions that stratagems will be used to produce a mis
understanding between the President and myself Though not a word having
this tendency has ever been hazarded to me by any one, yet I consider as a cer
tainty that nothing wUl be left untried to alienate hira from rae. These machi
nations will proceed from the Hamiltonians by whom he is surrounded, and who
are only a little less hostile to him than to me." •
The letter concluded with observations on the ancient
topic of British influence in America, leading to war with
France, and to our subjection to the interests of her rival,
and on the writer's own heart-felt desire for peace with
both nations, which had been his " constant object through
his public life." " With respect to the English and
French particularly, he had too often expressed to the for
mer his wishes, and made to them propositions verbaUy,
and in writing, officially and privately, to official and pri
vate characters, for them to doubt his views, if they would
be content with equality."
That the inferences which have been deduced of the
attempts to manage Mr. Adams, and of their success, are
correct, and that this was one of them, a train of circum
stances, extending through his administration, will tend to
show. Some of the more immediate proofs may be found
in its curious coincidence with the assertions of Mr.
Adams, before quoted, that further consultation of Mr.
" Writings of Jefferson, III. 350.

1797.] OF JOHN ADAMS. 471
Jefferson was rendered impracticable by the party vio
lence excited by Hamilton, and by the endorsement of
Mr. Jefferson's claim to good faith in his negotiation with
the belligerent powers. Another corroboration is found
in the facts attending the appointment, shortly after, of
Mr. Gerry as one ofthe ambassadors — " by way of excel
lence," as Mr. Adams terms him, " my own ambassador,
for I appointed him against the advice of all my ministers,
to the furious provocation of Pinckney, and against the
advice of all the Senators whom he could influence." "
Mr. Adams' narrative opens a field of remark which
must be hereafter reentered. At present, a few observa
tions are sufficient. It has been seen that Mr. Jefferson
considered him to have deviated from that line of pohtics
upon which they had formerly united. Mr. Adams' prin
ciples of government according to him, though conscien
tiously, had yet changed. The latter, on the contrary,
says of Mr. Jefferson's position and his own, that though
by this time he differed with the former in opinion " by
the whole horizon concerning the practicability and suc
cess ofthe French Revolution and some other points," yet
he had no reason to think that Mr. Jefferson " differed
materially from him with regard to the national constitu
tion." These ideas of each other are somewhat at vari
ance. Whether either and which was correct in them, it
is not now proposed to enquire ; but did Mr. Adams
indeed think that the abstract questions of the practica
bihty and success of the French Revolution were the only
material subjects of difference between him and Mr.
Jefferson ? Did he not know when he made this asser
tion, that his party, at least, differed with that gentleman
on other points, and elected him under the supposition
that he did also ? Could Mr. Adams have really thought
that the country was divided on such questions in a hotly
' To Cunningham, Letter XXXIV.

472 ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 14.
contested election, or that the mere personal preference
of himself had actuated his supporters ? Had he forgotten
the great national questions of domestic as weU as foreign
policy, that had shaken the government to its founda
tions, and his own votes upon those questions in a divided
Senate? Did he consider all the charges of the federal
ists against their opponents false and groundless ? Did
those opponents profess no distinctive principles of their
own, or support Mr. Jefferson without motive? Mr. Adams'
very election contradicted his assertions.
The circumstances under which the letters containing
these statements were written, deserve notice. His
slumbering resentment had just been aroused by an attack
in a federal paper; he determined to throw off the
" intolerable load of obloquy and insolence" which had
been cast upon him by the federalists ; he would do him
self the justice which others denied him. There was the
debt of vengeance due to Hamilton ; there was the long
treasured hatred of Pickering ; there was the grudge
against others whose open disapprobation, or lukewarm
support had contributed to his fall. These should be at
length satisfied. But had Mr. Adams no feehngs of anger
against his former political opponents also? Had he
forgotten his statement to his fiiend Cunningham that, as
it had since appeared, Mr. Jefferson had countenanced
Freneau, Bache, Duane, and Callender at the very time
when he was professing great fi-iendship for him ? Had
he forgotten the memorable sentence written at the close
of Jefferson's first Presidency, "I shudder at the ca
lamities I FEAR HIS conduct IS PREPARING FOR HIS
COUNTRY ; FROM A MEAN THIRST OF POPULARITY, AN INOR
DINATE AMBITION, AND A WANT OF SINCERITY." " Mr.
Adams, it must be borne in mind, now stood in a different
position with regard to parties. For himself, he had in-
" To Cunningham, Letter IV.

1797.] OF JOHN ADAMS. 473
deed, nothing to hope or fear, but his son had enlisted
himself under the banners of democracy, and he could
pass over subjects of grievance which had formerly exci
ted his rage, but which it would now mar that son's
prospects to revive. It was this son who had vindicated
the course of Mr. Jefferson in " his late negotiations with
the belligerents ;" who had declared in his place in the
Senate when the embargo was secretly recommended, " I
WOULD NOT CONSIDER, I WOULD NOT DELIBERATE. I
WOULD ACT. Doubtless, the President possesses
SUCH further information as will justify the mea
sure." While, therefore, he indulged his revenge to the
uttermost against his federal foes, he carefully adapted his
confession of political faith to the standard ofthe day, the
creed of Mr. Jefferson. Thus these letters throughout are
made to represent Hamilton and himself as the exponents
of opposite and opposing systems — the " Ebony and
Topaz" ofthe constitution.
The most exciting topic of present consideration was
now the state ofthe relations with France.
FROM RUFUS KING. London, Dec. 12, 1796.
Dear Sir, # * * *
The conclusion of peace may be near, but if so, this desirable event is covered
with clouds and darkness, which hide its approach. Neither side is willmg to
risque the reproach of breaking off the negotiation ; though neither side appears
to expect that it will terminate the war. That the minister of this country has
been able to raise on the terms, and in the manner he has done, the supphes for
another year's war, may perhaps appear extraordinary ; but I am persuaded that
he could have obtained a much larger sum, and that if the negotiation should
faU, not througli any unreasonable demands of England, but by the French re
fusing those terms which, on an appeal to the world, raay be judged moderate
and reasonable, there wiU not be wanting stiU further proof of the wealth and
pride of this nation. Abercrombie is gone, and General Simcoe is going to the
West Indies, I don't find that any considerable reinforcement is going or gone
out. The conquest of St. Domingo I apprehend to be relinquished as impracti
cable ; the principal care niust be to prevent that communication between the
40*

474 ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 14.
British Islands and Guadaloupe, and St. Domingo, which wiU expose the former
to the disorders and ruin which are seen in the latter. I have conversed with
both Abercrombie and Suncoe, concerning the injuries -we have sustained in the
West Indies ; both spoke with great candor, and avowed a resolution to prevent,
so far as should.depend on them, a repetition of these injuries. Farewell. Yours
very sincerely, RUFUS KING.

FROM COL. JOHN TRUMBULL. London, 15th January, 1797.
Dear Sir,
I wrote to you, on the 8th December, u. letter expressive of my opinion as to
the probable issue of our negotiation with France, and urging the prudence, and
even necessity of an immediate preparation for war. We have just received
copies 8f a message sent by the Directory to the two councils on the fifth instant,
in which they propose that a law be passed, declaring good prize every ship of
whatever nation, whose cargo shall be found to consist, either in whole or in part,
of articles of the produce or manufacture of Great Britain, or any of her pos
sessions. Such a law will doubtless pass, and an end is thus put, in my opinion,
to all possibihty of fiirther negotiation. It remains to say, whether the power
and ambition of this extraordinary nation, be as irresistible on the ocean as they
have proved on the land. For us no alternative is left ; and as we have sought
peace with great sincerity and patience, so it is now our duty to defend our rights
with the utmost vigor of exertion. The possessions of our enemies in the West
Indies are vulnerable ; those of their allies, whose own tergiversations on the
Mississippi are enough to justify hostilities, are ranch more so. The question of
boundaries ought to be terminated by the immediate seizure of Florida and New
Orleans ; and since this is the age of rev,plution, the emancipation of Mexico
and South America frora the yoke of Spain, and the establishraent of a new
empire in those countries, ought to be the immediate and great object of our
policy. In either or all of these objects, we may rely upon the cooperation of
the naval force of this country to any extent, by means of which all communica
tion -Bath the parent state being cut off, the field will remain clear for us, and
subject to no opposition but such a feeble one as a weak and disaffected country
may be expected to make. God give you union and energy ; of force you have
enough, if you choose to exert it, and the road is open before you. I am, dear
sir, your friend and servant, JNO. TRUMBULL.

URIAH TRACY TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Philadelphia, 15th March, 1797.
Sir, The present state of our poUtical affairs is traly unpleasant. I regret the oc
casion which obliges me to say, I think our difference with France is not lUtely

1797.] OF JOHN ADAMS. 475
to issue in an amicable settlement. By the best information we now have, Mr.
Pinckney is not, and probably will not be received by the Directory. Of course
he wUl return, or if he continues there, it wiU not be in character of minister.
The French continue to take aU our commerce almost indiscriminately, and we
have reason to apprehend the same treatment from the Spaniards and Dutch.
It is relied upon here that Lord Malmesbury has left France without effecting
any one step towards a peace. Official news must soon arrive from Mr. Pinck
ney or Mr. King, or some one of our foreign ministers. Not one word has been
received from any of them since November, excepting one sohtary letter from
Mr. Adams, at the Hague, which was dated in December, but gave no new in
formation. Arrivals are now daily, and almost hourly expected. The first offi
cial news must be important. I very much expect the Senate at least, if not
Congress, will be convened ; but this step will not be taken at aU, until official
information shall be received, nor even then, unless it shall be thought absolutely
necessary. I hope the official news will render it unnecessary.
I fully trust to your discretion respecting the time of issuing the writ of elec
tion, to fill the vacancy in our representation in Congress, raade by the resigna
tion of Mr. Swift ; nor would I attempt to dictate, but barely to suggest the idea,
that Congress may be called before their next legal period of convening, in
which case it would be a desirable object that our representation should be
complete. My health, though much better, is not yet so confirmed that I dare venture the
atmosphere of Litchfield. This is ray apology for not writing you more fre
quently, and for the shortness and incoherence of this. Inclosed is a newspaper
that I'send you, not that it is a good one, or that it contains news, but because
it is a bad one, and shows the depravity of our French faction, of which this pa
per is very much the central point. Mr. Ellsworth is gaining health, and will
be up soon ; your connexions are in tolerable health. Mrs. Wolcott is a Httle
out of health, but not so much but she is about house, and will soon be as well
as usual. I was yesterday to visit the President, Mr. Adams, who requested me
to present his respects to you. I am, sir, with sentiments of respect and esteem,
your humble servant, URIAH TRACY.

FROM OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Litchfield, March 20th, 1797.
Sir, » * » *
Mr. Tracy informs me that credible infomiation, though not official, has been
received, that Mr. Pinckney has not been received by the Directory. Whether
this is a suspension of an audience tUl they shaU hear from America, or a settled
plan to induce the sending of an envoy with powers to rescind the British treaty,
and agree to open our ports to thera, exclusively and for every purpose ; to ex
clude the commerce of their enemies ; confine om: trade to themselves and alUes ;
aUow French tribunals to be constituted in our country, &c., &c., is yet uncer-

476 ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 14.
tain, though I ara pretty apprehensive that this wUl be demanded. I -wUl only
say, that in no circumstance, in my opinion, a special envoy ought to be sent.
This, I perceive the French faction flatter themselves, wUl be done. I am de
cided myself that such a step would be far worse than an immediate war. De
predations would continue, universal discontent would take place, the spirit of
the people be broken, our sailors scattered into every region ; and nothing better
would be derived from the measure than voluntary debasement, frora which this
country could not recover. Araerica is to yield nothing, nor passively to suffer
a war. She is to retain all her strength and energy, and put it into the most
active operation, and trust to that Providence which has hitherto protected, and,
I beheve, wiU protect her. With all our apparent weakness we should have no
reason to fear an essential injury, if it was not for the venality and most depra
ved corruption of our own people. If things shall become truly serious, we shaU
divide under the names of Federalist and Democrat, and war as we did under
those of Whig and Tory, with the same acrimony, and I trust, with the same
success. The present elections of Virginia, which for years past has been a
dead weight upon the Union, wiU be very interesting at this period.
The French faction are paying the most adulatory addresses to President
Adams. This is no corapliraent to his understanding. The strong predilec
tions, expressed in his speech, for the French, and some other observations,
equally unnecessary, they considered as addressed to secure their confidence and
regard. Mr. Adams will judge right, if he considers the present calm no other
than what precedes an earthquake. He can only contemplate as far as respects
himself, whether he wUl meet a storm which will blow strong frora one point or
be involved in a tornado, which wiU throw hira into the limbo of vanity. That he
has to oppose raore severe strokes than as yet it has been attempted to inflict on
any one, I am very sure of, in case our affairs continue in their present situation,
or shall progress to a greater extreme. We have done the best we could in our
election. We have chosen a very honest man, a friend to order and to our na
tional independence and honour ; but that you raay know that I am not mistaken,
I wUl for once, under a strong seal, venture to teU you that I always
considered Mr. Adams a man of great vanity, pretty capricious, of a very
moderate share of prudence, and of far less real abihties than he believes he
possesses. I therefore sincerely wish he raay have able counsellors, in whom
he wUl confide ; though, as he -will not he influenced but by an apparent compli
ment to his own understanding, it wiU require a deal of address to render him
the service which it will be essential for him to receive. I wish you may be for
tunate enough, and I think you may, to render him this service.
I have read our ministerial correspondence with the French ministers, and I
thinlc, in general, it has been weU executed, and its publication, at this time, will
be highly useful. It exhibits that extreme caution, even to a degree of huraUiation
has been observed on our part, not to give offence ; and on the part ofFrance,
the most insidious Machiavehan pohcy. One letter of Mr. Jefferson to Mr.
Pinckney at London, bears, in my opinion, the stamp of the most extreme foUy.
He urges him to represent to the British minister that their spoliations of our
commerce to France, would give them [the French] just grounds of complaint

1797.] OF JOHN ADAMS. 477
that we did not observe the laws of neutrality, a principle the most absurd, but
which the French avail themselves of And what if this conduct did expose us
to the resentment of France 1 Would a British minister consider it otherwise
than a fortunate circumstance ?
I am much pleased with the high respect with which President Washington
has been treated. It- was due to his merit, and wiU instract the French and
their partisans in how high estimation his adrainistration has been held.
I am issuing a writ to elect a representative in the room of Mr. Swift. The
propriety of this mode of resigning is pretty questionable, but it has been practised.
My most affectionate regard to your wife and chUdren, whom, with yourself, I
wish to see here the next May, and with devout wishes for your happiness,
I am, &c., OLIVER WOLCOTT.
FROM FISHER AMES. Dedham, March 24, 1797.
My Dear Sir,
After many perils, by -wind and water, mud and ice, after crossing Stratford ferry
in a snow storm, and walking on the ice over Connecticut river, I am by my
own fireside. The great theme of every man's inqiuries is, are we going to war
with France. This is dreaded as it ought to be, and after that, it is still dreaded
as ,it ought not to be ; for I think I discover a preference of peace to honour and
real independence. France is feared as if her cut-throats could fraternize us, and
loved by the multitude as if they were not cut-throats. I cannot but lament
that the public sentiment receives no good impression from the legislature, and
no sufficientiy strong one from the government. ' The Jacobins had the people
so long that they filled all the weak heads, and they are such as arguments from
books they do not read, and from men whose conversation and company they do
not enjoy, cannot reach. The national spirit is yet lower, and popular error
more inveterate, in my calculations, than in those of ray friends. I fear Httle
from this, if Congress should be disposed and really obliged, by circumstances,
to assume a strong position for the country. But before Congress meets there
wiU be room for opinion to fix itself, instead of being fixed, as it ought to be, by
those at the head of affairs. I forbear to go into any detail of my sentiraents on
this subject, and the more, as I am much shaken in my adherence to them by
yours. I hope Sumner wiU be chosen Governor, and the prospect is believed to
be good. SulHvan is his competitor.
Wishing your rewards of public approbation, and health and happiness may be
equal tO' your services, and that you may not be discouraged ih your endeavours
to keep this generation of vipers frora raining us, I am, dear sir, truly yours, &c.,
FISHER AMES.

478 ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 14.
URIAH TRACY TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Philadelphia, 26 March, 1797.
Sir, I have a moment's notice only of the conveyance for this by Mr. Holbrook,
who says he shaU be in Litchfield on Thursday or Friday of this week. I have
to inform you that the govemment is convened by the President. Both Houses
of Congress are to meet on the 15th May, in this city. The unparaUeled treat
ment we receive from France, both as respects our commerce, and in the person
of our ambassador, Mr. Pinckney, has occasioned this step. You wiU have seen,
before you receive this, a newspaper account of Mr. Pinckney's treatment by the
French Directory, which wiU give a tolerably accurate statement of the informa
tion contained in his otficial despatches to the Executive. M. Adet has taken a
ship for transporting hira to France, but he has set the 25th April for his depar
ture. I conclude from this he expects some fiirther news, and possibly different
orders. You wiU recoUect frora their last constitution, the French are to choose
1 third of their government in this month. I see by the last accounts they are
collecting a great miUtary force to superintend order and support Hberty at the
election. Much wUl depend on their choice ; the spirit of the nation wUl show
itself either in the freedom of it, or in submitting to the -wUl of the men in power
through the medium of the raiUtary. A huge effort wUl undoubtedly be made to
compose this one-third of revolutionary men, for the purpose of destroying the
constitution of '95, and restoring a former one of '93 — another effort to bring in
royalists, who -wiU wish to reinstate that of '89. What wUl be produced, time
alone can decide ; but unless an alteration, either of men or raeasures, or both,
takes place in France, we must Ijave war with thera — our ovm French partisans
being so rauch worse than the French themselves, that I fear raore frora them
than I do from the crazy Directory, if they [the latter] could act uninfluenced.
Mr. Holbrook is waiting, and I raust close my letter with adding only that I
am in better health, though not perfectly restored. I am, sir, with much respect
and consideration, your very humble servant, URIAH TRACY.
FROM JEREMLA.H WADSWORTH. Hartford, March 26th, 1797.
Dear Sir,
I have your favour of the 16th with the papers I wanted, for which I thank
you. I ara for rejecting the cup of humiliation offered us by the terrible repub
hc at any rate, and I ara confident the country will be tolerably unaniraous on
this sentiment, but I fear the govemment -vriU not be firm. I consider our Leg-
_ islature is composed of very discordant materials. Our Executive I do not lUie
to describe, as I try to hope I ara mistaken in my opinion of it ; but I confess I
do not see how they will be able to conduct the political ship. There are some
things in the pubhc speeches, which have been to me a Httle alarming, and I
fear a French influence -will predominate. The late House of Representatives,

1797.] OF JOHN ADAMS. 479
if I am not greatly mistaken, were not composed of solid materials ; the change
wiU not very materiaUy better them. The present one I suppose will be soon
caUed, or rather fear it. There is a general opinion in this state that France
intends war, and I believe war is better than our present state. We are all well
except colds, which now are pretty general here. The famUy join me in every
good wish. I am, dear sir, sincerely your friend,
JAS. WADSWORTH.
If you have any news from Mr. Pinckney, pray let us have it.
Subsequent to the news of Mr. Pinckney's non-recep
tion by the Directory, arrived that of his actual expulsion
from the territories of France.
Had there been the shghtest disposition on the part of
France to come to a just and fair settlement of her'diffi-
culties with America, the mission of Charles Cotesworth
Pinckney afforded a most favorable opportunity. He
was, in the words of Mr. Adams, "a character whose
integrity, talents, experience, and services placed him in
the rank of the most esteemed and respected in the na
tion."* His letters of credence and his instructions ex
pressed the sincere desire ofthe government to restore the
former friendship of the two countries, and his conduct,
characterized by temper and forbearance, manifested his
own earnest wish to fulfil that object. But to meet the
overtures of the United States was no part ofthe design
ofthe Directory. Flushed with new victories in Europe,
depending upon the assistance of a designing faction in
America; reaping rich prqfit from the plunder of our
commerce and stimulated by the desire of wounding Eng
land through the destruction of all neutral trade ; a settle
ment of disputes on any basis but that of union in the war,
would have involved too great a sacrifice of advantage.
Toward Mr. Pinckney their conduct had been character
ized by dupficity and delay. There was no intention of
bringing matters permanently to a crisis. The circum-
• Message to Congress, May 16th, 1797.

480 ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 14.
Stances foUowing his arrival cannot be more concisely
stated than was done by the President himself.
Mr. Pinckney reached thecapitol on the 5th December.
" A few days before his arrival at Paris, the French Minister of Foreign Rela
tions informed the American Minister, then resident at Paris, of the formaUties
to be observed by hiraself in taking leave and by his successor preparatory to his
reception. These formalities they observed, and on the ninth of December pre
sented officiaUy to the Minister of Foreign Relations, the one a copy of his
letters of recall, the other a copy of his letters of credence.
" These were laid before the Executive Directory. Two days afterwards the
Minister of Foreign Relations informed the recalled American Minister that the
Executive Directory had determined not to receive another Minister Plenipoten-
tiai7 frora the United States until after the redress of grievances deraanded of
the American government, and which the French Republic had a right to expect
frora it. The American Minister immediately endeavoured to ascertain whether
by refiising to receive him, it was intended that he should retire from the terri
tories of the French Republic, and verbal answers were given that such was the
intention of the Directory. For his own justification he desired a written an
swer, but obtained none until towards the last of January, when receiring notice
in writing to quit the territories of the republic, he proceeded to Amsterdam,
where he proposed to wait for instructions from this governraent. During his
residence at Paris, cards of hospitality were refused him and he was threatened
with being subjected to the jurisdiction of the minister of police, but wiih be
coming firmness he insisted on the protection of the law of nations due to him
as the known minister of a foreign power."*
In contrast with Mr. Pinckney's reception, was Mr.
Monroe's public audience of leave. The President of
the Directory, in an answer to his address, exhibited the
mixture of insolence and chicanery, characteristic of its
pohcy.
" France, (he said) rich in her liberty, surrounded by a train of victories, strong
in the esteem of her allies, wUl not abase herself by calculating the consequen
ces of the condescension of the American government, to the suggestions of her
former tyrants. Moreover, the French republic hoped that the successors of Co
lumbus, of Raleigh, and of Penn, proud of their Hberty, will never forget that they
owe it to France. They will weigh in their wisdom, the magnanimous benevo
lence of the French people with the crafty caresses of certain perfidious persons
who meditate bringing thera back to their forraer slavery. Assure the good
American people, sir, that like thera we adore liberty ; that they wUl always have
our esteera, and that they will find in the French people republican generosity,
" Message to Congress, May 16th, 1797.

1797.] OF JOHN ADAMS. 481
which knows how to grant peace, as it does to cause its sovereignty to be re
spected. As to you, Mr. Minister Plenipotentiary, you have combated for principles —
you have known the true interests of our country — depart with our regret. In
you we give up a representative to America, and retain the remembrance of the
citizen whose personal qualities did honour to that title."
This treatment of Mr. Pinckney; the manifest determi
nation ofFrance to persist in her aggressions; the contin
ued and increasing plunder of our trade ; the symptoms
of difficulties with other European powers and upon the
frontiers ; rendered advisable a speedy meeting of Con
gress. On the 25th of March, therefore, the President
issued his proclamation, convening that body on the 15th
of May.
The foUowing letters, written in the interim, indicate
the course of conduct recommended by different mem
bers of the party. It is worth noticing, that without a
single exception, among those whom Mr. Adams already
began to consider as his enemies, the most cordial intention
is expressed to facilitate his successful administra
tion; and that prominent among them, stands Mr.
HamUton. TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Phila. March 29th, 1797.
It is now known that General Pinckney has not been admitted by the Direc
tory, and that the refusal has been attended with circumstances of indignity. In
addition to the facts detailed in a letter from Paris, dated January 7th, which has
been pubhshed in the papers, there is one which ought to be known.
M. De La Croix, in a letter to Mr. Monroe, announced it to be the determina
tion of the Directory not to receive another Minister Plenipotentiary from the
United States untU the complaints of France have been redressed. The grievan
ces, of which a redress must be prehminary to the reception of a minister, or any
discussion, are supposed to be those stated by M. Adet, to which the government
has given an answer, by which they must and will abide. The violation of the
treaty with Great Britain, the repeal of laws, and the admission of a consular
jurisdiction paramount to the courts of our country, are points never to be conceded.
It is also a fact that Mr. Pinckney was especially instructed on every pomt
relative to which any complaint exists ; and his letter of credence, of which a
VOL. I. .41

482 ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 14.
copy has been delivered, siated that the President, " sincerely desirous to main
tain that good understanding which, frora the commenoeraent of their alhance,
has subsisted between the two nations, and to efface unfavourable impressions,
banish suspicions and restore cordiality which was at once the evidence and
pledge of a friendly union, had judged it expedient to appoint, &c." The rank
with which Gen. Pinckney was invested, was equal to that enjoyed by Mr. Jay ;
and his letter of credence designated hira to be a special raessenger of concUiation.
I have raentioned these facts because the raalcontents wUl endeavour to prevent
the adoption of any defensive measures untU an Envoy Extraordinary can be sent,
and the issue of his mission known, and because the friends of govemment,
having been the advocates for negotiation on a forraer occasion, may be embar
rassed by the specious appearance of a parallel case. The trath is. Gen. Pinckney
is in fact an Envoy Extraordinary, special objects being designated in his commis
sion, and though he is styled a ?dinister Plenipotentiary, yet this is a grade pre
cisely equal to that of Envoy Extraordinai-y. No pretence against his reception
can be urged therefore eitiier from a defect of powers, or a want of attention on
our part to etiquette.
The systera under which the French act \^-ith respect to us has been a comph-
cated one. They meant to influence the election of President by the teiTor of war,
to wliich they know we are averse ; if this scheme faded, they knew the admin
istration would be embarrassed. They consider the country as nearly equaUy
divided, and by supporting their faction they hope to govern our counsels ; they
aim at wounding Great Britain by destroying our commerce, which they consider
as a principal aliment of British credit, and this with their general wish for plun
der, has determined them to suffer no discussion ; thereby preventing the trouble
and chagrin of hearing our complaints.
It is contrary to the general system of France that we should longer remain
neutral, and no commercial nation will be permitted to be so. We must join
France in the war, or defend ourselves against her depredations.
The Directory expect that the people wiU not support the government. If
they separate on this occasion, our country is undone. In ray opinion, we must
prepare for a serious state of things ; one which -\rill continue for a considerable
time, and to meet which successfully, firmness and system are indispensable. We
must suffer our merchants to arm for defence ; we must fortify some of our ports ;
we raust equip some ships of war to serve as convoys ; we raust embody a force
to prevent an insurrection of the slaves ; we raust lay a tax, and we must keep
a minister as near the terrible repubhc as the Directory will suffer him to remain,
to profit by any opportunities for settiing our disputes. One thing we must hot
do ; we must not retract any thing which has been said or done. The opposite
plan wiU be to do nothing but send a new minister, ai^ one ofthe French party.
In the meantime, our commerce wUl languish, pubHc credit will faU, despondency,
distress, and faction wUl impair and divide our country ; and the French faction
vrill obtain an ascendancy. It appears to me necessary that the country should
be roused, not influenced ; that the people should make up their minds for a seri
ous and persevering exertion ; some sacrifices must be raade, but if the people do
not support the government and reject the distinction between them which the
Directory is attempting to establish, aU is lost.

1797.1 OF JOHN ADAMS. 483
In reference to the foUowing to and from Mr. Hamilton,
it requires to be stated that the proposition to appoint a
commission of three, of which Mr. Jefferson or Mr. Madi
son should be one, had been suggested to the President
by Mr- Hamilton himself, through the medium of Senator
Tracy. Mr. Hamilton thus mentions the fact.
" After the rejection of Mr. Pinckney by the government of France, iraraedi-
ately after the instalment of Mr. Adams as President, and long before the mea
sure was taken, I urged a member of Congress, then high in the confidence of
the President, to propose to hira the iraraediate appointraent of three coramis-
sioners, of whom Mr. Jefferson or Mr. Madison to be one, to make another
attempt to negotiate." *
Mr. Adams in commenting upon this, says :
" I will relate all that I can recoUect relative to this subject. Mr. Tracy of
Connecticut, who indeed was always in my confidence, came to me, I believe at
the opening of the special session of Congress which I called soon after my
inauguration, and produced a long, elaborate letter from Mr. HamUton, contain
ing a whole system of instraction for the conduct of the President, the Senate
and the House of Representatives, I read it very deliberately, and really thought
the man was in a delirium. It appeared to me a very extraordinary instance of
volunteer empiricisra thus to prescribe for a President, Senate and House of
Representatives, aU desperately sick and in a state of deplorable debility, with
out being called. And when I maturely considered the contents of the letter,
my surprize was increased. I despised and detested the letter too much to take
a copy of it, which I now regret. This letter is stUl in being, and I doubt not
many copies of it are extant. I most earnestly request any gentleman who, pos
sesses one to publish it. That letter, though it had no influence with me, had so
much -with both Houses of Congress, as to lay the foundation of the overthrow
of the federal party, and of the revolution that foUowed four years afterwards. I
wiU endeavour to recollect as much of the contents of it as I can, and if I am
incorrect in any point, those who possess the letter can, by the publication of it,
easUy set aU right."""
Mr. Adams accordingly goes on to recapitulate the con
tents of the letter from a memory most apparently defec
tive, as recommendations are referred to, which could not
have been made, and measures spoken of which were not
' " Letter concerning the public con- President of the United States." New
duct and character of John Adams, Esq., York, 1800. p. 47.
' Boston Patriot, Letter XIII.

