YALE
UNIVERSITY LIBRARY

MEMOIR

THE LIFE

RICHARD HENIIY LEE,
AND
HIS CORRESPONDENCE
¦WITH
THB MOST DISTINGUISHED MEN IN AMERICA AND EXJKOPB?
ILLUSTRATIVE OF THEIR CHARACTERS,
ASB OF THS"
EVENTS OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION.

BY HIS GRANDSON
RICHARD H. LEE,
OF LEKSBUnCr, TIRGIKIA.

IN TWO VOLUMES.
VOL. II.

PHILADELPHIA:
H. C. CAREY AND I. LEA, CHESNUT STREET.
WiUiain Brown, Printer.
1825.

Eastern District of Pennsiilvania, to -nt :
...,,., BE IT REMKMBERED, That on the sixth day of September,
JsEAi..* in the fiftieth vear of the Independence of the United States of
,.,..,. America, K.f). 1825, H. C. Carey & I. Lea, of the said District,
have deposited in this office the title of a Book, the right whereof they
claim as proprietors, in the words following, to wit:
"Memoir of the Life oi Hichard Henry Lee, and his Correspondence with
the most distinguished Men in America and Europe, illustrative of their
Characters, and of the Events of the American Revolution. — By his
Grandson, Richard H. Lee, of Leesburg, Virginia. In two volumes.
Vol II."
In conformity to the act of the Congress of the United States, entitled,
" An act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps,
cliarts, and books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies, during the
times therein mentioned." And also to the act, entitled, " An act supple
mentary to an act, entitled, ' An aet for the encouragement of learning, by
securing the copies of maps, charts, and books, to the authors and proprie
tors of such copies during the times therein mentioned,' and extending the
benefits thereof to the arts of designing, engraving, and etching historical
and other prints." D. C.\LDWELL,
Clerk of the Eastern District of Pennsylvania,

U-

CORRESPONDENCE,

BSTWIXN

GENERAL GEORGE WASHINGTON

RICHARD HENRY LEE, Esq

CAMP AT CAMBRIDGE, July 10, 1775.
Dear Sir — I was exceeding glad to receive a letter
from you, as I always shall be whenever it is convenient,
though perhaps my hurry, till such time as matters are drawn
a little out of the chaos they appear in at present, will not
suffer me to write you such full and satisfactory answers, or
give such clear, and precise accounts of our situation and
views, as I could wish, or you might expect. After a journey,
a good deal retarded, principally by the desire ofthe different
townsliips through which I travelled, and of showing re
spect to the general of your armies, I arrived here on this
day week ; since which I have been labouring with as much
assiduity by fair, and threatening means, to obtain returns
of our strength in this camp and Roxbury, and their dcr
pendences as a man could do, and never have been able to
accomplish the matter till this day ; now, I will not answer
for the correctness of them, although I have sent several of
the regimental returns back more than once, to have mistakes
rectified, I do not doubt but the Congress will think me
very remiss in not writing to them sooner, but you may rely
on it yourself, and I beg you to assure them, that it has never
been in my power till this day, to comply with their orders.
Could I have conceived, that, that which ought, and in a regu
lar army, would have been done in an hour, would employ
Vol. II.— B

'2 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
eight days, I should have sent an express on the second morn
ing after I arrived, with a general account of things, but ex
pecting in the morning to receive the returns in the evening,
and in the evening surely to find them in the morning, (and
at last getting them full of imperfections, ) I have been drilled
on from day to day, till I am ashamed to look back at the
time which has elapsed since my arrival here. You will per
ceive by the returns, that we have but about 16,000 effective
men in all this department, whereas, by the accounts which I
received from even the first officers in command, I had no
doubt of finding between 1 8 and 20,000 ; out of these there are
only 14,000 fit for duty. So soon as I was able to get this state
of the army, and came to the knowledge of our weakness, I
immediately summoned a council of war, the result of which
you will see, as it is enclosed to the Congress. Between you
and me, I think we are in an exceeding dangerous situation,
as our numbers are not much larger than we suppose, from
the best accounts we are able to get, those of the enemy to be;
their's situated in such a manner as to be drawn to any point
of attack, without our having an hour's previous notice of it,
(if the general will keep his own counsel,) whereas we are
obliged to be guarded at all points, and know not where, with
precision, to look for them. I should not, I think, have
made choice ofthe present posts, in the first instance, although
I believe, the communication between the town and country,
could not have been so well cut off without ,• but, as much
labour has been bestowed in throwing up lines, making re
doubts, &c.; as Cambridge, Roxbury, and Watertown, must
be immediately exposed to the mercy of the enemy, were wc
to retreat a little further in the country ; as it would give a
general dissatisfaction to this colony, dispirit our own people
and encourage tlie enemy to remove at this time to another
place, we have for these reasons resolved in council, to main
tain our ground if we can. Our lines on Winter and Pro
spect Hills, and those of the enemy on Bunker Hill, are
in full view of each other, a mile distant, our advance
guards much nearer, and the centries almost near enough
to converse ; at Roxbury and Boston neck it is the same.
Between these, we are obliged to guard several of tiie
places at which the enemy may land. The enemy have
strongly fortified, or will in a few days, their camps and
Bunker Hill ; after which— and when their new landed troops
have got a little refreshed, we .shall look for a visit, if they
mean, as we are told they do, to come out of their lines. Their
greatcoramand of artillery, and adequate stores of powder, &c.

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 3
give them advantages which we have only to lament the
want of. The abuses in this army, I fear, are considerable,
and the new modelling of it, in the face of an enemy, from
whom we every hour expect an attack, exceedingly difficult
and dangerous ; if things, therefore, should not turn out as
the Congress would wish, I hope they will make proper
allowances. I can only promise and assure them, that my
whole time is devoted to their service, and that, as far as my
judgment goes, they shall have no cause to complain. I need
Mot tell you that this letter is written in much haste, the
fact will sufficiently appear from the face of it ; I thought a
hasty letter would please you better than no letter, and,
therefore, I shall offer no further apology, but assure you,
that, with sincere regard, for my fellow labourers with you,
Doctor Shippen's family, &c. I am, dear Sir,
Your most affectionate serv't.
GEO : WASHINGTON.
P. S. We want an hospital upon a proper establishment,
much, and a proper director, with good surgeons to take
care and charge of it. I cannot learn that these are to be
provided here ; it, therefore, rests with the Congress to con
sider of this matter. A Mr. Bass of Philadelphia, who, I
am told, was in this way last war, can give you the proper
establishment of one ; I would not wish to see an expensive
one set on foot, and I have no doubt of Doctor Shippen's
recommending such gentlemen for surgeons as he can answer
for the abilities of. Whether there is no news stirring, or
whether we live out of the way ol receiving it, I cannot tell,
but so it is, that Ihave heard nothing ol what the Parliament
or ministry are about, since I left Philadelphia.
I am, as before, your serv't. G. W.

CAMP AT CAMBRIDGE, August 29th, ms.
Dear Sir — ^Your favour of tlie first instant, by Mr. Ran
dolph, came safe to hand ; the merits of this young gentle
man, added to your recommendation, and my own knowledge
of his character, induced me to take him into my family, as
an aid-de-camp, in the room of. Mr. Mifilin, who I have ap
pointed quai'termaster general, from a thorough persuasion
of his integrity I my own experience of his activity; and,
finally, becaHse he stands unconnected with either of thes;
governments; or with this, that, or t'other man; for, le-

4 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
tween you and me, there is more in this than you can easily
imagine. I submit it, therefore, to your consideration, whether there
is, or is not, a propriety in that resolution of tlie Congress,
which leaves the ultimate appointment of all officers below
the rank of generals, to the governments where the regi
ments originated, now the army is become continental ? To
me it appears improper, in two points of view ; first, it is
giving that power and weight to an individual colony, which
ought, of right, to belong only to the whole ; and next, it
damps the spirit and ardour of volunteers, from all but the
four New England governments, as none but their people
have the least chance of getting into Office ; would it not be
better, therefore, to have the warrants which the commander
in chief is authorized to give pro. tempore, approved or dis
approved, by the Continental Congress, or a committee of
their body, whicb I should suppose, in any long recess, must
always sit. In this case every gentleman will stand an
equal chance of being promoted, according to his merit ; in
the other, all offices will be confined to the inhabitants of
the four New England governments, which, in my opinion,
is impolitic to a degree.
I have not been unmindful of that part of your letter re-
spectiiBg Point Alderton ; before the receipt of it, it had be
came an object of my particular inquiry, but the accounts of
its situation differ exceedingly, in respect to the command it
has of the ship channel ; but my knowledge of this matter
would not have been confined to inquiries only, if I had ever
been in a condition, since my arrival here, to have taken pos
session of such a post ; but you well know, my good sir, that
it becomes the duty of an officer to consider some other mat
ters, as well as a situation, namely — What number of men
are necessary to defend a place — how it can be supported 
and how furnished with ammunition. In respect to the first,
I conceive our defence of this place (Point Alderton) must
be proportioned to the attack of general Gage's whole force
leaving him just enough to man his lines on Boston and
Charies Town Necks ; and with regaird to the second, and
mast important, as well as alarming object, we have only
one hundred and eighty-fotir barrels of powder in all, (in^
cluditlg^ the late supply from Philadelphia,) which is not
sufficient to give twenty-five musket cartridges to each
3»an, and scarcely to serve the artillery in any brisk ac-
ta^n, one si^le day. Under these circumstances, I dare
say, yon wifl agree with me, that it would not be very

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. g
eligible to take a post thirty miles distant (by land) from
this place, when we have already a line of circumvalla-
tion round Boston, of at least ten miles in extent, to de
fend; any part of which may he attacked, without our hav
ing (if the enemy will keep their own counsel) an hour's
previous notice of it ; and that, it would not be prudent in
me to attempt a measure which would necessarily bring on
a consumption of all the ammunition we have, thereby leav
ing the army at the mercy of the enemy, or to disperse ; and
the country to be ravaged and laid waste at discretion ; to
you, sir, I may account for my conduct, but I cannot declare
the motives of it to every one, notwithstanding I know, by
not doing of it, that I shall stand in a very unfavourable
light in the opinion of those who expect much, and will find
little done, without understanding, or, perhaps, giving them
selves the trouble of inquiring, into the cause. Such, how
ever, is the fate of all those who are obliged to act the pari
I do ; I must, therefore, submit to it, under a consciousnes.*
of having done my duty to the best of my abilities.
On Saturday night last, we took possession of a hill, ad
vanced of our lines, and within point blank shot of the
enemy, on Charles Town Neck. We worked incessantly
the whole night, 1200 men, and, before morning, got an
intrenchment in such forwardness as to bid defiance to their
cannon ; about nine o'clock, on Sunday, they began a heavy
cannonade, which continued through the day, without any
injury to our work, and with the loss of four men only ; two
of which were killed through their own folly. The insult
of the cannonade, however, we were obliged to submit to
with impunity, not daring to make use of artillery on ac
count of the consumption of powder, except with one nine
pounder, placed on a point, with which we silenced, and,
indeed, sunk, one of their floating batteries. This move of
ours was made, to prevent the enemy from gaining tliis hill,
and, we thought, was giving them a fair challenge to dispute
it (as we had been told by various people who had just left
Boston, that they were preparing to come out,) but, instead
of accepting of it, we learn that it has thrown them into
great consternation, which might be improved if 
. . . the means of doing it. Yesterday afternoon, they be
gan a bombardment, without any effect, as yet. As I ex
pect this letter will meet you in Philadelphia, I must request
the favour of you to present my affectionate and respectful
compliments to Doctor Shlppen, his lady and family, my

LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

brothers' of the delegation, and any other inquiring friends ;
and, at the same time, do me the justice to believe that I am,
with a sincere regard.
Your affectionate friend and ob't serv't.
GEO : WASHINGTON.

CAMBRIDGE, 29th October, 1775.
Dear Sir — As you will be fully informed of every matter
and thing relative to the army, by your own committee, I
should not have given you the trouble of a letter at this time,
were it not on Colonel Reed's account. He is, as I presume
you may have heard, concerned in many of the principal
causes now depending in the courts of Pennsylvania, and
should those causes be pressed for trial by his brethren of
the profession, it will not only do him a manifest injury in
his practice and future prospects, but afford room for com
plaint, of his having neglected his business as a lawyer;
this, he thinks, may be avoided, if some of you gentlemen of
the Congress, in the course of conversation with the chief
justice and others, would represent the disadvantages which
must result to him, in case his causes should be hurried to
trial. That Colonel Reed is clever in his business and useful
to me, is too apparent to mention. I should do equal injus
tice, therefore, to his abilities and merit, were I not to add
that his services here are too important to be lost, and, that
I could wish to have him considered in this point of view,
by your honourable body, wlien occasion shall favour. I shall
take it kind of you, to give me, from time to time, such
authentic intelligence of the manoeuvi^s of ministry, as you
think may be relied on. We get none but newspaper ac
counts here, and these very imperfect. I am, with sincere
esteem and regard.
Dear Sir, your affectionate friend and countryman,
GEO : WASHINGTON.

CAMBRIDGE, Sth November, 1775.
Dear Sir — I mean but to acknowledge the receipt of your
obliging favour of the 22d ult. for as I expect this letter will
be handed to you in Philadelphia, to recite the contents of
my letter to the Congress, would be little more than idle
repetition. I should be very glad, if the Congress would,

OE RICHARD HENRY LEE, 7
without delay, appoint some, mode by which an examination
into the captures made by our armed vessels may be had, as
we are rather groping in the dark till this happens. I sin
cerely condole withyou on the loss of our good old speaker,
and with respectful compliments to the good family you are
in, your brother, &c. I remain, dear sir,
Your most affectionate humble serv't.
GEO: WASHINGTON.
P, S. Tell Doctor B. Shippen, that I was in hopes that his
business would have permitted him to come here director oi
the hospital. Advices from England would be very agreea
ble — we have none here. G. W.

CAMBRIDGE, 27th November, 1775.
Dear Sir — Your favour of the 1 Sth, with the enclosures,
(for which I thank you) came to this place on Wednesday
evening; part of which, that is, the night, I. was engaged
with a party of men throwing up a work upon a hill, called
Cobble Hill, which, in case we should ever be supplied with
such things as we want, may prove useful to us, and could
not be delayed, as the earth here is getting as hard as a rock ;
this, and the early departure of tbe post, prevented my giving
your letter an answer the next morning.
In answer to your inquiries respecting armed vessels,
there are none of any tolerable force belonging to this goA'ern-
ment. I know of but two of any kind— those very small.
At the continental expense, I have fitted out six, per the en
closed list, two of which are upon the cruise, directed by
Congress ; the rest ply about capes Cod and Ann — as yet to
very little purpose. These vessels are all manned by officers
and soldiers (except perhaps a master, pilots, &c.) ; but how-
far, as they are upon the old establishment, which has not
more than a month to exist, th«y can be ordered off this sta
tion, I will not undertake to say, but suppose they might be
engaged anew. Belonging to Providence, there are two armed
vessels ; and I am told Connecticut has one, which, with
one of those from Providence, is, I believe, upon the cruise
you have directed.
I have no idea that the troops can remove from Boston
this winter, to a place where no provision is made for them ;
however, we shall keep the best look out we can ; and upon
that, and every occasion where practicable, give them the

8 LIFE AND CORUESPONDENCE
best we have. But their situation in Boston gives them but
little to apprehend, from a parting blow, whilst their ships
can move, and floating batteries surround the town.
Nothing of importance hath happened since my last. 1
am glad to find that our noble secretary has, at length, met
with a check — was one of our bullets aimed for him, the
world would be happily rid of a monster without any person
sustaining a loss ; this is my opinion at least. It gives me
great pleasure to hear, that the Ohio Indians have entered
into a firm treaty of friendship with us ; for I had been in
formed that they were very restless, and had destroyed the
houses, &c. upon the Great Kanhawa : and that the improve
ments which I had been making there to save my lands, valued
at 1568/. 18s. 7hd.., were all destroyed — as far as they could
be so by fire. The last I believe to be true, as I have it from
Mr. L. Washington, who lives with me, (by the last post,) and
who adds, that the Indians had also destroyed the fort which
was built last year at the mouth of the Great Kanhawa. For
God's sake, hurry the signers of money, that our wants may
be supplied. It is a very singular case, that their signing
cannot keep pace with our demands. I heartily congratulate
you and the Congress on the reduction of St. John's ; I hope
all Canada is in our possession before this. No accounts
from Arnold since those mentioned in my last letter to the
Congress. Would it not be political to invite them to send
members to Congress? Would it not be also political to raise
a regiment or two of Canadians, and bring them out of the
country? They are good troops, and this would be entering
tliem heartily in the cause. My best regards to the good
families you are with. I am very affectionately.
Your obedient servant,
GEO: WASHINGTON.

CAMBRIDGE, 26th December, 1775.
Dear Sir — Your favour of the 6th instant, did not reach
this place till Saturday afternoon. The money which accom
panied it, came seasonably, but not (as it was so long delayed)
in quantum sufficit ; our demands at this time being peculiarly
great for pay, and advance to the troops — pay for their
arms — ^blanketing, &c. ; independent of the demands of the
commissary, and quartermaster general. Lord Dunmore's
letters to General Howe, &c., which very fortunately fell
into my hands, and enclosed by me to Congress, will let vou

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 9
pretty fully into his diabolical schemes. If, my dear sir, that
man is not crushed before spring, he will become the most
formidable enemy America has ; his strength will increase
as a snow ball, by rolling : and faster, if some expedient can
not be hit upon, to convince the slaves and servants, of the
impotency of his designs. You will see by his letters, what
pains he is taking to invite a reinforcement at all events there,
and to transplant the war to the southern colonies. I do not
think that forcing his lordship on shipboard, is sufficient ;
nothing less than depriving him of life or liberty, will secure
peace to Virginia; as motives of resentment actuate his
conduct, to a degree equal to the total destruction of the
colony. I fear the destination of the naval armament at
P  , is too well known to answer the design. I have
heard it spoken of in common conversation, at this place, near
a fortnight ago; and the other day was told, that two men
of war, going into the harbour of New York, (supposeil to be
those intended for the relief of the Asia,) were ordered, and
accordingly sailed immediately out, and as it is imagined, for
Virginia. My letters to Congress will give you the occur
rences of thiis place ; I need not repeat them, but I must
beg of you, my good sir, to use your influence in having
a court of admiralty, or some power appointed, to hear
and determine all matters relative to captures ; you can
not conceive how I am plagued on this head, and how im
possible it is for me to hear and determine upon matters
of this sort, when the facts, perhaps, are only to be ascer
tained at ports, 40, 50, or more miles distant, Avithout bringing
the parties here at great trouble and expense : at any rate
my time will not allow me to be a competent judge of this
business. I must also beg the favour of you, to urge the
necessity of appointing a brigadier general to the vacant
brigade in this army, the inconvenience we daily experience
for want of one, is very great ; much more than the want of
a colonel to a regiment, for then the next officer in command
does the duty ; in a brigade this may not with propriety
happen, and seldom or never is done with any kind of regu
larity. Perfectly indifferent is it to me whom the Congress
shall please to appoint to these offices, I only want it done,
that business may go regularly on.
I thank you forthe letter enclosed (from Col. Pendleton),
but the gentlemen were so long on the road, that I had more
particular accounts of the transactions in Virginia before
¦it came to hand.
My best respects to the good family you are in, and to
Vot. II.— C

10 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
your brothers of the delegation, and be assured, that I am,
dear sir, your most obedient and affectionate servant,
GEO : WASHINGTON.
When will the expresses between Philadelphia and this
camp be established? Is it expected that letters to and from
me, by the continental post are to pay postage? The inform
ation respecting Connelly's instructions being concealed in
the tree of his saddle, may be relied on; it came to me from
Mr. Atkinson, the midshipman who commanded the sloop
coming to Boston and taken by us, and who was eye witness
to the device, which he says was so well done, that he should
not have been able to have discovered* the place himself,
wherein the instructions were secreted, without pulling the
whole to pieces ; he wishes that no use may be made of his
name. I believe the intelligence was rather inadvertently
communicated by Atkinson to Captain Matthews, who ac
quainted me of it yesterday.

CAMB JUDGE, 4th April, 1776,
Dear Sir — Your favour of the 26th ult, came to my hands
last night, by the post ; but as I am upon the point of setting
out for New York, (by the way of Providence and Norwich,)
I can do little more than acknowledge the receipt of it, and
thank you for the proceedings and ordinances of the Virginia
Convention, which came safely to hand.
At present, the lakes are in an impassable state, neither
being clear of ice, nor covered with such as will admit of
transportation ; at present, also, our troops are at different
stages, on their march from hence to New York ; nor is it
possible for me, till I get there, as the Congress have an
nexed conditions tb my sending the four battalions to Cana
da, to tell whetiier they can be spared or not. as I am unac
quainted with the number of men, or strength of the works
at that place. No time shall be lost in forwarding three
battalions if there is a possibility of doing it with safety ;
as no person can be more sensible of the importance of se
curing Canada than I am. A letter of the 27th ult. from
General Schuyler, informs me that there are many men now
stopped at Albany, on account of the state the ice is in on the
lakes. I thank you for your friendly congratulations on the
retreat of the king's troops from Boston. It was really a
flight ; their embarkation was so precipitate ; their loading
so confused (sifter making greater havoc of the king's stores

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. H
than Dunbar did upon Braddock's defeat, which made so
much noise,) that it took them eleven days to fit their trans
ports, adjust the loads of them, and take in water from the
islands in Nantasket Road, after they had fallen down there.
The coast is now clear of them, except the Renown, (a 50 gun
ship,) and one or two frigates, which remain here for the
protection of such transports as shall be bound to this port.
I pray you to make my best wishes acceptable to the good
doctor, his lady, arid family, &c. and believe me to be, as
I really am,
Dear Sir, your affectionate and ob't humble serv't.
GEO: WASHINGTON.