484 ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 14.
adopted untU a year after. What the letter was, is not
known, but its real contents wiU doubtless be shown from
an authentic source and in due time. jMr. Adams pro
ceeds :
"How it happened that Mr. HaraUton's contemplations coincided so exactly
with mine, as to think of Mr. Jefferson or Mr. Madison for envoy to France, it
may be more difficidt to explain. But let it be considered that this letter was
written long after ray conversation with Mr. Jefferson, concerning hiraself and
Mr. Madison, which was the raoming after ray inauguration; that I had com
municated that conversation to one or more of the heads of departments the
same morning. It is probable that Mr. HamUton received hints from some of
his correspondents, that I had thought of Madison and Hamilton, and that he
was not displeased with the idea."
In reference to the time when Mr. HamUton's views
were made known to the President, the foiTner states that
it was immediately after the inauguration ; the latter that
the letter was written long after the conversation with
]Mr. Jefferson. The following letters show conclusively,
that Mr. Hamilton as usual, was right. The matter is of
httle consequence, except as showing the habitual inac
curacy of Mr. Adams, and because he has made it the
basis of a paltry insinuation against Mr. Hamilton's "cor
respondents." It appears that one alone of the Cabinet,
knew of the President's determination ; and it wiU be
seen from Wolcott's letter of March 30th to Mr. HamU
ton, that that one had never communicated it. Why the
recommendation by Mr. Hamilton, of a measure in con
sonance with Mr. Adams' own views, provoked this dis
play of impotent mahgnity, those who have fathomed his
character can determine.
FROM ALEXANDER HAMILTON. [New York] March 30, 1797.
My Dear Sir,
Every one who can properly appreciate the situation of our affairs at tins mo
ment, in aU the extent of possible circumstances, must be extremely anxious
for a course of conduct in our govemment which wiU unite the utmost pradence

1797.] OF JOHN ADAMS. 485
with energy. It has been a considerable tirae ray wish that a coramission extra
ordinary ' should be constituted to go to France, to explain, demand, negotiate,
&c. I was particularly anxious that the first measure of the present President's
administration should have been that, but it has not happened. Inow continue
to wish earnestly that the same measure may go into effect, and that the meeting
of the Senate may be accelerated for that purpose. Without opening a new
channel of negotiation, it seems to me the door of accommodation is shut, and
rupture wiU follow, if not prevented by a general peace. Who, indeed, can be
certain that a general pacification of Europe may not leave us alone to receive
the law from France % WiU it be wise to omit any thing to parry, if possible,
these great risks^ Perhaps the Directory have declared that they wUl not re
ceive a muiister tiU their grievances shall have been redressed ! This can
hardly mean more than that they wUl not receive a residing minister. It cannot
mean that they wUl not hear an extraordinary messenger, who may even be sent
to know what will satisfy. Suppose they do. It will still be well to convince
the people that the govemment has done all in its power, and that the Directory
are unreasonable.
But the enemies of the government call for the measure. To rae this is a
very strong reason for pursuing it. It wUl raeet them on their own ground, and
disarm them of the plea that something has been omitted.
I ought, my good friend, to apprise you, for you raay learn it from no other,
that a suspicion begins to dawn among the friends of the govemment that the
actual administration (rainisters) is not averse from war with France. How very
important to obviate this.
The accounts just received offer a great danger that the emperor may be com
peUed to raake peace. Paul of Russia is evidentiy lukewarm in the cause ofthe
alhes. From lukewarmness to enmity, where fortune takes the other side, is but
a step. If England is left to bear the burden alone, who can say France raay
not venture to sport an array to this country. It may get rid of troublesome
spirits. As in the case of England, so now, my opinion is to exhaust the expedi
ent of negotiation, and at the sarae time to prepare vigorously for the worst. This
is sound pohcy. Any omission or deficiency either way, -will be a great error,
God bless you ! A, HAMILTON.
TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON. Phila. March 31, 1797.
' I have received your letter of March 30th, and I consider it as a valuable ac
quisition. It developes the origin of a transaction which came to my knowledge
at the close of the last session, which fiUed my mind vrith inexpressible surprise.
To you I wiU say, but in the raost perfect confidence, that the President had de
termined on instituting a comraission, though it would not have been coraposed
ofthe persons you have proposed. I believe no one of the heads of departraents
¦ In the margin is written, " Madison, Pinckney, Cabot."
41*

486 ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 14.
was acquainted with the decision, except myself I had attributed it to Mr.
Ames, frora a casual expression of his, and I o-wn that by means of my raost sin
cere and urgent expostulations — nay, supplications, it was postponed.
I am far frora behering that considering General Pinckney's diplomatic rank,
his personal character, and the special objects of his mission, which were speci
fied in his letters of credence, and communicated to the Directory, there ia
any just or even specious pretext for not receiving him . On the contrary, it ap
pears to me that France has insolently rejected a fair and suitable proposition for
a discussion and adjustment of the existing disputes ; that the national indignity
is such that it must be noticed. . There is a point (but where I aUow to be uncer
tain) below which the govemment cannot stop without losing the confidence of
the people, and producing that despondency, loss of credit, and want of pubhc
concert which would rain our affairs. I wish we may find that our apathy has
not been already carried to a fatal extent.
The plan of measures I would propose, is as follows :
1st. That the President should in his speech to Congress take a riew of
the complaints of France, and of the raeasures adopted by his predecessor,
particularly in the mission of General Pinckney, and should give them his
decided approbation. That he should intimate, but in decided terras, that France
has rejected a suitable opportunity for discussion, but that this would not prevent
hun from persevering in the line of negotiation ; that measures would be accord
ingly perseveringly pursued for renewing proposals and entering upon negotiations
with France, whenever the concurrence of that govemment shall be raanifested.
2d. That the President should recoramend, and in raore than usual terms of
confidence, the adoption of the following raeasures. 1st. An increase of revenue.
2d. The arming our vessels for defence, with the right of capturing the attack
ing force. 3d. The equipment of a certain number of stout merchant ships to
prove as guards to our coasts, and convoys for our trade. 4th. The fortification
of our ports. 5th. The enrollment of a land force, principally with a view to
the suppression of any insurrection of the slaves in the southem States. 6th.
A discretionary and summary authority to arrest vessels suspected of being de
signed as cruisers upon our trade, or that of nations with whom we are at peace.
3d. A serious and firm caU upon Congress for their united and rigorous sup
port of the Executive, with an appeal to the honour, generosity, and patriotism
of the people, in the present critical state of affairs.
My own ideas of the system and intentions of France would lead me further
in defensive and cautionai-y measures than I have proposed ; but I am sensible of
the impolicy of anticipating pubhc opinion. On the subject of negotiation, I
would ever be ready to meet France, and would keep an agent, or if you please,
agents in Europe ready for that purpose ; " but I am not wilhng to admit that the
governraent has already done less than the occasion required, or that France is
justifiable in refusmg to recognize Mr. Pinckney. I ara also free to declare that
I conceive the claims of France to be in any other than the last and raost ex-
trerae necessity, utteriy uidefensible. They in fact require a surrender of national
independence. I would propose to retract nothing.
11 Note. " I would not refuse a raodification of treaties if desired."

1797.] OF JOHN ADAMS.

487

The idea of a commission consisting of Mr. Madison, or any one lUie him, I
must own to you, is one which I can never adopt without the utmost reluctance.
I have no confidence in Mr. Madison ; he has been a frequenter of Adet's politi
cal parties. I have been just informed that M. Adet has suggested the idea of
sending this gentieman. We know that the French count upon the support of a
party in this country, and so shameless is the faction grown, that positive proof
of a devotion to French views, is with raany, no injury to a raan's popularity.
If the government suffers France to dictate what description of men shaU be
appointed to foreign courts, our country is undone. Frora that raoment the con
fidence of aU the old-fashioned, honourable and virtuous men of the interior
country is irrevocably lost.
Another consequence of not rejecting the interference of France is, that it
wiU encourage other nations to interfere, especially Great Britain, and wUl more
over countenance the calumny, that a British faction exists. The French say
Ihat Mr. Jay and his friends were in the British interest, and that therefore he
was appointed. Can it be safe to appoint a raan known to be of the French
party, and thus to give to a calurany the force of an arguraent ?
I have no objection to sending a man of neutral politics, if he is a man of sin
cere firmness and integrity. General Pinckney is of this description. If n
comraission of thera is generally preferred, it is a point perhaps not to be con
tested ; but how can the commission be coraposed ? From what was on the
point of being done, I presurae Mr. Cabot cannot be brought forward. If a
man of his principles were to be associated with Mr. Madison, either nothing
would be done, or something worse than nothing. Mr. Madison would insist
upon a submission to France, or would obstruct a settlement, and throw the dis
grace of faUure on the friends of government.
Either result would deliver the country, bound hand and foot, to French influ
ence. If nothing was done, the obstinacy of the federahsts would be complained
of If something was done, however humihating, the responsibUity would be
divided, and all the mischief would be attributed to the desperate state of affairs,
induced by the fatal treaty with Great Britam.
The present is a moment of apparent tranquUlity ; but I conjecture that it is a
calm which forebodes a hurricane. The Executive wUl either find a riolent and
steady gale frora one point, or be assaUed with a tornado which wUl throw every
thing into confusion. I predict that no tieaty, no compromise, no concession
wiU afford security. Revenue is essential, and there wiU, I fear, be insuperable
objections started by the friends and enemies of government. Credit has been
abused— has been exhausted in senseless speculations.
You know that I am accustomed to respect your opinions ; and at any rate
I am not so ignorant of the extent of your influence with the friends of govem
ment, as not to be sensible that if you are known to favour the sendmg a conunission,
either nothing wiU be done or your opiniori will prevaU. In this case, what ^rill be
the objection against sending Mr. Ingersoll of this city, or some such character, to
be united with Gen. Pinckney and Jolm Q. Adams, or with Mr. Murray, to
rendezvous at Amsterdam, until the consent of France to renew negotiations

488 ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 14.
can be obtained. Is a direct mission to France, of which Mr. Madison is to be
a member, in your riew indispensable 1
I should be sorry if the friends of the government were to consider me, or any
of the public officers, as desirous of producing a war with France, because I
should consider this as evidence that our affairs are desperate. If the public
pulse does not beat higher than that of goveranient, all is over. So far as indi-
ridual characters are affected, pubhc opinion is of no consequence ; but the public
opinion -with regard to measures, is of the utmost importance. There ought to
be a zeal for strenuous measures, and this zeal ought to be an engine in the
hands of the Executive for presei-ving peace. I think I can assure you that the
movements of our political machine cannot he adjusted to a minute scale, and
that if the direction is attempted to be varied, its future course wUl be nearly op
posite to the present.
Our finances wiU be hereafter difficult to manage, owing to the profligate
abuse of private credit. The reluctance ofthe eastem gentlemen to direct taxes,
wiU, I suspect, relax the tone of our measures ; the consequences wiU be, I
fear, a humiliating settlement with France, ruin of commerce and credit, and
the establishment of foreign factions in our country. Though the Executive -vrill
not be blameable, it will be blamed for these evils. Having no ambition to grat
ify, no theory or project to support, I shall be ready to serve ray country -with my
best exertions, and shall be happy to receive your opinions and to know the state
of public opinion. No person can exceed me insincere wishes that what is pro
per maybe done.

FROM GEORGE CABOT, BROoxLrNE, April 3d, 1797.
Dear Sir,
Your favour of the 16tli ultimo, and its accompaniraeni, were received yester
day. Whether the governraent wUl have virtue enough to profit by your labours
or not, time only wUl show ; but we, the people, are certainly much the -wiser,
and as one of them, I thank you for the instruction. I foresaw at an early
period, that if the federalists were faithful to the country, their conduct would
be liable to misrepresentation ; and considering the sort of stuff men are made of,
I confess my apprehensions have been very great that some of the best characters
in the nation would be looked upon -\rith jealousy. Although I took no part in
the election, I do not hesitate to avow my opinion that the first and lughest
duty of the electors was, to prevent the election of the French President, and
this being provided, the next object would have been to secure the election of
Mr. Adams. But I wUl never admit that we ought to take any considerable
risque of seeing a French, or any foreign President, rather than the risque of any
one federal candidate in preference to another ; but one misfortune is, that when
we profess to set the interests of the pubhc above that of our friends, their pride
forbids them to believe it, or egotisra to forgive it. I have not the privilege of a
democrat, and therefore cannot answer your questions for the people ; but for
myself, I can readUy say, that the United States are manifestly in the right, and
therefore cannot confess they are in the wrong ; of consequence they can neither

1797.] OF JOHN ADAMS. 489
repeal the acts of their legislature, nor reverse the just judgraents of their courts,
nor riolate their engageraents to another nation. But you would know what
the people will tlunk. I presume if the government assumes the tone it ought,
that the people -wiU accord with thera ; and if the government does not, I should
expect the people will blame them hereafter, when they shall have experienced
in addition to their losses of property, the more irreparable loss of honour. Such
is my course of thinking, when, abstracted from the world, I revolve the subject
in ray raind ; but I ought to add, that whenever I go out of ray own house, or
have guests within it, I ara led to distrust my reasonings and conclusions. I
find myself in the errours of the French revolutionists, who maintain that the
people understand their true interests, and will always vindicate them. How
this may be in the political millennium I know not ; but in the present state of
society, folly and the vices which are its natural offspring, have a power which
cannot be overcome. After all, we must take the world as it is, and by expect
ing less, expose ourselves to less chagrin. I have long seen that your sensibility
was deeply wounded by the want of interest in the affairs of the nation, which
is discovered by many public men ; but I hope you wUl not always be a prey to
that sort of anxiety ; and if you cannot arrive at a pure apathy, I hope you mil
at least moderate your sufferings, for I am sure the consciousness of what you
have done, ought to satisfy pride as well as principle ; and if there is to be public
disgrace, no part of it wUl attach to you. G. C,

FROM ALEXANDER HAMILTON. [New York] AprU 5, 1797,
Dear Sir,
I have received your letter of March 31st, I hope nothing in my last was
misunderstood. Could it be necessary, I would assure you that no one has a
stronger conriction than myself, of the purity of the motives which direct your
pubhc conduct, or of the good sense and judgment by which it is guided. If I
have a fear, (you wUl excuse ray frankness) it is, lest t^e strength of your feel
ings, the corapanion of energy of character, should prevent that phancy to cir
cumstances which is sometimes indispensable. I beg you only to watch yourself
on this score, and the pubhc wiU always find in you an able, as weU as faithfiil
servant. The situation of our country, my dear sir, is singularly critical. The map of
Europe is every way discouragmg. There is too much reason to apprehend that
the Emperor of Gerraany, in danger from Russia and Prussia, [and] perhaps [from]
the Porte as well as France, may be compeUed to yield to the riews of the latter.
England standing alone, raay be driven to a siraUar office. It is certara that
great consternation in court and country, attends the intelhgence of Buonaparte's
last rictories. Either to be in rupture with France, united with England alone,
or singly, as is possible, would be a raost unwelcorae situation. Divided as we
are, who can say what would be hazarded by it ? In such a situation, it appears
to me we should rather err on the side of condescension, than on the opposite

490 ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 14.
side. We ought to do every thing to avoid rapture -without unworthy sacrifices,
and to keep in view, as a primary object, union at home. No measure can tend
more to this than an extraordinary mission. And it is certain, to fulfil these
ends proposed, it ought to embrace a character in whom France and the opposi
tion have full credit. What risk can attend sending Madison, if combined as I
propose, with Pinckney and Cabot 1 or such a man (two deciding) ? Depend
on it, Pinckney is a man of honour and loves his country. Cabot, we both know.
Besides, there ought to be certain leading instructions frora which they may not
deviate. I agree with you, that we have nothing to retract ; that we ought to
risk every thing before we submit to any dishonourable terms. But we may
re-mould our treaties. We raay agree to put France on the same footing as
Great Britain by our treaty with her. We may also liquidate with a riew to
future wars, the import of the mutual guarantee in the treaty of aUiance, sub
stituting specific succors and de&iing the casus fcederis. But tlus last mayor
may not be done, though with me it is a favourite object. Ingersoll wiU not fulfU
the object, but I had rather have hira than do nothing,
I ara clearly of opinion that the President shall come forward to Congress in
a manly tone, and that Congress shall adopt vigorous defensive measures. Those
which you propose are proper, and some others on which I raay write hereafter.
If Madison is well coupled, I do not think his intrigues can operate as you
imagine. Should he advocate dishonourable concessions to France, the pubhc
opinion will not support [him]. His colleagues, by address and showing a disposi
tion to do enough, may easily defeat his pohcy, and maintain the public confidence.
Besides that, it is possible that too much may be taken for granted with regard
to Mr. Madison. Yours traly, A. HAMILTON.

FROM GEORGE CABOT. Beookllne, April 7, 1797.
My Dear Sir,
It gives me infinite pleasure to learn from you that our Palinurus is undaunted
at the storm which is gathering. Popular gales sometimes blow hard, but they
don't blow long ; and the man who has the courage to face them, wUl at last
outface them. I hope from my soul, that the President will enjoy that immor
tality which is due to the man who dares to do right, when all the world does
wrong. I believe, however, if he is sternly and strongly right, a. great many
people will discover that they themselves are so.
I readily accept the apostleship you mention, and shall use your discourse as if
it were my own. Your letter arrived yesterday afternoon, and already my zeal
has produced a letter of two sheets, which will be transcribed as a circular to
half a dozen friends. I shaU quote no authorities to infidels, and as for the faith
fiil — they won't need thera. Our best prayers are for blessings on Mrs. Wolcott
and the little ones. I am as ever, your affectionate and faithful,
G. CABOT.

1797.] OF JOHN ADAMS.

491

FROM ALEXANDER HAMILTON.
,, ,^ a- [^'^¦^ York] AprU 13th, 1797,
My Dear Sir,
The post of to-day brought me a letter from you, I am just informed that an
order is come to the Custom House not to clear out any vessels if armed, unless
destined for the East Indies, Under the present circumstances, I very much
doubt the expediency of this measure. The excesses of France justify passive
ness in the government ; and its inabiUty to protect the merchants, requires that
it should leave thera to protect themselves. Nor do I fear that it would tend to
rupture with France, if such be not her determination otherwise. The legahty
of this prohibition cannot be defended. It must stand on its necessity. It would,
I think, have been enough to require security that the vessel is not to be employ
ed to cruise against any of the belhgerent powers. Perhaps even now, where
vessels have been armed previous to the receipt of the prohibition, it is safe and
advisable to except them on the condition of such security. Think of this
promptiy. The general measure may be further considered at leisure. Nor am
I am prepared to say that, having been taken, it ought to be revoked.
I wUl send you, shortly, some remarks in reply to questions you propose.
Adieu. Yours, A. HAMILTON.
FROM GEORGE CABOT. Brookline, April 13, 1797.
Dear Sir,
It has been my intention to communicate to you two occurrences of the last
summer, which seemed to be of consequence to be known to those whose opin
ion must guide our affairs. The first is the substance of a conversation with the
Duke de Liancourt," in which he disclosed to me the determination of the
French Directory, to order the seizure of all vessels that should be found to have
on board any articles of the product or manufacture of any of the British domin
ions ; and all such products and raanufactures to be condemned, wheresoever
from, whithersoever bound, and to whomsoever belonging. Whether the vessel
was to be condemned or not, he did not clearly express. He assured me of the
authenticity of his inforraation, and that the systera would be carried into opera
tion " as soon as the Eraperor should be broke down ;" which he said would be
in September or October. After a moraent's pause, I observed that I did not at
aU doubt the truth of his infomiation, and that my mind was ready to receive
much more. He perceived that my gravity and moderation were affected, and
suddenly added, " What ! you think this would be unjust t" I thmk, said I, it
would be very impoHtic, because it would confirm aU those charges of tyranny,
injustice, and contempt for the rights of others, which are raade against France
by the wise and virtuous part of mankind. It would be, in fact, a greater out-
¦ Note. "I think this conversation was in the month of August, and it would bo
easy to ascertain the day,"

492 ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 14.
rage upon neutral rights than was ever committed. ' Why, said he, it may be
disagreeable, " but there is no other way of destroying England." I acknowl
edged to him, in a spirit of irony, that if the English could be destioyed in no
other way, that would justify it ; but I added, that ray own opinion was, that
such a measure would unite the English to a man, and excite the most desperate
spirit in the nation ; that they would cover the sea with their ships, and by the
greatness of their exertion, would annihUate the remaining navy of their ene
raies, and would block up for nine months in the year every port of France on
the Aflantic. He smiled at my opmions, and said the power of England was at
an end. Her resources were exhausted, and she could not add a single ship, nor
find the means of supporting her present navy another season. I rejoined, that
aU the civUized world would have cause to mourn, if this should be trae, for they
would then be obliged to fight against France or give up their independence.
The other occurrence was an unexpected visit from Cutting, who asked me
-without much ceremony, " who we intended to make President ?" I told him I
had nothing to do with it, but the friends of the government would certainly
make Mr. Adams, if they could ; or if they could not elect him -without a hazard
of Mr. Jefferson's coming in, they would perhaps raake Mr. Pinckney ; for they
deeraed it essential to the safety of the country to exclude Mr. Jefferson, and if
possible to choose Mr. Adaras. He affected great surprise at these sentiments,
and assured me that, if I went into the world, instead of remaining in solitude,
I should find a total change of sentiments among the federalists, which had re
cently taken place ; that whatever they raight think of the tendency of the
French revolution to serve or injure the cause of freedom, they were aU united
in their estiraate of the French power, and of the use that would be raade of it ;
and that they saw plainly " we must sooth France by making their favourite,
Jefferson, President, or we must take a war with them." " This language,"
said I to Mr. Cutting, " is what I should have expected frora you and your party ;
but if the alternation is made, I trust there is virtue in the country to make a
war against tyrants, rather than tamely submit to them as masters." He said
he was very sorry I thought him a party man, &c. &c., and then asked me if I
had seen the paper of the day. I told hira, no. Oh ! said he, the contest is
nearly over ; Buonaparte has cut up all the Austrians, and there wUl be no fur
ther opposition in Italy. He then repeated his regret at ray tenacity, and as
sured rae that Col. HaraUton had declared to him, that Mr. Jefferson mtist be
supported, as the only way of appeasing France. I told hira Col. HaraUton's
opinion would have weight with me on every such subject ; but he was frequently
misrepresented for party purposes, and nothing short of hearing it from his own
mouth would make me believe he was wUling to see Mr. Jefferson President,
All this respecting Hamilton, I am persuaded is false ; but the extreme desire
discovered by Mr, Cutting, to draw frora me a sentiment of acquiescence in Mr.
Jefferson's election, for the sake of pacifying France, is unaccountable.
I give you the essence of what passed, leaving out many little circumstances
which would be tedious to recite. It was my expectation to pass a night with
Mr. Adams in November, when I should have related every thing to him ; but

1797.] OF JOHN ADAMS.

493

my indolence conquers every thing, and I staid at home, where I have radicated
too strongly to be easily removed.
I wUl write you again in a few days, when I may possibly send you a copy of
a letter which I have addressed to a few friends conhdentially, assuring them
that the government would be firm ; and showing them the necessity of exciting
the people to support the measures which shall be adopted. Your faithfiil friend,
GEORGE CABOT.
FROM GEORGE CABOT. Brookline, April 17, 1797.
My Dear Friend,
Jere. Smith, who called on me yesterday, teUs me that a difference of senti
ment prevails in and out of the cabinet respecting the expediency of a new em
bassy to France. From the facts which have been stated to me, I don't see how
we can possibly send new messengers with the expectation that they will not be
kicked frora the door, unless we first appease those to whom the visit is intended
by performing the penance they have prescribed ; and this, all agree is impossible
for us to do.
I confess to you I was strack with the formal precision of the words used by
the Directory, The literal sense ofthe declaration would be saved, though they
were to receive an embassy from us, if it were other than a minister plenipo. ;
but why this equivocation % Surely it was to leave the door open for accommo
dation, if the actual state of things should render it desirable for them. If they
have not acted upon some such principle, the new embassy would be fruitless ;
and if they have, it is unnecessary, because in the laiter case they will be guided
in their conduct towards us by events in Europe, and the circumstances of their
own country. But I take it for granted, the only solid argument in favour of a
new embassy, is the tendency of it to satisfy popular opinion here, and to unite
the country in the measures which must be taken after Ul success. I am afraid
this argument claims raore weight than it truly merits. I conceive that the gov
emment has attempted negotiation already as far as it can without abasement ;
and if the knowledge of this does not satisfy the counti-y, it is not certain that
anything that can be done wUl satisfy them. But my fears concerning the effects
of a new embassy are, that Fiance wiU strengthen the party by it. She wiU
know our motive to be to put her so clearly in the wrong, that her friends here
can no longer be her advocates ; but as she must know this, she can with cer
tainty counteract us, and by a. very obvious policy give to her friends new
strength. She can propose to the new embassy a treaty which shall contain
many things which would be extremely popular, accompanied with some requisi
tions which we could not grant without present dishonour, and ultimately a war
with another nation. The commissioners would reject such a proposition if they
are honest, but the party in this country would then be able to rally again.
France is now grown, and daily growing more odious to the people. But from
a thousand causes this weaning from folly is a difficult work, and I incline fo
think France would now gladly prevent its being perfected. If therefore, as ac-
VOL. I. -iS

494 ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 14.
cording to my ideas, the result of a new embassy may be to supply new means
to the French party, now exhausted ; the danger of this raay be a fair offset
against the hope of uniting the country in some efficient mode of defence. At
the sarae time I express these as my opinions, it is impossible that the mass of
the people should not (if left to themselves) prefer one more attempt to persuade
our French brethren to do justice and be friends. Public attention is pretty well
excited in this quarter, and hitherto the public mind has held a right course. I
should imagine by the tirae Congress raeets, we shall be -willing to take such
burdens as raay be reasonable to lay upon us, I think, however, rauch will de
pend upon the tone ofthe government; if it is masculine, our notes wUl conform,
I hope the President will speak decidedly upon every topic that is connected with
the business of the meeting, and especially if it is clear that we cannot and
ought not to attempt further negotiation, I hope he will say it. Yours, faithfuUy,
G. CABOT.

GEORGE CABOT TO JEREMIAH SMITH.
Brookline, AprU 17, 1797.
My Dear Sir,
It is easy to say what ought not to be done in certain contingencies, but diffi
cult to determine what ought. The truth is, that we often arrive at a dUemma
in which something raust be done, and yet that soraething must appear to be
wrong ; for the inconveniences of the course taken, whatever it be, must be con
siderable, and will be the most known and the only ones felt ; but no considera
tions of this kind will deter many men, whom I am proud to call friends, from
adopting any rasasures which in their judgraent the public good may require.
But what are the measures, you ask? I wish I could give a satisfactory answer
to the question, but I confess I cannot. There is, however, in ray mind, no diffi
culty in deciding that an embargo would become more injurious to us than all
depredations will be ; much more injurious to us than to the French, and indeed
much raore to the other nations who have colonies than to the French. It would
be particularly inconvenient to the English, who are now fighting for the inde
pendence of the neutral nations which remain unconquered by France. This
idea is so obvious, that I shall expect many zealous advocates for an embargo
araong those who prefer the interests of France to those of the United States.
As a perraanent raeasure or principal measure of any systera, I consider an em
bargo as always preposterous, being necessarily more distressing to the nation
that imposes it than to the nation against which it is intended to operate ; but
there are an infinity of cases, in which partial, special, or temporary embargoes
may be expedient, and therefore at all times of public danger, the Executive
ought to be authorized by law to lay them. In the most probable cases this
power cannot be exercised directly by Congress without defeating its own
designs. I now release you from the embargo, and proceed to express my hopes that
the first measures of Congress wUl be to provide more revenue. A land tax,

1797.] OF JOHN ADAMS. 495
however unpalatable at first, wUl be approved by the people themselves after they
are brought to contemplate a httie more soberly the nature and extent of the
pubhc dangers. A few frigates which are in forwardness ought to be equipped
forthwith, and the merchants should be authorized to defend thjir vessels as far
as it can be done without actual war. If no better idea occurs on this point, let
convoys accompany them who shall fulfil the 27th article of the treaty, which
prescribes the conduct of armed vessels of one nation towards the trading vessels
of another. In the West India scene, where we suffer greatly from little pal
try pirates, this sort of defence would be sufficient generaUy ; but a minute exam
ination of the rights of nations is necessary to enable a man to delineate this
system fuUy. Our most valuable and exposed seaports should be better fortified,
and a smaU mihtary corps raised and established to keep the fortresses. Thus
prepared, and provided for the. worst, I would [say], diplomatically, that none of
these things are to be understood as malting a rupture with France, but on the
contrary no offence is authorized against the persons, properties, or rights of the
French republic, or any of its citizens, to whom we are disposed to do justice, as
we always have done, and with whora we wish to be at peace ; but that the
measures are whoUy defensive, &c. If these raeasures can be carried, adjoum
for three months.
With respect to a new embassy, it would be disgraceful and would indicate a
dread of France, which is already too great ; but my principal objection to it is,
that it may be easily made the means of recraiting the exhausted strength of the
French party within our country, (i. e. by making propositions which would be
popular here, and only insisting on one or two points which would involve us
in a contest with Great Britain) and their mischiefs are more to be dreaded than
any their masters can perpetrate without.
Thus, my friend, you see with what readiness I give you my crudest opinions .
If they are erroneous, it will be satisfactory that they have no authority, and I,
no responsibility. But before I close this letter, let me entreat you to be at PhUa
delphia on the day mentioned by the President. Probably you wUl then find a
well digested plan of the Executive, which, if not repugnant to your own ideas,
you -will zealously support. If no systera is formed by the Executive, or such as
shaU be formed is not supported, there wUl be no consistency, and of course no
efficiency in our measures. If I were to fill another sheet, I should probably
suggest nothing which has not been already familiar to your mind. There can
be nothing new in this. It is, however, the best return I can make to your very
flattering letter, and may be regarded as an additional proof of the great esteem
with which I am truly your friend, &c.,
GEORGE CABOT.

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.
PHiLAnELPHiA, April 19, 1797.
The last accounts from France mention that General Pinckney had gone to
Amsterdam, in consequence of orders from the Directory, The treatment he

496 ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 14.
received was rude and insolent, in the highest degree. The Directory, however,
continued to profess friendship for the American people. The American stocks
rose in England in consequence of the late disorder in the affairs of the bank ;
this I consider a bad omen for British credit ; indeed there is but Httle reason to
doubt that a national bankruptcy in some form or other, is unavoidable.
Nothing new is observable in our domestic affairs, except that there is reason
to beheve that the aggressions of France wUl tend to unite the people. The
W pubHcations frora the Departraent of State have been useful. The plan of
measures to be recommended to Congress, is not yet entirely settled. I presume,
however, that an increase of naval force for the protection of our coasts and
commerce ; permission to the merchants to arm for defence ; the improvement of
fortifications ; the enrollment of a force with a view principally to the blacks in
the most southern states, and the increase of the reivenues will be deemed advisa
ble. There wUl, I presume, be no question about the expediency of keepmg a
minister in Europe, properly authorized to open negotiations whenever the con
sent of France can be obtained. The times are indeed critical, and there is no
doubt but France intends and expects to be able to establish a pohtical influence
in this country. I trust, however, that they wiU find themselves mistaken, and
that the kind Providence which has hitherto protected this country, wiU guard its
liberties and independence.

FROM GEORGE CABOT. Brookline, AprU 22d, 1797.
My Dear Sir,
Since I wrote you last Mr. Swan has returned from New York, where he had
been to have a last interview with Adet, who is about sailing for France. Swan
has stated to a fiiend of mine, that Adet has no expectation of a war, but reUes
foUy that all misunderstandings wiU be cleared up imraediately upon his arri-val
in France, or upon the arrival of his letters, ff he hiraself fails. Thus far Mr.
Swan, whom you know. If Adet does confide his sentiments to Swan, he can
not wish them to remain secret. It is conceivable that Adet may wish to see
the influence of his nation recovered by a concUiatory conduct towards the United
States, but it is more probable that he wishes by exciting this idea here, to pre
vent aU preparatory measures against a different conduct. It has been a strik
ing artifice in the revolutionists to divide and disarm those they intend to attack
by leading them to expect moderation and justice. But in every instance of
nations and individuals, the credulous have become victims, and I cannot but fear
that we too are destined to suffer from this kind of folly. It is hardly within
poBsibUity that the House of Representatives should not temporize, rather than
act with decision, unless new events occur before they raeet, which shall rouse
them by rousing the country.
I am well persuaded, however, that if the House should unite with the other
blanches, in measures of suitable vigor, the country wiU go along with the gov
emment and support it -with constancy. I think too, that firmness and prudence
well combined would carry us safe through the crisis, and that France upon the

1797.] OF JOHN ADAMS.

497

return of adversity, which wUl come, wiU respect us more and treat us better
She now despises us as she does aU who don't resist her, and she always respects
the English above every other people.
At an early period you asked me " what the people would think should he done
by the government to ward off the impending evils." I answered then that they
would take their opinion from the govemment, if the government has one. But I
ought perhaps to state to you now, that the expediency of sending an envoy is
more generally admitted than denied. At the same time I believe it is expect
ed that other measures of preparation will be taken, so that we raay be ready for
the worst events. I repeat to all my acquaintances my fears, that if an envoy
is sent and received, the French wiU completely re-estabhsh their undue influ
ence in this country. Yours traly, G. CABOT.

FROM FISHER AMES. Dedham, AprU 24, 1797.
My Dear Sir,
Your letter afforded me uncommon pleasure. The profound reflections you
have made on the subject, and the just conclusions you have deduced, made so
much impression upon ray mind, as in a degree to shake ray creed in regard to a
commission to negotiate with France. Mr. Cabot I knew was of your senti
ment, and although your letter is headed " private," I ventured to show it to him,
which I pray you to excuse. He was dehg'nted with the perasal, and confirmed
by it in his opinion, not only of the unfitness of sending a new envoy or envoys,
but also of your title to the esteem and regard he has for you, in which I assure
you he is not singular.
I have reflected a good deal on your reasoning, and beheve that I have neither
grown stubborn in defence of my first notions, nor sufficiently precise and correct
in my explanation of the reasons that stUl maintain their ground with rae. I see
difficulties and risks in every course of proceeding, and I cannot otherwise recora
mend my first impression, than to insist that fewer and less perplexing ones seem
to attend a new negotiation than any other plan. I had intended to state my
ideas much at large, but company, business, and indisposition prevent.
The injuries of France afford a cause for war, and would justffy the resort to
arms, or to reprisals, without any further demand of reparation. But war and
reprisals are both out of the question. Neither government, nor the House of
Representatives, nor the citizens' desire, or would concur in either. Patience,
sUence, mean acquiescence under French wrongs would gratify the Jacobins,
and not greatiy displease the tunid, the avaricious, and the raultitude who never
act from their o-wn impulse ; perhaps a majority prefer peace with outrage, rapine,
insuU, dishonour, and the interdiction of the ocean, to a war with France. I
know that an embargo would soon erince that our people would not submit long
to "be interdicted aU navigation. Yet speculatists and some men of business
would say, before it is tried, that it would be better to abjure the ocean. Whether
it proceeds fi-om timidity, avarice, French fanalicijim, (which though weakened
42*

498 ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 14.
is StUl a giant) or the stupor which every public falls into, when for want of an
impression from government, it is left to the anarchy of its own opinions, the
fact appears to rae that the dread of war is stronger still than the sense of honour
or of injury. We, the people, are in truth raore kickable than I could have
conceived. War therefore, or raeasures leading to it, and capable of being misrepresented
as intended to provoke and hasten it, will be out of the question, especiaUy in
the House of Representatives of the United States. The men of inteUigence
and real patriotism vrill say, war is to be avoided; and French injuries on the seas,
and influence in the United States, are to be resisted by other raeans if possible,
than war ; but they foresee and dread the infinite evils of our situation. If the
Jacobins should prevaU in the House ; if government should be in consequence
paralysed ; if nothing should be done by Congress but to authorize an embargo,
as your own fears suggest ; our affairs will be worse than they now are. The ira-
becUity of government and the preponderance of Jacobinism vriU enrage an
hundred, but discourage a million. We shall then be given up to France, bound
hand and foot. To avoid this if possible, is a duty ; self preservation demands
that the inefficiency, and still more, (though not rauch raore) the Ul disposition
'of Congress should be guarded against. The measures you suggest are aU right,
wise, indispensable ; but an attempt to adopt them, if Congress should reject it_
would place us on worse ground than ever. The first question and a grave one,
is whether Congress will consent to arming vessels, increasing taxes, putting
posts in a posture of defence, &c., &c., without a plan of negotiation to avert
war. I think they wUl not. The precedent in the case of Great Britain, of
negotiating while we did a very little to prepare for war, wUl be quoted, and per
versely enough, but -with effect in the House and on the country. Strong mea
sures will not suit weak and trimming men, whose real dispositions, however, are
federal, unless covered and sweetened by the commission ; they would dare to
vote for provisional raeasures, when such as are more direct and uncovered
would be scouted. In a word, would not the cooperation of Congress be hope
less without any such pacific aspect of any defensive system. Even with it the
prospect as to Congress is dubious. I wUl not enlarge on this part of the sub
ject ; your own reflections -wUl supply the omission of my remarks. If then Con
gress would in one case cooperate and not in the other, the plan of negotiating'
anew seems eligible, unless its intrinsic demerit forbids our approbation. I see
no such evident dishonour or mischief in it, as the best and wisest of my friends
seem to do. To demand reparation, to get ready to take it, to declare that we
-wUl not rest contented and at peace without it, may be smoothly done ; but it wUl
be the fortiter. It wUl concenter opinions, it will stop Jacobin mouths on one
point at least, put them in. the wrong on others, prepare the public for the issue if
unfavourable, break the continuity of that affection, or rather folly, which has
kept us so long in hot water, gain time for governraent, and give us the chance
of events. It is besides, a.ccording to my hypothesis, Hopson's choice, for no
other road lies open, I admit the vile insults offered to General Pinckney ; the
dread of Mr. M. if he should go, which I almost decide ought not to be ; the
effect of delusive, fraternizint^ offers to our envoys which raust be refused ; (and

1797.] OF JOHN ADAMS.

499

yet the refusal would afford a new pretext to the French and their partisans) ; the
desire of the French to have us negotiate ; these and many other things check and
discourage my faith in my own opinion. I conclude, however, very safely, that
you at Philadelphia who watch in the cabinet, raust with your worthy associates,
combine some proper line of proceeding for Congress to adopt ; the trae members
must be united and zealous ; the public must be prepossessed m favour of that line ;
and strongly addressed and roused to require it as in case of the treaty. Let me .
entreat you with Col, Pickering and Mr. McHenry, to digest the system for the
House, and through Tracy, N. Smith, Davenport, SewaU, &c., &c., to secure the
co-operation of the federalists at their first coming. This is no time for your
overscrapulous reserves.
You may command me by suggesting the ideas which ought to be held up. I
accept the foffice of fifer, while Otis, &c., carry muskets. Pray offer my best
respects to Mrs. Wolcott, and when you see Mr. R,, to him and family. When
you see Tracy, my prayers and blessing to him. I wish you the victory. WUh
unfeigned esteem, yours, &c., FISHER AMES.
P. S. I began with a design to be brief, because I was in a hurry, which, as
usual, has lengthened and confused my ideas. This is the substance of them.
Our case is bad, and if government should be passive, would be worse. Gov
ernment cannot act -without or against Congress. Congress wiU not do any right
tiling (an embargo is not of the number, if general) unless it tends to promote
peace, or at least not to endanger it. To negotiate again is not servile or mean,
if the right raen are appointed, and the objects of the negotiation fare repara
tion and the abolition of the clause for the eventual guarantee of the French
W. India Islands. Negotiating wiU be honourable if we arm and prepare force
and revenue, and useful, iTthe public is raade to look to the issue, as depending
on the French — peace, if they are just and friendly ; war, if insolent and rapa-
cIousT "'ThFdread ofwar and ofthe French are obstacles to government, witii
out negotiation de novo ; but with that, they are auxiUaries, and the very Ja-
cobms wiU applaud the design, though they may not concur in the energy of
the means. I request Mr. Goodrich's attention to this postscript. A firm face
of resolution in the U. S. would certainly secure peace. A servile acquiescence
would destroy our peace, or our government, or both,
TO RUFUS KING. Phila., AprU 27th, 1797.
(Private.)
I have to acknowledge your favour of the 12th December.
» * * *
The public mind appears to be firm and composed, though all expect that the
convulsions in Europe wUl considerably affect us ; but there appears to be a calm
and determined resolution to cultivate peace, consistently with the preservation
of honour and independence. If the aggressions of France force the country

600 ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 14.
into a war, there wUl be a general regret ; but I think I can assure you that
there wiU be but few tories. The present House of Representatives wUl afford a
better copy ofthe public opinion than the last, but stUl the likeness wUl not be a
good one. Whatever is essential, wiU, however, be done. This country wUl
not renounce its/independence and government.
I have made complete provision by the best of remittances, for the interest and
instalment due in Amsterdam, on the first of June. We want more revenue, but
wiU get oil safely as we are. The bank ofthe United States is in a better situ
ation than when you left us.
If by any fair and proper raeans the public attention in England can be turned
towards our funds, the circurastance will be unproved to good purpose here. On
the contrary, if what I see must and will happen in England, should produce a
distrust, with respect to aU government securities, our credit wiU decline with
that of the British. Such a prejudicial association of ideas as would combine
our affairs with those of another nation, ought to be prevented, if possible.
There is -a general acquiescence in the election of President Adams. The
change has furnished an opportunity for the pride of some influential men to
i-etreat. Yon know that I ought not to anticipate the decisions of the ensuing session ;
but I may conjecture that measures wiU be adopted for instituting negotiations,
whenever the consent ofFrance can be obtained in a manner compatible vrith
national honour. I presume that an increase of revenue, -with an efficient sys
tem of defence, in respect to commerce and territory, wUl also be established.
As the house of Ucaligon appears to be on fire, it is, doubtiess, proper to take
measures for preventing it from spreading to our own.
I ara so fiiUy engaged, that I shaU not be able to wiite to any of ray fiiends
and acquaintance with you, by this conveyance. I must therefore beg of you the
favour to present to them my best respects.
Before Congress met, the following requisition was
sent to the heads of departments. Wolcott's answer,
notwithstanding its length, is inserted in full, both from its
intrinsic interest, and because it exhibits his real opinions
and their foundation.

FROM THE PRESIDENT. Philadelphia, AprU 14th, 1797.
The President of the United States requests the Secretary of the Treasury to
take into his consideration the following questions, and make report of his opin
ion in writing, viz : —
1st. Whether the refiisal to receive Mr. Pinckney, and the rude orders to quit
Paris and the Territory of the Republic, with such circumstances of indignity.

1797.] OF JOHN ADAMS. 501
insult, and hostility, as we have been informed of, are bars to all further meas
ures of negotiation t or in other words, will a fresh mission to Paris be too great
an humiliation of the American people in their o-wn sense and that of the
world t
2d. If another mission be admissible, can any part, and what parts or articles
ofthe treaty of amity and commerce with Great Britain be offered to France or
ultimately conceded to that power in case of necessity if demanded by her 1
3d. What articles ofthe treaty of alliance and ofthe treaty of commerce -with
France, should be proposed to be abohshed 1
4th. Whether it wiU be pradent to say any thing conceming the consular con
vention with that power, and if it will, what alterations in it should be proposed 1
5th. Whether any new articles, such as are not contained in either of our
treaties with France or England, shall be proposed, or can be agreed to, if pro
posed by the French government 1
6th. What documents shall be prepared to send to France, as evidence of in
sults and injuries committed against the commerce of the United States by
Ffench ships of war or privateers, or by French Comraissioners, agents, officers,
or citizens 1
7th. In what terms shaU remonstrances against spoHations of property, cap
ture of vessels, imprisonment of masters and raariners, craelties, insults and
abuses of every kind to our citizens, be raade ?
8th. In what terms shaU restitution, reparation, compensation, and satisfac
tion, be deraanded for such insults and injuries I
9th. ShaU demand be made of payment to our citizens for property-purchased
by the French government in Europe, or in the East or West Indies 1
10th. ShaU demand be made ofthe French government of payraent for vessels
and cargoes captured and seized, whether by ships of war or private ships I
11th. ShaU any coraraission of inquiry and examination like that with Eng
land be agreed to 1
12th. What articles in the British treaty can be offered to France without
compensation, and what with compensation, and what compensation shall be
demanded ?
13th. ShaU a project of a new treaty, aboUshing the old tieaties and consular
convention, be proposed to France 1
14th. ShaU such a project, with a project of instractions to the minister, be
proposed and laid before the Senate for their advice and consent before they be
sent to Europe. JOHN ADAMS.

Philadelphia, AprU 15th, 1797.
The President of the United States requests the Secretary ofthe Treasury to-
commit to writing in detaU, and report to the President as early as may be con
venient, such particulars as the Secretary may think necessary or expedient to
be mserted in the President's speech at the openmg ofthe ensuing Congress un
der the heads :

502 ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 14.
1st. Of such things as ought to be communicated to Congress concerning the
state of the Union.
2d. Of such measures as ought to be recoramended to Congress for their
adoption. And the President's desire is that the Secretary would not confine himseU to
matters merely within the Treasury departraent, but give himself a liberal lati
tude, both in relation to the other departraents and to the illustrations and rea
sonings in support of his opinions.
The President also requests the Secretary to report to him his opinion of the
articles which ought to be inserted in the instructions of an ambassador, envoy
ordinary or extraordinary, or minister plenipotentiary, to be sent to France, up
on the supposition it should be deemed consistent with the dignity, honour, and
interest ofthe United States to send another mission to that power.
JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT. AprU 25th, 1797.
The Secretary of the Treasury in obedience to the coraraands of the President
of the United States respectfully reports his opinion on the following questions.
Question 1st.— Whether the refusal to receive Mr. Pinckney and the rade orders
to quit Paris and the territories of the Repubhc with such circumstances of in
dignity, insult, and hostihty as we have been informed of, are bars to all further
measures of negotiation 1 or in other words, wUl a fresh mission to Paris be too
great an huraUiation of the American people in their own sense and that of the
world 1
A consideration of this question leads to a reriew of various proceedings of the
American and French governments. It has been long weU Imown to the Pre
sident and has lately been demonstrated to the public, that since the year 1778,
France has never rehnquished the design then formed, of maintaining an impro
per influence in the councils of America, Her system for accomplishing this
purpose has been governed by two leading principles. 1st. To impair and
weaken the energy of the federal government and union ; and 2d, to excite and
promote discontents, contests or actual war with her rival. Great Britain. The
opinions and writings of influential characters in France and the raeasures of the
ministers, consuls, and secret agents of the government of that country here,
have accordingly been uniformly directed to these ends. It is unneccessary to
prove these positions in any other manner than by referring to the luiown oppo
sition of French agents to the adoption of the present constitution of the United
States ; to the uiufomi connection between French politics and anti-federalism ;
and to the notorious popularity in France, of the opposers of every leading meas -
ure of our administration. This line of conduct is not to be reconciled vrith
French ideas of governraent ; for while anti-federalisra is here supported and
encouraged, the maxims and principles of American federalists, who are the only
advocates for any form of national government in the United States, are held to

1797.] OF JOHN ADAMS.

503

be crirainal when apphed to France and to other countries, where her views and
interests have led to a different pohcy. To prevent the inconsistency from be
coming too apparent ; and to lessen the influence and popularity of the friends of
our national independence ; every pretext has been seized to jepresent their
measures and views as incompatible with friendship to France and the stipula
tions of our treaties in her favour.
The progress of a measure so contrary to the views of France as an adjustment
of disputes with Great Britain, could not be viewed by her with other eraotions
than of extreme solicitude. Accordingly every attempt was made to prevent
overtures for negotiation ; after a mission was determined on by the President,
the character ofthe minister was attacked and stigmatized — the pubhc passions
were stimulated by every possible artifice. Improper suggestions were made
to the American Minister at Paris, and by him countenanced and disseminated
in this country ; nevertheless the negotiation terminated in a treaty with Great
Britain. From the nature of the publication which appeared before and imme
diately after the treaty was divulged, it is almost certain that the French govern
ment, or at least their party here, had in consequence of information irregularly
obtained, systematically concerted and arranged their objections ; the raore un
exceptionable the treaty was found to be, the raore was France interested in de
feating its effects.
The prejudices and discontents which had been artfully excited in the public
mind, were no otherwise opposed by the friends of government, who were then
unacquainted with the stipulations ofthe treaty, than by encouraging unreason
able expectations of great concessions by Great Britain, and of positive advan
tages to be derived from' the negotiation. When it was afterwards discovered
that we had obtained nothing more than was our right, and on condition of per
forming some duties which had been neglected ; that our comraerce was to re
main essentially on the old footing, and which though on the whole advantageous,
was susceptible of great raeliorations, and raoreover, when it was known that
Great Britain would not relax from certain raaxims of the law of nations which
had been supposed to be unfavourable to pacific and coraraercial states, there
was, evidentiy, a raoraentary declension of the public confidence and a general
sense of disappointraent in the coramunity.
It was intended that the first impression should be made upon the Senate ; and
it is now known that untU the vote was actuaUy taken, a rejection of that body
was confidently expected.
The next attack was made upon the President, by means of popular addresses,
which were aided by the artifice and chicanery of Mr. Randolph ; a fortunate
discovery of his perfidy, however, accelerated a decision which would, m any
event, have been shortly made by the eminentiy impartial, virtuous, and enhght
ened mind of the Executive.
A reliance was then placed on the opposition of the House of Representatives J
and it is known that this opposition was, in defiance of the Constitution, con
ducted with a concert and pertinacity, of which there are few examples.
The last resource has been an attempt to influence the election of a President

504 ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 14.
of the United States, by means of the terror of war, and by measures of actual
hostihty against the commerce of this country.
On the ground of fects thus briefly detailed, it is assuraed as a principle, that
one ofthe objects ofFrance is to regain a political influence in the United States,
which has been lately in some raeasure irapaired ; and that her coraplaints
against the treaty with Great Britain, and the measures adopted for the preser
vation of the neutrahty of the United Stales, are pretexts to cover her design.
But though this is beheved to be the trath, yet it is admitted to be the duty of
the United States to weigh dispassionately, and to reply with temper, even to un
founded complaints of a foreign nation. A cause founded in reason and justice,
can never suffer by discussion.
It appears necessary to examine how far this has aheady been done.
The complaints of France respecting our construction of the commercial
treaty and Consular convention, and the extent of her rights, as a belhgerent na
tion, in relation to our country, have been seasonably and fully discussed ; and
the constructions of the Executive have, in every instance, been confirmed by
both houses of Congress ; by the Judiciary departraent, and by public opinion, as
expressed by the Legislatures of raost of the States. Decisions so raade, and
especially by a nation in a state of peace, and for the purpose of preserving that
peace, cannot be rescinded without national humiliation and dishonour.
With respect to the treaty \\ith Great Britain, which famishes the principal
subject of contention, it raay be observed that, prior to the ratification by the
President, a copy was delivered to the French minister, and that the objections
stated by him were fairly and fully refuted.
As the measures pursued by the opposers of the treaty in this country, justified
apprehensions that discontents would be raanifested by the French Government ;
Mr. Monroe was at an early period furnished with arguments to enable him to vin
dicate his country. It is true that they were not employed for this purpose as soon
as was expedient ; and yet, if his declarations are to be credited, no specific ob
jections were ever stated, until a short time before he entered upon the discussion in
March, 1796. A reference to the correspondence prior to that time, -KiU, it is
believed, justify an opinion that the French government rehed upon the efficacy
of the opposition here ; and were wilhng to preserve, if possible, the advantages
arising from vague and indefinite expressions of discontent, rather than incur the
hazard of counteracting the policy of their friends, and expose themselves to
refutation, by a specification of objections.
As soon as the President was informed that the French govemment meditated
an unfriendly course of conduct towards this country, be determined to send a
new minister to make explanations, and selected Mr. Pinckney for this purpose.
In the message to Congress, dated January 19th, 1797, the President declared
" that the immediate object of his (Mr. Pinckney's) mission, was to make to the
French govemment such explanations of the principles and conduct of our own,
as by manifesting our good faith, might remove all jealousy and discontent, and
maintain that harmony and good understanding which it had been his constant
sohcitude to preserve."
The character with which Mr. Pinckney was invested, was that of Minister

1797.] OF JOHN ADAMS. 505
Plenipotentiary, and his letter of credence, of which a copy is in the possession
of the Directory, announced that the mission originated in a disposition " sin
cerely desirous to maintain that good understanding which, from the commence
ment of their alliance, had subsisted between the two nations ; and to efface un
favourable impressions, baiush suspicions, and restore that cordiaHty which was
at once the evidence and pledge of a friendly union." This circumstance is
mentioned, as it is thereby demonstrated that the special object of the mission
must be known to the French govemment.
Instead of receiving the explanations respectfuUy tendered by the government
of the United States, the Directory has declared to Mr. Monroe, though his pow
ers had then terminated, that they will not receive nor acknowledge, another
Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States, until the grievances of which
France has complained have been redressed.
The personal treatment which Mr. Pinckney received in Paris was, moreover,
offensive, and a riolation of the law of nations ; it is now understood that he has
received orders to quit the territories of the French repubhc.
But it may be asked, have not the French Directory some plausible pretext for
rejecting Mr. Pinckney ; and is it necessary to infer from their conduct that rap
ture is unavoidable ! As this question is of great magnitude and deUcacy, par
ticular attention is due to every suggestion which has appeared.
A communication in Bache's paper of March 30th, contains the most skiUul
apology of which the case is susceptible ; and is beheved to indicate the wishes,
and to have originated -with, a leader of the party which has hitherto been in op
position to the government .»
The communication states that the refusal to recognize Mr. Pmckney is no
more than was expected, and mdeed no raore than was prognosticated by many
of our citizens. That the Directory, haring suspended their ordinary minister
here, could not receive an ordinary minister from the United States; that on
the score of national etiquette, it was out of the question ; and on the score of
aggression, it was less to be expected. It is then proposed, in reference to what
was done m the case of Great Britain, that an Envoy Extraordmary should be
appomted to suit the "solemnity of the occasion," and to cany with him the
" temper and sensibilities of the country." Each of the above suggestions, as
weU as tiie proposed measure, deserve a particular remark.
That the refusal of Mr. Pmckney was expected and was foretold, is certain ;
and it adds to other proofe that a party in this country act in conjunction with,
and are devoted to the views of the govemment ofFrance ; but that the refiisal
was proper or consistent with the professed friendship ofFrance, the acknowledged
right of nations, or was required by the honour of the French govermnent ; can
not, it is presumed, be shewn. , . , , ,
Is the refusal grounded on the suspension of the French muuster here ?
This pretext cannot be admitted, for Mr, Monroe was suffered to reniam m
Paris, and was recognized as minister long after the suspension of M. Adet was
announced to hun by the French govemment. By their own act, the Directory

VOL. I.

' Mr. Madison.
43

506 ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 14.
have therefore admitted that the suspension of their rainister here did not impose
on them the necessity of refusing to recognize our minister in Paris. Besides, it is
remarkable that when Mr. Monroe parted with the Directory, he carried with
him their " regrets."
Is the refusal to be justified on the score of national etiquette ? It -will be ad
mitted that every nation ought to consult its glory, preserve its rank, and defend
its independence ; but it is equaUy trae that these duties are reciprocal, and are
obhgatory on the government ofthe United States as well as ofFrance. Upon
what does the etiquette depend ? Is it not a creature of society, depending alto
gether upon conventional rales '! If so, what are the rules of European nations on
the point in question 1 It is answered ; they agree in pronouncing that a Minister
Plenipotentiary and an Envoy Extraordinary are precisely of the same grade.
Minute distinctions exist, indeed, at some Courts. In France, no distinction has
ever been recognized. It is by Ministers Plenipotentiary that treaties are moat
commonly formed, and national disputes adjusted. For the purpose of adjusting
our disputes with France, Mr. Pinckney was appointed. This object was more
over indicated in his letters of credence.
The objection respecting the grade ofthe minister being entirely ungrounded,
what circumstance required the appointment of an Envoy Extraordinary ? Is
it to be understood that the Directory are offended that Mr. Monroe has been
recaUed 1 This presupposes France to be capable of urging the inadmissible pre
tension that the A merican Minister in Paris must be a character disposed to favour
the views of France in Araerica, and not a character disposed to promote the
views of the American government in France.
Next it may be asked is there not some just objection of a personal nature
against Mr. Pinckney, which raay paUiate if not excuse the conduct of the Di
rectory 1 It raay be boldly answered that there is none ; — in point of character,
connexions, education and public services, he is truly one of the most distinguished
citizens — a sincere republican, a rational friend of the ostensive and avowed
principles of the French Revolution ; at the same tirae an honest man and sup
porter ofthe honour and independence of his country.
The result of these reflections is that in refusing to recognise Mr, Pinckney,
the Directory have knowingly rejected, with circumstances of insult and indignity,
a fair and honourable proposal for the discussion and adjustment of all disputes.
The foregoing obseiTations are made principaUy with the view of vindicating
the Executive from the imputation of having omitted any thing in respect to
France, which was required by propriety. It is not intended to infer that rapture
is unavoidable, or even on that supposition that further measures of negotiation
ought not to be imraediately instituted. It is for the interest of the United States
to reraain at peace, and war can never be terminated without negotiation. Nei
ther honour nor pohcy require that the United States should ever hesitate about
making advances for promoting peace and friendship vrith any nation ; aU that
is requisite is, that the mode of making pacific overtures be such as not to indicate
servUity of disposition, or unnecessarUy to concede that erroi-s have been commit
ted by the govemment.
But it is not to be denied that the management of negotiations with France,

1797.] OF JOHN ADAMS. ,507
in a manner compatible with national honour, is a task of great delicacy; requir
ing aU the prudence, -rigUance, and firmness of the government. To judge of
the difficulties — the situation, views, and interests of France and of the United
States, must be surveyed.
On the continent of Europe, France is everywhere successful ; Spam, Italy, and
HoUand, being completely -within her power, at least for the present. The Em
peror of Russia is said to have refused to comply -with the engageraents of his
mother, and wiU probably remain neutral during the remainder of the war. The
King of Prassia, though really interested in repressing the views of France, ap
pears to be more strongly impressed with a desire to reduce the Emperor of Ger
many, than alarmed for the security0f his own dominions. England is trium
phant on the ocean, but deeply wounded in her vital part, in her credit and
finances. This being the state of things, it is most probable that hereafter the energies
of France will be principally directed against England. To effect the humiha-
tion of this power, France is stimulated by the powerful motives of ambition, in
terest, and revenge. In respect to one or both of these nations, the present war
can hardly fail to produce an extreme and riolent issue.
The means by which England is to be attacked are already developed. The
nation is to be disturbed by real or pretended invasions ; every country which
France can influence is to be required to restrict British commerce ; neutral com
merce of evei-y khid is to be assaUed, The consequences intended to be pro
duced, are conquest, if this be practicable ; but at any rate insupportable expenses
and destruction of credit and resources.
It is certain that the commerce of the United States is of great importance to
Great Britain ; its security and extension are, therefore, incompatible with the
views of her enemy.
The opinion ofFrance is expressed in the notes pubhshed by M, Adet ; in the
address to Mr, Monroe, and ui various pubHcations, evidentiy proceeds on a be
lief that their system of coramercial depredation is not irreconcUable with the
design of maintaining a political influence in our public councUs, It is probably
imagined that for a time the people may be induced to rindicate France at the
expense of their own govemment ; it may also be imagined that the loss of rev
enue and public credit wiU render the administration of our present system im
practicable and occasion its dissolution, thereby opening a door for influence by
means of civU dissensions ; and it is not impossible that there may be an ulterior
motive confined to the breasts of ambitious men in power, inclinmg them to dis
credit our inviting example of a mUd form of govemment, now known to be un
attainable in France,
Though the internal affairs of the United States are m some respects mending,
yet there are circranstances not a little embarrassing. There is stUl a party
bUndly devoted to French attachments ; in the southem states the slaves are nu
merous, and this description of raen universally consider the French as friends
and deUverers ; the influence and popularity of the general govemraent is uicon-
siderable in the westem ; if not mclined to favour France it may at least be be
lieved that many of their men of influence are disposed to embrace any fiivour-