NEW YORK, May 18th, 1776.
Mr DEAR Sir — In great lia."ste I write you a few lines to
cover the enclosed ; they came in lUe manner you see them,
and as explained in Captain Langdon's Ibtter to me. I hesi
tated some time in determining whether I could, with pro
priety, select them from the rest, considering in what manner
they came to my hands ; but as there are some things ia each,
which may serve to irritate, I concluded it best to send not
only the one directed to you, but the other also, (to Doctor
Franklin,) under cover to you, as you may communicate and
secrete such parts as you like. I have no time to add the
necessity of vigorous exertions; they are too obvious to need
any stimulus from me. Adieu, my dear Sir.
I am, most affectionatdy, your ob't.
GEO: WASHINGTON.
P. S. Upon second thought, knowing that Doctor Fi'ank-
lin is in Canada, I send you a copy only of the letter to him,
(which I take to be from Doctor Lee,) and the original ta
the Doctor.

MORRISTOWN, January lOfb, 1777.
My sear Sir — Your last favour, by the purport of it,
(having no date,) as also one or two others, at different
periods, have come safe to my hands ; and went unacknow
ledged from the hurried and distressed state of our affairs,
and from the knowledge I had, that every occurrence worth
noticing, came regularly to you, in my letters to Congress.

12 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
I thank you. Sir, for the mention of Colonel Heartley, anti
finding, upcm inquiry, that he is worthy of a regiment, 1
have sent him orders to raise one immediately. I shall, also,
enclose Woffendall Kendall's letter to some officer to the
southward, that his merit and services may not go unnoticed.
My letters to Congress, containing every thing of a public
nature that I could communicate in this, renders it unneces
sary for me to add more than my compliments to our friends;
my' thanks for your kind wishes ; and that I am, with affec
tionate regai'd,
Dear, Sir, vour most ob't serv't.
GEO: WASHINGTON.

MORRISTOWN, March 6th, 1777.
Dear Sir — I am anxious to know ^vhether General Ar
nold's non-promotion was owing to accident or design; and
the cause of it. Surely a more active, a more spirited, and
sensible officer, fills no department in your army. Not
seeing him then in tfie list of major generals, and no mention
made of him, ^as given me uneasiness, as it is not to be pre
sumed (being the oldest brigadier) that he will continue in
service under such a slight. I imagine you will lose two or
three other very good officers, by promoting your's, or any
one's, over them. My public letters will' give you tbe state of
matters in this quarter, and my anxiety to be informed of
the reason of Arnold's non-promotion, gives you the trouble
of this letter, being, very sincerely, dear Sir,
Your most obedient and affectionate,
GEO: WASHINGTON.

MORRISTOWN, April 24th, 1777.
Dear Sir — I have been favoured with two or three letters
from you lately ; the last that came to hand was without
date, but contained an extract from Doctor Lee's letter to the
secret committee, and the French general's ideas of the mea
sures necessary for us to pursue in prosecuting the war with
Great Britain : for both of which I sincerely thank you, as
the communication of such matters cannot fail of having a
proper tendency. That Great Britain will exert every nerve
to carry her iyrannical designs into execution, I have not
the smallest doubt ; her very existence as a nation depends
noy upon her success : for should America rise triumphant
in W struggle for independence, she must fall. It is not to
be wondered at therefore, after she had departed from that

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 13
line of justice which ought to characterize a virtuous people,
that she should descend to such low arts, and dirty tricks, as
will forever remain a reproach to her ; none of which has
she practised with more success, and I fear with more dan
gerous consequences to our cause, than her endeavours to
depreciate the continental bills of credit. Nothing therefore
has a greater claim to the close attention of Congress, than
the counteraction of this part of her diabolical scheme;
every thing depends upon it.
The complexion of affairs in Europe, seems to indicate an
approaching storm ; but where, when, or on whom it may
break, is not quite so clear, and ought not, in my judgraent,
to occasion the smallest relaxation in our preparations : for
I profess myself to be of that class, who never built sanguinely
upon the assistance of France, further than her winking at
our supplies from thence for the benefits derived from our
trade; and how far the meanness and offers of Great Britain
may contravene this, Hmc only can discover, and is some
what to be feared. The plan drawn by the French general,
is of such a nature, that it is impracticable to carry it into
execution this campaign. It may, however, be kept in view,
and the whole, or such parts of it adopted, as our circum
stances, upon a full consideration of the matter, may hereafter
admit. The great delay in appointing the general officers,
the resignation of some of them, the non-acceptance of others,
and I might add, the unfitness of a few, added to the amazing
delay in assembling the troops, and the abuses which I am
satisfied have been committed by the recruiting officers, (both
of which ,consequences of the want of officers in that line,
to superintend those duties in the respective states,) have dis
tressed me and the service exceedingly ; and will amply prove,
what I foretold to Congress, that the pay of these officers,
(for I could account for the delay of appointing them on no
other prtnciple) would be an ill-timed saving. Convinced I
am, that thousands of pounds would have been saved to the
public, if the measure had been adopted, upon, and at my first
recommendation of it. But the extra expense is the smallest
part of the evil. The backwardness \ye are in, in assembling
the troops, is truly alarming ; this however is not a singular
instance, of our suffering, by delay, in the adoption of mea
sures, which were early recommended.
You are not aware of the evil consequences that would
follow a general exemption of all persons concerned in iron
works, from military duty ; they are very numerous, and in
this part of the country form a great raajority of the people :
besides, why should the iron-master cai'ry on his trade with-

14 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
out restriction, when the farmer, equally useful for the sup
port of the war, the shoemaker, and other manufacturers,
absolutely necessary to the equipment of an army, may have
their servants and apprentices taken from them at pleasure?
One thing I have ever done, and it has, I believe, answered
the end proposed by you ; whenever an iron work has been
employed fcnr the public, I have desired the owner to give
me a return of the number of men, and the names of those
necessarily employed therein, and have exempted them from
the duties of militia men in this state. This I have found
necessary on two accounts : first, to secure such articles
of manufacture as the army wanted ; and next, to prevent
numbers under this pretext from withholding their services in
the military line, there being in this county (Morris) alone,
between eighty and a hundred iron works, large and small. —
Doctor Lee's opinion on the propriety of attacking the enemy
upon their first arrival, (under a supposition of their being
raw and undisciplined,) is certainly well founded, if Oiir own
circumstances will iadmit of it; but the doctor little appre
hended, I believe, that we ourselves should have^n army, at
this late hour, to raise, of men equally raw, and officers pro
bably much more so.
April 26. — Since writing the above, your favour of the
21st is come to hand, in consequence I send the enclosed;
though I believe Baylor, and perhaps his corps of officers
would as soon have had any other countryman among them
as a S  n, not that I think this ought to be objected to
him, if he is deserving in other respects. Please to make a
tender of my compliments to your brother and other delegates
from Virginia, and be assured, that I am, dear sir.
Your most obedient servant,
GEO : WASHINGTON.
P. S. As General Arnold writes me that he is determined
not to continue in service, (under the slight put upon him,)
I could wish another brigadier was appointed forthe state of
Connecticut, (there being only one. Parsons,) and would
recommend Colonel Huntington, who is the oldest colonel,
a gentleman and a good officer, belonging to that state ; as
a piece of justice, and to prevent the loss of so good
an officer, I could wish to see Arnold promoted to tbe rank
of major general, and put in his proper place. It is by men
ofhis activity and spirit the cause is to be supported, and
net by H  h, Sp  b, &c.; out of all the brigadiers, ap^
pointed from Pennsylvania, I have not one to do duty; IK

OF RICHARD HENKY LEE. 15
Haas I cannot get up, or even an answer from him ; Wayne
is at Tyconderoga, but I have sent for him ; the French
general at Boston must take the third brigade of that state.

MORRISTOWN, May 10th, 1777.
Dear Sir — ^This letter will be delivered to you, by the
Chevalier Damremours, who, if I am not mistaken in my
jiidgment, has something more in view than preferment. In
the course of two days conversation with him, he appears to
me, to be a man of superior abilities to the common run of
his countrymen, who hfive visited us. He is sensible and ju
dicious, andasfar as I am capable of judging, well instructed
in the political and commercial principles of most European
states.; He has letters of recommendation from Dr. Frank
lin, professes to be a warm friend to the rights of mankind,
and, as such, ready to give any aid in his power to the cause
we are engaged in. I mean this as a letter of introduction
only, and am, dear sir.
Your most obedient and affectionate,
GEO : WASHINGTON.

MORRISTOWN, May 17th, 1777.
Dear Sir — Under the privilege of friendship, I take the
liberty to ask you, what Congress expects I am to do with
the many foreigners they have at different times promoted to
the rank of field officers ? and by the last resolve, two to that
of colonels. In making these appointments, it is much to be
feared, that all the circumstances attending, are not taken
into consideration. To oblige the adventurers of a nation
which we want to interest in our cause, may be one induce
ment; and to get rid of their importunity, another; but this
is viewing the matter by halves, or on one side only. Tjjcse
men have no attachment or ties to the country, furtlier than
interest binds them ; they have no influence, and are igno-
i-ant of the language they are to receive and give orders in ;
consequently, great trouble, pr much confusion, must follow.
But this is not the worst, they have not the smallest chance
to recruit others ; and our officers think it exceedingly hard^
after they have toiled in this service, and probably have sus
tained many losses, to have strangers put over them, whose
merit, perhaps, is not equalto their own, but whose effrontery
will take no denial.
The management of this matter, give me leave to add sir.

46 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
is a delicate point ; for although no one will dispute the right
of Congress to make appointments, every person will assume
the privilege of judging of the propriety of them ; and good
policy, in my opinion, forbids the disgusting a whole corps
to gratify the pride of an individual : for it is by the zeal and
activity of our own people, that the cause must be supported,
and not by a few hungry adventurers. Besides, the error of
these appointments, is now clear and manifest, and the views
of Congress evidently defeated ; for by giving high rank to
people of no reputation or service, you have disgusted their
own countrymen ; or, in other words, raised their expecta
tions to an in,satiable pitch. For the man who was a captain
in France, finding another who was only a subaltern there, .
or perhaps nothing, appointed to a majority with us, extends
his views instantly to a regiment ; in like manner, the field
officer can accept of nothing less than a brigade, and so on,
by wliich means the man of real rank and merit, must be ex
cluded, or perhaps your whole military system disordered.
In the mean while I am haunted and teazed to death by the
importunity of some, and dissatisfaction of others; My ideas,
in this representation, does not extend to artillery officers and
engineers. The first of these will be useful, if they do not break
in upon the arrangement of that corps already established by
order of Congress : the second are absolutely necessary and
not to be had here. But proper precaution should be observed
in the choice of tliem, for we have at present in pay, and high
rank, two (Frenchmen,) who, in my judgment, know nothing
bf the duty of engineers. Gentlemen of this profession ought
to produce sufficient and authentic testimonials of their skill
and knowledge, and not expect that a pompous narrative of
services, and loss of papers, (the usual excuse) can be a pro
per introduction into our army. The freedom, with which I
have delivered my sentiments on this subject, will, I am per
suaded, meet your excuse, when I assure you, that I have
nothing else in view, than the good of the service. By the
time, or before this letter can reach you. Congress will be
visited by aperson who calls himself Colonel Michael Fabrlcy
a Kovatz, who according to his own account is a most valu
able officer, from Prussia. What his credentials are, I know-
not, but from what little I have seen of him, they ought to be
strong to convince me of his real importance, for if his con
versations have heen faithfully interpreted he has been caught
tripping several times. I am, dear sir.
Your most obedient and affectionate servant,
GEO: WASHINGTON.

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE, 17
PHILADELPHIA, 22d May, 1777.
Dear General — The subject of your letter of the 17th,
is a very important one ; and whilst it deserves the greatest
attention, is certainly involved in great difficulty; of one
truth, howeverj I beg you, sir, to be convinced, that no desire
to get rid of importunity has occasioned these appointments,
but motives military and political merely. These adven
turers maybe divided into three classes; some who came
early, and without recommendation, but apparent zeal, with
commissions, showing that they had been iu service ; others
that brought with them recommendations from our good
friend the Count D'Argou, general of Martinique, and from
Mr. Bingham, the continental agent in that island ; a third
class includes those who came from France, generally under
agreement with our commissioners, or one of them at least.
The strongest obligations rest upon us (though the inconve
nience is grCat) to make good engagements with the latter,
and if the second had been disregarded, we might have of
fended a good and powerful friend in Martinique, who has
done many good offices there ; oi* have brought our agent
into disrepute. Among the first class, I really believe there
are many worthless men, and I heartily wish we were rid of
them. All this is true, and yet I feel the great force of your
reasoning, and the many difficulties in the way of providing
for them properly, and that may be tolerably agreeable to
them. It is of some consequence that we all, in our several
departments, endeavour to smooth this rugged business as
much as possible. When General Conway was appointed,
I did hope, that as he knew most of them, and spoke both
French and English well, he might relieve you from thet
greater part of this difficulty, for really, the discontented
importunity of the greater part of these gentlemen is too
much to be borne.
I will prevail with the committee for foreign applications
to furnish you with the most explicit views of Congress, in
every appointment, as well as with the recommendations
under which each appointment was, and is made. We have
written both to France and to Martinique to stop the further
flow of these gentlemen here, and after the letters arrive, I
suppose we shall have no more. Many of the last class, are,
I believe, men of real merit, and if they will learn to express
themselves tolerably in English, may be of service to the
army. The desire to obtain engineers, and artillerists, was
the principal cause of our lieing so overburthened. Thg
first that came, had sagacity enough, quickly to discern our
wants, and professing competency in these branches, they
Vol. II.— D

Ig LIEE AND CORRESPONDENCE
were too quickly believed ; and when our commissioners
abroad (in consequence of their instructions,) inquired for
those artists, military speculation was immediately up, and
recommendations were obtained from persons of so much
consideration in France, that the success of our applications,
then made it quite necessary not to neglect them ; and at
this moment I am apprehensive, that the discontent of many,
may injure our cause abroad, when we would wish it to
stand well. As you express it, sir, the affair requires great
delicacy in its management, as well on the account of our
own officers, as on that of these foreigners.

CAMP AT MIDDLEBROOK, June 1, 17;77.
Dear Sir — By your favour of the 22d ultimo, I perceive
my letter ofthe 17th, has been expressed in too strong terms.
I did not mean by the words, f' to get rid of importunity,"
to cast the smallest reflection ; indeed the hurry with which
I am obliged to write the few private letters I attempt, will
not allow me to consider the force and tendency of my words;
nor should I have been surprisedj if the fact had really been
so, if I am to j«dge of their, I mean foreigners' applications
to Congress, by those to myself : for it is not one, nor twen
ty explanations, that will satisfy the cravings of these peo
ple's demands.
You will before this can reach you, have seen Monsieur
D'Coudrey. What his real expectations are, and what his
agreements with Mr. Dean, I know not ; but I fear if his ap
pointment is equal to what I have been told is his expectation,
it will be attended with unhappy consequences. To say no
thing of the policy of intrusting a department, on the due
execution of which the salvation of the army depends, tp a
foreigner, who has no other tie to bind him to the interests of
this country than honour, I would beg leave to observe, that
by putting Monsieur D'Coudrey at the head of the artillery,
you will lose a very valuable officer in General Knox, who is
a man of great military reading, sound judgment, and clear
conceptions. He has conducted the affairs of that depart
ment with honour to himself, and advantage to the public,
and wUl resign if any one is put over him. My last return
of the army will give you our strength, and show the state
of the recruiting service, which seems to be at an end. The
regiments of Pennsylvania indeed, appear to be growing
worse, and unless some coercive method can be hit upon to
complete the battalions, I see no chance of doing it. Gene-

OP RICHARD HENRY LEE. 19
ral Howe's encouragement, by proclamation, has occasioned
great desertions from our army to his, with the loss of arms;
this I have represented to Congress, and submitted to them the
propriety of offering soraething back by way of counterac
tion, but have received no answer; and this being frequently
the case, leaves me often in a very disagreeable state of sus
pense, from which a simple yea or nay, would relieve me.
If some effectual mode is not devised, to fill the regiments,
it is impossible, at least very unlikely, that any effectual op
position can be given to the British army with the troops we
have, whose numbers diminish more by desertion, than increase
by enlistments. I have requested the director general of the
hospital here (as it is properly within his line,) to take notice
of the report, which, you say prevails to the southward con
cerning the sick, and to remark upon it in the gazettes. I
am vvith great regard and affection, dear sir.
Your most obedient,
GEO : WASHINGTON.

CHANTILLY, in Virginia, January 2, 1778.
Dear Sir — The enclosed came to my hand only a few days
past, although from its date it appears to have been written
long since ; there are some useful suggestions in it, and there
fore I send it to you. I do not know the writer's reason for
dating it in April 1776, when from some parts in the body of
the writing, it must have been written in the course of the
year 1777. The arts of the enemies of America, are endless,
but all, wicked as they are various ; among other tricks, they
have forged a pamphlet of letters, entitled letters from Gene
ral Washington to several of his friends, in 1776, the design
of the forger is evident, and no doubt it gained him a good
beefsteak from his masters. I would send you this pamphlet,
if it were not too bulky for the post, as it might serve to amuse
your leisure hours during the inaction of winter. We hear,
that Lord Cornwallis is gone to England, probably to en
courage the hopes of administration, upon their sending out
strong reinforcements in the spring. I am just informed
from Williamsburgh, that the assembly have possessed the
 and have voted two thousand men to be
drafted from the single men, to fill up the regiments ; also,
ten regiments of volunteers to be quickly raised and marched
to the army for six months. They have adopted a very ex
tensive taxation, which will produce a large sum of money,
and thereby produce the most salutary consequences. The

20 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
injury my health received at York, is not yet removed, but
I hope to be in Williamsburg to assist in the Assembly, by
the 12th or 14th of this month. I wish you the compliments
ofthe season, and remain with true affection, dear sir,
Your's sincerely,
RICHARD HENRY LEE.

VALLEY FORGE, February 15, 1778.
Dear Sir — Your letter of the 2d ultimo, from Chantilly,
enclosing Lieutenant Colonel Frazer's orders for the manage
ment of the grenadiers and light infantry in an action, and
upon a march, came to my hands in the course of last month,
and merits my thanks, as it may be of use to such corps, one
of which (consisting of light infantry) we are now forming.
The enemy are governed by no principles ttiat ought to ac
tuate honest men ; no wonder then, that forgery should be
amongst their other crimes. I have seen a letter published
in a handbill at New York, and extracts of it republished in
the Philadelphia paper, said to be from me to Mrs. Wash
ington, not one word of which did I ever write; those con
tained in the pamphlet you speak of, are, I presume, equally
genuine, and perhaps written by the same author. I should be
glad however to see and examine the textureof them, if a fa
vourable opportunity to send them should present.
Lord Cornwallis has certainly embarked for England, but
with what view is not so easy to determine : he was eye wit
ness a few days before his departure, to a scene not a little
disgraceful to the pride of British valour, in their manoeuvre
to Chesnut hill, and precipitate return, after boasting their
intentions of driving us beyond the mountains.
I am very glad to find that the Assembly of Virginia, have
taken matters up so spiritedly ; but wish, instead of attempt
ing to raise so many volunteers, they had resolved at all ad
ventures, to complete their regiments by drafting. If all the
states would do this, and fall upon ways and means to sup
ply their troops with comfortable clothing upon moderate
terms, and Congress would make the commissions of officers
of some value to them, every thing would pi-obably go well
making at the same tiriie some reform in the different depart
ments of the army ; nothing standing in greater need of it
than the quartermasters and commissaries, as no army ever
suffered pfiore by their neglects; the consequences of this
neglect are much to he dreaded.
I am dear Sir, your most obdt. servt.
GEO: WASHINGTON.

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 21
YORK, 34th June,, 1778.
Dear Sir— I should, long since, have answered your fa
vour of the 25th of May, had itbCen worth while, (for any
thing I had to communicate,) to interrupt your attention from
the important affaii's with which you are surrounded. It is,
indeed, more from motives of complaisance than any thing
else, that I now write ; but I cannot help congratulating you.
sir, on the enemy's abandoning Philadelphia, because, let
tlieir motives be what they may, this step evidently proves
their prospect of conquest here is vanished. I fancy Gene
ral Clinton's future operations depend much upon the chap
ter of accidents. A French war being avoided, efforts will
continue to be exerted, for some time, against us; but a
foreign war must of necessity carry this army to secure the
now defenceless islands, of Great Britain, in the West Indies.
A war with France, in the better days of England, would
instantly have followed the message of Marquis de Noailles,
but the mean and wicked determination to enslave America,
removes all thoughts of every thing, but the accomplishment
of their favourite object. The British king's message to his
Parliament, although it shows mortified pride, and strong
sense of insult, yet it clearly marks indecision and doubt
about the propriety of resenting the affront. We see^ by a
publication of the enemy, in the Newport paper, that there is
a great probability of Spain having acknowledged the inde
pendence of these states, and joined in our alliance. The
ambassadors of Spain and of Great Britain, were on the
point of returning each to his respective country ; of this
event taking place I had no doubt, so soon as the plate fleet
should have reached Old Spain. Should Great Britain be
engaged in war with the Bourbon family, it will furnisli us
an opportunity of pushing the former quite off this northern
continent, which will secure to us peace for a century, in
stead of war in seven years, which the British possession of
Canada, New South Wales, and tlie Floridas, will inevita
bly produce. You have, no doubt, lieard, sir, that our last
Assembly have voted 2,000 infantry to join the army, and a
sum of money to forward Gen. Nelson's cavalry ; the latter
may soon be expected at head quarters. I am, with sincei-e
esteem, dear Sir,
Your most affectionate and obH serv't.
R. H. LEE.

LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

* WHITE PLAINS, August 10th, 1778.
Dear Sir— A few days ago, I received your favour of
the 26th ult. enclosing one from Colonel Spotswood, for
which I thank you. The reputation which this gentleman
had acquired, of being an attentive officer arid good discipli
narian, was justly founded ; and I consider his leaving the
army a loss to the service. The supposed death of his bro
ther, it is natural to believe, had a painfur influence upon his
mind ; but he had long before been very uneasy in his situa
tion, on account of the determination in the case between him
and Colonel M'Clanahan, (and, I am persuaded, was only
prevented from quitting the line in consequence, through my
means); my regard for Colonel Spotswood, and the opinion
I entertain of him as an officer, would induce me to interest
myself in his favour, whenever I could with propriety. In
the present in.stance, however, I cannot, beeause I think I
siiould do an injury to the officers of the Virginia line, (if
not to .those of the line at large,) and because I am convinced
his promotion would excite infinite discontents, and produce
many resignations. When he left camp, in the month of
October, he made a surrender of his commission to me, ac
cording to the prevailing custom ; this was accepted, and a
new arrangement took place among the field officers. After
this, I could not suppose him to continue in the line ; and to
attempt to recall the rise of the officers, to give him a place
again, would be to attempt ari impossibility. No reasoning
upon the subject would be sufficient to get them to consent
to it. With respect to the report of the board of general offi
cers, to which you allude, you will excuse nie when I say, in
my opinion, it will not apply. The case there was, that
sundry inferior officers, or juniors, of the same rank, from
local circumstances, and the opportunities of application,
obtained from the committees, or councils of the states, in
whom the power, of appointing officers to the army for 1777,
was vested, new commissions, prior iti date to those granted
afterwards to their seniors ; and, in consequence, claimed a
right to rank before them. The board determined their
claims unjust ; and, that the rank which the officers imme^
diately held before their new commissions, should govern,
as it did not appear that the councils intended to supercede
the senior officers. But here there had been no interruption
or relinquishment of the right to rank by resignation, sur
render of commission, or any other act of the parties. Nor
could I ever think that Colonel Spotswood had cause to com
plain of the decision on the point in question, between him

OF RICHARD NENHY LEE. 23
and Colonel M'Clanahan. It was founded on tlie practice
which had commonly prevailed — I believe universally, in
like cases, viz:-^that when state officers became continental,
they should rank, with respect to each other, according to
their state precedence. This principle appeared to be ju.st,
and, I am certain, was the only one, that could be adopted, to
give general satisfaction. As many of our regiments in the
first instance, and particularly those from Virginia, were
raised by the states, without any order by Congress, a con
trary rule would have involved great inconveniences ; and
would have proved an effectual bar, to many valuable officers,
coming into service. I have not the most distant suspicion,
that Colonel Spotswood is influenced in his wishes, upon the
present occasion, in the smallest degree, by any considera
tions arising from the half pay establishment. I am convinc
ed that he is nOt ; nor do I believe that any officer will im
pute a matter of the sor^ to him, or object to his being re
introduced into the line from motives of personal dislike ;
they will oppose it as an injury to their rights. I thank you
much for your congratulations ; the prospect we have before
us is certainly pleasing, and such as promises a glorious and
happy issue to all our struggles. Success in the intended en
terprise against Rhode Island, would operate powerfully, I
should suppose, upon the minds of the British nation, and
bring matters to a speedy conclusion. I wait impatiently to
hear from them. I am, dear Sir,
Your most obt humble serv't.
GEO: WASHINGTON.

FREDERICKSBURG, in the state of New York, Sept. 23, 1778.
Dear SiR^Your favour of the 6th instant, did not get to
my hands till the 18th, it found me at our posts in the high
lands, on my circuit to this place, and at a time when I had
neither leisure nor opportunity to write to you. I am so
thoroughly impressed with the necessity of re-enlisting the
army, that you may depend upon it, nothing in my power to ef
fect it shall be left unessayed. Instructions and money ai-e in
the bands of every brigade for this purpose; and I have directed
weekly returns to be made of the progress. An advance in
silver dollars, of part of the bounty money, might facilitate
the business of recruiting ; but I conceive that it would be
attended with very pernicious consequences ; not from the
cause you speak of, to wit, discontenting the other soldiers,
but another source, naraely," opening the eyes of the whole,

.24 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
and setting tliem to reasoning upon the difference between
specie and paper. At present, they know that every comfort
and necessary of life is insufferably dear, but do not inquire
much after tlie causes; and having no specie among tiiem, to
fix the comparison, do not attribute it to the depreciation
of the paper money: but letthem have ocular proof, that they
can purcliase as much with one silver, as with four or five
paper dollars, and have forestallers, and the disaffected at
work among them, in purchasing up the, specie, while the lat
ter class of people arc painting in lively colours the differ
ence, and usingat the same time every art in their power to
poison the minds, and sow the seeds of discontent, and then
judge of the event—at any rate I tiiinkthe experiment would
be dangerous, and ouglit not to be tried, hut as the dernier
resort, lest by obviating one evil, a greater be involved. The
designs of the enemy, to me, are mysterious, indeed totally
incomprehensible-r-that they are preparing for some grand
iuanoeuvre does not admit of a doubt ; but whether it is for an
operation on the North River, against the French squadron
at Boston (by a junction of their land and sea forces,) or a
total or partial evacuation of the United States, is not easy to
discover. I believe, myself, that they are waiting orders;
which, probably, will arrive in the August packet, to deter
mine their plan ; and in the mean while are preparing to re
move wholly, or in part, as tliey shall be directed ; but as
their motives are equivocal, and wiir apply to either of the
above cases, I have strengthened the posts in the highlands,
and thrown the army into such, a position as to reinforce
them readily, at the same time that we are advanced to the
eastward, and can move on in different columns, by different
routs, if the operations of the enemy should call us to that
quarter. I am dear Sir, your most obedt. humble servt.
GEO: WASHINGTON.
P. S. I think it likely that Mr. Custis, (and Colonel Bas
sett) may be in Philadelphia, at the time this letter may come
to your hands ; if so, I will thank you for causing to he de
livered to him, a letter herewith addressed to your care.
Yours, G. W.

HEAD QUARTERS, Middle Brook, May 5th, 1779.
Gentlemen— I have the honour to transmit to your care
an open letter for Brigadier General Scott, by which you

OT RICHARD HENRY LEE. 25
will perceive, that I have directed the levies in Virginia, to be
formed into three battalions, and to be officered and marched
under his command, to reenforce the southern army, as soon
as circumstances will possibly permit.
I give you this trouble, lest these directions should inter
fere with any arrangements you may have made, and that
they may he added to, or altered, if you should think it expe
dient in any point. The sooner the letter can reach Gene
ral Scott, the better ; he will be, it is probable, either at
Alexandria or Fredericksburg^ but the express who carries
it, should be directed to proceed with it till he finds him. I
beg leave to mention the subject of arms again, and persuade
myself the committee will cause every proper measure to be
pursued for supplying those levies with all possible expedi
tion. Such of the officers as are mentioned in the list con
tained in the letter to General Scott, who are in camp, will
proceed to Virginia without delay ; I make no doubt the com
mittee have given orders respecting Bland'si and Baylor's
regiments, if they choose that they should go. I have the
honour to be with great respect, gentlemen.
Your most obedient servant,
GEO: WASHINGTON.
Hoiii^ R. H. Lee, Henby Lawbence, and
Thomas Bubke, Esq's.

MOUNT VERNON, 12th June, 1784.
Dear Sir — Unsolicited by, and iinknown to Mr. Paihe,
I take the liberty of hinting the services, and distressed (foi^
so I think it may be called,) situation of that gentleman.
That his Common Sense, and many of his Crises, were well-
timed and had a happy effect upon the public mind, none I
believe, who will recur to the epochas at which they were
published, will deny. That his services hitherto have passed
off unnoticed, is obvious to all ; and that he is chagrined
and necessitous, I will undertjake to aver : does not common
justice then point to some compensation. He is not in cir
cumstances to refuse the bounty of the public ; New York,
not the least distressed, nor most able state in the Union, has
set tbe example. He prefers the berievolence of the states
Individually to an allowance from Congress, for reasons
which arfe conclusave in his bwn mind, and such as I think
may be approved by others. His views are moderate, a
decent independeitty is, I believe, theheight of his ambition;
and if yeto view his services in the American «ause, in the
vot, II*—- E

se LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
same important light that I do, I am sure you will have plea
sure in obtaining it for him. I am, with esteem and regard,
dear sir, ^ our most obedient servant,
GEO : WASHINGTON.
HiciiABii Hi:2flii Lee, F.sq.

MOUNT VERNON, December 14th, 1784.
Dear Sir — The letter which you did me the honour to
write to me, on the 20th of last month, only came to niy
hands by the post preceding the date of this. For the copy
of the treaty held with the Six Nations, at fort Stanwix, you
will please to accept my thanks. These people have given,
I think, all that the United States cpuld reasonably have
asked of them ; more, perhaps, than the state of New York
conceives ought to have been required from them, by any
other than their own legislature.
I wish they were bettep satisfied ; individual states oppos
ing the measures ofthe United States, encroaching upon;the
territory of one another, and setting up old and obsolete
claims, is verifying the predictions of our enemies ; and, in
reality, is truly unfortunate. If the western tribes are as
well disposed to treat with us as the northern Indians have
been, and will cede a competent district of country north
west of the Ohio, to answer our present purposes, it would be
a circumstance as unexpected as pleasing to me ; for it was
apprehended, if they agreed tp the latter at all, it would be
reluctantly; but the example of the Six Nations, who, (if
they have not relinquished their clairii, ) haVe pretensions to
a large part of those lands, may have a powerful influence
on the western gentry, and smooth the way for the commis
sioners, who have proceeded to fort Pitt.
It gave me pleasure to find, by the last gazettes, that a
sufficient number of states had assembled to form a Congress ;
and that you had been placed in the chair* of it. On this
event, permit me to offer my compliments of congratulation.
To whatever causes the delay of this meeting may have been
ascribed, it most certainly has an unfavourable aspect ; con
tributes to lessen — already too low — the dignity and import
ance of the federal government ; and is hurtful to our na
tional character in the eyes of Europe*
It is said (how founded I know riot) that our Assembly
have repealed their former act respecting British debts. If
this be true, and the state of New York have not acted re
pugnant to the terms of the treaty, the British government

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 27
can no longer hold the western posts under that cover; hut I
shall be mistaken if they do not entrench themselves hehind
some other expedient, to retain them ; or will appoint a time
for surrendering them, of which we cannot avail ourselves ;
the probable consequences whereof will be the destruction of
the works.
The assemblies of Virginia and Maryland liave now under
consideration, the extension of the inland navigation of the
rivers Potomac and James ; and opening a communication
between them and the western waters. They seem fully im
pressed with the political, as well as the commercial, advan
tages, which would result from the accomplishment of these
great objects ; and, I hope, will embrace the present moment
to put them in a train for execution. Would it not, at the
same time, be worthy the wisdom and attention of Congress
to have the western waters well explored ; the navigation of
them fully ascertained ; accurately laid down ; and a com
plete and perfect map maAp. of the country ; at least as far
westerly as the Miamies, running into the Ohio and lake
Erie ; and to see how the waters of these communicate with
the river St. Joseph, which empties into the lake Michigan,
and with the Wabash? for I ca,nnot forbear observing that
the Miami village, in Hutchins' map, if it and the waters are
laid down with accuracy, points to a very important post for
the union. The expense attending such an undertaking
could not be great; the advantages would be unbounded;
fpr sure I am, nature has made such a display of her bounties
in those regions, that the more the country is explored, the
more it will rise in estimation ; consequently, greater will
the revenue be to the union.
Would there be any impropriety, do you think, sir, in
reserving for special sale, all mines, minerals, and salt
springs, in the general grants of land from the United States?
The public, instead of the few knowing ones, might, in that
case, receive the benefits which would proceed from the sale
of them, without infringing any rule of justice that occurs to
me, or their own laws; but, on the contrary, inflict just punish
ment upon those, who, in defiance of the latter, haye dared to
create enemies to disturb the public tranquillity, by roaming
over the country, marching and surveying the valuable spots
in it, to the great disquiet of the western tribes of Indians,
who have viewed these proceedings with jealous indignation.
To hit upon a happy medium price for the western lands, for
the prevention of monopoly on one hand, and not discourag
ing useful settlers on the other, will, no doubt, require con
sideration; but ought not, in my opinion, to employ too

gg LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
much time before the terms are announced. The spirit of
emigration is great. People have got impatient; and though
you cannot stop the road, it is yet in your power to mark the
way ; a little while, and you will not be able to do either. It
is easier to prevent than to remedy an evil. I shall be very
happy in the continiiation of your correspondence ; and, with
sentiments of great esteem and respect, I have the honour to
be, dear Sir,
Your most ob't humble serv't.
GEO: WASHINGTON.
RiCHABB H. Lee, Esquire.

MOUNT VERNON, February Sth, 1785.
Dear Sir— Since my last, I have had the honor to receive
your favours of the 26th of December, and 16th of January.
I have now the pleasure to inform you, that the Assemblies
of Virginia and Maryland, have enacted laws for improving
aud extending the navigation of the Potomac, of which the
enclosed is a copy; they areexactly similar in both states. At
the same time, and at the joint and equal expense of the
two governments, the sum of 6,666 2-3 dollars, are voted for
opening, and keeping in repair, a road from the highest practi
cable navigation of this riVer, to that of the river Cheat, or
Monongahelii, as commissioners (who are appointed to survey
and lay out the same) shall judge most convenient and beneficial
to the western settlers ; and have concurred in an application
to the state of Pennsylvania, for permission to open another
road from fort Cumberland to the Youghioany, at the three
forks, or Turkey foot.
A similar bill to the one enclosed, is passed by our As
sembly, respecting the navigation of James river, and the
communication between it and the waters of the great Kan
hawa; and the executive is authorized, by a resolve, to
appoint commissioners to examine and report the most con
venient course for a canal between Elizabeth river and the
waters of Roanoke, with an estimate of the expense ; and if
the best communication should be found to require the con
currence of the state of North Carolina thereto, to make ap
plication to the legislature thereof, accordingly.
Towards the latter part of the year 1783, lwas honoured
with a. letter from the countess of Huntingdon, briefly recit
ing her benevolent intention of spreading Christianity among
the tribes of Indians inhabiting our western territory, and
expressing a desire that my advice and assistance might be
afforded her to carry this charitable design into ex;eciition.

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 09
1 wrote her ladyship for answer, that it would by no means
comport with tlie plari of retirement I had promised myself,
to take an active or responsible part in this business ; and
that it was my belief there would be no other way to effect
her pious and benevolent design, but by first reducing these
pepple to a state of greater civilization ; but that I would give
every aid in my power, consistent with that ease and tran
quillity I meant to seek, for the remainder of my life, to faci
litate her view.s. Since this, I have been favoured with other
letters from her, and a few days ago, under coVer from Sir
James Jay, I received the papers herewith enclosed; as the
plan contemplated by Lady Huntingdon, according to the
outlines exhibited, is not only unexceptionable in its design
and tendency, but Jias humanity and charity for its object,
and may, as I conceive, be made subservient to valuable po
litical purposes, I take the liberty of laying the matter before
you, for your free and candid sentiments thereon. The com
munication I make of this matter to you, sir, is in a private
way; but you are at full liberty to communicate the plan of
Lady Huntingdon to the members individually, or officially
to Congress, as the importance and propriety of the measure
may strike you. My reasons for it are these : First, I do not
believe that any of the states to whom she has written (unless
it may be New- York) arc in circumstances, since their ces
sion of territory, to comply with the.requisitions respecting
emigration ; for it has been privately hinted to me (and ought
not to become a matter of public notoriety) that, notwithstand
ing the indefinite expressions of the address, respecting the
numbers or occupations of the emigrants (which was pur
posely omitted to avoid giving alarm in England) the former
will be great, and the useful artizans among them many.
Next, because such emigration, if it should accomplish the
object in view, besides the humane and charitable purposes
which would thereby be answered, would be of immense po
litical consequence; and even if this should not succeed to
her ladyship's wishes, it must nevertheless be of considerable
importance, from, the increase of population by orderly and
well disposed characters, who would at once form a barrier,
and attempt the conversion of the savages without any ex
pense to the Union. I see but one objection to a compact,
. unmixed, and powerful settlement of this kind, (if it should
ever become so) the weight of which you will j^dge of: itis
(and her ladyship seems to have been aware of it, and endea
vours to guard against it) placing a people, in a body, upon
our exteriour, contiguous to Canada, who may briiig with
them strong prejudices against us and our forms of govern-

30 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
ment, and equally strong attachments to the country and con
stitution they leave, without the means, being detached and
unmixed with citizens of different sentiments, of having them
eradicated. Her ladyship has spoken so sensibly and feelingly on the
religious and benevolent purposes of the plan, that no lan
guage, of which I am possessed, can add aught to enforce her
observations; and no place, in my opinion, bids so fair to
answer her views as that spot, in Hutchins' map, marked
Miami village and fort ; from hence there is a communication
to all parts by water^ and at which, in my judgment, there
ought to be a post. Do not think it strange, my good sir,
that I send you the original papers from Lady Huntingdon.
Many, mistakingly, think I am retired to ease and that kind
of tranquillity which vrould grow tiresome fbr want of em
ployment; but at no period of my life, not in the eight years
I served the public, have I been obliged to write so much my-
se/f. as I have done since my retirement. Was this confined
to friendly communications, and to my own business, it would
be equally pleasing and trifling ; but I have a thousand refer
ences of old matters with which I ought not to be troubled,
but which, nevertheless, must receive some answer. These,
with applications for certificates, copies of papers, &c. &c.
&c., deprive me of my usual and necessary exercise. I have
tried tp get a secretary or clerk to take the drudgery of this
business off my hands, but hitherto in vain. That you might
not wonder at my parting with original papers, upon an in
teresting subject, 1 thought it incumbent on me to assign the
reason, but I pray you to be assured that I have no other mo
tive for it.
Please to accept my thanks for the pamphlet you sent me,
and the resolutions respecting the temporary and permanent
residence of Congress. If I might be permitted to hazard
an opinion of the latter, I would say that, by the time your
federal buildings on the banks of the Delaware (in the
point of a triangle when compared to the shape and extent of
the confederated states,) are fit for the reception of Congress,
it will be found that they are very inconveniently placed for
the scat of the empire, and will have to undergo a .second
edition in one more convenient. If the union continues and
this is not the case, I will agree to be placed amongst the •
false prophpts and suffer for evil predictions.
The letter which went under cover of my former, and which
arrived too late for the Marquis de la Fayette, I pray you to

OF RICHARD HENRV LEE. 3i
forward to him by the packet, With great esteem" and re
gard, I have the honour to be.
Dear sir,
Your most humble and obedient servant,
GEO: WASHINGTON.
His Excellency, R. H. Lii.

MOUNT VERNON, 22d June, 1785.
Dear Sir — I stand indebted to you for your favours of the
3d, 7th, and 29th of last month, and feel myself exceedingly
obliged to your excellency for the communications, and en
closures therein.
It gives me pleasure to find that an ordinance of Congress
has passed, respecting the western territory. A little longer
delay of this business, and I believe the country would have
been settled, notwithstanding all that could have been done to
prevent it; as it is, I am not clear that the same respect will
be paid now to this ordinance, that would have been at an ear
lier period, before men began to speculate in lands north
west of the Ohio, and to obtrude themselves thereon. From
the general tenor of my letters, from very respectable and
intelligent characters in France, as late as the end of March,
it would seem most likely that the dispute between the empe
ror and Holland will be settled without bloodshed, and that
the former will scarcely be able to effect the exchange of his
dominions in the Netherlands for the dutchy of Bavaria;
among other reasons, because the Duke Deux Fonts, ne
phew and heir to the elector, is opposed thereto. But, not
withstanding, the state of politics and temper of some of the
formidable powers of Europe ai-e such, as to place war at no
very remote distance. I have just parted with Mr. and Mrs.
(Macauly) Graham; who, after a stay of about ten days, left
this in order to embark for England from New- York. I am
obliged to you for introducing a lady to me whose reputation
among the literati is so high, and whose principles are so
much and so justly admired by the friends to liberty and of
mankind. It gave me pleasure to find that her sentiments>
respecting the inadequacy of the powers of Congress, (as also^L'
those of Dr. Price) coincided with my own. Eicperience
evinces the truth of these observations, and the late move
ments of the mercantile interest exhibits a recent proof of the
conviction it is working in the popular mind ; but it is unfor
tunate for us, that evils which might have been averted must

3a LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
be first felt, and our national character for wisdom, justice,
and temperance called in question, before we can govern the
political machine. . .
The plan for improving and extending the navigation ot
the river Potomac is in a promising way ; enclosed, I "» my
self the honour of sending you the printed proceedings ofthe
board of directors. Mrs. Washington joins me in comph-
ments and every good wish for you, and with great esteem,
regard, and respect, I am, dear sir.
Your most obedient and affectionate humble servant,
GEO: WASHINGTON.
P. S. Col. Wm. Brent died two or three days ago. Your
son Ludwell was well at our court yesterday^

MOUNT VERNON, March 15, 1785.
Dear Sir — I iiave had the honour to receive your excel
lency's favour of the 14th of February, and pray you to ac
cept my thanks for the copy of the treaty with the Western
Indians, with which you were so obliging as to furnish me;
from the accounts given me last fall, (whilst I was on the
Ohio) I did not expect such a cession of territory from the
tribes that met. The Shawnees are pretty numerous, and
among the most warlike of the Ohio Indians ; but if the sub
scribing Indians mean to keep good faith, and atreaty should
be favourably negotiated with the more southerly Indians,
iheir spirit must yield, or they might easily be extirpated.
The wisdom of Congress will now he called upon to fix a
happy medium price on these lands, and to point out the most
advantageous mode of seating them, so as that law and good
government may be administered, and the Union strengthen
ed and supported thereby. Progressive seating, I conceive,
is the only means by wliich this can be effected ; and unless
inthe scale of politics, more than one new state is found ne
cessary at this time, the unit I believe would be found more
pregnant with advantages than the decies. The latter if I
mistake not, will be more advancive of individual interest,
than the public welfare. As you will have the untowardness,
jealousy, and pride, which are characteristic of the Spanish
nation to contend with, it is more than probable that Mr.
Gardoque will give Congress a good deal of trouble respect
ing the navigation of the river Mississippi. To me it should
seem, that the true policy of that government would be to

op liiCIIARD HENRY LEE. 33
make New Orleans a free mart, instead of shutting its poi'ts;
biit their ideas of trade are veiy confined I believe. I take
the liberty of putting a letter under cover of this to Mr. Lee.
Mrs. WashingtPn offers lier respectful compliments to ydu.
I have the honbiir to be, with great esteem and regard,
dear Sir, your most obt humble servt.
GEO: WASHINGTON.
His Excellency RicuABii H. Lee.