508 ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 14.
able opportunity for promoting the aggrandizement of the westem country ; if
intrasive settiements upon the new lands were to be favoured, it is not unlUiely
that emigrations would take place in such a degree as would considerably weaken
the country. It wUl be remembered that the efforts of Virginia were, durmg the
last war, rendered nugatory by the settlement of Kentucky ; the same thing may
happen again upon a larger scale.
The revenue of the United States at present depends principaUy on a flour
ishing state of commerce. To substitute intemal revenues equal to any consid
erable deficiency, and sufficient to defray extraordinary expenses, wiU be a work
of great intrinsic difficulty ; in the discussions on this subject party prejudices
and foreign influence raay operate under the disguise of patriotism.
The credit of the country has been injured by extravagant speculations, the
evils of which wUl be rendered more perceptible as money becomes scarce.
The effects of any serious embarrassments in British credit are at this time in
calculable ; if they should produce distrust with respect to the sohdity of all
public funds, our credit will decline with that of Great Britain. The last ac
counts, however, encourage a hope that pubhc opinion ,wiU establish a discrim
ination favourable to this country.
The present govemment of the United States haring never been tried in a
state of war, leaves it a matter of speculative doubt whether the organization
and distribution of the executive power between the general and state govern
ments, wiU be found in practice favourable to that rigour and concert wliich in
mihtary operations is indispensable.
Of these disadvantages, it is probable the French have formed exaggerated
calculations ; indeed, the insolence of some of their pretensions proves that they
entertain a proud confidence in their own power, and contempt for our supposed
imbecUity. But in proportion to the magnitude and reality of the eril, it behooves the
government to be prompt and decisive. If a want of tone and energy has pro
duced the danger, vigorous and energetic measures are the proper remedy.
To save the honour of the country, it is deeraed important that no minister
should enter France without a passport previously obtained, and without the
formal consent of that government to the commencement of negotiations.-
It is also essential that no imputation should rest upon the govenraient in re
spect to Mr. Pinckney's mission, and therefore that he should be a prominent
agent in the proposed negotiation.
But as the issuing of a new commission to Mr. Pinckney would be a measure
liable to various constructions ; as it might draw in question the sincerity of the
professed desire for peace, or the propriety of the former coramission ; and as on
the principles herein assumed no superior diploraatic grade is known except that
of arabassador, which is not conteraplated in any act of Congress, and for which
no corapensation, or one very inadequate is established ; it appears to be expedient
that some one or raore persons should be joined with General Pinckney in a new
commission : but to impress France with a conviction that the government vriU
not be swayed by their influence — to intimate in an unexceptionable manner our
opinion that the first overtures ought to have been accepted — and to preserve the

1797.] OF JOHN ADAMS. 509
confidence of the trae friends of American independence, a careful selection of
characters appears to be indispensable.
If a person Itnown to be attached to the riews of France, or so reputed in
pubhc opinion, were to be entrusted with this mission, the foUowmg unfavourable
consequences raay be apprehended :
1st. The raeasure would carry an appearance, in the view of France, of in
ability in the government to resist her influence, or at least a compromise, which
would encourage further enterprise.
2d. The reverse effect would be produced at home ; the friends of govemraent
would be in some raeasure cooled and discouraged, whUe the spirits and activity
of the opposite party would be excited.
3d. If the commission consisted of two persons of opposite political sentiment,
there would be danger of dissensions which would disgrace and injure the gov
ernment. 4th. If in a commission of three persons, two persons were appointed who
were reputed partisans of France, there would be extreme danger that soraetliing
would be done which would strengthen an influence already dangerous to the
independence of this country and perhaps erabroil us with another nation.
5th. If in a coramission of three persons, only one reputed partisan of France
was named, he, if a man of real principle and honour, would not accept the ap
pointment ; and, considering the utter incongruity of the opinions which prevail
in respect to French policy and the conduct of our government, such an arrange
ment would bear too much the aspect of i poUtical artifice, which could not de
ceive France or concUiate parties in this country.
6th. A coraraission, including one reputed partisan of France, and two per
sons of a different description, raight afford an opportunity to play into the hands
of France, and might fiirnish a medium of cabal with their party in this country,
rather than of negotiation. If France is indisposed to accommodation, as it is
not improbable, she might be enabled to propose terms to which the commission
ers might not be authorized to accede, and thus throw the odium of failure on the
government ; or if the coraraission should be invested -with unHmited powers, an
unfavourable treaty might be made, or a failure occasioned by the disagreement
of the commissioners on a point apparently of little comparative importance . In
short, the responsibility for a bad measure would either be dirided with the
friends of government, or they would be exposed to censure for what would ap
pear to be unreasonable pertinacity.
7th. It is an undeniable fact, that there exists in the United States, a danger
ous French influence ; and so bold has the faction become in some places, that an
avowed partiality for France, in opposition to the measures of our government
is no injury to the popularity of a pubUc character. To keep themselves in coun
tenance, this faction asserts the existence of a British influence in the pubhc
councils. It is constantly affirmed that Mr. Jay and other estunable characters,
are of a British party. It is now required that a French partisan be sent to France
on the ground of reciprocity. It is beheved that a concession on this point would
produce a dangerous association of ideas in the pubhc mind— that it would en-
43*

510 ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 14.
courage irregular enterprizes of ambition, and weaken those patriotic attach-
raents which are the only security of elective govemments.
8th. The sending of three ministers to France from this country, would be
attended with an expense which would excite unpleasant reflections in the minds
of many, especiaUy if it should be thought also advisable to send one or more
ministers to the northem neutral courts of Europe.
For the reasons which have been stated, the expediency of uniting two of the
ministers now in Europe, -with Mr. Pinckney, is respectfuUy suggested. If the
idea be admissible, it is believed that Mr. King and Mr. Adams are the most
proper characters.
But candour requires that it should be stated to the President, that there are
sincere and inteUigent friends of governraent, who maintain the opinion, that
one personage of the comraission ought to possess credit and influence with
France, and the party here in opposition to the government. Their arguments
are : 1st, That the measure wUl furnish a bridge to the pride of France to re
treat. 2nd, That it wUl give France the motive of endeavouring to strengthen
her party, by appearing to yield peace to a leader of that party. 3rd, That it
will convince the people completely, that the government is at least as soHcitous
to avoid war with France, as it was to avoid it with Great Britain. 4th, That
it wUl take from the partisans of France the arguraent that as much has not
been done in her case, as in that of Great Britain. 5th, That in case of failure,
it will contribute to the iraportant end of uniting opinion at home. 6th, That
considering the power of France and the uhprepared situation of this countiy, it
is wise by some early condescension to avoid the danger of fiiture humiliation.
It is observable that some of the ideas advanced in favour of the raeasure un
der consideration, have been suggested as leading to a different conclusion ; it
wiU of course reraain with the President to decide whether they shall be deemed
arguments or objections, after considering the foUovring summary replies.
1st, Though the pride of France ought not to be offended, yet it ought not to
be flattered at the expense of the pride of the United States. 2nd, Though
France may be soothed, and immediate rupture avoided by encouraging an ex
pectation of increasing her influence, yet, the remedy is worse than the disease.
War may be compared to an acute but not mortal disorder, while foreign influ
ence is to popular governments sometimes a slow, but always a corrosive and fa
tal poison. 3rd, It is self-erident that the govemment cannot desire a war with
France, as it must be a war purely defensive, without a possibiUty of securing
advantages ; besides, 4th, Measures equivalent to those adopted in respect to
Great Britain, have already taken in respect to France, and her conduct has been,
and continues to be more violent and unjust, and unreasonable, than was expe
rienced from Great Britain. 5th, There is no reason to doubt that the real un
sophisticated opinion of America can be united in defensive measures, combined
with a tender of negotiation, such as is proposed, while all experience has shown
it to be impracticable to conciliate faction ; the terms which are obtained by com
promise vrith faction, ever resemble in their nature, the cairns which precede
earthquakes. 6th, The power of France, whatever its degree may be, is at pre
sent directed by a govemment ambitious — ^unprincipled ; neither desiring nor

1797.] OF JOHN ADAMS. 5H
capable of enjoying peace ; whatever is attainable by fraud or violence, it wUl
attain ; to be safe frora the enterprizes of this power, it is necessary that the
power of the United States should be organized, and put in a state capable of the
greatest degree of activity ; it is in this way alone, that the govemment can save
the country from humiliation.
Question 2d. If another mission be admissible, can any part, and what
parts or articles of the treaty of amity and commerce with Great Britain be offer
ed to France, or ultimately conceded to that power, in case of necessity, if de
manded by her.
Answer. The provisions of the commercial treaty between the United States
and France, are for the most part unexceptionable, or at least as favourable as
can be expected to be obtainable in a treaty to be negotiated at this time ; it
wUl, therefore, be sufficient for the United States to manifest a wUUngness to
enter cordiaUy and sincerely into the discussion of any alterations which may be
proposed by France. If in other respects, the existing disputes can be adjusted,
and the rights ofthe United States secured, it may be advisable to renounce the
principle, that free ships shall raake free goods, and to leave comraerce in con
traband articles, on the footing of the law of nations. This may be effected by
assimilating the French treaty, in these respects, to the treaty with Great
Britain. But a constraction of the law of nations was attempted to be established by
the British, in respect to provisions, which the United States are bound to resist,
as weU on the ground of interest as consistency. It was asserted by Great
Britain, that provisions and other articles, not generally contraband and not des-
tuied to places actually invested or blockaded, raay becorae so under special cir
cumstances. The public law of European nations is, for the most part, founded
in reason, though, in some respects, it is certainly arbitrary and conventional.
Famine is universally considered an authorized and usual means of coercion, in
respect to besieged places ; but in respect to g-r«at districts, and particularly to
such a nation as France, the doctrine was never applied, as its use never appeared
to be practicable prior to the extraordinaiy state of things in France, in 1793
and 1794. It appears to be unreasonable to make provision in pubhc treaties
for rare and unusual events ; the design of treaties being merely to regulate the
general conduct of nations ; extreme cases, when they occur, ought to be deemed
exceptions to ordinary rules ; the destruction of prisoners of war and the extir
pation of nations, in supposable cases, are vindicated by the most humane wri
ters ; but to specify these cases in a treaty of comraerce, would be a violation of
pubhc decoram, and what has never been done.
As the sensibihty ofFrance has been excited by the second clause ofthe 18th
article ofthe treaty with England, it wiU be advisable to use special endeavours
to vindicate the conduct ofthe Araerican govemraent in this respect. The pro
per defence is, that Great Britain would not relax from her construction of the
law of nations, and that Mr. Jay would not consent to abandon ours ; that
therefore the point remains unadjusted ; that it cannot be denied that m some
cases provisions may be reasonably deeraed contraband, when not destined to
places actually invested or blockaded. The case of an army or fleet destmed for

512 ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 14.
invasion, is of this kind. When New York was possessed by the British, al
though we did not command the sea and could not blockade the British army,
yet we did not hesitate to prevent, by aU means in our power, neutral nations
from furnishing supplies of every land. The existence of such cases is a vindi
cation of the article agreed to by Mr. Jay, and the want of a specUication of
them, though much to be regretted, is to be attributed solely to the pertinacity of
the British government.
It has been constantly the object of the American govemment to restrict the
list of contraband of war to as few articles as possible, and this pohcy ought to
be pursued where the law of nations is indefinite, as in the case of provisions ;
attempts ought to be made, by specifications, to restrain the exercise of arbitrary
discretion. The result of these reflections is, that it ought to be an ultimatum
to concede no commercial rights secured to neutral nations, by the European
law of nations.
Question 3d, What articles of the treaty of aUiance and of the treaty of
commerce with France should be proposed to be abolished ?
Answer, If a review of the existing treaties shall be proposed by France, it
will be proper to propose an abolition of the guaranty in the eleventh article of
the treaty of alhance.
This stipulation must hereafter perpetuaUy operate against the United States.
France is becoming more military even than forraerly, and the general state of
things in Europe leads to a behef that wars wUl, for a long tirae be frequent. A
guaranty of the liberty, sovereignty, independence, and territorial possessions of
the United States, by France, wiU give us no additional security ; on the con
trary, om: guaranty ofthe possessions ofFrance, in America, perpetually exposes
us to the risque and expense of war, or the dishonour of violating our faith.
But in proportion as we are interested in being discharged from this engage
ment, France -will feel the influence of an opposite interest ; accordingly we see
that a " reciprocal guaranty " of possessions was proposed in M. Genef s in
stractions to be " an essential clause in the new treaty," on the ground " that it
nearly concerned the peace and prosperity of the French nation, that a people
whose resources increase beyond all calculation, and whom nature had placed so
near their rich colonies, should become interested, by their own engagements; in
the preservation of these islands."
There being but little ground to expect that France wUl agree to the aboHtion
of this stipulation, it remains to be considered whether it be susceptible of benefi
cial modifications.
The existing engagement is of that kind which is called a general guaranty,
by the writers on the law of nations. Of course the casus foederis can never
occur, except in a defensive war. The nature of this obhgation is understood
to be, that when a war exists, really and truly defensive, the engaging nation is
bound to fumish an effectual and adequate defence, in co-operation vrith the
power attacked ; it foUows that the nation may be required, in some circumstan
ces, to bring forward its whole force.
The nature, degree, and quantity of succour not being ascertamed, engage
ments of this kind are dangerous, on account of their uncertainty. There is al-

1797.] OF JOHN ADAMS. 513
ways hazard of doing too rauch or too little ; and, of course, of being involved in
a rapture, opposed by national interests.
Specific succours have the advantage of being certain and less liable to occa
sion war, but they aUow no latitude for the exercise of judgraent and discretion,
as is the case with a general guaranty.
The great extent of the British power in the West Indies, and their probable
future views in that quarter ; the nature of our government, which wiU always
make it extremely difficult to engage a mUitary force, to serve out of the coun
try ; render obligations of this kind highly inconvenient. Iflhe general guaranty
cannot be shaken off, it may be expedient to stipulate for a moderate sum of
money, or a quantity of provisions, to be delivered in some of our ports in future
defensive wars ; but unless the new terms, which raay be obtainable, are clearly
such as to lessen the existing obligation, it appears advisable to suffer it to re
main as at present.
In other respects the treaty of alliance will have no future operation, unless it
may be deemed to bear a construction, that France has, thereby, renounced the
right of conquering in future wars, Canada, or Louisiana, for herself
France has repeatedly contended that the imposition of fifty cents per ton on
French vessels arriving in the United States, is contrary to the fifth article of the
treaty of comraerce. The arguments in support of this pretension, are unknown,
but it is presumed to be unfounded. The reciprocal right of laying duties equal
to those imposed on the most favoured nations, and without any other restric
tion, seems to be settled by the third and fourth articles. The fifth article appears
to have been intended merely to define or qualify the rights of American vessels
in France. It is, however, desirable, that the question raay be understood and
properly settled, but the introduction of a principle of discrimination between the
duties on vessels of different foreign nations, and in derogation of the power of
Congress to raise revenue by uniform duties, on any objects whatever, ought not
to be lightly hazarded.
Question 4th. Whether it wiU be pradent to say anything concerning the
consular convention with that power, and if it wiU, what alteration in it should
be proposed t
Answer. The sarae opinion is entertamed of the policy of proceeding in this
case as with respect to the treaties. France has coraplained that the convention
has not been executed on our part, and the United States ought to raanifest a
willingness to enter into explanations, and to make any reasonable alterations.
But it does not appear safe or proper on any account, to do any thing which may
favour the claims of the French consuls to exercise any species of judicial au
thority not merely voluntary ; on the contrary, exertions ought to be raade to
expunge every clause in the existuig convention, which has been constraed to
support pretensions of this nature ; the convention originated in a design to es
tablish undue influence, and in a want of confidence in our laws and tribunals
under the confederation ; whatever may have been the case forraerly, under the
present government justice is rendered promptiy, and with strict impartiahty to
foreigners ; as there can be no just reason existing at this tune for investing con
suls with powers interfering in any degree with the authority of our tribunals, the

514 ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 14.
claim ought to be resisted, as derogatory from the honour of the country, and as
a precedent fraught vrith incalcidable erils.
Question 5th. Whether any new articles such as are not contained in either
of our treaties vrith France or England shall be proposed, or can be agreed to if
proposed by the French govemment.
Answer. The present state of things is so unsettled, both in respect to France
and other countries, that it is difficult to say what would be the final tendency of
any artificial regulations with respect to comraerce. The object at which the
United States ought to aira, should be the enjo3mient in the greatest attainable
degree of free commerce with every nation in the world, reserving to our govem
ment the right of imposing uniform duties on aU nations at discretion. All pro
posals for the naturahzation of vessels, or raaking a common interest with any
nation relative to any branch of business ought lo be rejected ; with these princi
ples in view it wUl be hardly possible for a negotiator to mistake.
Question 6th. What documents shall be prepared to send to France as eri
dence of insult and injuries, coramitted against the comraerce of the United
States by French ships of war or privateers, or by French commissioners, agents,
officers or citizens ?
Answer. It is conceived that the forms which were adopted in the case of
Great Britain ought to be pursued in this case, with such alterations as the dif
ferent modes of proceeding in the French courts shaU be found to require. In
aU cases the evidence ought to be the best which the nature of the case wiU ad
mit. Froof in particular cases of each description of insult and injury forwluch
the govemment means to seek redress, ought to be selected and to be weU au
thenticated. These cases, if a specification should be required by France, may
be made to serve as a basis for general measures calculated to procure reparation.
When Mr. Jay preferred complaints, he was caUed upon to produce proofe ; a
few were produced, and the result was an agreement to appoint commissioners
or a special pro-rision by some article in the treaty.
Question 7th. In what terms shaU remonstrances against spoHations of pro
perty, capture of vessels, imprisonraent of masters and mariners, cruelties, insults,
and abuses of every kind to our citizens, be made 1
Answer. It does not appear to be practicable to fumish the negotiator with
any very precise instructions on this head, as much wiU depend on circumstances
which cannot be foreseen. The object of the government is to produce a suc
cessful result ; accordingly, that style and manner of proceeding wUl be best
which shaU most directiy tend to this end. It is not impossible that there may
be such a change of raen and raeasures in France as will render it politic to
speak of the treatment we have received vnth severity ; on the other hand, the
French govemraent may be determined to frustrate the negotiation and throw
the blame on this country, in which case anything like warmth or harshness
would be made the pretext.
If things remain in iheir present situation, the style of remonstrance ought to
unite, as much as possible, calm dignity wit^i simplicity, force of sentiment -with
mildness of expression, and be calculated to impress an idea of inflexible perse
verance rather than of distrast or confidence ; a negotiator of talents, with gen-

1797.] OF JOHN ADAMS. 515
eral intimations of what was desired, would not fail to execute the intentions of
the President.
Question 8th. In what terms shall restitution, reparation, compensation, and
satisfaction be deraanded for such insults and injuries 1
Answer. Some of the ideas suggested in the last reply appear to be appHca
ble to this branch of the subject. In an official note it wUl be sufficient to ex
press an ea27ecteiio« of redress, but without specifying the moiie, this being a mat
ter of detail proper to be embraced in some article of a treaty.
Question 9th. Shall demand be made of payment to our citizens of property
purchased by the French govemment in Europe or in the East or West Indies ?
Question 10th. Shall demand be raade of the French govemraent of payraent
for vessels and cargoes captured and seized, whether by ships of war or private
ships 1 *
It is believed that payment ought to be demanded in both these cases, and
that it ought to appear to be a leading object of the mission to seek for satisfac
tion on these points. Mr. Pinckney's mission was to make explanations to the
French government, but as the overtures through hira were rejected, the raaking
oi expluTiations ought to be not a priraarybut collateral motive to new advances.
Indeed, so iraportant is the deraand for reparation, that no treaty ought to be
concluded which does not satisfactorily provide for this object. Actual payraent
may be postponed by consent for a reasonable time on account of the disordered
state of the French finances ; but the obtaining a promise of payment ought to
be made an ultimatura.
Prior to the treaty of 1778, France granted pecuniary aid to the United States
amounting to three raiUions of livres, and in 1781, six millions more ; mUitary
suppHes were furnished at the beginning of the war, but for these Mr. Beaumar-
chais has received payment. The United States ought to show a willingness to
aUow these aids, by way of discount against the sums due to citizens of the
United States, who would in this case become responsible to the said citizens.
This wiU be a mode of reducing the amount of those claims for gratitude, which
are found to be so dangerous to the independence, and offensive to the pride of
the United States. The proposal will be popular here, but raay require some
delicacy of manageraent with France. If this offer be not accepted, it wUl si
lence future demands.
Question 11th. ShaU any commission of enquiry and examination, Hke that
with England, be agreed to 1
Answer. This mode of adjusting disputes, or at least of applying general
prmciples to particular cases, has been long practiced in Europe, and appears to
be hable to no just exception. It cannot be expected that France wiU concede to
us the pririlege of determining on the acts of her government, and of her officers
and citizens, done out of her jurisdiction ; and it is certainly better to institute a
tribunal in which the United States wUl have a voice and equal influence, than
to trust whoUy to French tribunals.
Question 12th. What articles in the British treaty can be offered to France
without compensation, and what vrith compensation, and what compensation
shall be demanded 1

516 ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 14.
Answer. It is proposed that the treaty with France be assunUated to that with
England, by renouncing the principle that free ships shall make free goods, and
by leaving the definition of contraband articles on the footing of the law of na
tions ; upon condition that France shall agree to make reparation for injuries
done to the United States, in the manner proposed ; and upon condition that the
treaty of alliance, commerce, and the consular convention, shaU be limited in
their duration, to a period not exceeding fifteen years ; except such articles as
may be declaratory of a state of peace, or as are intended to regulate the con
duct of the two nations at the commenoeraent of, or during a state of war.
The tenth article of the treaty with Great Britain, though much complained of,
appears to be liable to no just objection, and one proper to be adopted in a treaty
with France.
As the Unites States are rapidly rising in power and resources, it appears to be
proper to avoid entering into indefinite obligations, other than such as are found
ed merely in raoraU ty and justice, and in their own nature of perpetual obhgation.
The time cannot be far distant when the United States will be able to negotiate
with Europe on raore advantageous terras than at present.
Question 13th. Shall a project of a new treaty, abolfehing the old treaties
and consular convention, be proposed to France 1
Answer. It is not seen that any advantage would result from proposing such
a project, it being the present policy of the United States, not to be forward in
promoting negotiations which cannot be otherwise favourable, than as they may
terminate the depredations which our comraerce is suffering, and procure satis
faction for those which have been already coramitted.
If minute and accurate instructions are prepared, showing what the United
States wUl concede, if necessary, to obtain those objects, their negotiator can be
at no loss how to conduct.
Question 14th. Shall such a project, with a project of instructions to the
minister be proposed and laid before the Senate for their advice and consent, be
fore they be sent to Europe I
Answer. It does not appear to be in general safe or advisable to consult the
Senate in respect to the organization of treaties. This was, indeed, done at New
York, in respect to a treaty proposed with the Creek Indians, and perhaps the
same thing has happened in other cases ; but as the general practice has been
otherwise, the question may be considered unembarrassed by precedents.
1st. The instructions raust expose the riews and -wishes of the United States,
and the concessions which they will on any account make. If exposed to the
Senate, they will certainly be known to France ; this would leave that power
master of the negotiation, by enabling them to bring the United States immedi
ately to concede every point which, under any circumstances, might be proposed
to be yielded.
2nd. There would be danger that the Senate might be divided in opinion, and
the want of that full information which is possessed by the Executive, might oc
casion honest and able raen to mistake the interests and policy of the country.
Erroneous opinions thus formed, would have an unfavourable effect upon aU col
lateral measures of the govemraent.

1797.] OF JOHN ADAMS. 517
3rd. It is doubtful whether the participation of the "Senate, in matters relating
to foreign affairs, except in the appointment of rainisters, and in consenting to
treaties conditionaUy negotiated by direction of the President, is consistent -with
the spirit of the Constitution. The reasoning on which the doubt arises, is as
follows : The President has, by the constitution, power to make treaties, by and
with the advice and consent of the Senate, provided two-thirds of the Senators
present concur. The making of a treaty, and the consent of the Senate, are
distinct acts, though both are necessary to fix the obligations of a treaty. It is
proper that this important power, which is exclusively vested in the President
and Senate, should be exercised in such manner as will best promote the public
interests, and preserve the check arising from a distinct and independent respon
sibUity. It is believed that this will be most effectuaUy done by considering that
in the distribution of the general power, between the President and Senate, the
right of instituting negotiations, of instructing ministers, and of raaking or re
ceiring propositions which are to forra the basis of treaties, rests exclusively with
the President ; and that the right of approving or rejecting, in whole or in part,
aU .propositions in treaties negotiable by the President, rests exclusively with the
Senate. There are, evidentiy, reasons for this distribution. Secrecy and per
sonal confidence are frequentiy essential in the forraation of treaties,' and these
advantages would be lost by the participation of the Senate in negotiations ; it
is sufficient that this body is allowed an absolute negative, which they certainly
have, upon the inchoate treaties negotiated by direction of the Executive. The
following leading principles ought to be prescribed to govern the negotiation.
1st. That no blame or censure be directly or indirectiy imputed to the United
States. 2nd. • That no aids be stipulated in favour of France, during the present war.
3rd. That no engagement be made, inconsistent with the obligations of any
prior treaty.
All which is raost respectfiilly subraitted.
It may create some astonishment that after Mr. Adams'
determination to send an embassy, he should have re
quested the opinions of the cabinet on its pohcy; but none
that Wolcott, who knew his determination, should have
avoided a direct reply, contenting himself with giving his
views on its constitution and direction.
It has been mentioned that he was opposed to the mis
sion. He had endeavored to dissuade the President from
the scheme when first broached to him, and, as he sup
posed, had at least delayed its execution. He considered
that national self-respect forbade another mission_ to the
repubUc after the ignominious expulsion of a mmister of
VOL. I. ^^

518 ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 14.
peace from her territories, at least without previous over
tures on her part, and that the country should stand on
the defensive. In this opinion Mr. Pickering agreed.
What the views of the Secretary of War and Attorney
General were on this point, is not known ; though on the
characters to be sent, if a mission was instituted, they
coincided with their colleagues. It has, however, been
seen, that on this subject many members of the federal
party thought differently, and among them Mr. Hamilton,
who recommended the union of Mr. Madison and Mr.
Cabot to Gen. Pinckney in a commission. Of the supe
rior wisdom of either course, it is unnecessary, perhaps
impossible to decide. Wolcott never changed his first
opinion. But without discussing the merits of the question itself,
it may be remarked that the subsequent fate of the em
bassy showed at least the policy of the- precaution he re
commended when it was resolved upon, viz : that no min
ister should enter the French territory without previously
obtaining a passport and the formal consent of the gov
ernment to open negotiations. It will be noticed that the
language used towards Mr. Pinckney was, that the Direc-
toiy would not receive another minister plenipotentiary from
the United States until after a redress of grievances. The
door was thus left open to receive an ambassador extraordi
nary, if they thought 'proper, or to reject him also. Had
Mr. Adams seen fit to require this preliminary to the mis
sion dispatched in 1797, the one of 1799, when it was
adopted, might have been unnecessary. At all events the
conviction would have been forced upon the country that
the indisposition to peace was on the part of France,
without the mortification of a second and more ignomin
ious repulse to advances on our own part. Results, it is
believed, also proved the soundness ofthe advice, that no
one attached to the French interest should be appointed a
commissioner, and that if a commission was sent, a mul-

1797.] OF JOHN ADAMS. 519
tiplication of diplomatic characters and the attendant ex
pense should be avoided by the union of some of those
already in Europe to Mr. Pinckney. The mission was of
course resolved upon, and the characters who have been
mentioned selected.
It should be remembered that at this time no personal
collisions had taken place between the President and his
officers. None of the causes which afterwards interrupt
ed the harmony between them, existed. On the part of
all the Secretaries there was perfect goodwill toward the
Chief Magistrate, and a sincere disposition to render his
administration successful. The origin of the embassy as
heretofore exhibited, was unknown to them, and it would
seem that Wolcott even supposed himself to be the only
person to whom Mr. Adams had communicated his inten
tions. Its policy, some of them, at least, doubted ; the se
lection of its members as proposed by him, they undoubt
edly disapproved ; but the question being settled, none of
thera had a wish other than for the happy accomphshment
of its end. These observations are necessary, because it
has been intimated from other sources that the desire of
the Secretaries improperly to control the President on this
occasion was the origin of their dissensions. The asser
tion is untrue. In regard to Mr. Gerry's nomination,
though it shook the confidence of those officers in Mr.
Adams' discretion, it produced no personal ill feeling ; nor
did they otherwise attempt to direct him than by with
holding an approbation they could not give.
FROM GEORGE CABOT. Brookline, May 1st, 1797.
My Dear Friend,
As I hold myself accountable to those by whom / am sent, I enclose you a
copy of one of my epistles, that it may be seen whether the doctrines I teach are
sound or not. I also enclose you an answer frora one of the gentiemen to whora
my circular had been sent, that you raay see how men are affected by a httie
display of political truth. Mr. Watson writes with a ranning pen, and therefore

520 ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 14.
may express a Httie more than he would if required to be precise ; but in support
of his opinion, I may add that Mr. Win. Gray, who is one of our raost sensible
men, and the greatest merchant in this state, assures me that he finds men in
every place and situation united in the conriction of the perfidy and -srickedness
of France towards us, and he has no doubt the people will zealously support any
efficient measure which the governraent shall adopt for our protection and de
fence. I desired ray son to transmit you a copy of my letter to Jere. Smith, that
you might more perfectiy know the ideas I have propagated, and for the same
purpose I wish you to read a piece I sent to the printer this morning for the next
Centinel, addressed to the loveis of our country and signed Fortiter in re.
Several gentleraen who live in the interior of our state, to whom I have writ
ten, have raade me no reply ; but I am satisfied public opinion is in a right course,
and makes a daUy progress, so that the only anxiety among good men now is,
lest the House of Representatives should be governed by a French faction, I am
confirmed in the belief that if the President speaks, with his usual masculine
tone of decision, upon the dangei-s of our country and the duties which arise from
them, he wUl be supported by the spirit and feelings of the bulk of the people.
All the tools of France and many of their opposers, earnestly desire that an en
voy may be sent. I think it wrong, but it wiU take place ; and ff accompanied
by vigorous preparations for possible events, it may do no great harm, especially
ff the persons sent are not Frenchmen. My own opinion as to the characters
suitable, is, that raen should be sought whose principles are unquestionable, their
respectabihty acknowledged, and whose detestation of the French tyrants has not .
been strongly expressed to the public and is not known.
My purest regards to Mrs. Wolcott and your two little girls, I hope wUl be
accepted, in which Mrs. C. always joins me. Your faithfiil and affectionate
friend, G. CABOT.