MOUNT VERNON, August 22, 1736.
i)EAR Sir — in my absence with the directors of the Poto
mac navigation, to examine the river and fix a plan of opel-a-
tions, your favour begun on the 23d, and ended the 3lst of
July, came to this place. I am sorry to hear of your late
indisposition, but cohgi'atulate yoii onyour recovery ; hoping
fliat the re-establishment of your health will be of long con
tinuance. The packet which ypu were so obliging aato send
me, came safely, and I' thank you for your care of it; butfor
\i'aht of knowledge of the language, I can form no opinion
of my own of the drafiaatic iierforlnance of Monsieur Scrvi-
teur le Barbier.
The currency of niy information from Fi-ance is, that the
dispute between the einperor and Holland, will be accommo
dated without bloodshed ; but aftei' the explicit declarations
Which have been made on both sides, I do hot see how cither
(especially thfe first) can recede frbm his claims. To save
appearances, and to let the contending parties down hand-
sofnely, say some of my letters, is now the greatest difficulty ;
but all agree, that a spark may set the whole iu flames ; in
deed Bavaria, if is ex^ebted, will yet do this.
It is to be hoped that our minister at the court of London,
will'briug that government* to an explanation respecting the
western posts, which it still retains on the American side of
flhe line, contrary to the spirit, if not to the letter, of the
treaty. My opiniPn from the first, and So I declared it, was,
that' these posts wbuld be detained i'rom us, as long as they
could be held under any pretence whatsoever. I have not
changed it, though I wish for cause to do so, as it may ulti
mately become a serious matter. However singular the opi-
lubri may be, I cannot divest myself of it, that the navigation
of the Mississippi, at tiiis tiriife, ought to be no object with us;
on the Cdnfrary, till we have a little time allowed to open
arid make easy thfe ways between the Atlahtic states and the
western territory,- the obstructions had better remain. There
Vol. II.— P

34 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
is nothing which binds one country, or one state, to another,
but interest ; without this cement, the western inhabitants
(which more than probably will be coraposed in a great de
gree of foreigners) can have no predilection for us ; and a
commercial connexion is tlie only tie we can have upon them.
It is clear to me that the trade of the lakes, and of the river
Ohio, as low as the Great Kanhawa, (if not to the falls) may
be brought to the ports on the Atlantic, easier and cheaper,
(taking tlie whole voyage together) than it can be carried to
New Orleans; but once open the door to the latter, before the
obstructions are removed fi'om the former ; let commercial
connexions (which lead to others) be formed, and the habit of
that trade be well established, and it will be found no easy
matter to divert it ; and vice versa.
When the settlements are stronger and more extended to
the westward, the navigation ofthe river Mississippi will be
an object of iinportance ; and we shall be able then (reserv
ing our claim) to speak a more efficacious language than po
licy, I think, should dictate at present.
I never have, and I hope never shall hear, any serious
mention of a paper emission in this state, yet such a thing
may be in agitation. Ignorance and design are productive
of much mischief, (the first is the tool of the latter,) and are
often set to work as suddenly as unexpectedly ; those with
whom I have conversed on this subject, in this part of the
state, reprobate the idea exceedingly.
We have lately ha,d the pleasure of Miss Lee's, and Miss
Hannah's company at this place ; they were botli well five
days ago. Mrs. Washington prays you to accept her com
pliments ; and with sentiments of great respect, esteem and
regard, I am dear Sir, your mpst obedt. and affectionate humble
servt.
GEO: WASHINGTON.
P. S. Your name, I well remember, stands amongst those
of the subscribers for a share in the Potomac Company. G. AY.

MOUNT VERNON, February 20, 1787.
Dear Sir— Your favour ofthe 15th, with the seed of the
honey locust came safe to hand, and claims my particular
thanks. I have but one doubt of its forming the best hedge;
in the world; and that is, whether it can be sufficiently

OP RICHARD HENRY LEE. 35
dwarfed. If this cannot be effected, the other purpose men
tioned in your letter, and a valuable one too, of subserving
stock, is alone sufficient to induce the cultivation of tbe tree.
Mrs. Washington offers respectful compliments to Mrs.
Lee, to whom, though I have not the honour of being known,
I beg leave to tender mine ; we both join in best ^^^slles for
you, and the young ladies^ and with great esteem and respect,
I have the honour to be, dear sir.
Your most obedient and affectionate servant,
GEO: WASHINGTON.

PHILADELPHIA, 19th July, 1787.
Dear Sir — I had the honour to receive your favour of the
"15th instant, and thank you for the ordinance which was en
closed in iti
My sentiments with respect to the navigation of the Missis
sippi, have been long fixed, and are not dissimilar to those
which are expressed in your letter. I have ever been of opinion,
that the true policy of the Atlantic states, would be, instead of
contending prematurely, for the free navigation of that river,
(which eventually, and perhaps as soon as it shall be our true
interest to obtain it) musthappen, to open and improve the na
tural communication with the western country through which,
the produce of it, might be transported with convenience and
ease to our markets. Till you get low down the Ohio, I con
ceive, (considering the length of the voyage to ?few Orleans
— the strength of the current — and the time required toper-
form the voyage,) that it would be the interest of the inhabit
ants thereof, to bring their produce to our ports; and sure I
am, there is no other tie, bywhich they will long form a link in
the chain of federal union. I believe, however, from the temper
in which those people appear to be, and from the ambitious
and turbulent spirit of some of their demagogues, that it has
become an important point to decide (when every circum
stance which attends this business is taken into view, ) what
is best to be done : the state of Virginia, having entered so
warmly into tbe matter, is not among the least embarrassing
and disagreeable parts of the difficulty.
Will you permit me to put the enclosed letter under cover
to you? From the gentlemen to whom it is addressed, Ihave
lately received a letter, of which, this is an acklowledge-
ment. With very great esteem and regard, I have the honour
to be, dear sir, your most obedient and affectionate servant,
GEO: WASHINGTON.

36 tlFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

NEW YORK, August 2d, 1789,
Dear Sir — The extreme hurry in which I have been
thrown for several days, to compare the merits and preten
tions of the several applicants for appointments, under the
revenue law, (in order that the nominations might speedily
follow the passage of the collection bill,) has prevented my
acknowledging the receipt of your favour of the 27th ultimo,
until this time. Mr. Charles Lee, will certainly be brought
forward as collector of the port of Alexandria ; but for the
reason you have assigned, and from a persuasion that Mr.
Thomas Lee is under a mistake with respect to the supposed
emoluments, of the office at Dumfries, I think it would be
best that Scott should go there ; which will give poor H^ji-
son. (who is worthy of soraething better if with propriety it
eould be given to him) the surveyorship at Alexandria.
As I am perfectly unacquainted with the portof Yeocomico,
and with the characters liying there, I would thank you for
naming a fit person as a collector for that district, by the
bearer, or by ten o'clock, A. M., to morrow.
I thought you looked badly the other day, but not having
heard of your indisposition, I said nothing ; I hope your
health is quite restored. I am, dear sir.
Your most obedient and very humble servant.
GEO- WASHINGTON.

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE.

C01lRESP0^"DE?s'CE
BETWEEir
RICHARD HENRY LEE,

A^n

THOMAS JEFFERSON, Es^.

PHILADELPHIA, April 29th, 1777.
Dear Sir — If I were to consider punctilio more than the
suggestions of friendship, I should expect an answer to some
jof the letters I have written you, before I despatched another ;
but I ever hated ceremonies, and shall not commence ceremony
with you. I wish it were in my power to give you any very
interesting news, but alas ! the slow assembling of an army,
prevents any attempt from lis upon the enemy, and will give
them an opportunity of collecting reenforcemeots from all
quarters. The French iriinistry assure our commissioners, that few
succours can be drawn from Germany ; but we find tliey are
endeavouring to supply deficiencies from among the tories in
the states of Connecticut, New York, and New Jersey, where
they haye secret emissaries in abundance; for these purposes
of corruption it seems, that Lord Howe is furnished with a
secretary, who is the greatest adept in the art of bribing that
now lives. I am afraid this country furnishes too good mate
rials for him to work upon. The plan of the British court,
if they can find men and money, and shpuld not be disturbed
by otlier wars, as it was settled in January last, was to reen
force Carleton and Howe; the latter to enter New England
with his whole force, for their extermination ; whilst tJie
former kept the middle colonies in awe, by invading New
York through the lakes ; Burgoyne with ten thousand men,
chiefly Germans, to attack Virginia and Maryla»d; the
southern and middle colppies to be put under a mihtary go
vernment. This may be relied on as fact, and shows, if it
.wanted showing, the just and merciful spirit that animates

3S LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
the leaders of our enemy's council ; and I assure you, those
that execute in the field are faithful representatives. It is
on all hands agreed, that our own tories are more formidable
to us, than the British force, and that a few leaders among
tbem, are the authors of all the mischief. It becomes then
every legislature, to secure the country against their machina
tions, by the most vigorous and discouraging laws. I really
believe, that numbers of our lazy, wprthless young men, will
not be induced to come forth into the service of their country,
unless the states adopt the mode recommended by Congress,
of ordering drafts from the militia. This may induce the
young  to take the continental bounty, rather than
serve for nothing of that sort. If the eighty-eight battalions
were completed, adieu to British tyranny, and every chance
for its succeeding. Howe's army still remains on the heights
near Brunswick, and General Washington to occupy the
country round him. Farewell, dear sir; regard me as
Your affeptionate friend.
RICHARD HENRY LEE.
Thomas Jeffebsoit, Esa.

PHILADELPHIA, May SOth, 1777.
Dear Sin — We are this moment informed here, that
some evil disposed people have industriously propagated
among the North Carolina troops, and among the recruits of
Virginia, in the upper parts, that the plague rages in our
army; in consequence of which, it is said, the recruiting
business stops, and desertions are frequent. There never
was a more infamous and groundless falsehood.
The army is extremely healthy, and the proper measures
are pursued to keep therii so. I mention this, dear sir, that
some adequate plan may be adopted, to stop the progress of
such wicked lies, as are now with industry circulated through
the country ; force having failed, our enemy's fraud is sub
stituted, and corruption is swiftly and silently pushed through
every quarter. One plan, now in frequent use, is to assas
sinate the characters of the friends of America, in every
0ace, and by every means ; at this moment, they are now
resding in Congress, an audacious atterhpt of this kind
agaii\st the brave General Arnold. Farewell, dear sir, I
wish yt»u. happiness.
Nothing new in Jersey.
RICHARD HENRY LEE.
Thomas^ Jf-fff-bsou, Esq.

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 39

PHILADELPHIA, August 25Ui, 1777.
Dear Sir — It will not perhaps be disagreeable to you, in
your retirement, sometimes to hear the events of var; and
how in other respects we proceed in the arduous business we
are engaged in, since the loss of Ticonderoga, (into the cause
of which, and the conduct of the commanding officers. Con
gress have ordered inquiry to be made.) In consequence of
General Burgoyne's speedy march to fort Letward, our affairs
iu that quarter begin to wear a favourable appearance. In
addition to Burgoyne's force, another body of men came down
the Mohock river, by way of Ossuego, and laid siege to fort
Stanwix, or Schuyler, as it is now called ; at this place a
battle ensued with the Tryon county militia, in which The
enemy were driven from the ground, with the loss of more
than two hundred Indians, and several regulars. Colonel
Willett riiaking a sally from the fort, did great injury to the
enemy, and took from them a great quantity of baggage, with
two or three field pieces. However, the militia having lost
many men in the action, and their best officers having been
killed or wounded, they retired, and left the enemy to return
and lay siege to fort Schuyler, the garrison of which was
bravely defending it, when General Arnold was detached
with a body of men to relieve the place ; we iexpect every
day to hear of his success. To the northward of this, in
New Hampshire, General Stark, with two thousand militia,
attacked Colonel, Baum and fifteen hundred regular troops
with cannon ; the consequence, you will find in the enclosed
hand-bill. This was an important victory, well-timed, and
will probably occasion Mr. Burgoyne to retire very quickly j
if he does not, I can be bold to augur his destruction. He is
at Saratoga and fort Letward, our main army, a few miles
in his front, ^t the mouth of Mohock river ; I expect Gene
rals Lincoln and Arnold, will presently be in his rear, after
which his chance fpr returning is very small. General Gates
has joined the northern army, and now conimands in that
quarter. Putnam, with five thousand men, commands on the
heights of Hudson river, above New York, in which place,
General Clinton is left with about three thousand men. After
General Howe had long raised the curiosity of this part of
the world, to know what could be his view in embarking his
army, and coasting it for five weeks in a most oppressively
hot season, at length he appears at the very head of Chesa
peake bay, where he remains with more than two hundred
sail of vessels ; the troops not yet landed, that we know of,
but I imagine they were put on shore yesterday. We are

^g UPE AND CORRESPONDENCE
left yet to guess his object; it may be supposed, either for
this city, or to conduct a line from Chesapeake to New Cas
tle, and thereby enclose a large tract of country, between that
bay, Delaware, and the sea. Let his plan be what it may.
Genera! Washington, with a gallant army, is gone to enter a
caveai- The general with his army passed through this city
yesterday, and they made a fine appearance ; to aid the armyy
and make the business secure. Congress has called for militia
from this state, Delaware, Maryland, and the northern coun^
ties of Virginia. Should General Howe venture to enter the
country against this force, I ihink his ruin will be sure, not
withstanding we are told his master depends on the desparate
efforts that Generals Howe and Cornwallis must make to
redeem their "bankrupt honour;" so,we learn from France,
the king of England hath said.- We have no- reason to sup
pose from our foreign intelligence, that a war in Euroi>e will
immediately take place, biit that every prejiaration for it, i^
making, remains without doubt; and, in the mean time, we
shall surely receive most substantial aid from our friends-
there. The fleet of France grows stronger daily, and with
it, the spirit of the court rises, as appears by the answer tfr
Lord Stormont, when he told the French minister, that the
peace cannot continue long, if North America continued t<y
draw supplies from France, " Nous ne desirons pas la Guerre
et no la craignons pas." In truth every act of falsehood ajid
fraud has been practised to prevent a war there, but it seems'
clear tha,t this will not long prevail. Dr. Lee is returned
from Spain, and is gone to the Prussian court ; that monarch
is fond of commerce and is desirous of being acquainted with'
the whole nature of ours. He is offended with the court of
London, and has no reason to fear its resentment. We have
good reason to expect considerable advantage from his friend
ship. If our friends fail us not, and pur union continues, nO'
cause was ever safer than ours ; to prevent the* former most
extensive and vigorous taxes should immediately take place.
The sum in circulation is immense, and no corrective can be
applied but taxation ; nor was there ever a time, when the
vast plenty of money rendered that business more easy. The
loan-office, with that, will, I believe, answer; and upon the
success of our friends, will probably depend the events of our
exertions. The confederation progresses but slowly, occa
sioned by the immensity of business created by the war; but,
I find, our right to our charter bounds, as stated by our act
of government, will be strongly contested. The charter of
1609, it is said, has been vacated, and that no transfer of
that charter right can be shown from the company to the

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 41
people of Virginia ; and that therefore the ungranted lands
were the property of the crown, and being taken from it by
common exertions, must become common stock. Will you
be so kind as to favour me with your authorities and reasons,
in support of our rights. I am, with great regard and
esteem, dear sir, your most affectionate and obedient
RICHARD HENRY LEE.
Thomas JeffeUson, Esq.

YORK, May 11, 1778,
Dear Sir — We have once more ventured into the field of
composition, as the enclosed address will show you; and I
have the pleasure to acquaint you that Congress have unani
mously ratified the treaties with France, and directed the
ratifications to be presented for exchange in due season. The
enclosed pamphlet, I take to be a production of Dr. Frank
lin; it is well written, and was published first in Holland.
When it began to make a noise, the British minister procur
ed its suppression; but this, as usual, raised the public curi
osity, and procured it additional readers. We have tran
slated it here, and omitting one or two paragraphs, that are
not now true; it will be published, next week, in the gazette
of this place. The reasons are good, and may be well used,
in these states, to support public credit. Suppose you were
to have a translation published by way of supplement, to our
Virginia gazettes, My heart is so bent upon the success of
our country, that it grieves me extremely to hear a probabi
lity of measures being adopted, that, I am sure, will injure
us. I am told that application will be made to this Assem
bly, te make Mr. Loycantes commissioner. Is it possible,
that such an application can be attended to ! Thus to treat a
gentleman of unquestioned ability, and of reputation in
France, and after we have applied to that court to obtain
leave for his longer residence among us than his furlough
permitted ! His character will not he hiirt by it; but how
mutable shall we appear, and how totally wrbng it will be
thus to dismiss an able, zealous, and most industrious artist,
whilst we remain utterly ignorant of the necessary know
ledge that he is both able and willing to instruct us in ?
I think the wise men of Pur Assembly will suppress the spirit
of vain ambition that prompts to this selfish application.
We are told that the enemies' movements at Philadelphia
Vol. IL— G

42 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
denote their departure; but these, perhaps, may be designed
to amuse us, and prevent the collection of a strong army.
I am, dear Sir, sincerely yours,
RICHARD HENRY LEE.
Thomas Jeffebson, Esq.

PHILADELPHIA, July 20, 1778.
Dear Sir — The condition of our affairs is much changed,
since last I had the pleasure of writing to you, as by the fa
vour of his mo,st Christian majesty, we now are become
masters of the sea, and our own coast at least. Ten days
ago arrived in the Delaware, a French squadron commanded
by Count D'Estaing, of twelve sail of the line and four fri
gates, having of seamen and land troops eleven thousand
men on board. There is one ship of 90 guns, one of 80, six
of 74, three of 64, and four frigates. Having missed the
English here, they proceeded to New York in quest of them,
and are now before that harbourj the depth of water being
unfortunately insufficient to admit such large ships. The
English, whose fleet is inferior, are well contpnted to remain
within the honoiirs, and suffer Monsieur, the count, to inter
cept every vessel coming to New York. He has already taken
fifteen sail. But the French admiral being an officer of great
activity and spirit, seems not Content with this small work,
and therefore, I believe, he will go immediately to Rhode
Island, where he can easily destroy the ships, and with the
assistance of our force there make prisoners of two thousand
British troops on that island. With this squadron came Le
Sieur Girard, minister plenipotentiary from his most Chris
tian majesty. He is a sensible well bred man, and perfectly
well acquainted with the politics of Europe. From him I
learn, that the court of France considers the message of the
King of England to his Parliament, and their answer upon
the Count Noaille's notification of our alliance, as a denunci
ation of war, on the part of Great Britain, and that they
mean to act accordingly without an express declaration,
leaving this last to England. We are busied now in settling
the ceremonials for the reception of foreign ministers of
every denomination, and I assure you it is a work of no small
difficulty. When this is finished Monsieur Girard will have his audi
ence in Congress, I suppose this week. General Washington
has crossed the North River, and will co-operate with the
admiral in measures to be conducted against the common

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 4S
enipmy. The British commissioners have sent us a second
letter very silly, and equally insolent.
The preliminaries, insisted on by Congress (an acknow-
ledgmeint of independence, and a withdrawing of their fleets
and armies) not having been either of them, complied with,
this letter is to receive no answer. We haye detected and
fully exposed Governor Johnston, who under the plausible
guise of friendship and virtue, has endeavoured to bribe mem
bers of Congress ; the whole body, indeed, as well as indivi
dual members. The confederation is ratified by ten states ;
there remains only Jersey, Delaware, and Maryland. But,
I suppose, their obstinacy will, ere long, submit to their in
terest, and a perfect coalition take place.
I am much hurried, though with great esteem, dear Sir,
your most obt. servt.
RICHARD HENRY LEE.
Thomas Jeffebson, Esq.

PHILADELPHIA, August 10, 1778.
Dear Sir — I agree, entirely, with yoil, concerning the
importance of the confederation, and have never failed to
press it. Ten states have ratified ; Jersey, Delaware, and
Maryland have not, and one of them, Maryland, has adjourn
ed, until November, so that the new Congress, under the con
federation, cannot meet this year, at the time proposed by the
confederacy. The enclosed paper contains all the news we
have, except that it is well reported that Lord Howe being
reenforced by four ships ofthe line, sailed from New York on
Thursday last, with his whole force, to attack the French
squadron now at Rhode Island. Howe has a greater num
ber of ships, but Count D'Estaing has heaviest metal. The
attack by sea and land was to be made on Thursday on the
enemy at Rhode Island, where they have five thousand five
hundred men strongly posted, and three or four frigates. Our
force will he about fourteen thousand men besides the squad
ron. Success seems certain, if Lord Howe does not get up
in time to prevent it. The Count D'Estaing is an officer of
approved merit, and his ships very strong in every respect,
so that I think he will check the British insolence on the sea,
as we have already done on the land. No war in Europe on
the 10th of June, nor do I believe Great Britain means to
resent the proceedings of France. It seems to be a contest
between the two nations which shall be last in declaring war.
Some advantages to accrue from treaties, is the cause of this.

44 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
To US it matters little, since we so powerfully experience the
aid of France. Fbr it is certain this squadron is to act with
and for us, so long as the enemy, by continuing here, renders
it necessary. There is great probability that the einperor of
Germany and the king of Prussia, will fall out about the
Bavarian dominions. There will be a battle of giants, each
party having three hundred thousand men, the best disciplin
ed troops in the world. France, I fancy, has taken measures
to avoid this quarrel, that her whole force may be employed
against England. The design against Detroit is abandoned
for the present, and a force will be sent into the Indian coun
tiy to chastise their late insolence. I heartily wish that the
wisdom of our country may be early next .session employed
to regulate our finance, restore public credit, determine about
our back lands, and if possible get rid of our public com
merce. If it succeeds with us, I believe it will be the first
instance that has ever appeared of the kind. But many
there are of injury derived from such trade. Whilst neces
sity impelled, it was unavoidable, but now that private com
merce will furnish abundance of all things, I incline to think
our interest will consist in withdrawing from foreign trade.
Remember me to Mr. Mazzie. I am, &G.
RICHARD HENRY LEE.
I'homas JirrEnsow, Esq.

PHILADELPHIA, M.iy Sd, 1779.
Dear Sir — Always attentive to your commands, I have
obtained here, and now enclose you the song and the receipt
you desired. I once had both of them at home, but they are
mislaid among a mass of papers, so that I could find neither
previous to my leaving Chantilly, or your request would then
have been complied with. I hope you have received the
pamphlet 1 sent you some weeks ago, entitled, " Observations
on the American Revolution," containing a collection of the
most material Congress papers, with a few remarks inter
spersed, in order to show in one comprehensive view the
progress of our glorious revolution, and to rectify some false
representations of the British commissioners. This pam
phlet was sent by an express that came here from Mr. Harvey,
and returned to Williamsburgh, with intention to follow Mr.
Harvey to Albemarle, if they found him not at the former of
tbe places. I wish it were in my power to entertain you
with news, but wc are here as void of that as if profound

OP RICHARD HENRY LEE. 45
peace reigned throughout the world. We have not heard
from Europe for four months, and although there then seemed
a disposition in many powers, to re.store the general tran
quillity, yet all were industriously preparing for war, and
.some being actually engaged ; the fate of millions hung in
doubtful balance. The armies here continue quiet within
their quarters ; that ofthe enemy, by their late embarkation
of nine regiments, i-endered too weak for taking the field,
must content itself with holding New York as the Gibraltar
of America. If we can baffle the southern invasion, it is clear
to me, that the game will be presently up with our enemies,
and that they will be compelled by inevitable necessity, to be
content with the loss of thirteen flourishing states. A very
fit' consequence of the foolish and wicked attempt to reduce
to slavery, so many free, useful, and affectionate friends. I
hope that when you and my other friend Consider all things,
that you will not blame me for sending my resignation to
the Assembly. I am really' injured in my health, by such
continued close application, and a nuraerous family demand
some attention ; add to these, that, jiersecuted as I have
been, by the united voice of toryism, speculation, faction,
envy, malice, and all uncharitableness, nothing hut the cer
tain prospect of doing essential service to my country, can
compensate for the injuries I receive. It would content mc
indeed, to sacrifice every consideration to the public good,
that, would result from such persons as yourself, Mr. Wythe,
Mr. Mason, and some others, being in Congress, I would with
persevering ardour through every difficulty, in conjunction
with such associates. Lam informed, that Colonel Black
burn, intends to propose a bill this session, for the relief of
landlords ; I shoud suppose, that the wisdom and justice of the
legislature, can, and will devise some reraedy for the relief of
thisclassofpeopleamongus; I am one who have the misfortune,
to see myself and fainily, nearly ruined by the retrospective
effect of our law. Almost the Whole of my landed estate was
rented out some years before this war, for low cash rents,
and under the faith of existing law, which secured me specie
for my rents. The vast sums of paper money, tliat have been
issued, (and this being now a tender for the discharge of
rents growing from old contracts,) and the cpnsequent depre
ciation, has well nigh effected an entire transfer of my estate
to my servants ; this year, sir, the rents of four thousand
of fine land, will not buy me twenty barrels of corn. I am
very far from desiring, that the law should place these con
tracts literally as they were, but substantially, it seems just
that tbey should be ; when the tenant agreed to pay me six

46 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
pounds for an hundred acres rent, he could not sell his to
bacco for more than sixteen or eighteen shillings an hundred,
now he sells his tobacco for ten and twelve pounds per ewt.
Tt does not appear to me, that the public good can be con
cerned in thus transferring the property of landlords, to their
tenants; but, public justice demands, that the true nieaning,
and genuine spirit of contracts, should he complied with. It
appears to me, that an act of commutation, might set this
business right, by directing the payment in produce, at the
prevailing price of such produce when the contracts were
made, leaving this to be settled by the courts annually, as
they formerly did, in the case of exchange. I well know
your love of justice, to be such, that your approbation will
be given to any proper plan, for doing right in the premises:
for my own part, I am willing to suffer every thing, rather
than injure the public cause, but in the present state of things,
I can see no possibility of public injury, from thus rendering
private justice. I am, with much esteem and regard, dear
sir, your most obedient and very humble servant,
RICHARD HENRY LEE.
Thomas Jefferson", Esq.

PHILADELPHIA, May 22, 1779.
Dear Sir — I have paid due attention to your favour of
the 21st, and I believe there would have been no difficulty in
obtaining what is desired for Baron de Geismar, had not the
enemy created the difficulties that do exist. They absolutely
refuse to admit partial exchanges, and they have lately pro
posed such unfair terms for general exchange, that nothing
can be done in either of these ways. They will not allow
one of our officers to come out on parole, if like permission
be granted to one of theirs, as appeared in the case of Major
Jasserers, of the regiment of Hesse Hanaul Upon consider
ation of this matter, with your friend Mr. Peters, who is
one of the board of war, we conclude, the way to put this
matter into the best train, will be for the baron to apply to
the British commander in chief, for this parole exchange,
and write to General Kniphausen, to support the request,
that these letters be sent here to the board of war, and they
will immediately forward them through the commissary of
prisoners, expressing their willingness to gratify the baron.
An objection is raised here to gratifying this officer, without
receiving something like an equivalent from the enemy, as
tending to encourage their obstinacy, in repressing a general

OF RICH-'V.RD HENRY LEE. 4"
exchange, on terms of fair equality, hy which our captive
officers  We have no news here, but what
comes from Virginia, all good men are waiting with anxious
expectation to hear that our countrymen have given these
wicked invaders cause to repent of their undertaking. We
have been told that Colonel Hamilton, of Detroit, is our pri
soner, made so by the brave Colonel Clarke ; I wish it may
be true, and I hope the prisoners will bo well secured, because
his enmity to us, his activity and influence among the Indians,
are equal and all very great. My respects to Mr. Wythe.
and my other friends. I am, dear sir, yours, &c.
RICHARD HENRY LEE.
Thomas Jefpehsoit, Esq.

TRENTON, November 18th, 1784.
Mt dear SiR^The same cause that deprived me of the
pleasure of hearing from yoii sooner, in answer to my for
mer letter, has, in a great degree, prevented me from sooner
acknowledging the receipt of your favour, of, September
23d, 1783, vvhich I received in the following winter, when
labouring under a long continued, severe illness, that has
nearly ended my days. I thank God that I am now pretty
well recovered, insomuch that I have been prevailed on, once
more, to take a seat in Congress, my brother's three years.
having ended with this federal year. I am much grieved, my
dear friend, to observe the wonderful lassitude that prevails
in public affairs; it is now eighteen days since Congress
ought to have assembled here, and, as yet, we have but five
states; and it surprises me, that these five are southern;
none but the worthy Dr. Holton, from your states being yet
arrived frpm the eastward ; whence, formerly, we used to
derive most punctuality, alacrity, and judicious despatch of
public biisiness; yet, there are many subjects of great im
portance, that demand the speedy, temperate, wise, and firm,
discussion of Congress. We have seen here, the late report
of a committee of the privy council, in Great Britain, upon
the petition of the West Indian planters, and mercliants, pro
posing an open and liberal trade with these United States.
In the report, air the illiberal and senseless principles of
commerce, in Lord Sheffield's book, are taken up and re
commended. This report was laid on the table of the House
of Commons; but, it seems, that the Parliament is prorogued,
without touching the subject of their commerce with us ; so
that it remains upon the old ground of proclamation, inter-

48 LIFE A,\"D CORRESPONDENCE
dieting trade with the British West Indies, but through the
medium of British vessels. It is not difficult for an attentive
and diligent inquirer, to discern the old leaven working in the
British councils; the same men still rule in secret; the
same hieasures are wished to be practised. Nor does it
signify much whether Pitt or North, comes forward upon the
stage ; the nation, too like a strong, proud, and sullen man,
angry from unexpected defeat, and, imputing misfortunes to
casualties, would seem not averse to a second trial. I re
member once when I detested the moderate man; at this
moraent, I think, that moderation, wisdom, firmness, and
attention, are the principles proper for our adoption, and
highly becoming the dignity of our successful situation ;
being always prepared for the worst, the best events will ribt
be unpleasing ; it is observable, that great hopes are enter
tained beyond the water, from the expectation of discord,
disunion, and apathy, on our parts ; I sincerely wish that
their hopes may be blasted. We understand, that Deane
and Arnold are in frequent conversation with the British
ministers ; and, it is said, that the former composed part of
Lord Sheffield's work ; indeed, the principles of that book,
are precisely the same with those contained in one of Mr.
Deane's intercepted letters, in the y eat- 1781. What kind
of conduct are we to expect from Great Britain, when its
councils are raixed with gall? When the acrimpny of blasted
ambition and avarice, arc permitted to insinuate advice? I
shall be happy to be aided by your counsels, during my resi
dence in Congress. Our letters raay, in this direct line of
po.'it, he secure, especially as the times arc not quite so in
quisitive as formerly. I beg, that my best respects may be
presented to Mrs. Adams ; and remember rae, if you please^
to General Warren, to Mr. Gerry, and Mr. LoveU. I am,
dear Sir,
Slost sincerely and affectionately, your friend,
RICHARD HENRY LEE.
Hon. Samuel Adams,
Uos:ton, Massachusetts Bay;

TRENTON, New Jersey, November 20th, 1784.
Dear Sir— I should sooner have done myself the honour
of writing to you, if it had been in my ppwer to have com
municated any thing agreeable; but I could only have in
formed you, that we had not, and that we cannot say when we
shall have, members enough to make a Congress ; as yet, we

•JF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 49
have but four states convened. This lassitude, in our public
cpuncils, must afflict our friends, and encourage the hopes of
our trans-Atlantic foes, who look at us with an evil eye. Mr.
Wolcott arrived here yesterday, with the treaty, raade at
fort Stanwix, with the Six Nations ; and he informs us, that
the other two commissioners have proceeded to Pittsburg, to
treat with the western tribes. He thinks, (from the satis
faction that appeared among some Shawanee chiefs, who
were at Fort Stanwix,) that the commissioners will not find
much difficulty in their treaty with the western nations. I
have the honour to enclose you a copy pf the northern treaty,
and shall be happy to know your opinion of it. I under
stand, from Mr. Wolcott, that the commissioners ofthe Unit
ed States met many difficulties, -thrown in their way by New
York, whiph they overcame, at last, hy much firmness and
perseverance. Itis unfortunate when private views obstruct
public measures, and more especially when a state becomes
opposed to the States ; because, it seems to confirm the pre
dictions of those who wish us npt well, and who cherish
hopes from a discord arising from different interests. Colo
nel Monroe, of our delegation, who is lately returned from a
tour to Montreal, Niagara, and Lake Erie, informs us, that
he learnt, in his journey, that the western posts were to be
detained from us ; and, that the reason assigned, was, he-
cause of the conduct of New York and Virginia ; the former
for pushing the law of confiscation beyond the terms of peace,
and Virginia for not repealing the laws impeding the re
covery of British debts. The governor of New York, told
Colpnel Monroe, that it was a mistaken charge upon thehi,
for that they had not confiscated since the provisional arti
cles ; it is to be laniented, that any pretext should be furnish
ed for injuring us in the essential manner that the detention
of these posts will do. The Parliament, it seems, is pro
rogued, without touching the subject of their trade with us,
although a committee of the privy council, upon thie petition
of the West India merchants and planters, had reported an
approbation of all the silly, malignant principles of Lord
Sheffield, respecting our trade with the British West Indies.
This book of Lord Sheffield, has been very ably a,nswered, by
several writers, in Great Britain. My respects, if you
please, to your lady ; I hope that she has recovered her
health. I have the honour to be, &c.
RICHARD HENRY LEE.
General Washinotoit, Mount Vernon.
Vol. IL— H

50

LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

TRENTON, in New Jersey, November 20, 1784.
Sir — I wish it were in my power to giveyou the satisfac
tion that I know it would afford you, to be inforraed that
Congress had assembled, and was proceeding well with the
public business. Unfortunately, we have not yet a Con
gress ; although twenty days are elapsed since the time ap
pointed for its meeting, but four states have been convened.
No doubt, Colonel Monroe has informed his correspondents
of the intelligence he received, on his tour to Montreal, Nia
gara, &c. that one reason assigned for detaining the western
posts from the United States, was, because Virginia had not
repealed her laws impeding the recovery of British debts ; it
is sincerely to be Wished, that the advocates for retaining
those laws, would no longer insist upon furnishing pretext
for detaining from the United States, possessions of such
capital importance to the Union, as these posts are. I have
the honour to enclose you a copy of the treaty made at fort
Stanwix, with the Six Nations ; it was brought here by Mr.
Wrdcott, who informs us, that the other two commissioners
were gone to Pittsburg, to hold a treaty there with the
western nations ; and, he apprehends, (from the content that
appeared at Stanwix. among some Shawanee chiefs,) that
the commissioners will not find much difficulty in treating
with the western tribes. The accounts, that we daily receive,
of the powerful emigrations from our state to Georgia, North
and South Carolina, and from the interior parts to Kentucky,
are very alarming. The causes assigned, arc two — the de
sire of removing from heavy taxes, and the search after land.
It certainly becomes our legislature to consider this point
with great attention, and to remove, or lessen, the causes
that effect the depopulation of the country^ Do you not think,
sir, that the taxes might be considerably lessened by bring
ing all our debts, foreign and domestic, into view, and fund
ing the whole. After this, let such taxes bp imposed as will
most punctually pay the interest, and theprincipal by very
slow degrees. This would satisfy the public creditors, be
cause the certainty of receiving the interest, will render the
principal vendible, on good terms ; and the tax might, in that
case, be much lowered frora its present enormous height. I
think, that I may venture safely to say, that our revenue,
certificate, and all other taxes, amount, in the aggregate, to
a heavier taxation than prevails in any part of the world.
Upon this circumstance^ I find some British writers founding
the hope of our depopulation. It surprised me a good deal,
that Our last Assembly did not take up and adopt, for the

OP RICHARD HENRY LEE. 3 1.
ease of our fellow citizens, the facilities given by Congress,
in their act of the 28th of April last. By this act (which, I
understand, is before the Assembly) one fourth ofthe federal
demand against us, may be discharged wi^th certificates of
interest for money loaned tbe United States, or for interest
on liquidated debts of the United States. If these certifi
cates were, by law, made receivable in the revenue tax, it
would certainly, and considerably, facilitate the payment of
that tax. It seems, that the Parliament of Great Britain
was prorogued without any thing being done respecting our
trade with them, although a committee of the privy council,
upon the petition of the West India merchants and planters,
for a free trade between them and the United States, had re
ported an approbation of all the silly, malignant comraercial
restraints upon our trade with their West India islands, that
are to be found in Lord Sheffield's book, on the comraerce of
the two countries. I have the honour to be, with much es
teem and regard. Sir,
Your most obedient, humble servant,
RICHARD HENRY LEE.
James Madison, Esq.
In the Assembly of Virginia.

' TRENTON, Nov. 26,-1784.
Dear SiR^ — I received your agreeable letter the day after
mine, of the 2Gth instant, had been despatched. I thank you
for the very particular and satisfactory information that
you have favoured me with. It is certainly comfortable to
know tiiat the legislature of our country is engaged in bene
ficial pursuits, for I conceive that the general assessment and
a digest of the moral laws are very important concerns; the
one to secure our peace, and the other our morals. Refiners
may weave reason into as fine a web as they please, but the
experience of all times shows religion to be the guardian of
morals; ahd he must be a very inattentive observer in our
country, who dpes not see that avarice is accomplishing the
destruction of religion, for want of a legal obligation to con
tribute something to its support. The declaration of rights,
it seems to me, rather contends against forcing modes of faith
and forms of worship in religious matters, than against com
pelling contribution for the support of religion in general. I
fully agree with the Presbyterians that true freedom embraces
the Mahometan and the Gpntoo, as well as the Christian re
ligion. I believe there is no doubt but that the population of

52 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
our country depends eminently upon our revenue laws; tiiey
therefore demand intense consideration. It is natural for men
to fly from oppression to ease, and whilst our taxes are ex
tremely heavy, and Nortli Carolina and Georgia pay little
or no tax, it is not to be wondered that so many of our peo
ple flock to these states. I do not mean by this that we should
not most honourably and punctually pay our debts, but I
think we may fairly practise here, as other nations the raost
honest do; I mean exactly to pay the interest, and slowly to
sink the principal; an attempt to do the latter too suddenly
will ruin, by depopulating the country. The mode appears
to be, a funding of the whole debt so as to certainly pay the
interest and slowly the principal. Cannot a sinking fund be
brought to bear upon the latter, by throwing all overflowings
of taxes into a reservoir fpr gathering interst upon interest?
I suppPse that, at all events, the facilities offered by Congress
in their act of 28th of April last, will be introduced into the
revenue law amendments of this session. The people have
certainly suffered much hitherto hy not knowing, in season,
what taxes are lawfully demandable from them ; for want of
this information, numbers are compelled to submit to the ex
tortions and abuses of collectors. The ti-easurer used for
merly to publish annually, in the papers, what were to be the
taxes of tlieryear, and this mode was then very useful; but at
present, tbe dispersion of newspapers is so Uncertain, that
the information through that channel would reach but few.
A statement from the treasury, printed in, the way of hand
bills to be put up at the court-houses and churches, might,
perhaps, furnish the requisite inforraation, and save the peo
ple from extensive abuse.
I am very happy to know, for the honour of our country,
that there is a probability of the impeding laws* being again
taken under deliberation. What I wrote you, in my last,
upon this subject, is a most serious consideration, and the
enelosed paragraph, taken from a late paper, will show you
how quickly the fame of our proceedings travels, and the
effect that they are likely to have upon our Commerce. By
the fifth article of the confederation, the annual meeting of
Congress is to be on the first Monday in November, and by
our act establishing one yearly meeting of the Assembly, and
that to be on the third Monday in October, you will see, sir,
that there is very little probability of Virginia being repre
sented in Congress for some time after its federal day of
meeting, so that it becomes necessary to consider this matter.
• Impeding the recovery of British debts.

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 53
I suppose that either the Assembly's time of meeting must be
altered, or the delegates for the ensuing federal year be chosen
this session. We have not yet made a Congress, but we have
some reason tp expect eight states on Monday next. I un
derstand that Spain is likely to insist upon the exclusive na
vigation of the Mississippi, which will render the exploring
our western waters of the greater importance.
I am, dear sir,
With great esteem and regard.
Your most obedient and very humble servant,
RICHARD HENRY LEE.
James Madison, Esq.

TRENTON, Dec. 18, 1784.
Dear Sir — We are placed now, I think, pretty nearly in
the same political relation under which our former corres
pondence was conducted ; if it shall prove as agreeable to you
to revive it, as you were then pleased to say it was to conti
nue it, I shall be happy in contributing my part. The intel
ligence from hence cannot now be so interesting as formerly,
because important eveilts can be expected to occur but seldom
in these times. It i,s, hpwever, not unpleasant to know how
things are going, and lilcely to go, in the world ; that part of
it, at least, in which we are in any manner interested. The
courts of Spain and London do not seem to be upon such cor
dial principles with the United States as we might wish ; the
former seeming to be intent upon possessing, with a strong
hand, the exclusive navigation ofthe Mississippi, and the latter
has actually encroached already upon our peace boundary on
the river St. Croix, and they detain the western posts; as
signing, for reason, that we have violated the peace by not
repealing the laws that impede the recovery of British debts ;
the court of London seems also willing to injure its own pos
sessions in tbe West Indies, rather than not wound our com
merce with the British Isles. Much of this mischief arises
from the want of a proper understanding of each other, and
from the active industry and acrimonious misinformation that
the exiled tories and refugees are constantly inculcating and
asserting, without much danger of contradiction in having
the truth fairly displayed^ A well-informed gentleman, in
out ministry abroad, therefore, lately wrote us, that we pould
much better have dealt with these people among ourselves,
than we can cotiilteract the eVils now resulting from their
conduct abroad. This temper of the two courts will^ how-

54 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
ever, produce the necessity of sending to each a well-informed
proper minister to negotiate commencing difficulties, and
thereby prevent the evils of renewed war. It seems yet to be
a matter of much doubt, whether the imperial determination
to open the long closed navigation of the Scheldt, and restor
ing Antwerp to its former splendour as a commercial city,
will not light up a general war upon the continent of Europe.
I hope that our dispute with Great Britain may be previously
settled. Our commissioners have concluded a peace with
the Six Nations, and are now on their way to Cayahoga, on
Lake Erie, to meet the western nations and to make a treaty
with them also. I present you the compliments of the ap
proaching season, and assure you tbat
I am, with great regard and esteem.
Dear sir.
Your most obedient and very humble servant,
RICHARD HENRY LEE.
Hon. E. Peniixeto.*,
Virginia.