Brookline, AprU 6, 1797.
(Confidential.)
Sir, If, in a free country like ours, the public welfare ordinarily, or, indeed, ever
depends upon the prevalence of just sentiments among the people, it is of the
utmost importance that such sentiraents should prevail at this time, when our
pohtical affairs are fast verging to a great and unavoidable crisis. It is not,
however, from any peculiar confidence in my own ideas on this subject, that I
address thera to you ; but it is because certain facts, rather than opinions, of
which I ara possessed, ought to be iraparted to those whose influence in the
community will contribute greatly to preserve its interest and its honour. The
two great rivals of Europe, whose ambition so often disturbs the repose of other
nations, could not fail to view the United States as an object of great interest to
them in aU their straggles for power. It is well kno-wn that the French, in par
ticular, had determined from the commencement ofthe present war against En
gland, that we should become their associate, and at some periods they hav^ had

1797.] OF JOHN ADAMS. 521
great reason to calculate upon the event. HappUy, however, all their attempts
to involve us by fraud or by force, have been hitherto baffled : liut elevated by
their unparalled successes on the land, and irritated by their defeats on the sea,
they have long since taken the most outrageous and desperate resolutions against
those nations who hi^ a pacific intercourse with their enemy ; they long ago
resolved that they would destroy the commerce which any neutral people should
presurae to carry on with any ofthe dominions of England. This unprecedent
ed measure is now executing, and if unresisted, wUl doubtless be followed by
others more atrocious.
General Pinckney went from the United States specially instructed on every
subject of dispute which now exists; his credentials, of wliich the Directory have
a copy, set forth, that the President, " sincerely desirous to maintain that good
understanding, which, from the comraenceraent of their aUiance, has subsisted
between the two nations, and to efface unfavourable impressions, banish suspi
cions, and restore that cordiality which was at once the evidence and pledge of
a friendly union, had judged it expedient to appoint Mr, Pinckney Minister
Plenipotentiary, &c." But notwithstanding our rainister was thus designated as
ii special minister of conciliation, and such terras were used as raight have
soothed their pride, the Directory have refused to receive him, and the refusal
has been accompanied with indignities. Some ofthe facts, relative to this busi
ness, have been detaUed in a letter frora Paris, dated Jan. 7th, which has appear
ed in our newspapers ; but, perhaps, it ought not to be pubhshed that M. De la
Croix announced to Mr. Monroe, the deterraination of the Directory, not to re
ceive another minister plenipotentiary from the United States, till the grievan
ces of France shall have been redressed. These grievances are supposed to be
those specified by M. Adet, to which our government has already given a com-
plete answer, and by this answer the governraent must abide. The demands
which France makes upon us to violate a solemn treaty with a powerful nation,
to repeal just and necessary laws, and to admit a French consular jurisdiction,
paramount to our judicial courts, are points that can never be conceded but with
the total surrender of independence, and yet these are to be yielded, (if yielded
at ali) as preliminary to any discussion of the questions in dispute, for we are
StiU to learn what further marks of huraihation would be required of us if we
were to subrait to these. We know the choice of our President was viewed as
an interesting object, on which they bestowed aU their influence ; as this has
failed, they are now prepared to erabarass the new administration. They rely
too, on the exertions of a powerful faction, to oppose, at aU hazards, the system
which has prevailed through the period of Washington's administration. But
whatever may be the success of their operations within our countrj', it is on our
commerce their policy bears with the most force. Viewing our trade as a ma
terial prop of British credit, they aim at the destruction of it, in hopes, by that
means, to weaken the power of England. If, by their violence and mjustice to
neutrals, they should raake them all their eneraies, they would stUl calculate
upon being no great lasers, for plunder and contributions would be a valuable
consideration to those who have no other revenues ; and if in the process a neu
tral relation becomes disorganized and ruined, it is, of course, a natural aUy to
44*

522 ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 14.
their system, and -wiU, directly or indirectly, add to their strength. It seems,
therefore, evident, that neutral nations, and ours especially, must either submit
to nun, or resist it. But if this is the alternative, and we hesitate which to pre
fer, we are already half undone ; for if our indignation is not excited by the
wotmds which innocence and honour receive, public libMjty must soon be lost
and private rights wiU speedily follow. In this delicate conjuncture of affairs, it
appears to rae necessary that the public raind should be informed and prepared
as fast as possible, for the efforts we may be called to make. The country
should be roused vrithout being inflamed ; and by a dispassionate attention to
the public dangers, should be reconcUed to additional taxes, and should strength
en the govemment by additional confidence in the measures it may adopt.
What these -wiU be, no man can foreteU ; but it is not improbable that merchants
may be authorized to arm their ships for defence, and that the several frigates
which are in forwardness, may be equipped as convoys ; that our most valuable
seaports raay be further fortified, and probably a military force prorided to sup
press the insurrections of slaves in those places, where the French emissaries or
others, shall excite them. But as the preservation or attainment of peace is the
only end desired, it is Ukely that a minister raay be always in Europe, author
ized to seize any moment to secure that best of blessings. But whatever there
may be in these conjectures, it is not to be doubted that the President wiU never
concur, in degrading the country, and still less in relinquishing its independence.
On the other hand, the Jacobin plan will be to enfeeble and diride the pubHc
sentiment, that nothing may be done ; whUe, in the raeantime, commerce will
more and more languish under continued depredations ; public credit and private
credit may be impaired, and from a general impoverishment, distress and des
pondency must ensue, and what vriU be the greatest of aU erils, France, by the
instrumentality of faction, wiU govern the country at last.
With great respect, I am, sir, your most obedient servant, G, CABOT.

April 10.
Since writing the foregoing, I am told there are some good people who think
it would be wise to send an Envoy Extraordinary to France, it having been sug
gested that the rank of Minister Plenipotentiary is objected to by the Directory.
But I answer, that the rank of the two characters is the same, and is so estab
lished by all writers ; besides which, Mr. P. is in fact an Envoy Extraordinarj'
for special purposes ; and even were it otherwise, and the ranks were different, it
would puzzle ingenuity to fumish a reason why they should reject a minister
from us of the same grade -with the highest they ever sent to us. To this I add,
that the Directory have not made the objection ; and it must, therefore, be under
stood that, for the present, France has shut the door of negotiation, expecting,
no doubt, that this last step of -riolence would intimidate our govemment, and
deter them from further defending the rights of our country, or that the people
would no longer support their o-wn govemment.

1797.] OF JOHN ADAMS. 523
FROM OLIVER ELLSWORTH. Sprinofielu, May 14, 1797.
Dear Sir,
Since leaving Philadelphia, I have attended courts in New York, Connecticut,
and Vermont, and been in the westem parts of Massachusetts and New Hamp
shire, and found everywhere an increased and increasing attachment to the gov
emment ; and I have no doubt that any measure which, in the present crisis, it
may judge expedient to adopt, will have general acquiescence and support from
this quarter of the union. All expect that Congress wUl do something, though
there seems to be no settled opinion what that wiU or ought to be. Probably an
embargo tUl the next meeting of Congress, removable by the President, and ac
companied with the trial of a special envoy, would be the raost satisfactory.
And it raay be the best raeasure that vrill be found practicable ; but of this,
your inforraation from the south, and from Europe, must better enable you to
judge. Should the idea of an envoy be admitted, raay not sorae able character
from the eastward, and Mr. Pinckney, be joined in the commission, -with plenary
power, however, to either, in the absence of the other.
You certainly, sir, have my best wishes, which is all you can expeot from your
humble servant, OLIVER ELLSWORTH.

FROM GEORGE WASHINGTON. Mount Vernon, 15th May, 1797.
Dear Sir,
I thank you for the information contained in your letter of the 19th ult., and
infer from it, with pleasure, that you must be better, if not quite recovered of the
indisposition of which you complained, by your being enabled to write. To
know this, however, would give me satisfaction, as I entertain an affectionate re
gard for you.
Various conjectures have been formed, relative to the causes which have indu
ced the President to convene the Congress at this season of the year ; among
others, that laying an embargo is supposed by some to be in contemplation ;
whether with or without foundation, you who are actmg on the great theatre,
have the best means of judging. For myself, having tumed aside from the
broad waUcs of politLcal, into the narrow paths of private life, I shall leave it
with those whose duty it is to consider subjects of this sort, (and as every good
citizen ought to do) conform to whatsoever the ruling powers shall decide. To
make and sell a Httle flour annually ; to repair houses gomg fast to rains ; to
build one for the security of my papers of a public nature, and to amuse myseff
in agriculture and rural pursuits, wUl constitute employraent for the few years I
have to remain on this terrestrial globe. If, to these, I could now and then meet
the friends I esteem, it would fiU up the measure, and add zest to my enjoy
ments But if ever the latter happens, it must be under my own vme and fig
tree, as I do not think it probable that I shall ever extend my waUts beyond a
radius of 20 miles from them.

524 ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 14.
To detaU matters of private concern, would be as improper as it would be un
interesting ; and, therefore, upon the principle I have adopted, it -will never be in
my power to make adequate returns for your kind coraraunications, which I wish
may be continued, whenever you are at leisure and liberty, for there is so littie
dependence on newspaper publications, (which take whatever complexion the
editors please to give them) that persons at a distance, and who have no means
of information, are oftentimes at a loss to form an opinion on the most important
occurrences. Mrs. Washington and Nelly Custis unite with me in cordial remembrances of
Mrs. Wolcott and yourself; and with great truth, I remain, dear sir, your affec
tionate friend, GO : WASHINGTON.
FROM RUFUS KING. London, March 6, 1797.
(Private.)
Dear Sir,
The Bank of England stopped payment in specie on the 28th ult., and since,
aU the banks of Great Britain have foUowed her example, so that gold and sU-
ver no longer circulates. Parliament have authorized the bank to emit 20s. and
40s. notes, to supply the place of guineas ; they have, likewise, repealed the laws
which forbade private individuals to issue notes, payable on demand, for any sum
under £5 ; and the bankers, manufacturers, and projectors, are throvring into cir
culation araong a people, the lower classes of whora are iUiterate and Hable to
be defrauded, aU sorts and denominations of small paper money, under the pre
tence of supplying an equivalent for shUlings and sixpenny pieces, ParUament
vrill probably follow these regulations by a law malting bank notes receivable in
the payment of taxes ; and also in the payment of annuities or dividends upon
the national debt. The merchants, bankers, and principal manufacturers through
out the country, are associating to circulate bank notes ; and the bank which, for
sorae time past, had been sparing in their discounts for the accommodation of
the merchants, are now so Hberal that those who ask receive. Already bank
notes are at a depreciation, which is proved by the reluctance with which every
one parts with a guinea ; by the sudden rise of exchange, and also by the great
demand for Araerican stocks, which have risen within a few days. Banli shares
frora 103 to 107 ; 6 per cts. frora 80 to 90 ; 3 per cts. frora 49 to 55 ; while the
English 3 per cts. have vibrated between 50 and 52. I see no reason to doubt
that our stocks will rise stUl higher. The house of Barings, who still have on
hand the residue of the 6 per cts. that you sent them, and which they have de
clined, at my instance, seUing, will hold them yet longer in expectation of a bet
ter price. We shall attend to the market, and when we think the price not
Hkely to increase, shaU probably sell ; this we are bound to do, as early as con
venient, since these gentiemen are actually in advance for more than the amount
of all the stocks remitted to them. Col. Humphries, some weeks since, drew on
Mr. Parish for 82,281 M. B.'co ; and at the same time requested the Messrs.
Barings to provide the means of payment, in case Mr. Parish should be without

1797.] OF JOHN ADAMS. 525
fiinds of the United States. Though this house are in advance beyond the value
of the funds remaining in their hands, I mentioned to Sir Francis Baring my
hope that their house would, notwithstanding their advance, find the means of
remitting to Mr. Parish fiinds to enable him to pay Col. Humphries' draft, in
case he should not have been suppUed by you with the raeans of payment. This
the Messrs. Baruigs agreed to do. Col. Humphries supposes that $330,000,
appropriated for Barbary purposes by the act of May, 1796, were in the hands
of Messrs. Barings ; but neither these gentlemen nor myself have any informa
tion respecting the same, a circumstance that gave some embarrassraent how to
act relative to drafts raade in reference to that fund, which may be deposited in
other hands. Though I have no direct authority or agency in these affairs ; yet,
as the Messrs. Barings naturaUy enough suppose it proper to consult me respect
ing thdta, I should think my adrice of raore worth to these gentleraen, and like
wise to the public, if I was a little better informed of the arrangements (I mean
those relating to pecuniary dispositions) that have been made, or are intended.
Should you have occasion to raise money here upon our stocks, I am conrinced
that you ought not to attempt it upon our 6 per cts., liable to and in the course
of a practical redemption. An irredeemable stock, or even a stock redeemable
at pleasure, would be preferred. Yours, very sincerely, RUFUS KING.
France, I fear, wUl waste our commerce to the extent of her power. The
treaty with this country is raade the pretence of this injustice. But we lately
see that she has required of Hamburgh, and Bremen, and of Denmark, to break
off all commerce -with Great Britain. These powers have no recent treaty, yet
France appHes to them the same irregular conduct as she has to us. Hamburgh
and Bremen have not yet yielded to her deraand ; and the refusal of Denmark
has originated a sharp diplomatic controversy. The French minister at Ham
burgh is recaUed.

CHAPTER XV.

FIFTH CONGRESS  FIRST SESSION.

On the 15th of May, Congress accordingly met. A
quorum of both Houses were present. The next day at
noon, Mr. Adams delivered his speech in the chamber
of the Representatives.
The intelligence that ]\Ir. Pinckney had been actually
expelled from France, as has been mentioned, arrived
subsequently to his first despatches. .In addition, infor
mation reached the government of the passage by the
Directory of a new decree affecting our commerce. The
first event took place the day after the reception at Paris
of the news of one of Bonaparte's Itahan victories, the
second on learning the result of the American presiden
tial election, and known to have been occasioned by that
result. The proof that this last assertion is coiTect, may be
found in a letter from Mr. Joel Barlow, himself a partisan
of the Directory, to his brother-in-law, Abraham Bald
win, a member of Congress, written in March of this
year, and quoted" by Col. Pickering in his report of Jan
uary 18th, 1799. " When," he says, " the election of
Adams was announced here, it produced the order of the
2d of March, which was meant to be httle short of a
declaration of war." " The government here was de
termined to fleece you of your property to a sufficient
degree to bring you to your feeling in the only nerve in

1797.] ADMINISTRATION, ETC. 527
which it was presumed your sensibihty lay, which was
your pecuniary interest."
This edict, after reciting some of the previous decrees
respecting neutral trade, ordered, that in all cases of mari
time prizes, a reference should be made to the minister
of justice to determine whether the treaties with the na
tion to which they belonged were still in force. That
with- the United States was expressly declared to have
been "modified" by their treaty with Great Britain. All
merchandise of the enemy, or merchandise not sufficiently
ascertained to be neutral, under American flags, was
therefore to be confiscated. The articles enumerated in
the British treaty as contraband, which had been ex
empted by the French treaty, were nevertheless declared
contraband ; every American holding a commission from
the enemies of France, as well as every seaman of- that
nation composing the crew of the vessel, was likewise
declared piratical and to be treated as such; and the
Directory finally prescribed what papers should be neces
sary to protect neutral property.
Other and very important intelligence, was that of the
financial embarrassments of Great Britain, the stop
page of specie payments by the Bank of England, and
the danger apprehended in consequence of the total de
struction of her credit and power.
The President's speech, trom which extracts of a narra
tive character have been already given, was dignified and
resolute, calculated to rouse the slumbering spirit of the
nation, and, were it possible, to infuse union and energy
into the councils of their representatives. It expressed
his sincere desire for peace, and his intention to renew
negotiations to preserve it ; but it must be remarked that
the animadversions upon the language of M. Barras to Mr.
Monroe, and some other passages, just enough in them
selves, were hardly a wise initiative to such negotiations,

528 ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 15.
and, as afterwards proved, were taken in high dudgeon
by the French government.
The necessity of providing effectual means of defence
against the aggressions which were offered, was strenu
ously urged by the President upon Congress, and the in
crease of the navy as a permanent measure ; the provi
sion of smaller vessels to serve as convoys, and regula
tions enabling merchant vessels to arm for their ovsm de
fence, as temporary measures, recommended.
The greater part ofthe cruisers T^^hose depredations had
been most injurious to our commerce, had been built, and
some of them partially equipped, in the United States.
Citizens resident abroad, too, had engaged in the same
infamous pursuit. Armed with French commissions, and
encouraged by authority of law, their piracies had hith
erto been committed with impunity, as the means of de
fence had been denied to American ships lest a colhsion
should ensue with either of the belhgerents. Penal laws,
to put an end to this pursuit, were also suggested. Other
measures recommended by the Executive were : provision
for the defence of the seaports ; the raising of additional
artilleiy and cavalry ; arrangements for forming a provi
sional army ; and the revision of the militia laws.
The message thus concluded :
" The present situation of our country imposes an obhgation on aU the depart
ments of government to adopt an explicit and decided conduct. In ray situa
tion, an exposition of the principles by which ray administration will be govemed,
ought not to be omitted.
" It is impossible to conceal frora ourselves or the world, what has been before
observed, that endeavours have been employed to foster and establish a dirision
between the governraent and people of the United States. To investigate the
causes which have encouraged this atterapt, is not necessary. But to repel, by
decided and united councils, insinuations so derogatory to the honour, and exag
gerations so dangerous to the constitution, union, and even independence of the
nation, is an indispensable duty.
" It must not be perraitted to be doubted, whether the United States wiU sup
port the government estabhshed by their voluntary consent, and appointed by
their free choice ; or whether, by surrendering themselves to the direction offer-

1797.] OF JOHN ADAMS. 539
eign and domestic factions, in opposition to their o-wn govemment, they vriU for
feit the honourable station they have hitherto maintained.
" For myself, having never been indifferent to vs'hat concerned the interests of
my country, devoted the best part of my life to obtain and support its indepen
dence, and constantiy -witnessed the patriotism, fideHty, and perseverance of my
feUow-citizens on the raost trying occasions, it is not for me to hesitate or aban
don a cause in which my heart has been so long engaged.
" Convinced that the conduct of the govemment has been just and impartial
to foreign nations ; that those internal regulations which have been estabhshed
by law for the preservation of peace are in their nature proper, and that they
have been fairly executed ; nothing wUl ever be done by me to impair the na
tional engagements ; to innovate upon principles which have been so deliberately
established, or to surrender in any manner the rights of the govemraent. To
enable me to maintain this declaration, I rely, under God, -with entire confidence
on the fii-m and enlightened support of the national legislature, and upon the
rirtue and patriotism of my feUow-citizens."
The documents relative to the matters contained in the
speech, were transmitted to the House on the day follow
ing. Whatever animadversions have been, or may be
made upon particular acts of Mr. Adams, and whatever
strictures upon his subsequent relations of them, it is due
to him to say that aU his addresses to Congress were firm
and decided in tone. He ever recommended active and
energetic measures, and appealed to the virtue and patriot
ism of the legislature for their adoption ; to that of the
people for their sanction. In some of them, it is true, he
unwisely left room for changes of purpose, that were af
terwards as unwisely adopted ; but his language was fitted
to produce a sound and healthy state of public feehng.
Though his actions were often ill reconcileable, his senti
ments, as publicly expressed, were elevated; and, even
when distorted by personal considerations, his intentions
¦vVere unquestionably directed to the general good. The
present address, in its most important object — its influence
upon the people — was to some extent successful. The
event of the debates on the British treaty, had akeady
manifested that the legislature, however ill disposed them
selves, could never resist the decisive expression of the
VOL. I. 45

530 ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 15.
national will ; and it was felt by the President that, in
this equally important crisis, the feelings of the people
must be first roused. " On the manifestation of these
feelings," says Marshall, " he principally relied for the
success of the negotiation ; and on their real existence he
depended for defence of the national rights, should nego-
tiational fail."* Its effect in the Senate is noticed by Mr.
Jefferson. Speaking of the union which had prevailed
there among the federalists, he says : " Towards the close
of the last Congress, however, it had been hoped their
ties began to loosen, and the phalanx to separate a little.
This hope was blasted at the very opening of the present
session, by the nature of the appeal which the President
made to the nation.'"' But the current had only begun to
turn. It needed yet more of insult and outrage, thoroughly
to overthrow the power which jacobinism had obtained.
The alien press still openly defended the conduct of
France ; and a party in Congress was stiU found who
could sacrifice national honor and independence to gratify
their own ambition and their own hate. True, their in
fluence at home was waning ; but its effects were still to
exercise a noxious tendency abroad.
The documents from the department of State, accom
panying the President's speech, contained the despatches
of General Pinckney ; portions of Mr. John Q. Adams,
correspondence as Minister at the Hague, and the corres
pondence ofthe Chevalier de Yrujo, the Spanish Minister.
The nature of the first papers has been stated. Mr. J.
Q. Adams' letters exhibited the extension of French in
trigue to that quarter also, in exciting the Batavian re
public to clamor against the British treaty, as a violation
of their rights, and in requiring their cooperation to de
feat its execution. The Spanish Minister's protests were
• Life of Washington, Vol. V. p. 632. >> Jefferson's Writings, HI. 356.

^^^^•1 OF JOHN ADAMS. 53I
to the same purpose. Additional information on the
affairs with Spain, was subsequently transmitted.
The federahsts had once more a majority in both
Houses, though but a slender one in that ofthe Represen
tatives. There the election of Speaker resuhed in the
reelection of Jonathan Dayton, of New Jersey ; whose
politics, were now to be considered neutral. The re
ply to the President's address was carried on the 3d
ol June. The clauses approving the foreign pohcy of
the government, were warmly opposed ; the test vote be
ing fifty-two in their favor, to forty-eight against them.
The final vote on the adoption was sixty-two to thirty-
eight ; some even of the leaders of opposition voting for
It. In the Senate the federal majority was larger, stand
ing eighteen to ten, with two wavering votes.
At the end of May, Messrs. Pinckney, Marshall and
Dana were nominated to the Senate and approved. Mr.
Dana then declining, Mr. Gerry was, on the 20th of June,
appointed in his place ; his resurrection being thus ac
complished by Mr. Adams himself, in default of a more
popular manifestation.'' Touching this gentleman, an ex
tract from Mr. Adams' letters is worth giving, as showing
the absurdly exaggerated estimate he put upon his
abihties. " No man had a greater share in propagating and diffusing these prejudices
against Mr. Gerry, than Hamilton, whether he had forraerly conceived jealousies
against him as a rival candidate for the Secretaryship of the Treasury ; for Mr.
Gerry was a financier, and had been employed for years on the committee on the
Treasury in the old Congress, and a most indefatigable member too. That
committee had laid the foundation of the present systera of the Treasury, and
had organized it almost as well ; though they had not the assistance of clerks,
and other conveniences, as at present. Any man who wUl look into the
journals of the old Congress, may see the organization, and the daily labours
and reports of that coraraittee ; and may form some judgment of he talents and
services of Mr. Gerry in that department. I knew that the officers of the Trea-
» Another nomination at this time, vacancy of the Hague had been filled
was that of Mr. John Quincy Adams, on the 1st of March, by the appointment
transferred from Lisbon to Beriin. The of Mr. WUliam Vans Murray.

632 ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 15.
sury, in HamUton's time, dreaded to see him rise in the House upon any ques
tion of finance ; because they said he was a man of so much influence, that they
always feared he would discover some error, or carry sorae point agamst them.
Or whether he feared that Mr. Gerry would be President of the United States
before him, I know not. He was not alone, however. His friends among the
heads of departraents, and their correspondents in Boston, New York, and
PhUadelphia, sympathised -with him very cordially in his hatred of Gerry, and
of every other man who had laboured and suffered early in the revolution.""

CHAUNCEY GOODRICH TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Phtladelphia, May 15, 1797.
Sir, I had the pleasure, on my arrival yesterday, to find my friends in good health.
The members of the House are assembhng, and a quorum wiU be formed this
forenoon. I presume the former Speaker wiU be re-elected. We shaU oppose
the re-election of the Clerk. On the firmness and prudent conduct ofthe Pres
ident we may rely. Further overtures of negotiation, in some tmexceptionable
mode, wiU be holden out to France, and manly conduct recommended ; Our
trade protected, and not embargoed ; defensive protection adopted. The Span
ish minister has exhibited to the govemraent a list of grievances. It is under
stood to be a formal compHance -with the requisitions of France.
I was happy to hear, this morning, your session begins under such favourable
auspices. In haste, I am your obedient humble servant, C. GOODRICH.
FROM GEORGE CABOT. Brooeldte, May 15, 1797.
My Dear Sfr,
Almost all men seem, finaUy, to expect that an Envoy Extraordinary is to be
sent to France, but no one has attempted to show the propriety of such a step,
except that its tendency is to unite the coimtry eventuaUy. I had one conver
sation -with Ames upon this subject, in which he supported the measure
chiefly upon the ground, that -without it, the govemraent could do nothing ;
and -with it, might be brought to prepare for an ultimate efficient defence. After
aU I have heard, and aU I have been able to imagine, my mind is stiU as unsat
isfied as at first. I often ask myself what instructions can be given to the new
minister, that -wiU not imraediately bring us to issue with France ? To say that
he shaU not enter the repubhc untU a negotiation is promised, is making a point
at the outset, which, whUe Mr. Pinckney remains alone at the door, raay possi
bly be avoided ; and yet, I can have no idea of an Envoy being sent on any
= Boston Patriot. Letter XIII.

1797.] OF JOHN ADAMS. 533
other terms. Again, is it possible that an acknowledgement can be made on the
part of the United States, that they have done wrong towards France ^ If they
were disposed to make such an acknowledgement in general terms, it would be
impossible to point out the particular case. Even our Jacobins are brought to
confess that the United States have done nothing which they had not good right
to do, but they complain that our govemraent did not forbear to do what, (though
right in itself) it raust have been known would displease our alhes, and so make
them quarrel with us, or rather, punish us. Again, can we send a minister
without instracting him, when received by the French, to ask of them some re
paration for aU the injuries their agents and servants have done us ? If not to
these. ends, to what does the mission aim 1
France is acting as I have seen a cunning knave in private Hfe ; first commit
the most insufferable injuries, and then take the high ground of complaint. In
such a case , no good can come from an act which wiU place the injured party in
the attitude of entreaty, weakness or fear. I still wish it were possible for our
country to assume a dignified countenance, and, without provoking hostihties,
prepare to repel them. I am well persuaded if we could do this, all would be well.
The hope of seducing us within, or coercing us -without, would be extinct, and
France would not suppose it for her interest to quarrel with us. It cannot be
denied that the people wish to avoid new taxes, and especiaUy one upon land ;
tut the rapidity with which the people have come to a right way of thinking on
French politics, leads me to beheve that almost any measures the government
may take, would be approved, and especially if accompanied with an address to
the people, explaining the necessity, and pointing to the pubhc danger.
But after aU, my greatest rehance is that Great Britain wiU keep the monster
at bay untU he destroys himself, or becomes less dangerous to others ; and I can
not believe that any vicissitudes in the internal affairs of England wUl sensibly
diminish their naval strength, or divert its application, as long as France remains
formidable. England certainly possesses abundant means of every kind to defend
herself against France, and as many of the powers on the continent as France
can compel to act as auxiUaries. I shall not believe, therefore, until I see it,
that England wUl yield in the present contest. Mr. Erskine, Mr. V/addington,
and sorae thousands of others, wiU try at eveiy period of misfortune, lo displace
the ministers ; but the governraent, the landed as weU as other property of the
nation, the weight of character, and essentially the body of the nation raust, and
do hate France, and wiU under aU circumstances, fight France as long as they
can. FareweU. G.CABOT.

Tuesday, May 16.
Since writing the preceding, I have received a letter frora Mr. King, by which
it appears that he considers the late proceedings in England as a fair commence
ment of a paper raoney system. It was erident to us aU, that if the stoppage of
payment in gold and silver were not merely a thmg of a day, and resultmg from
causes in their nature of short duration, a paper currency raust take place. But
is there anyway of managing their unavoidable difficulties, less hazardous?
45*

534 ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 15.
TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. Phtladelphia, May 18, 1797.
I have had the pleasure to receive your favour of May 15, and while I rejoice
that you enjoy that repose and tranquUlity so richly earned by a life of serrices
and benefits for mankind ; the reflection, that he who so long directed pubhc opin
ion, and whose counsel at this time would possess and deserve universal con
fidence, is a private citizen, excites mixed emotions which I am unable to de
scribe. In what concerns pubhc duties at this interesting crisis, aU are satisfied,
who are friends to our country, that the principles of your administration
must be supported. The President's speech to Congress, which I enclose,
wiU prove his conriction how iraportant this principle is esteemed, and the meas
ures which he deems necessary to be pursued. I have just received private let
ters from London, dated in March. Gold and sUver no longer have any general
circulation in the British dominions, and the govemment, as weU as private bank
ers, manufacturers and projectors, are throwing into circulation (among an igno
rant people, Hable to be defrauded) aU sorts of smaU paper notes, under pretence
of supplying the want of shUhngs and other small raoney. The Bank of Eng
land discounts for paper Hberally, and its notes circulate in consequence of a gen
eral corabination. A present reUef is afforded by this delusive opiate, but there
are symptoms of an incipient depreciation. General Pinckney was ordered to
leave Paris, the day after Buonaparte's last rictories were known. He was ad
dressed by the style of the Anglo American, by which the citizens of the United
States are said to be now distinguished from the French colonists. France has
required of Hamburg, Bremen and Denmark, to suspend all commerce with
Great Britain. These powers have made no treaties with England during the
present war, though our treaty is made the pretext for the aggressions ofFrance.
The truth is, France means to destroy Great Britain, by assaUing her commerce
with aU nations. A letter from Col. John TrumbuU to me, has these expressions :
" The present is the most eventful period of human history, and Eorope, in ray
opinion, is destined, sooner probably than we are aware, to be involved in one
vast conflagration ; what is past, is but the burning of a single house." I forgot
to mention that Spain and Holland have complained of our treaty vnxh England ;
the Dutch respect this country, but neither the Dutch nor Spaniards have any
pohtical \s-Ul. But though the French are tremendous in Europe, they would be
to us a contemptible foe, if we were but united and just to ourselves.
What censure can be too severe upon those who have inrited the assaults of a
foreign power, and who foster intemal dirisions ! ! The situation of those who
have any concern with pubUc affairs, is disagreeable ; a consciousness of pure
intentions, is indeed, almost the only reward now remaining.
Mrs. Wolcott joins me in presenting to yourself, Mrs. Washington, and Miss
Custis, her cordial respects. For myself, duty and inclination concur m proffer
ing expressions of the most lasting attachment.