TRENTON, Dec. 26, 1784.
Dear Sir — I had the honour to receive your obliging let
ter, of the 14th inst., seven days after its date, and I thank
you, sir, for its friendly contents and sensible communications.
You ideas concerning the western' country are wise and just;
they will certainly have great weight when that business
shall be discussed in Congress, and that will probably be the
case soon after we know the success of our commissioners at
Cayahoga. Much time hath been taken up in the debate upon
the permanent and temporary residence of Congress, and,
finally, it is determined that the former shall be on the banks
of the Delaware, not exceeding eight miles above or below
this place, and on either side of the river that may be fixed
upon by commissioners to be appointed for the purpose of su
perintending the federal buildings. New-York is to be the
temporary residence, and Congress stands now adjourned to
meet in that city on the 1 1th of January next, when I hope
that we shall diligently put forward the public business.
Spain seems determined to possess the exclusive navigation
of Mississippi, which, with the bickerings that appear already
on that quarter, will oblige Congress to send an able minis
ter to Madrid, and one also to the court of London, that we
may, if possible, negotiate commencing differences before they
have proceeded too far. The western posts are withheld,

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 55
and an encroachment already made on our north-eastern
boundary. The ambiguity in the treaty, arising from there
being two rivers named St. Croix that empty into Passama-
quady bay, has encouraged the British to settle the country
between them, which is valuable, and I understand that, in
the upper parts, these waters are distant seventy miles from
each other; the fact is, that the easternmost river is the true
St. Croix, the same name having been, of late date, only ap
plied to the westernmost of these waters. The very unfriendly
comraercial principles entertained by the British ministry,
and the disputes concerning debts and removed negroes, are
points of consequence also ; which together form a field for
able and ample negotiation.
The Marquis Fayette had embarked for Europe before the
letter for him, that you enclosed, came to my hands. I should
be glad to know your pleasure concerning it ; whether I am
to send it on to France after him, or return it to you. My
respectful compliments attend your lady, and wishing you
and her the compliments of the season,
I am, with great esteem and regard.
Dear sir,
Your mpst obedient and very humble servant,
RICHARD HENRY LEE.
Gen. Washinotoit.

NEW YORK, January 20, 1785.
Sir — I have the honour to send your excellency two let
ters that came under cover from France. 'Tis with pleasure
I learn from Mr. Adams, that it is probable the negotiations
of tlus winter may prevent the progress of hostilities in the
spring, between the United Netherlands, and the emperor.
And also that the spirits of your countrymen suffer no dejec
tion, but that on the contrary, they are with much diligence
and wisdom composing party quarrels, and preparing for the
defence of the republic. Be so good as to present my com
pliments to your son, and be assured tbat I am, witli every
sentiment of esteem and regard sir, your excellency's most
obedient servant,
RICHARD HENRY LEE.
His Excellency Mr. Van BAcele,
Minister Plenipotentiary from the
United Netherlands.

56 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

NEW YORK, February 14, 1785.
Dear Sir — In reply to your favour of December 14th, I
had the honour tp write to you from Trenton, and I mention
ed an enclosed letter from you, for the Marquis Fayette,
which coming to hand after the marquis had sailed, I wish
ed to know yoiir pleasure, whether I should forward it to
France, or return it to you. I have not been honoured with
your commands on that point. Soon after my arrival in this
city, I enclosed for you, in a letter, one of the few pamphlets
addressed to the president of Congress, by Doctor Price, and
I shall be happy to know that you have received it. I have
now the pleasure, to send you a copy of the treaty this day
received from the commissioners appointed tp treat with the
Western Indians. The Shawanese, you observe, are not
there. And what effect this may have I am not able to say ;
but the Wyandots are stated as their superiors, from whence
we may hope no very ill effects from their absence. The
Court of Spain has appointed Mr. Gardoque their charge
des affairs to the United States, and we have reason soon to
expect his arrival. We are to apprehend a very firm ostensi
ble demand from him, of the exclusive navigation of the Mis
sissippi. His private orders touching our ulterior agree
ment may be another thing ; time and wise negotiation, will
unfold this very important matter to the United States, and
to many individual states. My respects if you please to your
lady. I have the honour to be with the truest respect and
esteem dear sir, your most obedient and very humble ser
vant,
RICHARD HENRY LEE.
General Washington.

NEW YORK, February 14, 1785.
Dear Sir — Your favour of December 9th, has just now
been put into my hands, together with the printed papers that
you were pleased to send me, but I have not yet had the
pleasure of finding Colonel Grayson here. I do sincerely
wish to see my country flourish and be happy, so that if by
any means in my power, I can contribute to this most desira
ble end, I shall certainly exert myself. No time or circum
stance, can ever force from my mind, the sincere affection
that I entertain for the original friends, to the just rights of
America, whose wise and fii-m perseverance, has secured to
the United States at least the blessings, without which, there

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 57
is little difference between men and brutes. The ill state of
hoaltli that I contracted at Richmond in May 1783, still
afflicts me, which, added to the business and the ceremony of
my present office* afflicts me much, and must necessarily pre
vent me from such frequent communications, as otherwise I
should undoubtedly make. With respect to official intelligence
from Europe, Ave have none of great consequence ; Mr.
Adams thinks, that the negotiations of this winter will prP-
bably accommodate the difference between the emperor, and
the United Netherlands, and our charge des affairs at Madrid,
informs us that the court of Spain has appointed Mr. Gar
doque, to come here as their minister and we expect him daily.
His purpoise is to treat of commerce, and territorial limits.
Our ministers at Paris are generaUy proposing treaties of
amity and commerce, with all the European commercial
powers, and they receive answers very civil, but as yet no
treaties formed, except such as you haye spen notified from
Congress. As you have been pleased to desire my reflections
upon the state of affairs, I will give them freely, as they ap
pear to me. The courts with which weare most immediately
concerned, are Spain, England, France, and Holland ; the
two first, because we border on them, and hecause we have
with each most pressing difficulty ; the two last, because we
are indebted to them both on the score of money lent, and
friendship in otherways conferred. Spain is proud, and ex
tremely jealous of our apjiroximation to her Soutli Araerican
territory, and fearing the example of our ascendency upon
that country, is grasping forever at more territory, by way
of security ; and hoping to derive benefit to her system, from
our want of system, our discord and inattention. Hence
we may expect from Mr. Gardoque, an apparent firm de
mand ofthe exclusive navigation of "the Mississippi, with
some tempting commercial offers, to procure our assent to
the loss of this very valuable navigation. But probably,
the apprehension of a quarrel with us, and the effect of it
uppn tlieir South American possessions, may secui"e to us, if
we are wise and firm, the free navigation, tp be finally agreed
to by Spain; with Great Britain^ our difficulties will be
grea,ter I equally proud with Spain, and much more powerful,
with fewer reasons to fear a rupture with us, and more tb
hope from a successful one; she remains sullen aft^r defeat,
and seeming to wish for just provocation to renew the com
bat. The passions of states, and of individuals/ are not very-
different; for what are the former, but a c<»inpound.of in
dividuals, and of course carrying into the composition, those
• President of Congress.
Vol. il— I

=j8 LUE AND CORRESPONDENCE
leading principles that characterize the parts. In i)ri\ ate
life, a wise and fortunate victor, over great strength, would,
in all his conduct with the vanquished, show a respectful
civility, avoiding every display of supposed superiority, and
carefully shunning every appearance of giving cause for fresh
offence. It seems to rae, that if the conduct of America, had
been founded on such principles our inagnanimity raust
have been confessed, and that the seeds of future discord,
would not have been so effectually sown as I fear they are.
Both countries have been to blame, and transgressions against
the terms of peace were on each side coeval, so that whilst
we charged them with removing the slaves frora New York,.
they pointed to the violence with which their friends were
every where treated, with the detention of their debts, and
Avith actions here brought against those who possessed houses
in this city, whilst it was in their ppwer by the fortune oP
war. This again is followed by their detention of the
western posts, by tlieir encroachments on our north-eastern
boundaiy about St Croix, and by their unfriendly interrup
tion of our comraerce, and lately by arresting in London a
merchant of Philadelphia for debt, because his privateer had
taken, during the war, a vessel belonging to the complain
ant. This is an unpleasant state of things, and if temper
and wisdoin are not employed on both sides, it is not difficult
to foresee a renewed rupture ere long. The principles of
I'epublics being virtuous, and their conduct therefore squaring
with justice, they rather negotiate differences than fighf
thera. Monarchies depend too much upon the ultima ratio
regum. When we haye acted fully up to our pi'inciple, we
shall be upon strong ground to combat theirs. But the cause
of virtue, without proper means to support it, must often
fail. These considerations lead me to' wish most sincerely
that my country may quickly cease to give the smallest cause
for just offence, and that our rulers would engrave upon
their minds, the wisdom of the inscription upon the arsenal^
of Berne in Switzerland — That people happy are, who, dur
ing peace, prepare the necessary stores for war.
It is in vain for us to expect this from the United States —
to be secure, each state must provide amply for itself; and
whenevtv Great Britain shall find us just, temperate, and
prepared, she will be extremely cautious of hostile aggres
sions, or ot \injust treatment of us. If this reasoning is right,
how will your excellency's administration be marked foi-
wisdom, if effectual attention be paid to the collection and
preservation of military stores ; I have here been informed,
by an officer of rank in the continental artillery, at the sur-

OP RICHARD HENRY LEE. 59
render of York, that several pieces of our artillery were
retaken from the enemy, and that they are now at Philadel
phia ; it deserves to be considered, whether these are not
subject to be returned to us, upon deraand of the state : there
were also several pieces of our artillery, thrown into Pa-
munkey river, near New Castle, in 1781, and some other
.pieces fixed in the ground, and in vain attempted to be
destroyed by the eneray. Baron Steuben lately sent us the
enclosed letter, which I have now the honour to transmit;
his published plan, is only an outline, but the details by wiiich
that plan is to be executed, he professes himself willing to
communicate, when the state of Virginia shall call upon hira,
for them. The sum of this, (I feai", too long digression, upon
our relative situation with Great Britain,) is, that being se
cure of having done right, we should he fuliy prepared to raeet
aggressions frora that quarter ; a sentiment founded upon an
attentive consideration of the correspondence, between the
British generals, during the late war, by which it is not diffi
cult to discover, that experience had instructed them in this
truth, that a war against the United States, had better be
-pushed in full force at first against Virginia. I have befoi-e
observed to your excellency, that Mr. Adams thought A*e
might expect a compromise between Holland aud the emperor,
from the negotiations of this winter ; it is certain, that every
influence of France, will be used to effect the compromise,
for reasons very obvious : but, whilst the emperor demands
a preliminary, that the Scheldt shall be opened, and Holland
as peremtorily says, that it must not, it remains possible, but
not probable, that an accommodation may take place: if it
does not, the powers on the continent will be engaged in a
most expensive War, whilst, as it seems. Great Britain will
remain neuter, and by peace, preparing herself for wai-,
render her hostile views, more dangerous to us. The appre
hension of this difficulty, on the part of our friends, has pro
bably prpduced the strdng intimations that we must be exact
in the payment of our interest upon the foreign loans; and
the same reason does indeed call upon the United States, in
the strongest sense, to be punctual in their payments, that
those who have assisted us, in the day of our distres, may
not suffer for their generosity.
The attention of Congress; has been applied to our western
^concerns, as your excellency will see by the treaties made
•with the Six Nations, and the western Indians; inthe latter,
.the Shawanese are not included, but their being prevented
by some active British emissary, from coming to the latter
treaty, will iH-obably not be attended with ill consequences.

50 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
as they are very much under the control of the Six Nations,
and of the Wyandots, their powerful neighbours. The spring
will open further treaties with the more southern tribes,
north-west of the Ohio, and also, on the south-eastern side
upon ours, and the frontiers of North and South Carolina,
and Georgia.
Judging from myself, I suppose yrtur excellency will be
tired with the length of this letter, and if you will pardon it,
I promise you, that I will not again transgress in the same
manner. I have the honour to be, with sentiments of esteem,
respect, and regard, sir, your excellency's most ob't serv't,
RICHARD HENRY LEE.
His Excellency, Gov. Henky.

NliW YORK, March 141h, l785.
My DEAR Sir — Your favours (for I am always favoured
when you are pleased to write to me) by Mr. Walker of the
9th, and by Captain Landaes ofthe 10th of Decepiber, were
duly delivered to me by those gentlemen, and, without loss of
time, I laid them before Congress, and their applications have
been referred to very good committees, so that there is rea
son to expect, that these gentlemen will receive just and
satisfactory detei-minations from Congress. Your friendly
and sensible letter of the 23d of the same month, deserves
my sincerest thanks and approbation, which, with great cor
diality, I present to you. My ill health, (with much business,
and the necessary attention to the ceremonies of my office,)
prevcuts rae from heing so punctual a correspondent as I
wish to be ; but I well know, that your goodness will excuse
me. It is the part of a friend to advise, and of a well dis
posed mind to profit from good counsel ; I shall certainly
endeavour to benefit from your judicious sentiments. Very
mucli it is to be wished, that all who are in authority, dis
cerned with you, that the eyes of the world are upon us ; that
great expectations are formed frora great beginnings, and
that wisdom and virtue, can alone satisfy such just expeeta-
tions. It is, however, much too correspondent with human
nature, to exult beyond measure, and thereby to neglect tho^e
duties, which ought to inspire better sentiments; to this cause
may, perhaps, he attributed much of the inattention and vio
lence, that have too generally taken place, since the prelimi
nary articles were raade known to us. Whether in public or
in private life, it seems most becoming wise men, in the time
of victory and success, to practise the virtues of inagnanimity
and justice— to avoid the display of irascible passions, by

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. Gl
effectually "burying thahatchet," as our aborigines express
the idea; without this philosophic temper, what would be
come of mankind, governed as they too generally are, by
tyrants, whose caprice forces nations into war ? endless car
nage, and evil without bounds inust be the result. The
philanthropy, that I revere and adihii-e in your character,
must revolt at the contemplation of it, and I think, that the
Christian philanthropy in tenderness for human infirmi
ties, strongly. inculcates principles of mutual benefit and for
giveness. These reflections have been created iii ray mind,
by that kind of exultation " beyond measure," which you so
wisely deprecate, and which I have Seen so much to prevail,
as to injure in my idea, that greatness of character which
had dignified Araerica in her resistance to British tyranny ;
for I am not disposed to admit revenge as a just plea for such
extravagancies, although a well judged system of measured
politics may be admissible. The selfishness and corruption
of Europe I have no doubt about ; and therefore I wish most
sincerely, that our free republics may not suffer themselves
to be changed, and wrongfully wrought upon, hy the corrupt
maxims of policy, that pervade European councils, where
artful and refined plausibility is forever called in, to aid the
most pernicious designs. It would seem as if there were a
general jealousy beyond the water, ofthe powerful effects to
be derived from republican virtue here, and so we hear a
constant cry from thence, echoed and re-echoed here, by all
expectants from the treasury of the United States, that Con
gress must have more power; that we cannot be secure and
happy, until Congress conimands implicitly both purse and
sword : so that our confederation must be perpetually chang
ing, to answer sinister views in the greater part, until every
fence is thrown down, that was designed to protect and
cover the rights of mankind.
It is a melancholy consideration that many wise and good
men have, some how or other, fallen in with these ruinous
opinions. I think, sir, that the first maxim of a man who
loves liberty should be, never to grant to rulers an atom pf
power that is hot most clearly and indispensably necessaiy
for the safety and Avell heing of society. To say that these
rulers are revocable and holdingtheir places during pleasure,
may not be supposed to design evil for self aggrandizement,
is affirming what I cannot easily admit. Look to history,
and see how often the liberties of mankind have been oppress
ed and ruined by the same delusive hopes, and fallacious rea
soning. The fact is, that power poisons the mind of its pos
sessor, and aids him to remove the shackles that restrain

tJ2 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
«^^ To be sure, all things human must partake of human
infirmity, and therefore the confederation should not be pre
sumptuously called an infallible system for all tiraes and all
situations ; but though this is true, yet as it is a great and
fundamental system of union and security, no change should
be admitted until proved to be necessary by the fairest, full
est and most mature experience. Upon these principles I
have ever been opposed to the five per cent, impost. My idea
is still that of the confederation fixing the sum, apportion
ing it, and letting every state by its own means and in its
own way, faithfully and honestly make its payments. That
the now federal mode of apportionment is productive of de
lay, of great expense, and still liable to frequent change, is
certain, and therefore I see no inconvenience in so far alter
ing the confederation as to make the rule of apportionment
he upon the nurabers, as stated in the reeoramendation of Con
gress, upon that subject. But I can never agree, that this body
shall dictate the mode of taxation, or that the collection shall
in any manner be subject to congressional control. It is
said that this will more effectually secure the revenue ; but
how so? If a spirit prevails to neglect a duty imposed by the
confederation, may not the same spirit at any time render
abortive acts passed fPr granting the impost ? besides that,
we are depending for the payment of our debts upon uncer
tainty, when the most certain revenues of the state ought to
be appropriated to that purpbse. Whilst every good man
wishes great punctuality to prevail in the payment of debts,
he must at the same time condemn and discourage large im
portations, which impoverish by increasing the balance of
trade against us ; so that from this system we are to expect
our greatest good from our greatest evil! A good physician
will tell you that contrary indications of cure threaten dan
ger to human life; and, by a just parity of reason, contrary
indications threaten danger to the political body; but happily
for us, our political disease admits of simple reraedies for its
cure, if rightly judged of and wisely practised upon. Let it
therefore be the effort of every patriot to encourage a punc
tual payment of each state's quota of the federal demand,
and let the money be found in ways most agreeable to the
circumstances of every state. This is the plan of the confe
deration, and this I own will be mine, until more satisfactory
experience has proved its inefficacy. A word more upon
the point of our just wishes to be detached from the Euro
pean pplitics, and European vices, of course, I wish it most
sincerely; but ynfortunately. Great Britain is upon our
northern quarter, ftnd Spain upon the southern ; we are there-

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 63
fore compelled to mix with their councils in order to be
guarded against their ill designs. I am very happy to hear
from my friend Mr. Lovell, that you are in health and spir
its, and that you still delight to speak of politics ; there is
nothing in this life that Would give me more happiness than
to see and converse with you in Boston ; hut alas, I fear that
my ])oor state of health will deny me this pleasure; but at all
times and in every place, I shall be, dear sir, your most af
fectionate friend,
RICHARD HENRY LEE.
Hon. Samuel Ad.u»b.

NEW YORK, April 18, 1785,
Dear Sir — I should before this have thanked you for
your favour of March 15th, if I had not been in daily expec
tation that the arrival of the packets would bring us some in
telligence from Europe worth communicating to you ; the
February packet ''as but just come in after a passage of eight
Aveeks, and neitlier sho or other vessels in short passages,
bring us any thing interesting. War or peace in fiurope,
hangs yet in doubtful balance; both parties arming with
assiduity, and nothing determined upon. Mr. John Adams,
is sent plenipotentiary to the court of London, and Mr. Jef
ferson is the minister at Versailles^ Dr. Franklin having
leave, at his own reqnest, to retire; Returning appearances
of good humour, and a proposition first made by the British
court, to treat of our differences in London, has induced
hopes of an amicable adjustment of disputes. Mr. Gardoque
is not arrived, but expected about the last of this month from
the Havana, to whicii place he went from Spain previous to
his coining here. If the commenced bickering between Ma
drid and London on the Musquito shore should go on, we
may probably have easier work with both courts in our busi
ness with them. I have the honour to enclose you the report
of a respectable committee on the subject of selling the west
ern lands, which has not yet been acted upon, though it
speedily will. What changes may be made in this plan before it
finally passes, cannot yet be told, but probably there will be
some. Your idea of settling a state at a time, would most
certainly be the wisest and the best, if the excessive rage
for taking lands there could be possibly restrained. But
really it seems that either Congress must sell quickly, or
possession will be so taken as to render doubtful this fine
fund for extinguishing the public debt. It has beenlmpossi^

g4 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE •
ble to get a vote for more than seven hundred men to garri
son all the posts to he fixed in the trans- Alleghanian country,
from nortli to south ; a number very inadequate, I fear, to tho
purpose of even suppressing illegal trespasses upon the west
ern lands. Our friend the Marquis La Fayette, arrived after
a short passage, but I believe it was a very boisterous one.
Your letter for Mr. Lee I sent after him to Virginia, whither
he was returning before I received it. iMy best respects at
tend your lady.
I have the honour to he, with the truest esteem and regard,
dear Sir, your most obedient and very humble servt.
RICHARD HENRY LEE.
General Washington.

NEW-YORK, May 16th, 1785.
Sir — I thank you for your obliging congratulation on my
appointment to the chair of Congress, and I do, with parti
cular pleasure, return my congratulation on your sole ap
pointment as minister of the United States, to so eminently
respectable a court as that of his most Christian Majesty.
My ill state of health, added to the business and the ceremo
nies of my office, have hitherto prevented me from paying my
respects to you, which certainly would not have been the case
if the former of these circumstances had not principally pre
vented me. Although my health is now better, yet I am very
far from being well. I can judge how anxious you must be
for minute information of public proceedings in the United
States, and of such other matters as your letter imparts a de
sire to be acquainted with ; but, unfortunately, all letters are
inspected, and thus the impertinent eye of curiosity may be
gratified with such communications as were intended only for
you, and which wicked selfishness may make a bad use of.
This imposes great restraint, which will remain until Con
gress shall establish a systera of packets and couriers of their
own. How detestable is this dishonourable raode of obtain
ing intelligence. The virtue of Lord Falkland, when secre
tary of state, would never suffer him to obtain information
by such nefarious means. The appointment of Mr. Adams
to the court of London will, probably, draw out quickly the
sense of Great Britain upon the points in dispute with them.
And the authority, given by Congress, to treat with the pi
ratical states will, I hope, accomraodate all difference with
them, and give future security to our commerce with the south
of Europe. I am much obliged to you for the pamphlet. I

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 65
think it is greatly to be regretted, that the avaricious mono
polizing spirit of commerce and commercial men, should be
suffered to interrupt that diffusion of benefiis and communi
cation between the human species in different parts of the
world, which would, probably, take place if trade were put
upon more liberal principles, and less shackled than it is.
The first atterapt made, by these states, for tlie trade of tlie
East Indies, was from this city. A ship has gone to and
returned from Canton, in fourteen months, with a valuable
cargo, and met with the most friendly treatment from the
Chinese. Other vessels are gone and soon expected back.
The great object with the United States now, is to dispose
speedily of the western lands for the discharge of public debt,
and a way for this is opened by treaties already made and
making with the Indians. Coinage, requisition, and post-
offices are also objects of great moment and subjects of discus
sion. Effectual measures are taken by the assemblies of Vir
ginia and Maryland, and bythe former alone, for opening
the navigation between the Potomac and James rivers with
the western waters. Laws, with suspending clauses, have
passed in Virginia for establishing a single poston each river,
and for circuit courts. A general assessment for religion is
also a subject of much discussion with iis. Mr. P. Henry is
our governour, and Col. Harrison has lost his election in his
own county of James City. Great and general efforts have
been made to get into the legislature during the late elections,
and I hear that there are many changes. It remains uncer
tain whether Congress will adjourn or not this year ; but as
I value extremely your correspondence, your letters for me
may always be safely encloSfed to the Virginia delegates in
Congress, so that whether Congress or the committee of
states should be sitting, your letters will reach me safely.
Be so good as to thank Mr. Short for his letter to me, and
inform him that I will reply by the next packet. I heartily
wish your health and happiness, and
I am, with the truest esteem and regard.
Sir,
Your most obedient and very humble servant,
RICHARD HENRY LEE.
, Hon. Mr. Jefferson,
Minister Plenipotentiary at the court of Versailles.
Voi.II.— K

66 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE NEW YORK, June llth, 1785.
Mt dear Sir — I have been lately honoured with your
letter of March I6th, from Paris, aud I thank you for it; as
I feel rayself much interested in your happiness, so your let
ter gave me singular pleasure, when it informed me of your
"being well and happy, with your fainily and friends, "_ and
the more so, because a rumor hadprevailed, of some accident
having happened at sea, to the frigate that carried you
from hence. It is with great satisfaction, that I consider
any action of my life, tliat has proved agreeable to you, and
I am very sure, that the good you have doile for ray country,
has much more than repaid my attentions to you, I am
pleased that you think of coming to see us again; it is cer
tain, that numbers will be made happy here, when ever ypu
are pleased to visit these United States. Much praise is due
to those, by whose humanity, and powerful agency, a war
in Europe has been prevented, for had it taken place, I ap
prehend that the evil would have been great and very exten
sive. It is unfortunate for the friendly intercourse, and
general benefit of mankind, that the avaricious Spirit of
comnierce, always aiming at monopoly, should be permitted
to interpose such obstructions as too frequently take place in
the intercourse of nations, much to the injury of human na
ture, in general. It seems to me, that whilst the European
nations have it in their power, to supply these states sp
largely with manufactures, that it is unwise to adopt such
regulations as cramp the American trade, and thereby render
us incapable of purchasing, and paying for, those manufac
tures in so extensive a manner, as would certainly be done,
if commercial restraints were removed ; this conduct on the
part of Europe tends to injure their manufactures, by lessen-
ilig their sales, at the same time, tlyit it very much forces
the.;Americans from agriculture to arts, thus rendering
scarcer and dearer, the American productions that are wantetf
in Europe, and lessening the use of European manufactures
in America, whicii it should be the policy of Europe to en
courage the ufje of. It is very obvious, why the merchants
of France; have not so. great a share of our commerce a& they
wish ; the staple states, or those which have much valuable
produce to expoi-t, have at present but few ships and seamen
of their owfi, and consequently, do not now export themselves
much of their Own produce ; those nations, therefore^ that
push the trade with them, by .sending ships and inccphandi.se
to theni, will for the-reason aboye, certainly possesf| at this
time, the greatest sWve of their trade ; so that the fact is, that

OP RICHARD HENRY LEE. C?
llie British merchants, are those chiefly, who bring us tlie
cambricks and many other manufactures of France, which
the French merchants failed to export themselves, although
they might afford to sell them cheaper and better, than the
English, and of course drive the latter from this branch of
trade at least. The plan for opening the navigation of the
western waters, goes on well — already more than 40,000
pounds are subscribed for opening the Potomac, and General
Washington, is chosen president of the society, that superin
tends that business. The settling a mode for surveying and
selling the fine country, north-west of Ohio river, for the
purpose of discharging our public debt, is an object that
hatli engaged tnuch attention of Congress, and proraises, we
think, in due season, to rerapve the debts created by the last
war. Mr. Gardoque, from Spain, is arrived at Philadel
phia, and we daily expect hira in this city ; it is to be hoped,
that the good sense and honour of his court, will finally settle
into such measures, as are just and reasonable. I have the
honour to be, my dear sir, with sentiments of the truest
affection, esteem and regard.
Your most obedient and very humble servant,
RICHARD HENRY LEE.
Marquis De ia Fatette, at- Paris.

NEWYORK, October 23d,- 1785.
Dear Sir — I received the letter, that you did me the
honour to write me, on the 15th July, with the pleasure that
always accompanies the receipt of letters, from my old and
much esteemed friend. I see with pleasure, that your recep
tion at the court of London, has been such, as to promise ypu
an agteeable residence there, which may be somewhat plea
sant, although you should unfortunately fail in the principal
objects of your mission ; this last, however, I yet hope will
not be the case, since you represent the majority of the mi
nistry, as able, and thinking rightly with respect to us. The
national mind, cannot continue long under the delusion,
created by the most vindictive and abominable characters in
the world. I mean the tory refugees, who by themselves, and
by those, who for sinister purposes, have suffered themselves
to be imposed on by those people, are industriously keeping
up on both sides of the water, a contentious and mischievous
spirit, to the great hurt of both countries. We know tbem
here, and by this time, they ought to be known in EngZand,
to which country, they have caused by their misrepresents-

68 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
tion, such infinite evil. In the mind of a person acquainted
with the true state of things, there can remain no doubt, but
that this moment is the most favourable one that will proba
bly occur again, for Great Britain, to make a favourable
treaty of comraerce with these United States. The events
that took place immediately succeeding tbe war, and which
have produced such wrong conclusions, touching tlie British
secure possession of our commerce, cannot prevent our trade
from going, as it is fast proceeding to do, into other chan
nels, Avhere it is driven, by the mistaken discouragements
that are imposed hy Britain. I have myself no doubt, but
that smart duties of tonnage will be laid by all the states, on
the vessels of those nations with whoim we have not commer
cial treaties, and that such will be prohibited, from importing
into our ports, productions or manufactures, not the growth
or manufacture, of the country importing them ; thus, those
states, forced into it by the folly and intemperance of Great
Britain, and led by her example, will be forming laws to dis
courage a commerce which might be so mutually beneficial,
if wisdom and temper, were to take place of passion and
folly. The project of a treaty, prnp6sed by you, to the court
where you are, is so perfectly just, and will be so greatly
beneficial to both, that I cannot help hoping, it will yet be
agreed to. I am greatly obliged to you, for your goodness,
respecting Mr. Steptoe, and I entreat, that you will so have
him in your mind, as, that you may effectually promote his
views, whensoever an opportunity will present. Much har
mony has prevailed this year in Congress, and I hope, that
the same concord will continue. The present federal year,
being on the point of ending, I shall return to Virginia, and
as I mentioned in a former letter, you may write very secure
ly to me, under the care of Messrs. Wallace, Johnston, and
Muir, merchants in London, who will safely forward your
letters. I am, with the most sincere and perfect esteem and
regard, sir, your most obliged friend, and obedient humble
servant,
RICHARD HENRY LEE.
Hon. John Adams, Esq.
Minister Plenipo. to the Court of London.

NEW YORK, 30th October, 1785.
1 thank you, my dear marquis, for your very affectionate
letter, by Mr. Houdon; that gentleman arrived in Phila
delphia, and proceeded immediately to Mount Vernon j he

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. - 69
has been ever since with General Washington, so that I
have not yet had the pleasure of seeing him in this city. It
is very happy for America, that events of such high import
ance should have taken place here as to invite artists, of Mr.
Houdon's great reputation, to visit us. I hope that he will
find every thing here agreeable to his wishes. As I take
strong part in every thing that conduces to your happiness,
so I have contemplated with pleasure, tbe great satisfaction
you must have received at the review of those excellent troops
of the emperor and of Prussia. A philosophic mind is apt,
however, to regret that such fine exertions of human art
should so often be employed for the destruction of the human
species. I will comfort myself here by hoping, that these
will be used to suppress and contro], not to promote the bad
purposes of amibition. It raises high the glory of Louis the
Sixteenth, that his reign has beeri so eminent for promoting
the good of mankind, whilst sovereigns in general, employ
their power to increase the miseries of human nature ! WiU
it not happen, during the reign of this glorious monarch,
that those lawless pirates, upon the African coast of the
Mediterranean, will be compelled, by some proper system,
to respect the rights of men, and the laws of nations, instead
of receiving annual stipends for not doing what it is really
infamous to do. I mean roaming about to injure, oppress,
and destroy, their unoffending fellow creatures. Among the
many leagues that are formed, why may not one be made for
the purpose of protecting the rights of humanity. I hope,
sir, that you have not forgotten your design, again to make
us happy, by your return to these United States.
I have the honour to be, with sentiments of the highest
affection and friendship, my dear marquis.
Your most ob't and very humble serv't.
RICHARD HENRY LEE.
Marquis Ds La Fatette,

CHANTILLY, Virginia, December 3d, 1785.
Dear Sir — It is with great pleasure that I embrace this
opportunity of saluting you, by my friend and relation Colo
nel Henry Lee, who is going to Congress, a member of that
body. I hope he will find you in good health, and still grow
ing better, for I am sure that it will conduce much to the
good of Spain, and this country, that his Catholic majesty
should continue to be represented here by a gentleman who
lias so good a knowledge of both countries^ with so candid a

yQ LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
desire to benefit both by the knowledge he possesses. My
return to Congress, in the course of the coming year, will
depend so much upon the state of my health, that I dare not
say yet, how it will be; but, certainly, it will add much to
my happiness to have tbe pleasure of seeing you again. I
pray God to bless you long with health and every happiness;
and being, with considerations of the highest respect and
esteem, Sir,
Your most obedient and very humble servant;
RICHARD HENRY LEE.
His Excellency Don Diego ue GAKnoauE,
Plenipotentiary encargo do de negotior,
of his Catholic majesty, to the United
States. , '

CHANTILLY, March Stli,,i786;. '
Sir — It is certaiiily true that a popular government can-
npt flourish Vi'iihovLi virtue in the people, and it is as true
that knowledge is a principal source of virtue ; these facts
render the establishment of schools, for the instruction pf
youth, a fundamental concern in all free coinmunities. I
wish that it had been made a priraary duty of the legisla
ture, by our Constitution, as it has been wisely done by some
of the states in this union. Such establishments will be the
surest means of perpetuating our free forms of government,
for, when men are taught to know, and well to understand,
the great inherent rights of human nature, they will take care
not to suffer the hands of vice, of violence, or of ignorance,
to rob them of such inestimable blessings. You may sup
pose, sir, that, with these sentiments, I see with pleasure
every attempt to establish seminaries of learning, and that
my endeavours shall not be wanting to promote the laudable
purpose, by every means in my power. You say there are
several beautiful situations on Spicer's tenement, fpr the pur
pose of the proposed academy, and th^t he is willing to part
with any two acres for that use. I do hereby, sir, declarj
to you, and assure the other gentlemen concerned with you
in the establishment of this academy, that whenever Randall
Spicer's qonsent for this purpose, shall be tendered nae in
writing, and a fee simple deed be offered me to sign, for con
veying a clear and effectual fee simple right in any such two
acres, for the sole use of a public school, or seminary of
learning, and for no other use or purpose whatsoever, I
will sign and execute fsnch deed with pleasure, and desire

OP RICHARD HENRY LEE. 71
no other gratuity but the satisfaction that I shall receive in
knowing the salutary effects that will be derived to the good
people of Fauquier in particular, and the community in ge
neral, from so useful an establishment. With my respects to
all the gentlemen concerned in this praiseworthy business, I
remain, Sir,
Your most obedient and very humble servant,
RICHARD HENRY LEE.
Colonel Mahtis Pickett, Fauquier.

CHANTILLY, May 15th, 1787.
Dear Sir — It has given me much pleasure to be informed
that General Washington and yourself, have gone to the
convention. We may hope, from such efforts, that alterations
beneficial will take place in our federal constitution, if it
shall be found, on deliberate inquiry, that the evils now felt
do flow from errors in that constitution ; but, alas ! sir, I
fear it is raore in vicious manners, than mistakes in form,
that we must seek for the causes of the present discontent.
The present causes of complaint seem to be, that CongreST'
cannot command the money necessary for the just purposes
of paying debts, or for supporting the federal governnient ;
and that they cannot make treaties of commerce, unless pow
er unlimited, of regulating trade, be given. The confedera
tion now gives right to name the sums necessary, and to ap
portion the quotas by a rule established. This rule is, un
fortunately, very difficult of execution, and, therefore, tlie
recommendations of Congress on this subject, have not been
made in federal mode ; so that states have thought themselves
justified in non-compliance. Ifthe rule were plain and easy,
and refusal were then to follow demand, I see clearly, tliat
no fbrm of government whatever, short of force, will answer :
for the same want of principle that produces neglect now,
will do so under any change not supported by power com
pulsory ; the difficulty certainly is, how to give this power in
such manner as that it may only be used to good, and not
abused to bad, purposes. Whoever shall solve this difficulty
will receive the thanks of this and future generations. With
respect to the want of power to make treaties of trade, for
want of legislation, to regulate the general commerce, it
appears to me, that the right of making treaties, and the
legislative power contended for, are essentially different
things ; the former may be given and executed, without the
danger attending upon the states parting with their legisla-

72. LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
tive authority, in the instance contended for. If the third
paragraph of the sixth article were altered, by striking out
tbe words, in pursuance of any treaties already proposed by
Congress, to the courts of France and Spain ; and the pro
viso stricken out of the first section in the ninth article.
Congress would then have a complete and unlimited right of
making treaties of aU kinds, and, so far, I really think it
both right and necessary ; but this is very different from, and
in danger far short of, giving an exclusive ppwer of regulat
ing trade. A minister of Congress may go to a foreign court
with full power to make a commercial treaty ; but if he M'ere
to propose to such court that the eight northern states in this
union, should have the exclusive right of carrying the pro
ducts of the five southern states, or of supplying these states
with foreign articles ; such a proposition of monopoly would
be rejected; and, therefore, no danger here from the power
of making treaty ; but a legislative right to regulate trade
through the states, piay, in a thousand artful modes, be so
abused as to produce the monopoly aforesaid, to the ex;treme
oppression of the staple states, as they are called. I do not
say that this would be done, but I contend that it might be
done; and, where interest powerfully prompts, it is greatly
to be feared that it would be done- Whoever has served long
in Congress, knows, that the restraint of making the consent
of nine states necessary, is feeble and incompetent. Some
will sometimes sleep, and some will be negligent, but it is
certain that improper power not given^ cannot be improperly
used. The human mind is too apt to rush from one extreme
to another; it appears, by the objections that came from'the
different states, when the confederation was submitted for
consideration, that the universal apprehension was, of the
.^jtoo great, not the defective powers of Congress. Whence
this immense change of sentiment, in a few years? for now
the cry is power, give Congress power. Without reflecting
that every free nation, that hath ever existed, has lost its
liberty by the same rash impatience, and want of necessary
caution. I am glad, however, to find, on this occasion, that
go many gentlemen, of competent year^, are sent to the con
vention, for, certainly, '« yputh is the season of credulity, and
confidence a plant of slow growth in an aged bosom." The
states have been so unpardonably remiss, in furnishing their
federal quotas, as to make impost necessary, for a term of
time, with a provisional security, that the money arising
shall be unchangeably applied to the payment of their public
debts: that accounts of the application, shall be annually
sent to each state ; and thie collecting officers appointed by.

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 73
and be amenable to the states : or, if not so, very strong
preventives and correctives of official abuse and miscon
duct, interpose, to shield the people from oppression. Give
me leave, sir, to detain you a moment longer, with a propo
sition that I have not heard mentioned. It is that the right
of making paper money shall be exclusively vested in Con
gress ; such a right will be clearly withiii the spirit of the
fourth section of the ninth article of the present confedera
tion. This appears to me, to be a restraint of the last im
portance to the peace and happiness of the Union, and of
every part of it, Knaves assure, and fools believe, that call
ing paper money, and making it tender, is the way to be
rich and happy ; thus the national mind is kept in constant
ferment ; and the public councils in continual disturbance
by the intrigues of wicked men, for fraudulent purposes, for
speculating designs. This would be a great step towards
correcting morals, and suppressing legislative frauds, which,
of all frauds, is the most fatal to society. Do you not think,
sir, that it ought to be declared, by the new systera, that any
state act of legislation that shall- contravene, or oppose, the
authorized acts of Congress, or interfere with the expressed
rights of that body, shall be ipso facto void, and of no force
whatsoever. My respects, if you please, to your brethren of
the convention, from this state, and pardon inc for the liberty
I have taken of troubling you with my sentiments on the in
teresting business that calls you to Philadelphia. I have the
honour to be, with affectionate esteem and regard.
Your friend and servant,
RICHARD HENRY LEE.
Ceobge Mabon, Esq.

NEW YORK, July 28, 1787.
SiRr— Your brother transmitted to me the valuable present
that you were pleased to make me of your excellent book on
the diseases of seamen, which I have read with much plea
sure and instruction. It is certainly a business of great phi
lanthropy to contribute to the health and ease of so valuable
and so exposed a part of our species. I pray you, sir, to ac
cept of my thanks for your politeness, and give me leave to
assure you, that I am with much esteem and regard, sir, your
moist obedient and very humble servant,
RICHARD HENRY LEE.
Dr. BiAiTE, Physician to his royal hig-hness
the Prince of Wales, &c, &c &c.
Vol. IL— L

LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

NEW YORK, October 5, 1787.
Dear Sir — Having long toiled with you, my dear friend, in
the vineyardof liberty, I do with great pleasure submit to
your wisdom and patriotism, the objections that prevail in
my mind against the new constitution proposed for federal
government : which objections I did propose to Congress ih
form of amendments to be discussed, and such as were ap
proved, to be forwarded tothe states with the convention
system. You will have been informed, by other hands, why
these amendments were not considered and do not appear on
the journals, and the reasons that influenced a bare transmis
sion of the convention plan, without a syllable of approbation
or disapprobation on tho part of Congress. I suppose, piy
dear sii-, that the people of the United States, in their late
generous contests, contended for free governraent in the full
est, clearest, and strongest sense ; that they had no idea of
being brought under despotic rule, under the notion of strong
governraent, or in form of elective despotism ; chains heing
still chains, whether made of gold or iron.
The corrupting nature of power and its insatiable appetite
for increase, has proved the necessity, and procured the
adoption of the strongest and most express declarations of
that residuum of natural rights, which is not intended to be
given up to society, and which indeed is not necessary to be
given for any good social purpose. In a government, there
fore, where the power of judging what shall be for the
general welfare, whicii goes to every object of human legis
lation, and where the laws of such judges shall be the su
preme law of the land, it seems to be of the last consequence
to declare, in most explicit terms, the reservations above
alluded to ; so much for the propriety of a bill of rights as a
necessary bottom to this new system. It is in vain to say,
that the defects in this new constitution may be remedied by
the legislature created by it. The remedy, as it may, so it
may not, be applied ; and if it should, a subsequent assembly
may repeal the acts of its predecessor ; for tlie parliamentary
doctrine is "quod leges posteriores priores contrarias abro-
gant" 4 Inst. 43. Surely this is not a ground upon which a
wise and good raan would choose to rest the dearest rights of
human nature. Indeed, some capital defects are not within the
compass of legislative redress. The oligarchic tendency from
the combination of president, vice president, and senate, is a
ruin not within legislative remedy ; nor is the partial right of
voting in the senate, or the defective numbers in'the house of
representatives. It is of little consequence to say that the num-

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 75
hers in the last mentioned assembly will increase with the
population of these states, because what may happen in twen
ty-five or twenty-seven years hence is poor alleviation of evils
that the intermediate time is big with ; for it often happens
that abuse, under the name of use, is riveted upon mankind.
Nor can a good reason be assigned, for establishing a bad
instead of a good government, in the first instance, because
time may amend the bad. Men do not choose to be sick be
cause it may happen that physic may cure them. Suppose
that good men come first to the administration of tliis govern
ment, and thatthey should see, or think they see a necessity
for trying criminally a man without giving him his jury of the
vicinage; or thatthefreedomof the press should be restrain
ed because it disturbed tlie operations of the new government;
the mutilation of the jury trial, and the restraint of the press
would then follow for good purposes as it should seem, and by
good men ; but these precedents will be followed by bad men,
to sacrifice honest and innocent men, and to suppress the ex
ertions of the press for wicked and tyrannic purposes; it
being certainly true that " omnia mala exerapla ex bonis orta
sunt : sed ubi iraperiura ad ignaros aut minus bonos pervenit,
novum illud^xemplum ab dignis et idonc'e ad indignos et non
idoneos fertur." In proof of this, we know that the great
and good Lord Holt, to support King William and revolution
principles, produced doctrines in a case of libel (King against
Bear) subversive both of law and .sound reason, which his
succes,sor, Lord Mansfield, in the case of Woodfall, would
have availed himself of for the restraint of the press and the
ruin of liberty. It would appear therefore, that the consi
deration of human precocity renders it necessary for human
safety, that in the first place power not requisite should not
be given; and inthe next place that necessary powers should
be carefully guarded; how far thi.s is done in the new coiisti-
tution I subrait to your wise and attentive consideration;
whetiier for the present it may not be sufficient so to alter
the confederation as to allow Congress full liberty to make
treaties by removing the restraining causes and giving the
impost for a limited time, with power of regulating trade, is
a question that deserves to be considered. But I think that
the new constitution (properly amended) as it contains many
good regulations, niight be admitted. And why may not such
indispensable amendments he proposed by the conventions,
and returned with the new plan to Congress, that a new ge
neral convention may so weave them into the proffered sys
tem as that a web may be produced fit for freemen to wear?
If such amendments were proposed by a capital state or two,

j,g LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
and a willingness expressed to agree with the plan so amend
ed, I cannot see why it may not be effected. It is a mere
beffffing the question to suppose, as some do, that only this
moment and this measure will do. But why so, there being
no war or violence, external or internal, to prevent due deli
beration on this momentous business. The public papers
will inform you of what violence has been practised by the
agitators of this new system in Philadelphia, to drive on its
immediate adoption, as if the subject of government were a
business of passion, instead of cool, sober, and intense consi
deration. I am, &c.
RICHARD HENRY LEE.
Hon. Samcel Adams, in Boston.