1797.] OF JOHN ADAMS. 535
May 20th, 1797.
I embrace the earliest opportunity to transmit a copy of the documents refer
red to in the President's speech. We hear nothing further that is interesting.
It is remarkable, that aU the foreign nations with whora we have pubUc mter-
course, brmg forward their claims for gratitude ; even the Spaniard contends for
his share.

CHAUNCEY GOODRICH TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Philadelphia, May 20, 1797.
Sir, The President's speech has met with a cordial reception, and foUowed with
the despatches now in the press, wiU give an irresistible irapulse to pubUc opinion.
The answers of the two Houses will, I trust, reciprocate the sentiments of the
speech. A copy of the one reported to our House, I enclose ; as it is a mere
draft yet unacted on, I wish it not to go out of your hands so as to get into the
press. We don't know what course the French adherents wiU take. Their
plan, heretofore, has been, an envoy, and soothing language towards the repubhc.
Disconcerted, as eridently they are, by the President's speech and the despatches,
they have a severe task on hand. If any doubt reraained of the interest the
French took in our election of a President, none wUl hereafter of their behef of Mr.
Jefferson's being devoted to their views. It is said the choice has occasioned al
most as much sohcitude in Europe as in this country. We have become an in
teresting object to Europe. In England, the crisis is extremely alarming in re
spect to their money operations. The stoppage of payment in specie is probably
the coraraencement of a paper raoney systera, which there, as everywhere else, -will
disturb the settled relations of property. If we can raaintain peace and a settled
order of things, we can't fail of respectabUity.
The letter published in the paper ascribed to Mr. Jefferson," has occasioned
much speculation. It is believed he wrote it, and rumours are circulated he ad
mits he did, but says it has been garbled in the translation. As I don't wish to
give currency to an anecdote of this kind without undeniable eridence, you will
please to consider this as confidential ; we shaU soon know if it prove true.
That, -with the raanner he is mentioned in the despatches, -wiU place him under
a cloud as long as a Jesuitical friend of the people can be under a cloud.
John Quincy Adaras, the President's son. Resident Minister at the Hague, is
norainated as Minister to Prussia. I presume this destination is vrith reference
to the northem powers, as well as Prussia.
There is an accession of good character to the House of Representatives, and
as yet we find no cause to despond. The period is critical ; we shaU, I think,
escape without hurt except to our narigation. We received the paper containing
your speech, on Wednesday. It is regarded as a valuable acquisition ; the Pre
sident is particiUarly gratified. I shaU place under cover some of the newspa-
' That to Mazzei, Jefferson's Writings, HI., 328.

536 ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 15.
pers. Peter Porcupine's gazette goes to ray address to Hartford post-office, and
is at your coramand while there, except Mrs. Goodrich has given directions to
have it sent to her. If she has not, you wiU please to do it when you leave
Hartford. I lent Col. Wadsworth, Porcupine's works in two volumes ; he wiU
hand them to you if you mention it to him.
With affectionate remembrances to Mr. and Mrs. Moseley, I am, sir, your obe
dient, humble servant, CHAUNCEY GOODRICH.

PHILAEELFHLi, May 22, 1797.
Sir, Mine of yesterday's date gave you the draft of an answer to the President's
speech, the discussion of which began to-day on an amendment offered by Mr.
Nicholas as a substitute. We had expected they would have attempted a soft
ening of the answer without combating the material point of the indignity offer
ed our country by Mr. Pinckney's rejection. It is evident the amendment is
brought forward by concert, and will be warmly supported. The enclosed is a
copy of it. In point of style and sentiment it is degrading. How mortffying,
that for days we must Usten to long harangues on so pitiful a proposition ! I
place under separate covers a printed copy of the pubhc despatches referred to in
the President's speech.
We shaU be happy to know you have your health amidst the fatiguing atten
tions of the session, and that its business proceeds satisfactorily. My brother
informs me, that Mary Anne concluded that during his stay at Hartford, Porcu
pine's papers should go under its present address to Hartford to be sent to my
father. He wUl hand them to you, if you request it, before he sends them away
to Durham. I am, sir, your obedient, humble servant, CHAUNCEY GOODRICH.

FROM GEORGE CABOT. Bkookline, May 24, 1797.
My Dear Sir,
Your favour of the 17th was received last evening. The President's speech
had arrived three days before by way of the Sound. I have yet seen but few
people since the speech appeared in a handbUl. Judging from these and from
my own feelings, this paper, in itself the most truly national, will excite the most
national feehngs of anything that has been published since the French disease
infected our country. To me it seems pecuHarly proper that the state legisla
tures should all declare their deterraination to co-operate with the federal head,
because the measures of France are grounded in part on the idea that we are a
divided people. I take it for granted that all the states north of the Potomac,
Pennsylvania excepted, wiU firmly support the system indicated by the Presi
dent's speech. It is not to be expected that new taxes wiU bfipopular, but I
fuUy beUeve that the persuasion of their necessity and of the reality of our pub
Hc dangers, wUl produce a complete acquiescence in them, and that the zeal of

^'¦^'''-l OF JOHN ADAMS.

537

the country for efficient preparations agamst the mischiefs of France wiU con
tinually increase.
You raay judge of the pleasure we received from the President's speech, when
I assure you that after reading and considering it aU Sunday aftemoon, at ray
home, a large company of good men all agreed that it was in every particular
exactiy what they would have wished, and was expressed in a masterly and dig
nified style. Your affectionate and sincere friend, G. CABOT.
URIAH TRACY TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
PniLADELPmA, 27th May, 1797.
Your letter ofthe 8th instant I received -with pleasure, and am gratified -with
its contents, both vrith respect to myself, and the sentmients it contains on pubhc
affairs. My health is so far improved that I find myseff able to attend the duties
of my station without injury.
Before this reaches you, the answer of the Senate to the President's speech,
and his reply, -wiU be pubhshed in your newspapers ; otherwise, I should endorse
them to you. The answer contains some water grael, but in substance I hope
it wiU meet the approbation of the friends to government. You wUl discem in
it an attempt to conciliate and reconcUe aU parties, and you vriU, at the sarae
time, know that all such attempts have more or less nonsense in them ; but in
public bodies, sorae weak but good men depend much on concUiatory measures
when they open a session, and at this critical juncture, there seemed to be an un
common wish to reconcUe, and that -wish seemed to me to be strong in proportion
to the apparent impossibUity of effecting it. I acknowledge my own opinion
was that if we did reconcile, it must be at the total expense of ourselves, and
that all the sacrifice must be on our side, at a tirae when prompt and decided
language and measures were in an uncommon degree necessary, and in pursu
ance of that idea, you will notice in our answer, one sentence of determination,
and about two or three imraediately foUow of milk and water nothingness ; we
did not gain a single vote by it, on the paragraph declaring our beUef in favour
of the impartiality ofthe Executive and government to foreign nations, &c. We
divided on tiie motion to strike it out, 15 to 11. AU the absentees are federalists,
and we should have had, in fuU Senate, 25 to 11. The House of Representatives
are stUl debating on the answer to the President's speech, which was reported by
a committee of five. The answer is a very good one, as reported ; and the anti-
federalists are attempting amendments, for the purpose of giving it the complex
ion which is to serve as an evidence that the House is under the influence of the
Gallicus Morbus. It is believed they will not succeed ; but that a majority of
this House, as well as the Senate, is federal. I hope they will take a vote this
day, on the amendment ; but fear they wiU not.
On Monday next, whether the House of Representatives are through -with
their answer, and ready to proceed to business, or not, the Senate wiU parcel out
to committees all the business which the present exigencies present to us, and

538 ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 15.
which are within our constitutional reach, (as revenue you know is not) ; and
mean to proceed to finish it by biUs, and offer them to the consideration of the
House. If they wUl not take the proper measures for defence, &c., it shall be
known who refiises. The President has norainated his son, John Quincy Adams,
as minister in Prussia. This subject is not yet acted upon in the Senate ; there
wUl be opposition to it. My own conjecture is that it will pass. The king of
Prussia, although a great vUlain, has obtained already, and may probably obtam,
a preponderancy in the north of Europe. Whether he may not get at the sea,
and become a maritirae prince ; or, rather, the nation become a maritime people,
is problematical, it is true, but rather probable than otherwise. Our treaty with
that nation has expired ; and he has, it is said, wondered -why we did not offer a
renewal of it ; but the raost iraportant consideration is, that the intrigues and in
tentions of the French can now, better be learnt there than at the Hague, or any
other court. In our present situation with France, it has becorae an object of
consequence to keep a steady eye on that intriguing, insidious, and convulsed
governraent and people. It is believed that John Q. Adaras, placed at Berlin,
can do us much service, as he is unquestionably the most intelligent, and at the
sarae tirae raost industrious man, we have ever employed in a diplomatic capaci
ty. You wUl hear much of an Envoy Extraordinary being sent to France, and
that Mr. Jefferson or Mr. Madison must be the man, &c. My own conjectures
on this subject foUow. No jacobin, or enemy to the last or former administra
tion, or even lukewarm friend, wiU be trusted with this business; and were it not
that so many good friends to the governraent, and very reputable characters,
are constantly pouring in upon us their wishes and prayers, that some person or
persons should be sent frora the United States to join Mr. Pinckney, as a com
mission to treat with the French government, I am conrinced that all our ne
gotiations would be the investiture of Gen. Pinckney with the powers of Envoy
Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary. But the numerous and incessant
applications for an envoy, or soraething like it, to be sent frora this country, I
think will prevail on the Executive thus far, that General Pinckney be placed at
the head of a comraission, and one or two gentleraen be joined with hira ; that
they take a stand at the Hague, Amsterdara, Haraburg, or some other neutral
country, and through a proper channel let the French governraent know that
they are authorized to treat with them on our demands as well as theirs, in a
manner suited to the dignity of an injured, but cool and reasonable nation, as we
call ourselves, at any time or place that the French government shaU point out.
It is believed that Judge Dana, of Massachusetts, or John MarshaU, of Vir
ginia, or perhaps both, wiU be thought of for this appointraent. But one circum
stance wUl be a pole star to this proceeding : that no peison will be sent on this
business but a decided federalist. In the meantime the object of friends to gov
ernment is, that our revenue is to be increased, either by direct or indirect taxes,
and that a system of defence is to be adopted somewhat simUar to that recom
mended in the President's speech. This will depend in some measure on the
House of Representatives, you know ; but I venture to say, that the gentiemen
wiU have to stay here tiU they sweat with hot weather as well as anger, if they
do not readUy adopt some such salutary measures, and especiaUy if they are

1797.] OF JOHN ADAMS. 539
hesitating about an increase of revenue ; for, although the Senate cannot origi
nate a revenue bill, it is very clearly remembered by us that the House cannot
adjoum, but for the space of three days, without our consent. This may look
too much like a threat ; but, sir, it must be remembered that desperate cases re
quire desperate remedies. I am, however, of opinion that a clear majority of
the Representatives is federal. You will readily see that this letter is private
and confidential, and not raeant for public inspection.
I congratulate you, sir, on your late appointment, as governor of the state, and
permit me also to return you also my most sincere thanks, for the speech you
made at the opening of the session. It has met the cordial reception and appro
bation of every friend to order and government, here, and throughout the union,
where it has reached the pubUc eye. I presurae you wiU go through the session
with the same steady view to order and propriety, which usually marked the le
gislature of Connecticut ; though I must own to you, on looking over your list
of representatives, I was struck with more than a common number of weak and
Jacobinical characters. In this I raay be, and hope I ara mistaken.
The affairs of Europe wear no other aspect than war and confusion, and the
present campaign will probably be severe and bloody. The English are in a
singular condition, and an attempt to shake off the public debt may be success
ful in this state of external pressure, which seems to place the nations in a pos
ture to barter away pecuniary considerations for existence. The emperor Paul,
of Russia, will now act unequivocally, to check the king of Prussia frora an ac
tive interference in favour of the French ; and Hkewise to prevent a dismeraber-
ment of the Germanic Body. How rauch raay be expected from the one third
of the French Legislature and one fifth of the Directory, which were created in
March, is uncertain ; but we may be tolerably secure in believing nothing worse
tan happen frora it. Indeed the French affairs have a long tirae afforded a se
curity against the dread of innovation and change, as the result could hardly
effect anything but araelioration.
I have been led iraperceptibly to a length in this letter which I hope may
net fatigue you too much ; though I am sensible it may need an apology. The
best I can make is to relieve you, by saying, I am, with due consideration and
great respect, your humble servant. ,
URIAH TRACY.

FROM GEORGE WASHINGTON. Mount Veknon, 29th May, 1797.
Dear Sir,
I have received your letter ofthe 18th instant, with its enclosures, and thank
you for both.
The President has, in my opinion, placed matters upon their true ground, in
his last speech to Congress, The crisis calls for an unequivocal expression of
the public mind, and the speech will, raediately or iramediately, bring this about.
Things ought not, indeed, cannot remain longer in their present state, and it is
tune the people should be thoroughly acquainted with the political situation of

540 ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 15.
this country, and the causes which have produced it, that they may either give
active and effectual support to those to whom they have entrusted the adminis
tration of the government, (if they approve the principles on which they have
acted) or sanction the conduct of their opposers, who have endeavoured to bring
about a change by embarrassing all its measures, not even short of foreign means.
We are waiting with no small degree of solicitude for the answer of the House
of Representatives, that an opinion may be formed from its complexion of the
temper of that body, since its renovation.
Thus much for our own affairs, which, maugre the desolating scenes of Europe,
might, continue in the most happy, flourishing and prosperous train, ff harmony
ofthe union was not endangered by the internal disturbers of its peace. With
respect to the nations of Europe, their situation appears so awful, that nothing
short of Omnipotence can predict the issue, although every humane mind must
feel for the miseries they endure. Our course is plain ; those who run raay read
it. Theirs is so bewUdered and dark, so entangled and embarrassed, and so ob-
riously under the influence of intrigue, that one would suppose if any thing
could open the eyes of our misled citizens, the deplorable situation of those peo
ple could not faU to accompHsh it.
* * * *
With sincere and affectionate regard, I am always yours,
GO: WASHINGTON.

FROM OLIVER ELLSWORTH. Boston, May 29, 1797.
Dear Sir,
Since writing you from Springfield, I have attended court at Portsmouth, artff
have now been some days at this place. The President's speech is well received
by both Houses, and we expect wUl do much good at home and abroad. I re
peat that neither Congress or the Executive need hesitate about any proper mea
sures, from an apprehension that public opinion and spirit will not support them.
There is stUl, however, such diversity of opinion among the best of men, as to
the measures expedient to be taken, that I can give no useful information on that
point, and perhaps went too far in the conjecture I hazarded in my former letter.
Truly yours, OLIVER ELLSWORTH.
FROM GEORGE CABOT. Brookline, May 31, 1797.
My Dear Sir,
If it were doubtfiil whether the government could give a tone to the nation, I
think the effect of the speech is a proof of its truth. AU the federahsts and many
others approve highly the style he has used, and swear to support him. Still,
however, we look with anxiety for the address of the House as it shall finally
pass, for if the Representatives faU off, they wUl be foUowed by many of the people.

1797.] OF JOHN ADAMS. 541
Our legislature assembles this day, and it is expected that they wUl evince their
coincidence of opinion with the President. With a. hope to stimulate them to
this proper conduct, I threw into the Centinel of this date, a piece signed " One
ofthe American People." When this is done, I shall hope you wUl think ray
apostleship may be suspended, as no longer necessary ; and I hope you will be
persuaded that I have faithfiiUy executed the trust. We are told, and I believe
it to be true, that our eastern district wUl send a recruit to the federal party, by
electing Parker instead of Dearborn.
Brother Ellsworth, a few days since , made us a friendly visit of three or four
hours, and gave us a more realizing view of your family than we had enjoyed
for a long tirae. We are to see hira again to-morrow evening. He perceives
with some triumph, that my political faith has been a Httle strengthened by the
manifestations of right temper among the people, since the publication of the
speech. If Congress should be disposed to do all that they ought, I trust that
they wUI rescue us from the continued disgrace of starving our public officers ;
and when this happens, I shall hope you will have it in your power to draw every
good man you need as an auxiliary in your departments ; and that you will no
longer delay to expel a commissioned traitor. Expectation has been ahve
since the appearance of an infaraous letter, as it is called ; but, for my own part,
whether the letter was written by the person to whom it is imputed, or not, I
should always have believed that the sentiments are precisely those he main
tains ; and, indeed, the attack he raade pubhcly upon Adaras, in his note to a
printer, was no less scandalous. In all these things, I devoutly acknowledge the
hand of Providence ; and if I could be persuaded that we deserve these kind in
terferences, I could be as easy as sorae of our friends. G. CABOT.

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. Philadelphia, May 31st, 1797.
* * * *
The House have not agreed on a reply to the President's speech. It is certain
that there is a small majority favourably disposed to the raeasures of the govem
ment. The opposition are driving to effect two points.
1st. An indirect disapprobation of past measures.
2d. An intimation that the operation of existing treaties is favourable to
France. It is not difficult to see that the drift of the leading men is to criminate this
counti-y and justify France.
Frora present appearances, it is probable that Mr. Dayton and sorae neutral
characters wUl incorporate into the address an incorrect, though perhaps not a very
important amendment. The President's speech is, so far as I am informed,
generally approved; the Senate appears to be firm. All the matters recom
mended are referred to committees, except that respecting further revenue. We
VOL. I. '^"

542 ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 15.
have nothing from Europe since I wrote last, except that Cadiz is closely block
aded by a British fleet.

CHAUNCEY GOODRICH TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Philadelphia, June 1st, 1797.
Sir, The account we have frora your son of your indisposition raakes us anxious to
hear of your recovery, which we pray God may soon take place.
If we have any of the good qualities of public bodies, we share very many of
its bad ones. Nicholas' amendment to the answer has been rejected in a com
mittee of the whole, under the patronage of the Speaker ; that part of it rela
tive to equalizing treaties, differently modified, was yesterday carried. We have
an unmanageable floating neutral character, that wUl go over too often to the
wrong side. I think, however, we have no cause to despair of carrying the most
effectual measures.
The President has nominated Mr. Pinckney, the rejected minister. Judge
Dana of Massachusetts, and John Marshall of Virginia, commissioners lo treat
with the French Republic. Accept my wishes for the return of your health, and
the sentiments of respect, of your obedient servant, CHAUNCEY GOODRICH.

TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen. Phila. June 3d, 1797.
Congress have done no business of consequence ; the Senate has referred to
committees the raeasures recoramended by the President, except that of revenue.
The House has agreed upon an address, which is firm and proper, except in one
point, which has reference to the tenns of negotiation with France. It -will not
be easy to cure the Representatives of the disposition to make treaties.
The last news frora Europe is most important. The empire of Gerraany wiU,
I think, be brought to accede to such terms as France raay choose to impose,
FROM JAMES IREDELL. Richmond, June 5, 1797.
Dear Sir,
Having obtained here the inclosed bill for your friend Mr. Ellsworth, from Mr.
David Meede Randolph, who had been so obhging as to sell a chair and pair of
horses for him, I hope you will excuse the liberty I take in comraitting it to
your care on his behalf, knowing the friendship and intimacy existing between
you. It will give me satisfaction to know that the bUl arrived safely, and that
you excuse the trouble I have given you. The President's speech was received
here with tiie highest admiration in general, and even by some warm opponents
of the government with their approbation. I believe the French fever is abating

l''^''-] OF JOHN ADAMS. 543
in the country, but it is stiU much higher than I could wish. I have not, how
ever, met a man who approves of the palliations of the insults of the Directory
attempted by some members of Congress. The attempts were not judicious, and
perhaps they were not unfortunate, as they show in a strong point of view the
dangerous infatuation which has prevailed. We wait with patience for the vote
on the address. Mr. Otis' speech has excited neariy as warm emotions as Mr.
Ames' celebrated one, on the treaty. It does indeed the highest honour to his
patriotism, abihties and eloquence, and I confess, much as I expected from hira,
far exceeded my expectations. I expect to be at Edenton in a few days. Be'
pleased to present my very respectful corapliraents to Mrs. Wolcott. I hope this
letter wUl find you aU well, and ara, with great respect, dear sir, your faithful and
obedient servant, JA. IREDELL.
It will be perceived from the following letters from Mr.
Hamilton, that he considered a house tax and an exten
sion of the internal taxes, more expedient under then
existing circumstances than a direct tax. Wolcott's let
ters to him, referred to in that of June 8th, are lost.

FROM ALEXANDER HAMILTON. [New York] June 6, [1797.]
My Dear Sir, 1 t j
You sorae time ago put a question to me which, through huiTy, I never
answered, viz : whether there can be any distinction between the provision in
the treaty with Great Britain, respecting British debts and that respecting spoli
ations, as to the power of the commissioners to rejudge the decisions of the
courts ; I answer that I can discover none.
I am of opinion, however, that in the exercise of this power two principles
ought to be strenuously insisted upon. One, that the commissioners ought not
to intermeddle, but when it isunequivocaUy ascertained that justice cannot now
be obtained through our courts ; the other, that there ought to be no revision of
the question of interest where abatements were made by juries undirected by any
special statutes. For it is certain that interest is capable of||)eing affected by
circumstances, and that the law leaves a considerable discretion on this point
with juries. I take it for granted also, that where compromises were made be
tween creditor and debtor without the intervention of courts, or the injunctions
of positive law, there will be no revision. This is all a very delicate subject, one
upon which great moderation on the part of the British commissioners is very
important to future harmony.
I like very well the course of Executive conduct in regard to the controversy
with France, and I like the answer of the Senate to the President's speech ; but
I confess I have not been well satisfied with the answer reported in the House.
It contains too many hard expressions ; and hard words are very rarely useful in

544 ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 15.
public proceedings. Mr. Jay and other friends here, have been struck in the
same manner with myself We shall not regret to see the answer softened
down. JfcaZ _^rm?iess is good for every thing. S^rui is good for nothing.
Last session I sent Sedgwick, with request to communicate it to you, my pro
posal of a building tax. Inclosed is the rough sketch. I do not know whether
there was any alteration in the copy I sent to hira. But the more I reflect, the
more I become convinced that some such plan ought to be adopted, and the idea
of valuation dropped, and I have also becorae convinced that the idea of a tax
on lands ought to be deferred. The building tax can be accommodated to the
quota rule. For what were intended as rates, may be considered as ratios only
of each individual tax, and then, as the aggregate of these ratios within a State,
is to the sum of the ratios on a particular building, so wUl the sum to be raised in
the State be to the sura to be paid by the owner of that budding ; and so the very
bad business of valuations may be avoided in general. In regard to stores, ff
they are comprehended, rents or valuations maybe adopted, and these rents may
also be represented by ratios, equivalent to the proposition of the specific ratios
to the rents of houses, to be estimated in the law.
If these ideas are not clear, I will, on your desire, give a further explanation.
My plan of ways and means, then, for the present, would be —
A tax on buildings, equal to - $1,000,000
A tax on Stamps, including a small per oentage on policies of
Insurance ; a per centage on collateral successions ; a duty on
Perfumeries ; a duty on Hats, say 5 per cent, for the common
est kind ; 10 for the middling, and 20 for the best, to be de
scribed by the material, - 500,000
On saddle horaes,  dollars per horse, - 150,000
On Salt, so much as wiUmake the whole duty 25 cts., suppose 350,000

t

$2,000,000
I should like, also, a remodification of the duties on licenses to sell spirituous
liquors by multiplying discriminations. I would then open a loan for 500,000 of
doUars, to be repaid absolutely within five years, upon which I would allow a high
interest, say 8 per cent., payable quarterly, and redeemable at pleasure, by pay
ing off, and I would accept subscriptions as low as $100. In case of pressure,
treasury bills having a like interest, may be used.
If, unfortunateW-, war breaks out, then every practicable object of taxation
should at once [be resorted to,] so as to carry our revenue, in the first instance, to
the extent of our ability. , Nor is the field narrow.
I give you my ideas full gallop, and without arrangement of expression. I
hope you always understand me aright, and receive my coraraunications as they
are intended, in the spirit of friendly frankness. Yours, very truly, A. H.
The following is the sketch inclosed in the foregoing
letter :

^''^'^¦1 OF JOHN ADAMS. 545
[Copy.]
A miUion of doUars per annum, to be raised on buUdings and lands, on the
foUowing plan :
1. Upon inhabited dwelling houses, thus : '¦
Upon every such house ofthe denomination and description of a log house, at
the rate of 20 cents for each room or apartment thereof, exclusive of garret and
cellar. Upon every other inhabited dweUing house of two rooms or apartments, exclu
sive of halls or entries, garrets and cellars, at the rate of 25 cents for each room
or apartment.
Upon every such house of three rooms or apartments, exclusive as before, at the
rate of 33 1-3 cents for each room or apartment.
Upon every such house of four rooms, exclusive as before, at the rate of 40 cents
for each room or apartment.
Upon every such house of five rooms, exclusive as before, at the rate of 60
cents for each room or apartment.
Upon every such house of six rooms, exclusive as before, at the rate of 75 cents
for each room or apartment thereof.
Upon every such house of seven rooms and upwards, at the rate of 100 cents
for each room, &c.
Upon every room in a garret or cellar of a house of the foregoing descriptions,
having a fire-place, and upon any kitchen, whether in a cellar or adjacent build
ing, at the rate of 20 cents for each room or kitchen.
Upon each room or apartment of every such house, painted inside, the further
sum of 25 cents.
Upon each room or apartment of every such house, papered inside, or painted
and bordered with paper, the further sura of 50 cents.
Upon every chimney, faced with tiles or cut stone, other than marble, the fur
ther sum of 50 cents.
Upon every chimney faced with marble, the further sum of 100 cents.
Upon every stair-case of cedar or ebony wood, t'ne further sum of 100 cents.
Upon every stair-case of mahogany wood, the further sum of 100 cents.
Upon every room or apartment with stucco cornishes, the further sura of 100
cents. Upon every roora with a stucco ceihng, the further sum of 200 cents ; but the
same room shall not also be rated for cornishes of such work.
Upon every such house with pillars or pilasters outside, in front, the further
sum of 100 cents.
Upon every such house faced outside and in front, in whole or in part, vrith
marble, the further sum of 200 cents.
These rates to be paid by the occupiers of the house, whether owners or tenants.
When a house is let by parcels, the landlord to be deemed the occupier.
a " Hemarks.  These rates have been proportion to the rest, and they avoid the
adjusted by applying their operation to expense and uncertainty of valuation.
a number of houses, frora which it ap- Other circumstances of discrimmation, if
pears that they find a sufficientiy exact thought advised, may be added."

46

,*

546 ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 15.
Upon aU stone houses, not bemg parts of dwelling houses in use, at the rate of
one-fortieth part ofthe yearly value, to be determined by the actual rent, ff rent
ed ; if not, by an estimate or valuation thereof
Upon all grist mills at the rate of 125 cents for each run of stones therem.
Upon aU saw mills, at the rate of 50 cents for each saw usually worked therein,
not exceeding three ; and for each saw above that nuraber, 25 cents.
Upon all wharves in the cities and towns of Portsraouth, Boston, &c., (enu
merating the principal towns), at the rate of 12 1-2 cents for each foot in front
thereof. •
Upon all whai-ves in any other city or town, at the rate of 6 cents.
Upon all lumber yards in the cities or towns of Portsmouth, Boston, &c., (enu
merating the principal towns), at the rate of 2 1-2 cents for each hundred square
feet. Cottages inhabited by paupers to be excepted. To be judged of and ascertained
by the assessors hereinafter described.
The amount of the foregoing taxes in each State to be ascertained within a
time to be limited by law for that purpose by the assessors, and a report thereof to
be made to the Treasury, which shall then proceed to apportion according to the
prescribed quota, the sum remaining to make up the mUhon of dollars to be levied.
For example, suppose there were five States, and the product of the house tax
of each as foUows : [A. $100,000
B. 150,000
C. 200,000
D. 50,000
E. 100,000

$600,000
There would then remain towards the mUHon to be leried on lands, $400,000.
Let there be then assigned to each State, so much in land tax as together with its
house tax, wiU equal the [required amount.] ¦• [New York,] June 8th, 1797.
Dear Sir,
I have received your two letters of the 6th and 7th. The last announces to
me no more than I feared. Nor do I believe any sufficient external impulse can
be given to save us frora disgrace. This, however, wiU be thought of
I regret that you appear reraote from the idea of a house tax, simply, without
« " Remarks. — Or this raay be thrown be annexed to raisrepresentation, and a
into more classes." power to be given upon cause of sus-
>> " Remarks. — The mode of ascertain- picion, testified on oath, to issue a war
ing to be by an actual calling at each rant to inspect the house for ascertaining
house, and receiving of| the occupieis a the feet. This will reconcile tlie idea of
hst of the particulars which are criterions the sanctity of the castle with the securi-
of the tax ; the officer to have power to ty ofthe revenue."
administer an oath. A proper penalty to
The remainder of this paper, if any is missing.

1797.] OF JOHN ADAMS. 547
combining the land. I do not differ from your general principle. The trath is
a solid ofie, that the sound state of the political economy depends in a great de
gree on a general repartition of taxes on taxable property, by some equal rule.
But it is very iraportant to relax in theory, so as to accomplish as rauch as raay
be practicable. I despair of a general land tax without actual war. I fear the
idea of it keeps raen back from the augmentation of revenue by other means
which they might be wiUing to adopt. The idea of a house tax alone, is not
so formidable. If placed upon a. footing which would evince practicability and
moderation in the sum, I think it might succeed. Now, 1,000,000 of dollars,
computing the number of houses at 600,000, would be an average of about a dol
lar and a half The tax would be very low on the worst houses, and could not
be high on the best. This idea would smooth a great deal. As to the circum
stances of the habitations of the southern negroes, I see no insuperable difficulty
in applying ratios to them, which would .tend to individual equity ; as, between
the Stales the quota principle would make this point unimportant. As to the
inequaliiy in certain States, I believe on the plan suggested, there would be no
general tax which in fact would operate more equaUy. The idea of equalization
by embracing lands, does not much engage my confidence. Besides that, this
may be an after object, and we are to gain points successively.
As to the productiveness of the stamp tax with the items I suggest, it is diffi
cult in the first instance, to judge. But I am persuaded it would go far toward the
point aimed at. There cannot be rauch fewer than 3,000,000 of hats consumed
in a year, in this country ; at an average of 8 cents per hat, this would be
$240,000, a large proportion of $500,000. If law proceedings can be inclu
ded directly or indirectly, the produce wiU be very considerable. I think yon
mistake, when you say these taxes in England are inconsiderable in proportion.
According to my recollection, the reverse is the truth. Adieu. Yours,
A. HAMILTON.

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. Philadelphia, June 15th, 1797.
ik ^ » *
We have not much other news than appears in the papers, of national impor
tance. Germany is disorganized, and the affairs of England appear to be tending to
some eventful crisis. The French depredations on our commerce in Europe are
increasing. By annuUing the validity of passports granted by our ministers,
it is intended to prevent our citizens from going to France to pursue their claims.
Some of the French cruisers have treated our people -with extreme barbarity.
Instances have happened of men being tortured with thurab-screws, to induce
declarations injurious to their eraployers. Congress wUl do but Httle this session ;
as the danger increases, a disposition to inaction appears, unfortunately, to
prevail. Mrs. Wolcott joins rae in presenting her most respectful regards to yourself,
Mrs. Washington and Miss Custis.

548 ADMINISTRATION " [Chap. 15,
TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen. Phila. July 4th, 1797.
Congress wUl do little more than to increase the revenue by additional duties
on licenses to retailers, and a new duty on stamped papers. Perhaps a new duty
on salt will be passed.
The prospect of an adjustment of our dispute with France is not so favoura
ble as it has lately been. The faction in this country becomes more daring.
There can be no doubt that the leaders rely on foreign support. As France ap
proaches towards peace in Europe, she advances in her threats and insolence to
America. Our westem frontiers are threatened -with a new Indian war. French
and Spanish emissaries swarm through the country. There is reason to believe
that a westem or ultra-raontane repubhc is meditated. A letter from Mr. Blount,
a Senator frora Tennessee, has been detected, which discloses a plan for exciting
the Indians to hostihty upon an extensive scale. It is certain that overtures have
been made to the British govemraent for support, and there is every reason to
beheve, short of positive proof, that simUar overtures have been made to Spain
and France. The British will not now support the project. The advance made
by our people, shews, however, the profligacy of our patriots and the precarious
tenure by which the western country is attached to the existing government.
FROM GEORGE CABOT. BRooKLrvE, June 27, 1797.
My Dear Sir,
I have just retumed from a circuitous joumey of 400 miles, which has occu
pied 17 or 18 days. Your favour of the 8th I found upon my table, at my arri
val here. In passing up the Merrimack and down the Connecticut, 150 raUes on
each river, I found the people every where entertaining more just sentiments of
our political affairs than I had conceived possible, after so much pains had been
taken to mislead them. At Concord I was in the House of Representatives,
when the address in answer to Govemor Gilraan's speech was discussed ; and I
can assure you, I never saw in any assembly, so much of the right sort of Amer
ican spirit. Of 131 members, there were not more than 4 or 5 tainted with Jac
obinism ; and although 20 voted against the address, yet most of these acted
upon the the principle of accommodating the 4 or 5 who professed to desire only
a Utile less force in the expression of what aU agreed was the ^lubUc sentiment.
In the upper House, there was union and spirit ; and I am persaaded
that 19-20ths of these men would h.ive marched with Govemor Oilman at their
head, upon a raoraent's call, to defend the country and its government against
France, as Stark and his foUowers did to repel the British in 1777. When I
came into Vermont, I found thetsame temper and spirit, so that I could not for
bear to conclude, that the disaffection in Boston and its vicinity, is almost aU that
exists in New England ; for I consider the paltry opposition of Portsmouth as
only sufficient to blow the fire of patriotism in the rest of the State of New
Hampshire.

1797.] OF JOHN ADAMS. 549
Ihave seen bythe newspapers that Ames was nominated for a fifth Commissioner.
I should have mentioned him with the first men, ff I had not considered his
health as a total disqualification. I had just visited him, and he appeared too
feeble to attend to business of any sort.
We resist the French successfully in our own country, but they beat us in
Europe. If England revolves, our tranquiUity must be disturbed ; but I stiU
hope and confide, that England in every supposable condition, will command the
ferry, and that interest and pride wUl always stimulate her to keep the French
boats from passing. Your unfeigned friend, G. CABOT.

FROM COL. JOHN TRUMBULL.
No. 29 Berners Street, London, April 9th, 1797.
Dear Sir,
I had the pleasure to write you a few lines on the 2d March, by the WUUam
Penn. The general aspect of affairs is less favourable to this country and her
ally, the Emperor, than at any former period. Another series of victories, more
extraordinary than the forraer, has raarked the progress of the French armies,
on fhe side of Italy. A few days gave them possession of the Tyrol, the strong
est country in Europe, except Switzerland. There remain no strong towns be
tween them and Vienna, a distance of one hundred and twenty miles ; and the
troops who can be opposed to these victorious veterans are raw ; so that there is
httle prospect that anything but an immediate peace can prevent their reaching
the enemy's capitol. In this situation, advantageous terms have been proposed
to the Emperor, to engage him to conclude a separate peace ; and he has refused
to negotiate except in conjunction with his ally, and for a general peace. In
consequence of these circumstances, Mr. Hammond left London a few days ago
or Vienna, charged to co-operate on the part of this country in negotiations for
a general peace. I hope he will have better success than Lord Malraesbury had.
There are those, however, who doubt the wish or intention of France to be at
peace with England, on any terms, at present. There are those among the
French politicians, who apprehend that a continued depression of their own
manufactures, would be the ccisequence of peace with England, and of the fa
cility which would then exist of introducing British goods ; and who, seeing to
what height industry, well exerted in agriculture and manufactures, has raised
this island, in defiance of the natural obstacles of soil and climate, are wiUing
that the dominion of the ocean, and the benefits of foreign commerce should rest
where they are ; until, haring principally disbanded their armies, in consequence
of peace with their continental neighbours, the govemment shall have had time
to become consolidated, and to establish and assure domestic tranquiUity and
order ; and the people to re-establish agriculture and improve manufactures, thus
forming a sohd basis on which to found a future foreign comraerce, and the pow
er and means of distant exertions.
The letters of the American Commissioners to the Secretary of State, of this date

550 ADMINISTRATION lCmi..lS,
wUl inform you of the progress made in their labours. A few days more wUI
complete what cases are in a state to come before the Board at present. In their
letters, the Coramissioners raentfon a circurastance respecting Mr. Samuel Cabot,
whose services here are of raore iraportance than v/as meditated when he was
appointed. The expense of living here is so exorbitant, that it is impossible
there should remain much, if anything, from his salary, for his family in Araeri
ca, after his own necessary and ineritable expenses are paid ; the salary alone is,
therefore, not an object which a prudent raan «ith a large family, and capable of
business, can long think worth his attention ; and if any prospect of a raore ad»
vantageous establishraent should tempt him to leave this situation, I am afraid it
would not be easy to replace him. I should therefore think it wise in the gov
ernment to permit him to enjoy the sum allowed in each case, in addition to his
salary. And I must remark, that a little want of knowledge or attention in a
person entrusted with similar business, would soon occasion losses which would
overbalance the additional reward. I am, dear sir, most sincerely your friend
and servant, JNO. TRUMBULL-

FROM RUFUS KING. London, AprU 14, 1797.
Dear Sir,
When I last had the pleasure of writing to you, I informed you of the sudden
and considerable rise in the price of our stocks in this market. It then seemed
probable that they would rise still higher ; but after a few days of alarm that fol
lowed the stoppage of the specie payments of the bank, the demand for our funds
abated, and they have for some days been at nearly the same low price at which
they stood before the bank stopped. I am quite at a loss to predict the conse
quence of this unfortunate event: it is certain tiiat the alarm which iramediately
foUowed has very essentiaUy diminished ; and the very great efforts made to ob
tain specie from abroad, lead many to believe that the bank will again soon be
in a condition to resume its former course of payments. This it will be enabled
to do, in case their late emissions of bank paper are as considerable as some in
teUigent people suppose.
I understand from Sir F. Baring, that their house disposed of 60 or 80,000
dollars of the 6 per cts. in their hands, before they fell in price ; it is probable
they would have sold the whole, if they could have obtained 70 per ct.
The British 3 per cts. have been as low as 48 ; they are now at 50, having
risen within a day or two, in consequence of Mr. Hammond's departure for
Vienna, to renew, in conjunction with the Emperor, the negotiation for peace
Mr. Pitt will raake another loan, for probably 16 millions ; and in case the
endeavour to conclude the war fails, it would be rashness to pretend that the
bank could resume its operations in specie, or that the stocks can hold even their
present unexampled prices. FareweU. Yours very sincerely, RUFUS KING.

1797.] OF JOHN ADAMS. 551
P. S. I am very anxious to be informed what course Mr. Adams will adopt
concerning France. I hope, and indeed I feel persuaded that, notwithstanding
the injuries we receive, we shaU not consent to any step that shaU involve us in
the war. I am deeply convinced that our duty and interest require that we
should remain at peace.
The peace concluded between France and Spain, had
given an opportunity to the latter country to add to the
annoyances suffered by the United States. Notwithstand
ing her recent treaty, she delayed, on frivolous pretexts,
the settlement of the boundary and the surrender of the
posts, and commenced depredations on our commerce.
Similar claims were set up by her, to those advanced by
France, as to the construction of treaty articles, and the
laws of nations — a course of conduct to which she had
been stimulated by the Directory. Unfortunately, a more
plausible excuse was at length found, for the detention of
the posts, in the rumor of an intended invasion of the
Spanish territory, by the British from Canada. The re
port was false indeed ; Mr. Liston expressly disclaim
ing on part of his government, any such intended viola
tion of the neutral territory of the United States ; that
an attempt had been made to draw this government into
such a scheme, and that he had been approached with
reference to it, he frankly admitted. During the summer,
a letter was detected from William Blount, a Senator in
Congress from the State of Tennessee, which developed,
to some extent, the character of the plot, as well as the
persons concerned in it. But as regarded Spain, this ex
cuse for the non execution of the treaty, was but an after
thought ; a cover for the actual motive of her conduct.
That motive was betrayed by the Baron Carondelet, the
Governor of the Natchez, in one of his proclamations. It
was the expectation of an "immediate rupture between
France, the intimate ally of Spain, and the United States."
These disputes extended through this summer; and
were, as well as in the succeeding session, the object of

552 ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 15.
special messages to Congress. Among the documents ac
companying that of the 3rd of July, the letter of Mr.
Blount was included. This letter was written to Carey,
the government interpreter of the Creeks and Cherokees,
and bore date the 21st of April preceeding. It discovered
the design of uniting those tribes, for some object obscure
ly hinted at ; but which, from the context, appeared to be
a movement against the Spanish territories. Carey was
to be the instrument of destroying the influence of the
government agents with the Indians, and of establishing
that of Blount. The assistance of the British was ex
pected, in the contemplated project ; and the letter men
tioned that a person of consequence had been sent to
England on the business. Blount himself, was to have
the management of it, under the direction of that gov
ernment. Blount was heard by counsel, at his request ; but de
clined answering as to the authenticity of the letter.
This being proved, by testimony as to the hand writing
and signature, the House immediately caused him to be
impeached before the Senate, and demanded that he be
sequestered from his seat, until articles should be exhibit
ed against him. This vsras done ; and on the Sth day of July
he was expelled from the Senate, by a vote of twenty-five to
one, and held in a recognizance to appear and answer the
charges of the House. The recognizance was forfeited.
Proceedings on the impeachment were subsequently ta
ken, and articles exhibited ; but it was decided by the
Senate that their jurisdiction was terminated by his ex
pulsion. Had the Senator from Tennessee been a mem
ber of the federal party, much capital would doubtless
have been made out of his misconduct, as coiToboratincr
the standing charges of British influence. He was, how
ever, a "repubhcan;" one whose vote had always been
found, on party questions, among the opponents of the
administration.

1797.] OF JOHN ADAMS. 553
On the 22d of June the President sent to Congress a
report from the state department, on the depredations
committed by foreign nations upon American commerce,
since October, 1796. It appeared firom this document,
that but few seizures had been made by the Enghsh, and
that for these the means of redress were provided. Cap
tures by Spanish privateers were becoming numerous,
but of those by the French, the schedule exhibited 308,
which had been ascertained within that time. Some of
these had been attended with great barbarities. Vessels
had been vyantonly burnt or fired into, even torture ap
phed to the masters to compel false statements of owner
ship. The crews were confined with prisoners of war of
other nations, and subjected to the most dreadfiil suffer
ings. The depredations were by no means restricted to the
subjects of the decrees. The very Commissaries of the
Directory seized cargoes of provisions for the use of govern
ment, without compensation. A system of universal bri
bery and corruption pervaded the courts, where the judges
themselves were often owners of the privateers, and the
Minister of Justice, the notorious Merhn, was openly feed
by the captors, to procure the ratification of their deci
sions. The most frivolous pretexts were sufficient to
procure confiscation, and when these were wanting, delay,
imprisonment, and persecution, drove the master to sacri
fice or abandon his cargo to avoid greater misfortune.
The same violence and dishonesty extended from the
heads of the Directory, to the lowest janissaries of the
piibfic oflBces.
The United States, though the most valuable, were by
no means the only objects of French aggression. All the
nations of Europe who had refused to enter into the war
against England, were involved in the same fate. The
northern powers, under threats of vengeance, were order
ed to close their ports to her commerce. The nations
vol. I. 47

554 ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 15.
who were in alliance with France, were stiU more unfor
tunate. Slaves of a relentless master, they were not only
ruined themselves, but employed to accomphsh the de
struction of others. The picture of the sister repubhc,
even as drawn by the pencil of Ames, fell short in its de
formity of the terrible original. "It is the only state,"
he says, " in which the sword is the only trade. Com
merce has not a single ship ; arts and manufactures exist
in ruins and memory only ; credit is a spectre which
haunts its burial place ; justice has fallen on its own
sword ; and hberty, after being sold to Ishmaehtes, is
stripped of its bloody garments to disguise its robbers. A
people, vain enough to be satisfied with the name of hb
erty, are called free, and the fervors of its spirit are rous
ed to bind other nations in chains."^ And yet, France
still found its defenders in the national councils, men, who,
regretting these things as private misfortunes, yet saw in
them but the natural consequences of federal policy ; con
sequences which they had long since predicted; which
sprang from the just indignation of a generous and high-
spirited nation, at American ingratitude and treachery ;
and these men were called patriots.
The measures taken during the session were generally
considered by the more decided of the federal party, as
wanting in the promptness and energy which were requi
site to convince the French govemment of the determin
ation of the United States, in case of the failure of the
negotiation, as well as insufficient preparations against
the occurrence of so probable an emergency. There "was
an unwillingness and hesitation in their action, ill calcula
ted to produce a salutary impression. The business ac-
comphshed towards its close was somewhat more impor
tant, and many of the President's suggestions were finaUy
adopted. Among the acts passed, were the act to pre-
• Ames Works, p. 186.

1797.] OF JOHN ADAMS. 555
vent citizens of the United States from privateering
against nations in amity with, or against citizens of the
United States ; the act prohibiting, for a limited time,
the exportation of arms and ammunition, and for encour
aging the importation thereof; acts to provide for the
fiirther defence of the posts and harbors of the United
States ; to authorize a detachment from the militia, in
case of necessity ; and to provide for the equipment of
three frigates. Those of a fiscal nature were the act lay
ing duties on stamped vellum, parchment and paper ; that
imposing an additional duty on salt imported into the
United States, &c. ; authorizing a loan of $800,000, at six
per cent, and making additional appropriations for the
support of government for the year 1797. The stamp
act, though a very necessary one, as a certain means of
raising money, had the misfortune of being exceedingly
unpopular ; certain disagreeable associations being con
nected with the name, which gave a handle to the opposi
tion to work upon those who did not understand the re
lations between taxation and representation. It also,
curiously enough, furnished a cause of jealousy to the
President, who, from some reason, supposed it to exalt
the powers ofthe Secretary of the Treasury at his ex
pense. Upon the greater part of these subjects, some
members, generally not on the side ofthe administration,
were found voting with the majority, but there were
others, who, in every measure for the defence of the
country, were consistent in opposition.
Congress adjourned on the 10th of July. The debates
during this session showed a degree of acrimony in the
two parties, more dangerous perhaps, than the violence
with which important measures had been heretofore dis
cussed. The lines between them were more distinctly
drawn ; and though there were always some who voted
with either on particular questions, according to their own
opinions or the wishes of their constituents, the number

556 ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 15.
of uncertain votes was becoming more hmited. Nor was
party feehng longer confined to the halls of legislation. It
had entered into the constitution of society itself. Old
and attached friends were estranged. Men who had
fought side by side during the war of the revolution, who
had acted together in the not less perilous scenes of the
continental Congress ; were now personal as well as poh
tical enemies. The very ties of blood were sundered by
the bitterness ofthe strife.
Great changes had, since the first Congress, taken
place in both Houses, each party losing its original leaders.
Two, perhaps the most conspicuous, had retired at the
end ofthe last session. Ames, before "whose voice, ren
dered more impressive by the disease which wasted his
shght and feeble frame, a turbulent and reckless majority
had quailed ; Ames, whose genius and patriotism had de
servedly placed him in the van of the federahsts, and
Madison his chief opponent. Madison, the federalist of
one session, thenceforward democrat for life ; he who
had sunk from the independent statesman, to be the fol
lower of a demagogue, the shadow and destined succes
sor of Jefferson.
Among those who were now conspicuous in the federal
ranks, there were, in the Senate — Goodhue, Sedgwick,
Tracy, Stockton, Bingham, and Howard ; and in the
House — Otis, Sewall, Griswold, Goodrich, Bayard, Sit-
greaves. Harper, Rutledge, and Smith." On the other
side also, there was a strong array; Langdon, Tazewell,
and Mason, in the Senate ; Livingston, Gallatin, Giles,''
Nicholas, Venable, Macon, and Baldwin, among the Re
presentatives. No state in the Union, it may be permitted to observe,
had, during the period of the constitutional government,
been more ably or more honorably represented than Con-
'WilUam Smith, of Charleston district, was replaced by Mr. Thomas Pinckney.
He retired at the end of this session, and b Mr. GUes luso resigned shortly after

1'''97.] OF JOHN ADAMS. 557
necticut. Her muster roll was filled with the names of
Men. There' were Sherman, Ellsworth, Johnson, Hill-
house, Tracy, Wadsworth, Swift, Griswold, Trumbull,
Davenport, Mitchell, Goodrich, find Dana; all of ster-
hng worth, of high abihties, of unspotted integrity, and of
patriotism undoubted ; and there were more at home.
Such was Connecticut, when fresh from the war of the
revolution ; before democracy had polluted her soil, she
claimed the proud title of being the most purely federal
state in the Union.
JAMES HILLHOUSE TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Philadelphia, July 10, 1797.
Dear Sir,
Your favour ofthe 21st instant came to hand only just in time to enable us to
get through an act of Congress, making the provision wished for by the State of
Connecticut. Enclosed is a copy of the act which has passed, and which has
met the approbation and signature of the President of the United States. Per
mit me here to suggest the propriety ofthe General Assembly's passing an act
Hmiting the time for bringing in the outstanding notes, to receive payment out
of the fanded debt of the United States ; or if the holder did not incHne to shift
his security, to have the notes registered in the office of the comptroller ; and to
bar aU those that should not be brought in for payment, or to be registered by
the 4th day of March, 1799, the time to which the act of Congress is continued
in force. This, and this only will enable the state to ascertain the amount of
their outstanding debt, for which payment wiU be demanded, and to make suita
ble provisions for its discharge. Congress -will close their session this day. Al
though they have not done aU that might be wished, they have done some things,
which, in my opinion, will be of substantial benefit. Enclosed you will find a
Hst of the acts that have passed. Much more -will be necessary to be done
should our affairs assume a more serious aspect. Four or five hundred thousand
dollars would, I believe, be a moderate estimate of the annual amount of the ad
dition to the revenue, from the acts of the present session, when those acts get
into fair and full operation.
Mr. Marshall is here, ready to take his departure on his important mission to
France. Mr. Gerry has accepted. I flatter rayseff, perhaps because I most sin
cerely hope it, that success wUl crown their efforts, and that they raay be able to
secure to the United States their honour, peace, and the enjoyment of our neu
tral rights. It is unfortunate that our sufferings have not brought about a per
fect union at home, for I ara persuaded that had we no persons in this country
actuated by any but truly Araerican feelings, we should not have been in a situa
tion so erabarrassing, and that a perfect union araong ourselves would be the
most Hkely means of getting us out of our present difficulties.
47*

558 ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 15.
You doubtless wUl have heard ere this reaches you, of the intercepted letter of
Govemor Blount, a Senator ofthe United States, which is of a very extraordinary
nature ; there is no doubt of the letter being genuine, and that it contemplated a
most barbarous and rile plot, the execution of which must have involved the Uni
ted States in consequences of a serious nature. Mr. Blount has been expeUed the
Senate by an almost unanimous vote, there being one only against it, and the
House of Representatives have nem. con. voted an impeachment for high crimes
and misdemeanors. It is an eril of a very serious aspect that so many men high
in office and possessing the public confidence, should betray their trust. There
is one circumstance which affords some small aUeriation, which is, that none of
the traitors are remarkable for their attachment to the administration of our
government. It has been with rauch concem that I have heard of your indisposition. I hope
the time is not far distant when you wiU find yourself in the enjoyment of perfect
health. With sentiments of the highest respect and esteem, I am your Excel
lency's most obedient, humble servtmt, JAMES HILLHOUSE.
One of the new envoys left the United States in July,
the other early in August, to join Mr. Pinckney in Holland.
From there they proceeded in September to Paris.
The instructions given to them, while they scrupulously
maintained the dignity and rights of the United States,
afforded no obstructions to a settlement of difficulties on
the part of France. No concession was required which
might wound her pride — no petty demands were made
which to an irritable and excited nation might seem de
grading. On the contrary, they were authorized on the
principle of the British treaty to " terminate our differ
ences in such manner, as without referring to the merits
of our complaints and pretensions, might be the best cal
culated to produce mutual satisfaction and good under
standing." The depredations on American commerce
were to be referred for settlement to commissioners. The
articles in the former commercial treaty respecting ene
mies' property in neutral ships and articles to be consider
ed contraband of war, which had been sources of com
plaint by her, were to be yielded, and the usual law of
nations restored ; the documents necessary to substantiate
the neutral character of a vessel to be defined ; the mu-

1797.] OF JOHN ADAMS. 559
tual guaranty of possessions to be abohshed, or specific
succors stipulated instead ; the articles of the existing
treaties which had been differently construed by the two
nations were to be settled ; and the consular convention
remodelled, or suffered to expire. In every instance
where rights had been acquired by force of treaty, the en
voys were authorized to rehnquish them if demanded by
France ; the rights which depended, not upon treaty, but
upon the laws of nature and of nations, were to be reso
lutely insisted on.
Meantime, as respected, the role d'equipage, in order
that this pretext for captures might he removed, permis
sion was given to the collectors to furnish vessels with a
certificate of the facts usually stated in the paper so called,
upon application being made therefor ; but with an ex
pressed reservation and exception, that as documents of
the kind were not required by law, nor usually furnished,
the want thereof was not in any case to prejudice the
rights and interests of citizens of the United States.
FROM JAMES McHENRY. Phila., 19th Aug., 1797.
My Dear Sir,
Altho' I have often experienced how much better it would have been for me
that you had reraained here,' I yield nevertheless to personal considerations when
I reflect on the circumstance that carried and detains you where you are. "What
you are doing now you wiU long remember, when what you might have done
here would have been soon forgotten by the public ; besides I do not imagine that
your department has suffered materially by your absence, no pomts of difficulty
or magnitude having occurred.
I have reason to believe that the arrangements I have made on the frontiers
have served to keep the Indians quiet and attached, and that the projects to dis
turb that quarter wUl be totally shipwrecked.
The town is considerably alarmed with the appearance of a contagious fever.
I have sent to proride a retreat for my family about forty mUes on the Lancaster
road, but I flatter myself that there wiU be no occasion to use it. Yours, sin
cerely and affectionately, JAMES McHENRY.
» Wolcott was then on a visit to Connecticut, attending his father, who was Ul.

560 ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 15.
TO OLIVER WOLCOTT, Sen.
Gray's Gabdens, Sept. 4, 1797.
I arrived here last evening in good health and vrithout exposure to the sickness
in the city, which place I f voided except in the upper part of Market-street.
More of the houses are deserted than was the case in 1793, and business is sus
pended almost entirely. My situation is safe and convenient. So many have
gone that the mortaUty vriU not be great, but business is over for the season.
TO THE PRESIDENT. Ghat's Gardens, Sept. 7th, 1797.
I arrived here on Sunday evening, to which place the treasury offices had been
removed. The state of the city is much more unpleasant than I expected to find
it ; busmess is nearly suspended. About fifteen hundred houses are entirely de
serted, and more than haff the people have left the city. The mortaUty has not,
and I beheve wiU not be great, as the danger of contagion wUl be generaUy
avoided by retiring into the country. Though I think that there is no ground to
expect that the disorder wUl be extirpated before the return of frosty weather.
I have taken such measures for securing the revenue, as circumstances rendered
necessary, and expect to be able to accomplish the objects of the law without in
curring much extra expense, or any considerable deriation from the prescribed
forms. GRA-fs Gardens, Sept. 1797.
Since I have been here, I have begun to entertain doubts respecting the ex
istence of an unusual contagious fever. Most, if not all the phenomena which have
yet appeared, can be satisfactorUy accounted for frora other causes. The sudden
deaths which happened to a few in Penn street, spread a general alarm ; the pro
ject of forcing the sick from their houses, excited terrour ; the poor, when sick,
have at once been deserted by their friends, and have concealed their situation.
The raode of medical treatment which has been raost prevalent, would certainly
have destroyed a great portion of the debiUtated and intemperate people to whom
it has been apphed, had they been in a usual state of health. It is not for me to
say, however, that what would kUl those in health, will not cure those who are
sick. The committee who attend the hospital, and Doct. Stevens, a very sensi
ble and weU educated physician, however, have lately said, that not one of-those
in the hospital were sick of the yeUow fever, or any disorder resembhng that of
1793. Than these persons, none can be more competent judges of the facts
they assert. The depopulation of the city, however, continues ; business has
ceased ; and robberies which are a consequence, have commenced. I do not
imagine that tranquUUty wiU be restored until the latter part of October.
I forgot to mention that the captain of marines, and saUing-master of the frig-

1797.] OF JOHN ADAMS. 561
ate are sick. It is said they wUl die. The work however, is prosecuted, and
wUl not, I believe, be discontinued ; at any rate, the vessel is safe under the
charge of Captain Barry. The public business will, I believe, suffer no other
wise than by being thrown somewhat in arrear. By extraordinary exertions, the
chasm will soon be repaired ; the fact is at least so in respect to the treasury.
Bache is continuaUy enquiring what has become of the govemment. The gaol,
though nearly fiill of rogues and swindlers, might, however receive him, if an
occasion should present to render his " removal" necessary. There is, therefore,
enough of government remaining for his wants.
With respects to Mrs. Adams, I have the honour to be, with perfect deference,
your obedient servant.
P. S. Before I went to Connecticut, I took measures for ha-ring the dies and
presses prepared for executing the act laying duties on stamped papers. It was
my opinion at first, that it would be difficult to be prepared by the first of Janu
ary, in every part of the United States ; the delays occasioned by the sickness,
wiU render it absolutely impracticable. When Congress meet, I presume the
causes of delay must he stated to them.

TO MRS. WOLCOTT. Gra-t's Gasdens, Sept. 9th, 1797.
I am well, though I find it a duU story to live alone in a small room in a tav
ern, with a prospect of a crooked river, and occupied either with some duU busi
ness, or talking of the distresses of a great city. For the present, however, it
will be my duty to remain here. The affairs of the city are, I think, growing
worse. The depopulation continues, and I believe the terrour to be increasing.
The mortaUty is not great ; but generally speaking, those who are taken sick, die
either by the disease or the doctor — or both. Some weU informed and honest
men, deny there is any unusual sickness. For my part, I have no opinion, and
wish I could forbear from thinking on the subject. The physicians are consider
ably disagreed as to the origin and nature of the disorder. The depleting or
bleeding plan, in a greater or less degree, is however, most prevalent. Many
bleed ten, twelve, or even more times, in from four to seven days. The want
of confidence, terrour and anxiety of the women and aU dehcate persons, is ex
treme. In short, though not more than firom ten to twenty persons die of a day,
the people are as wretched as in 1793, except that the physical suffering from act
ual sickness is less. TO MRS. WOLCOTT. Gray's Gardens, Sept. 15, 1797.
» » » The Jacobinical affection in my bowels has been cured by
smaU doses of rhubarb, and drinking camomile tea. I should have had the
honour, if I had been in the city, of haring been cured of the yeUow fever at

562 ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 15.
an expense of 150 ounces of blood and a saUvation. The deaths in the city
have latterly diminished ; whether the disorder is running out, I cannot say.
In the moming when I walk in these gardens, I fancy I feel much as Adam
did in Eden before he lost a rib. The place is mighty pretty, and that is aU.
After a man has gone round the walks one way, if he pleases, he may go round
again ; or he may retum back upon his track, or he may sit down or go upon the
bridge and see a lazy feUow hold a line for hours in the river without taking a
fish ; but ff he means to enjoy himself tolerably, he wUl, as I do, either read or
sit down to business. In the evening the scene changes. Then we have Eves
in plenty, of aU nations, tongues and colours — but do not be jealous ; I have not
seen one yet, whom I have thought pretty.
I often go to the Woodlands ; once I dined in company with Mr. and Mrs. Lis
ton, who enquired kindly after you ; Bache would say because you are in the
British interest. I have not yet seen Mr. Bingham. The dukes are aU there ;
Miss WUling, folks say, is certainly to be married to the eldest.* Mr. H. re
mains in the city ; my fiiends, the old maidens, are flown off.
TO JAMES McHENRY. GRA-ir's Gardens, Sept. 15, 1797.
I have the permission of Mr. Steele, to transmit to you the enclosed letters ;
they contain information which may be of use. WUUam Polk, the -writer, is the
present superrisor of North Carohna, and may be rehed on. It seems that WU
liam Blounf s influence in Tennessee is not destroyed ; this is not a good omen,
but we raust make the best of it. It is important to disconnect the Georgia
speculations and interest from Blount's project, ff possible, else a war with the
Indians may yet be excited. I hope you and your famUy are weU. I have been
troubled vrith a Jacobinical affection in my bowels ; but I think I have subdued
it. The sickness diminishes in PhUadelphia, but is said to increase in Baltimore.
May God bless you. FROM THE PRESIDENT. QtnNOY, Sept. 15, 1797.
Dear Sir,
Last night I received your letter of Sept. 7th. Many apphcations have been
made to rae for the place of Dr. Wray."" « » * » These are
all respectable characters ; but all things considered, my judgment incHnes to Dr.
Rush, on accotmt of ancient merits and present abUities. Of his integri
ty and independence I have a good opinion. I have written so to the Secretary
of State. If you have any doubts, pray write to Col. Pickering to suspend the
appointment, for I wish to have the subject weU considered.
* » » *
There are subjects of some moment to reflect on. Is there a law in force em-
• Now Kmg of the French. ' Superintendent of the Mmt.

1797.] OF JOHN ADAMS. 563
powering the President to convene Congress at any other place than Philadelphia 1
If there is, what place shaU be chosen 1 I am for New York, entre nous ¦ but
if you think any other place preferable, please to name.it and state your reasons.
I hope you will favour me early -with minutes of what, in your department, or
any other, ought to be remembered at the opening of Congress. I am, dear sir,
yours affectionately, JOHN ADAMS.

FROM JAMES McHENRY.
Near Downingsto-wn, 22d Sept., 1797.
My Dear Sir,
The biUous fever, with which I have been attacked, has left me weak and sub
ject to feverish returns, that affect both ray sleep and my spirits. I flatter myself,
however, that a littie care and time wUl enable me to enjoy the beauties of this
part of the country ; which are far more various and interesting than the dull,
damp, sedgy, serpentine, sorrowfiil river whose banks have becorae your residence.
What obstracts my recovery, is the business which I am obliged to attend to.
Tennessee and Cox have a good deal disturbed me ; but I expect (as my nephew
has informed you) that the measures which I have taken, wUl prevent any insur
rection in that quarter, and dissipate Cox's project. It is true that Blount has
StUl influence in Tennessee.
I received a letter, yesterday, from Capt. Guion, dated 94th July, Chickasaw
Bluff, where he was with his party. Don Carlos Dehault Delassus commanding,
protested against his passing ; he proceeded, nevertheless, assigning for reason,
his orders and the necessity to deliver to the Chickasaws their annual stipend,
and to preserve the peace of the Indians agreeably to treaty ; but promised, at
the sarae time, not to go beyond the Bluff, " until the present difficulty, arising
on the interpretation or constraction of the treaty, had ceased ; and that infor
mation to that effect had arrived, either from the Govemor General of Louisiana,
or from my superior in office in the govemment of the United States."
You see how we are perplexed by those it is very difficult to command, or
make understand their orders. Yours affectionately, JAMES McHENRY.
TO THE PRESIDENT.
Gray's, near PhUadelphia, Sept. 26, 1797.
Ihave been honoured -with your favour ofthe 15th inst. * * » »
Doct. Rush's pretensions, founded on pubUc services and celebrity of charac
ter, are certainly superior to any of the candidates who have been named. I do
not know that he has any other fault, than being somewhat addicted to the mod
em phUosophy. Being, however, of a disposition naturaUy benevolent, and not
apt to be long tenacious of any partictUar system, his error, if it be one, -wUl
probably yield to topical remedies. But to be serious, my opinion is, that though

664 ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 15.
Doct. Rush's mmd is not exactly of the right cast, no better selection can be
made among the candidates. That the President raay have information of aU
who have applied, I enclose certain letters which have come to hand since I
wrote last. ^ ^ i/t ^
By an act of Congress passed on the 3d of April, 1794, the President is au
thorized to convene Congress at such place as he may judge proper when the le
gal place of meeting is affected by contagious sickness. There being authority
to issue the proclamation, the expediency of the raeasure remains only to be con
sidered. That there is a contagious sickness in PhUadelphia, is now, I believe
certain. For a week or ten days it was nearly extinguished ; it is now extended
more than it has before been, and is so firmly seated that it must have its course .
Whatever may have been the case, it cannot now be suppressed by any regula
tion of poHce. If, as I have no doubt is the trath, this fever is communicated by
specific contagion, and is simUar to that which has before affected PhUadelphia,
New York, New Haven, Baltimore, and Norfolk, it -will immediately terminate
after a severe frost. Such a frost will in all probability happen in the month of
October, or at any rate before the meeting of Congress. The expense to the
pubhc of removing the officers wiU be considerable. The loss of time, especially
to the treasury, wiU be a great eril. The private expense to the officers of gov
ernment wUl also be to most of them inconvenient. The effect of a removal
upon the minds of the citizens would be unpleasant, as it would increase and
prolong the misfortunes of a great number of dependent famUies who subsist
upon the advantage they derive frora the concourse of people who resort to the
seat of governraent. The general interest of the country requires that as Httle
pubhc notice be taken of this sickness as possible, especiaUy as some of the phy
sicians have erroneously attributed to it a domestic origin. The loss of capital
and credit which PhUadelphia must suffer, cannot be easUy calculated, and the
sufferings of the poor can be hardly considered as yet commenced. If Congress
do not meet in Philadelphia, the next winter, a great portion of foreign consign
ments destined for the supply of the year wiU be diverted from their natural
course. If the President shaU, however, determine to convene Congress at some
other place than PhUadelphia, New York appears to be the most ehgible place.
Baltimore is affected by sickness ; Lancaster cannot fiirnish convenient accora-
modations, and is not so accessible as New York. This last place is, however,
exposed to the contagion, which may yet break out there notwithstanding their
extreme caution.
I have found it necessary to give directions for the removal of the custom-house
to Chester, at which place and Marcus Hook, all vessels wiU be discharged until
further orders. Though orders were promptly given for preparing the dies for
executing the stamp act, and though the progress has been as great as was to
have been expected, yet it wUl be impossible to commence the execution of the
law by the first of January. I apprehended that the time would be found inade
quate when the act was passed.
The receipts into the treasury exceed my calculations. AU the remittances to
Amsterdam arrived safe. I shaU remit, in a few weeks, sufficient fiinds to meet

1797.] OF JOHN ADAMS. 565
the public engageraents tUl the first of March ensuing. The Secretary of State
writes that a treaty has been effected with Tunis for sixty thousand dollars. I
have inforraed hira that the money wanted for the Barbary service shall be fur
nished when he applies for it. It is proposed to ship f 160,000 in specie. The
Algerine frigate is neariy ready except her guns. A fatality seems to attend
every attempt to obtain cannon ; the contractor says that the drafts and models
were wrong. They were raade by a French engineer whose skill has been highly
rated. I am making every effort to supply the deficiency, and have now a fair
prospect of success. The heavy masts, spars, and timber for the Dey of Algiers,
wiU be ready this fall if there is a rise of water in the Susquehannah. The shells,
cannon-balls, and powder are in a course of being provided by Mr. Frances. As
the peace is general with the Barbary powers, it appears to be important to send
them ample supplies this fall, to effect which we are raaking every exertion.
The French and Spaniards do not appear to have been successful in their al-
terapts upon the northern Indians. One Coxe, of Georgia, is endeavouring to es
tablish an illegal settlement in the Indian country near the south bend of the
Tennessee. Blount's influence in Tennessee isyet very considerable. Sorae per
sons high in office, say that he is a virtuous man who has been persecuted by the
tools of the adrainistration.
The French depredations grow more and more outrageous, and frora various
appearances I infer that the spirit of commercial adventure in this country has
received a serious check. I shall attend to the President's desire respecting what
may occur as proper to be communicated to Congress.
P. S. An embarrassing question has been brought forward through the in
trigues of the French consuls, who have distributed a forra of what they call a
Role d'Equipage which they have represented as necessary to the protection of
American vessels. If the papers had been refused, it would have been said that
the government was fastidious on a point of mere form, for which it was wiUing
to expose the American commerce to destruction with a view to promote a war
with France. To have complied without annexing sorae condition to the papers,
would have been to authorize the pretext upon which numerous condemnations
have taken place. After rauch hesitation I authorized the enclosed letter to be
written, which under aU the circurastances of the country wiU I hope be judged
proper by the President. FROM JAMES McHENRY. Near Downington, 2 Oct., 1797.
My Dear Sir,
Mr. Lewis writes me word on the 29th ult. " I saw Mr. Wolcott, the Secret
tary of the Treasury, yesterday, who was very well. He informed me there was
a general or very strong report that Gen. WUkinson was in the southwestern
territory at the head of the army there. He raentioned it with some surprise."
On the 6th of Sept. the General was at Detroit, and raaking preparations to
move with a small detachment to Kaskaskias, where dispositions to revolt among
VOL. I. 48

566 ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 15.
a few French settiers had been exhibited. I believe I shall be able to settie
measures in the southwestern territory (meaning Tennessee) without him. You
will find the particulars of this affair in Fenno. I am kept too busy to get weU.
Yours sincerely, JAMES McHENRY.

TO JAMES McHENRY.' Gray's, Oct. 4, 1797.
I have received your favour of the 2d inst. It was, to be sure, an odd thing that
Capt. Guion should suffer hiraself to be embargoed by the Spanish officer, and
should afterwards give a kind of parole. All these things prove, however, that
we are not a rash people. We talk well, and for coaxing, cheating, intriguing,
and carrying points by address, are perhaps equal lo any people in the world,
except our allies. But we have prudently renounced our old way of serring the
devil by quarrelling and fighting. As Secretary of the Treasury, I approve of
this mightily. It is certainly the best for the finances. You will, however, by
hook or by crook, get the Spanish posts, and the Dons will be more anxious to
keep what remains than to retake them. A striking interposition of Providence
to mortify the pride of raan, has occurred at Boston. Ihave no doubt the frigate
would have gone off, if such a disappointraent had not been necessary to conrince
the people of that town that they are finite and dependent beings. » When an
opportunity can be had for the poor frigate to take a bathing in a modest and
reasonable manner, she wUl be off. What ought, in your opinion, to be the order
of march for the next session'? Can anything better be done than to invite Con
gress to resume the consideration of the raeasures which were proposed to thera
the last tirae 1 Our circurastances have not materiaUy altered, and not in the
least for the better. The system was, I think, a good one, and I beheve the
people by reiiection have becorae converts to it. At any rate, a repetition of the
advice will shew seriousness and conviction in the mind of the Executive. There
will be no real peace in Europe, though possibly there may be a nominal one.
Under the present state of things our commerce will soon be ruined. Do these
things meet your general sentiments ?
FROM CHARLES LEE.
Alexandria, 5th October, 1797.
Dear Sir, » » * «
Whatever be the events in Europe, it seems to me that in the present vicious
state of society our comraerce will not be safe unless our commercial vessels have
the means of defence. I do not think that a peace in Europe, accompanied by a
treaty with France and us, wUl for some tirae be able to protect our trade from
' A frigate had stuck fast in launching.

^'''^^•1 OF JOHN ADAMS. 567
depredations. From what I hear in Virginia, the anti-Americans, who generally,
too, are against the administration, are diminishing both in number and respect.
Monroe is said to be leading a very retired life at his farm, near Monticello,
and now and then, sorae enquiries are made about his book, of which, however,
nothing seems to be yet known. I wish to return as soon as possible to the seat
of government, but my return will be deferred tiU there is more safety than at
present. Very sincerely I remain your friend and obedient servant,
CHARLES LEE.

FROM THE PRESIDENT.
East Chester, 20 raUes frora New York, October 12, 1797.
Dear Sir,
Last night I arrived at Col. Smith's and ray famUy wUl probably make this
house their home till they can go to Philadelphia with safety. Your reasons
against convening Congress at any other place than PhUadelphia, have great
weight ; but must all be overruled if the plague continues in that city. Perhaps
it may not be necessary to remove raany of the books and papers of the public
officers to New York if Congress should be convened there. They may adjounj
to Philadelphia after sitting in New York a month, or less if they are satisfied
that the distemper is extinguished. I mean not, however, to have you under
stand that I am determined to convene the legislature at New York. I shall
wait for time and your advice, and wiU avoid it if prudence will permit.
* * * *
Mrs. Wolcott was well at Hartford on Sunday, The child had an ill turn, but
was better. It is a great pleasure to me to be again within a hundred miles of
you, and I pray you to write rae as often as possible. Your minutes of commu
nications and recommendations to Congress at the opening of the session, I wish
to have as soon as possible. Will you be so good as to write to Mr. McHenry
and Mr. Lee for theirs. With great respect, I am, dear Sir, your raost obedient
servant, JOHN ADAMS.
FROM JAMES McHENRY.
Near Downington, 13th Oct., 1797.
My Dear Sir,
I have been kept so very busy since I received your letter of the 4th, between
the affairs of Blount, Cox, and the Mississippi, (the current of which latter river
you know is not so easy to stem,) as to have left me^o time to reply, particu-
lariy to a part of it ; and even now I can do no raore than signify ray entire con
currence with the line of march which you have suggested for the troops. Noth
ing has come to my knowledge either of a domestic or foreign nature, that would
make a change in it either prudent or politic. I long to get mto winter quarters.
Yours, affectionately, JAMES McHENRY,

568 ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 15.
TO THE PRESIDENT. Gray's Ferry, Oct. 16, 1797.
I have had the honour to receive your favour of the 12th instant, and con
gratulate you on your safe arrival so near the seat of government. To prevent
the possibility of risque in remitting you the sum of two thousand dollars, I en
closed a letter to Mr. Sands, who will pay that sura to your order.
The sickness is unquestionably diminishing in this city ; its operation is the
same as in 1793, in one respect ; the cold weather proves fatal to those who
had contracted the disorder, while it arrests the progress of contagion ; I speak
frora particular enquiry and observation ; I have been repeatedly in the city ;
yesterday I spent the day there, and went through most of the principal streets,
where there is in fact no sickness.
By letters from Mr. McHenry and Mr. Lee, I consider myself authorized to
say, that they will concur in an opinion which I raaintain, naraely, that nothing
has iappened during the suramer to justify a change of the systera recommend
ed by the President at the last session. That system was in ray opinion a wise
one, and ought to have been adopted by Congress in aU its parts. Whatever
may be the issue of the negotiation with France, whether the war in Europe is,
or is not to continue, I hold it for certain that the equihbrium of society will
not soon be restored. There is too much vice, violence, and ambition in the
world, to render it reasonable to build a hope that a weak and defenceless com
raerce will not be plundered. As our comraerce cannot be defended by public
force, the alternative presented is, whelher it shall be abandoned or defended at
private expense, under some systematical public regulation. When this alter
native is well understood, the people -mil not long hesitate. The abandonment of
commerce is impossible. The plan upon which the country has been settled,
upon which cities have been built, and upon which a great part of our social
establishments have been founded, pre-supposes an extensive foreign commerce.
I conceive, therefore, thatjthe character and leading idea of the President's ad
dress, should be to inculcate the necessity of the measures before recoramended,
not only because the measures appear to be the best adapted to the situation and
means of the country ; but because such a course will serve to impress ideas of
firmness, premeditation, and consistency on the part of the Executive. Not hav
ing had access to the papers of the state and war departments, I do not know of
any particular measures, which will be required to be noticed. The treasury is
in good order, and nothing need be raentioned respecting it, except that the
President has directed the estimates to be prepared and communicated as usual.
It has been impossible to, organize the stamp tax ; but as this is not an affair
in which the immediate agency of the President was expected by the legislature,
and as it is possible that some zealous men may raake a question, whether some
blame or censure cannot he attached to the departraent, I think it expedient that
the raatter should be left solely upon my responsibility.
I shall write to Mr. McHenry and Mr. Lee, as the President desires. I hope
and presume, however, that we shaU all b? able to meet before Congress are to

^'"^'^¦'i OF JOHN ADAMS. 569
convene. My situation has been burdensome and unpleasant in the extreme,
but I trust the public business has not suffered.

FROM THE PRESIDENT. East Chester, Oct. 20, 1797.
Dear Sir,
I have received yourfevour ofthe 16th — thank you for your care in writing to
Mr. Sands, who has furnished rae with two tiiousand dollars, for which I gave
hira duplicate receipts to serve for one, according to your desire.
Though I rejoice to learn from your letter that the sickness in the city is
diminishing, I cannot admit your walk through the principal streets of it to be
full proof, because it is generaUy agreed that the principal streets are deserted by
their inhabitants. You reraeraber the anxieties and alarras araong the members
of Congress in 1793, their continual regret that no power had existed to con
vene them elsewhere, and their solicitude to pass an act to provide such an au
thority in future. There will be so much uneasiness among them if that autho
rity is not exerted, that there will probably be no Congress formed before Christ
mas, and a few who will venture into the city wiU be there in idleness and out
of their element.
I thank you for the sentiments you have expressed relative to the system to be
pursued. Can you send me a copy of the speech at the commencement of last
session 1 I have no copy of it here, and perhaps shall find it difficult to procure
one. I should be glad, however, to know your opinion, whether our envoys wUl
be received or not ">. — whether they will succeed or not 1 with hints at your rea
sons ; if any intelligence has furnished any.
The organization of the stamp tax suggests a vexation to me. The bill was
worth money, and money was so much wanted for the public service, that I
would not put it at risque ; otherwise I would have negatived that bUl, not from
personal feelings, for I care not a farthing for all the personal power in the world ;
but the office of the Secretary of the Treasury is, in that bUI, preraeditatedly set
up as a rival to that of the President ; and that policy will be pursued if we are
not on our guard, tiU we have a quintuple, or centuple Executive Directory, with
all the Babylonish dialect which modern pedants much affect.
I pray you to continue to write to rae as often as possible. With high esteera,
I am, dear sir, your very hurable servant, JOHN ADAMS.

FROM RUFUS KING. London, Aug. 6, 1797.
Dear Sir,
I am much obliged to you for the very satisfactory docuraents that you have
sent me, respecting the liquidation of our debt to the French Repubhc ; when
an occasion offers I wUl make use of thera to reraove the errors which have pre
vailed on that subject. Messrs. Barings have inforraed you that they have sold
48*

570 ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 15.
the remainder of the 6 per cts., remitted to them on account of the Barbary
treaties. The loss from the low price of these stocks, and by the unfavourable
operation of exchanges, has been much more considerable than could have been
expected. I do not know that the business could have been managed better
than it has been by Col. Humphries ; but one feels a Httle concerned in being any
way connected with an unfortunate transaction, in which you have neither power
nor responsibUity. From my letters of 27th July and of the Sth instant, to the
Secretary of State, you -will perceive that I have been obUged to make an agree
ment with the Messrs. Barings to advance a large sum of money to Col. Humph
ries, which he supposes it possible that he may want to complete our Barbary
treaties. I should send you copies of the letters relative to the subject, but I
have not time to complete them in season for this conveyance, as I have sent
copies to the Secretary of State it is of no importance that I omit them to you.
I hope there wUl be a reasonable provision for the reimbursement of this advance ;
an unexpected delay would injure our credit, and punctuahty would be advanta
geous on a future occasion. Our credit is good, but our stocks are not sought
for ; this is accounted for by the variety and extent of the objects of profitable
speculation that everywhere exists.
I can give you no satisfaction concerning the probability of peace ; the French
continue their depredation on our comraerce, and have prevaUed on the Span
iards to join thera in plundering our navigation. It raay be prudent to require
the collectors to examine the ship's articles and to have them formed in the
manner the French require ; but with the present temper, other causes will be
discovered to justify their captures. Pray look at and correct the French trans
lation of our passports ; it contains what seems to be an instruction to the ship
masters how they are to obtain a passport, but it makes no part of the passport,
is not inserted in the English copy, (I mean the coluran which contains the pass
port in our language) and has been made the occasion of much mischief to our
trade ; besides, as it stands, the passport is absurd. One observation farther.
respectmg passports ; we have made certain regulations concerning the retum
and delivery into some public office, of the registers granted to our ships in cases
where they are sold to foreigners, &c. We have no regulation whatever con
cerning passports or sea letters. They are never returned ; and it is a comraon
thing, on the sale of an American vessel to a foreigner, to dehver the passport
or sea letter to the purchaser. The practice will bring our passports into dis
credit. Yours, very sincerely, RUFUS KING.
P. S. 10 Aug. Our late accounts frora France demonstrate, that the return of
peace wUl depend on the result of the struggle that exists between the Directory
and the two councils. The rupture between them is open, and one or both
must yield. The armies, which seera to be opposed to the councils and the nation,
may interpose and give another constitution to France. You wiU deceive your
selves if you rely too confidentiy on peace ; it is too problematical to be consi
dered as probable.

I'^^'^d OF JOHN ADAMS. 571
TO THE PRESIDENT. Gray's Gardens, Oct. 24, 1797.
I have the honour of acknowledging the receipt of your favour of Oct. 20th.
What I have written respecting the state of the city, has been ray raost sincere
belief I have fulfiUed what I supposed to be the President's wish, by seeking
for information of the most authentic kind. In proof that my opinion is not a
singular one, I take the liberty to mention, that the Custom House business is ex
pected to be resumed in the usual manner, and at the old office, on Thursday of
this week. The Treasury offices wiU also be opened on Monday next. Mr.
Nourse, who lives in South street, will probably keep his famUy out of town a
few days longer. I should not fulfil my duty if 1 did not state to the President
my real opinion, which is, that Congress may safely convene in PhUadelphia at
the appointed time, and foreseeing, as I think I do truly, much popular discon
tent and considerable public inconvenience, if a proclamation is issued, I hope
the raeasure will not be adopted. It is my opinion that the envoys sent by the
President will be received. My reasons are, that the mission has been divested
of all the formal objections which were ever suggested in respect to that of Mr.
Pinckney ; and because a refusal to receive and hear a solemn embassy, appoint
ed for the sole and express purpose of discussing and adjusting existing discon
tents, would be an act unusual araong even savage nations ; unnecessarily vio
lent and infamous, and contrary to what seems to be the system of France,
which is, to divide and subdue by cajolery and violence.
Bache's paper has, for a long tirae, been prophetic of the course of French
poHcy, and this informs us, that the envoys wUl be received with stately reserve,
but that they wUl be able to effect nothing until after the negotiations at Lisle
are terminated. This information or conjecture is probable, frora what is
known, of the personal feelings of Mr. Talleyrand, the Minister. He was desi
rous of being introduced to the late President, but as he was then a proscribed
emigrant, and as the President was informed that a compHance with the request
would disoblige the French Minister here, it was declined. Mr. Talleyrand was
ever afterwards dissatisfied, and if he possesses vindictive feelings, they wiU na
turally be displayed in a haughty deportment towards the envoys.
I do not think it probable that a treaty will be formed with I^nce, untU after
a peace has been made with England, for two reasons :
1st. During the war it will be the interest of France to plunder our com
merce, were she not apprehensive that by open rupture our vessels would be
placed in a situation to be secure from any considerable depredations in future.
War would be probably declared at once. Even this apprehension would be
barely sufficient to overcome the temptation to declare war, and thus cancel at
once the numerous claims of this country, on account ofthe injuries which have
been already committed.
2d. During the war with England, France wUl not be able to discern her per
manent policy with respect to the United Sta tes. If the issue is favourable to the
maritune views of France, she wUI adopt severe and restrictive measures with

572 ADMINISTRATION [Chap. 15.
respect to our navigation. If England, on the other hand, is able to preserve
her present naval ascendancy, France wUl be interested in nourishing our navi
gation interests. The result of these reflections is a conviction of ray mind,
that the negotiation wUl be tedious and protracted ; and that there are no data
now existing, by which the degree of success can be calculated. My last letter
from England is frora Mr. King, dated Aug. 10th. On the subject of peace, he
says : " You will deceive yourselves, if you rely too confidently on peace ; it is
too probleraatical to be considered as probable." I observe the President's obser
vations on the Stamp Act, with attention. With respect to many persons con
cerned in that measure, there was certainly nothing disrespectful intended. With
your perraission, I will state what I conceive to be the argument on the subject ;
and hereafter, so far as I have any agency in drawing bills, I wUI govern myself
by what shall be decided.

FROM THE PRESIDENT. East Chester, Oct. 26, 1797.
Dear Sir,
I have received your favour of the 20tli, and thank you for your vigilant at
tention to the progress, or rather the decline of the fever in PhUadelphia.
I request your explicit opinion, and pray you, ff you can, to obtain those of
Mr. McHenry and Mr. Lee, whether, frora the prevalence of contagious sickness
in PhUadelphia, or the existence of any other circurastances, it would be hazard
ous to the lives or health of the members of Congress to meet in that city on
the second Monday in November. If you cannot, with very clear consciences,
answer in the negative, I shall issue a proclamation convening Congress at New
York. For myself, I have no apprehension of danger ; but the members of Con
gress will be more exposed than I shall be, and I hold myself interested with the
care of their health ; a precious deposit, which I will preserve according to the
best of ray judgment, with perfect integrity, and with raore caution than I would
ray own. It is scarcely worth a question, whether they shall be convened at
Trenton, Lancaster, or any other place. I know frora painful experience, they
cannot be accommodated at any of those places. The place wiU be PhUadel
phia or New York.
Si quid noviBi, rectius imperte. I am, dear sir, as ever, with great regard,
JOHN ADAMS.

East Chester, Oct. 27th, 1797.
Dear Sir,
I have received your favour of the 24th, and thank you for your careful atten
tion to the distemper in Philadelphia. Representations, similar to yours, are sent
rae from various quarters. That there would be considerable public inconven
ience in a convention of Congress to any place out of PhUadelphia, is certain,
and this consideration has great weight. That there would be popular clamour,
at least much loud snarling, among the inhabitants of the foul dens in Philadel
phia, is very probable. This, however, would have Httle weight -with me against

^'^^''¦^ OF JOHN ADAMS. 573
a measure of general necessity or expediency. Mr. McHenry and Mr. Picker
ing are of your opinion, and this union wiU have raore weight than aU the
brawlers of PhUadelphia, even though they should be countenanced by the pru
dent citizens.
Your conjectures concerning the success of our envoys to France, appear to
me to be very probable. Yet I cannot apprehend so much from the personal
feelings of Talleyrand. He received a great deal of cordial hospitaUty in this
country, and had not the smallest reason to complain, that ever carae to my
knowledge, in any place. As a reasonable raan, he could not but approve of the
President's caution, knowing himself to be upon the list of emigrants ; and
knowing the clamour which would be raised by the French minister, at the presen
tation of an illustrious Frenchman by any other than himseff. It is a part of the
duty of an arabassador to judge of the persons araong his counti-yraen, whom it
would be proper to present to govemment. It would have been a slight, at least,
to the French minister, to have received a man he had refused to present. It
would have been offensive to the governraent of France, to have received a man
proscribed by their laws. There is, however, Httle immediate advantage to be
expected from this embassy, I fear. It will be spun out into an immeasurable
length, unless quickened by an embargo. We must unshackle our merchant
ships. If Congress wiU not do it, I shaU have scraples about continuing the re
strictions upon the collectors.
What the session of Congress will produce, I know not. But a torpor, a de
spondency has seized all men in America, as weU as in England. The system
of terror has, according to an Indian expression, " put petticoats upon them."
The treachery of the comraon people against their own countries ; the transports
with which they seize the opportunity of indulging their envy, and gratifying
their revenge against all whom they have been in the habit of looking up to, at
every hazard to their countries, and in the end at every expense of misery to
themselves, has given a paralytic stroke to the wisdom and courage of nations.
If peace is refused to England, they wUl leap the gulph. Their stocks are not
much higher tiian those of the French. The latter, I see, in some speech in the
Council of Five Hundred, have been at forty. Can these be the general mass of
the French national debt, old as weU as new 1 The French Directory, I take it
for granted, must have war ; war, open or understood, is their eternal doom. I
am, dear sir, with unalterable esteem, your humble servant, JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT. Philadelphia, Oct 27, 1797.
I feel a sincere pleasure in representing to the President, that the citizens are
returning to their houses. The city resumes its usual appearance, and by the
beginning of the next week, I believe raost of the houses will be opened as usual.
I hope to have the pleasure of paying my respects to yourself and family, some
day the next week. No news of much importance has been received by the
WUliam Penn.

574 ADMINISTRATION, ETC. [Chap. 15.
FROM CHAUNCEY GOODRICH. Hartford, Oct. 29, 1797.
Dear Sir,
Mrs. Wolcott either has, or will shortly, give you all the anecdotes in the land
of Connecticut, up to the time she left it. And since, nothing has happened
worthy of your whim, considered as a raan, or with your adjunct of an aristo
cratic raan, the Secretary of the Treasury. My wife, good woman, sends forth
many doleful coraplaints on account of ray being about to leave her ; and yet, as
a Christian woman ought, she bestirs herseff notably to get everything in order
for our once more quitting our house. It is yet doubtful whether I set out in sea
son to be present at the pronunciation of your speech . When a great raan is
overwhelraed with expressions of public applause, I suppose all in a subordinate
grade take a share. If the winds have blown frora our heraisphere, take care
you don't charge the speech with too much gas. Always remember, nothing
gives a sans-culotte more joy, than to take a sturdy aristocrat when vaunting.
From the accounts we have of our father, we hope he has been, some days
past, less subject to nervous symptoms. I don't perceive the approach of cold
weather proves unfavourable to hira. I shaU put up the things Mrs. AVolcott di
rected, and have them sent by a vessel that goes frora this place about the mid
dle this next month. Mary Ann, and all of us, are anxious to hear of Mrs.
Wolcott's safe arrival. Our love to her and the children. Affectionately yours,
CHAUNCEY GOODRICH.
FROM THE PRESIDENT. New York, Nov. 7, 1797.
Dear Sir,
I have just received your favour of yesterday. I shaU be obliged to you if you
will inform General McPherson, that I ara very sensible of the honour intended
me by the troops of the city and vicinity. I shall dine at New Brunswick to
morrow, and on Thursday get as far as Trenton, or perhaps two miles beyond
the Delaware. On Friday I intend to reach Philadelphia, and that before night.
I pray the gentlemen not to think of coming so far as Trenton, nor even Bristol.
If they meet me a few miles frora Philadelphia, on Friday afternoon, they wiU
give a proof of their respect quite as acceptable to me, and quite as convincing
to the pubhc, as if they should come to Trenton. I am, sir, your most obedient
servant, JOHN ADAMS.

END OF VOL. I.

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