NEW-YORK, Oct. 11, 1787.
DE.iR Sir— I was unwilling to interrupt your attention to
more important affairs at Philadelphia, by sending there an
acknowledgment of the letter that you were pleased to honour
me with from that city, especially as this place afforded no
thing worthy of your notice. We have the pleasure to see
the first act of Congress, for selling federal lands north-west
of Ohio, becoming productive very fast. A large sum of
public securities being already paid in upon the first sales,
and a new contract, with a company in New-Jersey, for the
lands between the two Miamis, that will rid us of at least
two millions more of the public debt, is ordered to be made.
There is good reason to suppose, that, by the next spring, we
shall have reduced the domestic debt near six millions of dol
lars, and it seems clear that the lands yet to be disposed of,
if well maiiaged, will sink the whole thirty millions that are
due. The assiduity with whicb the court of London is courtr
ing that of Spain, for the conclusion of a commercial treaty
between these powers, renders it a signal misfortune that we
have not been able to get a sufficient number of the states to»
gether, to produce a conclusion of our treaty with Spain,
there being now no doubt, but that if the thirteen were pre
sent, ten, at least, would approve the proposed treaty. If
Virginia did not stand alone, she would only have North Ca
rolina and Georgia to join her. The state of Europe, with
respect to the continuance of peace, still hangs in doubtful
balance. The financial weakness of France and Great Britain
most strongly opposes war, yet the state of things is such as
renders it very questionable, whether even that difficulty.

OF RICHARD HENRV LEE. 77
great as it is, will secure the continuance of peace. It is
under the strongest irapressions of your goodness and can
dour, that I venture to raake the observations that follow in
this letter, assuring you that I feel it among the first di§-^
tresses that have happened to me in my life, that I find my
self corapelled, by an irresistible conviction of raind, to doubt
about the new system for federal governraent recommended
by the late convention. It is, sir, in consequence of long re
flection, upon the nature of man and of gpvernment, that I
am led to fear the danger that will ensue to civil liberty, from
the adoption of the new system in its present form. I am
fully sensible of the propriety of change in the present plan
of confederation, and although there may be difficulties, not
inconsiderable, in procuring an adoption of such araendraents
to the convention system as will give security to the just rights
of human nature, and better secure from injury the discor
dant interests of the different parts pf this Union, yet I hope
that those difficulties are not insurmountable, since we, hap
pily, are uninterrupted by external war, or by such internal
discords as can prevent fair discussion, in another conven
tion, of those objections that are fundamentally strong against
the new constitution, which abounds with useful regulations.
There is so great a part of the business already well done,
that such alterations, as must (I think) give very general con
tent, could not long employ another convention, when provid
ed with the sense of the different states upon those alterations.
I am much inclined to think that the araendraents, whicii are
generally called for, will be found to be of such a nature as,
though they do not oppose the exercise of a very competent
federal power, are yet such as the best theories of govern
ment, and the best practice upon those theories have found
necessary ; at the same time that tbey are such as the opi
nions of our people bave for ages been founded on. It would
be unnecessary for me here to enumerate particulars, as I ex
pect to have the honour of waiting upon you at Mount Ver
non, on my way home early in November. In the mean
time, I am, dear sir.
Your most obedient friend and servant,
RICHARD HENRY LEE.
Gen. WASHiira'joK.

f8 l-IEE AND CORRESPONDENCE

NEW-YORK, Oct. 16th, 1787.
Dear Sir — I was duly honoured with your favour of Sep
tember 17th, from Philadelphia, which should have been ac
knowledged long before now, if the nature of the business it
related to had not required time. The establishment of the
new plan of government, in its present form, is a question
that involves such immensp consequences, to the present times
and to posterity, that it calls for the deepest attention of the
best and wisest friends of their country and mankind. If it
be found right, after mature deliberation, adopt it; if wrong,
.^mend it at all events : for to say that a bad government must
be established for fear bf anarchy, is really saying that we
should kill ourselves for fear of dying! I Experience, and the
actual state of things, show that there is no difficulty in pro
curing a general convention, the late one having been collect
ed without any obstruction ; nor does external war, or inter
nal discord, prevent the most cool, collected, full, and fair
discussion of this all-important subject. If, with infinite
ease, a convention was obtained to prepare a system, why
may not another convention, with equal ease, be obtained to
make proper and necessary amendments.' Gtiod government
is not the work of short time, or of sudden thought. From
Moses to Montesquieu the greatest geniuses have been employ
ed on this difficult subject, and yet experience has shown ca
pital defects in the systems produced for the government of
mankind. But since it is neither prudent nor easy to make
frequent changes in government, and as bad governments
have been generally found the most fixed, so it becomes of the
last importance to frame the first establishment upon grounds
the most unexceptionable, and such as the best theories with
experience justify ; not trusting, as our new constitution does,
and as many approve of doing, to time and future events to
correct errors that both reason and experience, in similar
cases, now prove to exist in the new system. It has hitherto
been supposed a fundamental truth that, in governments
rightly balanced, the different branches of legislature should
be unconnected, and that the legislative and executive powers
^__^hould be separate. In the new constitution, the president
and senate have all the executive and two-thirds of the legis
lative ; and in some weighty instances (as making all kinds
of treaties which are to be the laws of the land) they have the
wholte legislative and executive powers. They jointly ap
point all officers, civil and military, and they (the senate) try
all impeachments, either of their own members or of the of
ficers appointed by themselves. Is there not a most formi-

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. /9,
dable combination of power thus created in a few? and can
the raost critical eye, if a candid one, discover responsibility in
this potent coips? or will any sensible man say that great
power, without responsibility, can be given to rulers with
safety to liberty? It is most clear that the parade of impeach
ment is nothing to them, or any of them, as little restraint is
to be found, I presume, from the fear of offending constitu
ents. The president is of four years duration, and Virginia (for
example) has one vote, out pf thirteen, in the choice of him,
The senate is a body of six years duration, and as, in the
choice of president, the largest state has but a thirteenth part,
so is it in the choice of senators; and this thirteenth vote,
not of the people, but of electors, two removes from the peo
ple. This latter statement is adduced to show that responsi
bility is as little to be apprehended from amenability to con
stituents, as from the terror of impeachment. You are,
therefore, sir, well warranted in saying that either a mo
narchy or aristocracy will be generated : perhaps the ndost
grievous system of government may arise! It cannot be denied,
with truth, that this new constitution is, in its first principles,
most highly and dangerously oligarchic ; and it is a point
agreed that a government of tiie few is, of all governments,
the worst. The only check to be found in favour of the dS^-
mocratic principle, in this system, is the House of Represen
tatives, which, I believe, may justly be called a mere shred
or ra"g of representation, it being obvious, to the least examin
ation, that smallness of number, and great comparative dis
parity of power, renders that house of little effect to promote
good, or restrain bad goyernment. But what is the power
given to this ill-constructed body? To judge of what may be
for the general welfare, and such judgment, when made that
of Congress, is to be the supreme la,w of the land. This
seems to be a power co-extensive M'ith. every possible object
of human legislation. Yet there is no restraint, in form of a
bill of rights, to secure (what Dr. Blackstone calls) that re
siduum of human rights whicii is not meant to be given up to
society, and which, indeed, is not necessary to be given for
any good social purpose. The rights of conscience, the free
dom of the press, and the trial by jury, are at mercy. It is,
indeed, stated that, in criminal cases, the trial shall be by
jury; biit how? in the state? What then becomes of the jury
of the vicinage, or, at least, from the county in the first in
stance; forthe states being from fifty to seven hundred miles
in extent, this mode of trial, even in criminal cases, may be
greatly impaired; and in civil cases the inference is strong,

80 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
that it may be altogether omitted, as the constitution positively
assumes it in criminal, and is silent about it in civil causes.
Nay, it is more strongly discountenanced in civil cases, by
giving the supreme court, in case of appeal, jurisdiction, both
as to law and fact. Judge Blackstone, in his learned commen
taries, (article Jury Trial,) says, it is the most transcendant
privilege which any subject can enjoy, or wish for, that he
cannot be affected either in his property, his liberty, or his
person, but by the unanimous consent of twelve of his neigh
bours and equals. A constitution, that I may venture to af
firm, has, under providence, secured the just liberties of this
nation for a long succession of ages ; the impartial adminis
tration of justice, which secures both our persons and our pro
perties, is the great end of civil society. But if that be en
tirely trusted to the magistracy, a select body of men, and
those generally selected by the prinCe, or such as enjoy the
highest offices of the state, their decisions, in spite of their
own natural integrity, will have frequently an involuntary
bias towards those of their own rank and dignity. It is not
to be expected, from human nature, that the few should be
always attentive to the good of the raany. The learned judge
further says, that " every new tribunal, erected for the deci
sion of facts, is a step towards establishing aristocracy, the
most oppressive of all governments." The answer to these
objections is, that the new legislature may provide remedies!
But as they may, so they may not, and if they did, a succeed
ing assembly may repeal the provisions. The evil is found
resting upon constitutional bottom, and the remedy upon the
mutable ground of legislation, revocable at every annual
meeting. It is the more unfortunate that this great security
of human rights, the trial by jury, should be weakened in this
system, as power is unnecessarily given, in the second section
of the third article, to call people from their own country, in
all cases of controversy about property between citizens of
different states and foreigners, to be tried in a distant court
where the Congress may sit ; for although inferior congres
sional courts mayyiov the above purpose, be instituted in the
different states, yet this is a matter altogether in the pleasure
of the new legislature; so that if they please not to institute
them, or if they do not regulate the right of appeal, the peo
ple will be eiqiosed to endless oppression, and the necessity
of submitting to pay unjust demands rather than follow suit
ors, through great expense, to far distant tribunals, and to be
determined uppn there, as it may be, without a jury. In this
congressional legislature a bare majority can enact commer
cial laws, 80 that ihe representatives of the seven northern

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 81
States, as they will have a majority, can, by law, create the
most oppressive monopolies upon the five southern states,
whose circumstances and productions are essentially different
from theirs, although not a single man of their voters are the
representatives of, or amenable to, the people of the southern
states. Can such a set of men be, with tbe least colour of
truth, called representatives of those they make laws for?
It is supposed that the policy of the northern states will pre
vent such abuses ! but how feeble, sir, is policy when opposed
to interest among trading people, and what is the restraint
arising from policy ? It is said that we may be forced, by abuse,
to become ship-builders ; but how long will it be before a peo
ple of agriculture can produce ships sufficient to export such
bulky and such extensive commodities as ours ; and if we had
the ships, from whence are the seamen to come? four thousand
of whom, at least, we shall want in Virginia. In questions
so liable to abuses, why was not the necessary vote put to
two-thirds of the members of the legislature? Upon the
whole, sir, my opinion is, that, as this constitution abounds
with useful reglations, at the same time that it is liable to
strong and fundamental objections, the plan for us to pursue
will be to propose the necessary ainendments, and express
our willingness to adopt it with the amendments ; and to sug
gest the calling a new convention for the purpose of consider
ing them. To this I see no well-founded objection, but great
safety and much good to be the probable result. I am per
fectly satisfied that you make such use of this letter as you
shall think to be for the public good. And now, after beg
ging your pardon for so great a trespass on your patience,
and presenting my best respects to your lady, I will conclude
with assuring you that
I am, with the sincerest esteem and regard,
dear sir,
Your most affectionate and obedient servant,
RICHARD HENRY LEE.
His Excellency, Gov. Randolph.

NEW YORK, October 27th, 1787.
Mt dear Friend — Our mutual friend, Mr. Gerry, fur
nishes me with an opportunity of writing to you, without
danger of my letter being stopt on its passage, as, I have
some reason to apprehend, has been the case with letters
written by me, and sent by post Under this impression, it
Vol. II  M

82 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
is, that I send you, herewith, a copy of my letter to you, of
the Sth of tliis month. Major Sergeant delivered me the
letter that you were pleased to write me, on the Sth instant,
by which, I see that you suppose me to have been a member
of the late convention. I did early decline being of that
body, because I was a member of Congress, and the plan
proposed, was, that Congress should revise, and, if they ap
proved, ti-ansmit the proposed amendments to the confedera
tion, (for that was the idea, and, indeed, the only idea, that
the present federal plan admits of, or that the powers dele
gated to the convention countenanced,) to the thirteen states,
for approbation and ratification. In this state, it appeared
to me an inconsistency that the sarae men should, at New
York, revise their own doings at Philadelphia; and this opi
nion was fully verified, when the members of convention
came to Congress, in such numbers, with their own plan ;
that the votes of three states were convention votes, two
others decided by conventions, and conventioners mingled
with many other states. It is, sir, raost obvious, that the
system of the convention could not have a dispassionate and
impartial review in Congress ; nor, indeed, had it. In my
letter to you, abpve alluded to, I sent you the amendments
that I proposed in Congress, and hinted at the reasons that
prevented them from appearing on the journal. If they, with
my letter, should have miscarried, our friend, Mr. Gerry,
can furnish you with them. Mr. Wilson, of Philadelphia,
has appeared in print with the convention reasons, in sup
port of their proffered plan; how he has succeeded, Mr.
Gerry will inform you. The press lias produced such manly
and well reasoned refutation of him and his system, that
both have lost ground amazingly, in the public estimation.
His principal sophism is, that bills of right were necessary
in the state constitutions, because every thing, not reserved,
was given to the state legislature ; hut, in the federal go
vernment, every thing w?is reserved that was not given to
the federal legislature. This is clearly a distinction with
out difference, because, independent states are in the same
relation to each other, as individuals are with respect to
uncreated governments ; so that, if reservations were neces
sary in one case, they are equally necessary in the other;
but the futility of this distinction appears from the conduct
of the convention itself, for they have made several reserva
tions, every one of which, proves the rule, in conventional
idea, to be, that what was not reserved was given. For
example, they have reserved from their legislature a power
to prevent the importations pf negroes, for twenty years, and

OF mOHARD HENRY LEE, 83
also from creating titles ; but they have no reservation in
favour of the press, rights of conscience, trial by jury in
civil cases, or common law securities ; as if these were of
less importance to the happiness of mankind, than the mak
ing of lords, or the importatipn of slaves! the essential
defects in the construction of the legislature, and the dan
gerous blending of the legislative powers with the executive,
so as to prevent all responsibility, are such radical objections
as render this plan inadmissible, wit\\out amendments, in
my idea. The Baron Montesquieu says, "that the English
is the only nation in the world where political or civil liberty
is the direct end of its constitution." I once thought that
our free governments were entitled to the same eulogiura ;
but the system under consideration, seems to l.aye reversed
the above idea ; the acquisition of power unlimited, not the
security of civil liberty, appears to be the object. Arbitrary
government is, indeed, so carefully entrenched and barricad
ed against democratic influences, that I am very much mis
taken if civil liberty does not expire under its operation.
The friends of just liberty here, are astonished at the occlu
sion of the press in Boston, at a season so momentous to
mankind. It is thought to auger ill of the new government
proposed, that, on its being first ushered into the Avorld, it
should destroy the great palladium of human rights ; and at
Boston too, where presses first taught America to resist
attempts upon her liberty and rights ; there to find the great
organ of free communication stopped, when that was under
consideration, which, of all sublunary things, demands the
freest and fullest discussion, government, upon the goodness
and badness of which, almost depends whether we shall rank
araong men or beasts. When you are pleased to write to
me, your letter, by being enclosed to our friend, Mr. Osgood,
of the treasury, here, will be safely forwarded to me in Vir
ginia, for which place I shall set out from hence on the first
of next month. My best respects to your lady, and I pray
to be remembered to General Warren, Mr. Lovell, and Doc
tor Holtern. I am, dear sir, most sincerely and affection
ately. Your friend,
RICHARD HENRY LEE.
Hon. Samdei Adams, of Boston.

84 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE CHANTILLY, February 26, 1788.
Dear Sir — Captain Merry delivered me the letter thai
you were pleased to write me, on the llth instant, in which
I find you propose the following questions, relative to the
new constitution, proposed by the late general convention,
and request my answer to them :
First. Whether the United States had not better receive
than reject the said constitution?
Secondly. Whether it would not injure our credit in the
European world, if we were to dissent therefrom ; and
whether our country would not thereby be endangered, as
there are large demands in Europe against us ?
Thirdly. Whether every objection to the plan may not, by
instructions frora the different states, be made as soon as the
said Congress may be assembled ?
Fourthly. Whether ruin would await us, unless we are
consolidated in one general plan of governraent?
To the first question, namely, "Whether the United
States," &c. I answer, that this question implies a necessity
of either adopting or rejecting. But I know of no power on
earth that has, or ever had, a right to propose such a ques
tion of extremity to the people, or any part of the people, of
the United States. The happiness or misery of mankind de
pends so essentially upon government, that, when this is to
be established by the people for themselves and their poste
rity, the right of the people cannot be questioned, of so act
ing with plans proposed, as to adopt them, reject them, or
propose amendments to them.
To the second query, " Whether it would not injure," &c.
I reply, that this second question is much founded on the
flrst ; and, so far as it is, may receive the same answer. It
is divisible into two parts ; the first, shall our credit be in
jured in Europe hy dissenting from the proposed plan ? It is
presumable, that credit abroad depends much upon union
and happiness at home, as it must always greatly do upon
that industry and real strength which grows out of the pos
session of civil liberty. Those, therefore, who contend for
the new plan, by propounding such a question, should prove,
in the first place, that the adoption of this constitution will
secure union and happiness at home, and those valuable con
sequences that flow from the possession of civil liberty ; and
this is the more necessary, as there are such numbers who
think that the proffered plan, if admitted without amend
ments, will empower the administrators of the new goyern
ment to destroy civil liberty. The second part of this ques-

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 85
tion is, whether our country will not be endangered by a
dissent, as there are large demands against us in Europe."
I presume that foreigners have no business with the nature
of our government. Payment of their debts they are entitled
to, but no possible reason can be assigned, why these debts
may not as well he paid if the proposed constitution was to
be so amended, as to secure the just rights and liberties of
the people from violation, by a proper bill of rights ; to re
tain the trial by jury in all cases, civil as well as criminal, as
directed by the common law ; to secure the rights of con
science, and freedom of the press. Will France, Holland,
or Spain, be disturbed at our retaining these valuable privi
leges? or, will they quarrel with us for so amending this
new plan, as to put it out of the power of the new rulers to
carry every citizen of the state, by way of appeal, to be tried
for every suit for debt, brought by all others than our own
state citizens, in the supreme federal court, where distance
and expense may ruin multitudes? Have foreigners anything
to do with our amending the proposed constitution, so as to
put it out ofthe power ofthe rulers under it, to garble elec
tions, by ordering all the elections of any state to be held at
any place they shall choose — at Cape Henry, for instance, if
they so please at any time. See section fourth, article first,
where they have power over time, place, and manner of hold
ing elections for choosing representatives, without restraint
or limitation.
To the third query, "Whether every objection," &c. I
answer, that the constitution containing these objections, is
made by the pePple of the United States ; " and the removal
of them by the Congress, would only be a common act of legis
lation, wliich may be revoked and repealed by every subse
quent meeting of the Congress. So that the power of op
pressing will be founded on the strong and lasting ground of a
constitution made by the people of the United States, and the
remedies (if the new rulers should ever please to declare any, )
will rest on feeble and changeable acts of a common legisla
ture. Can it be safe or prudent to suffer this? As for instruc
tions, it is to be remarked, that the senators are chosen by
the legislature of the states, and the representatives by all
the freeholders — to instruct one, and not both branches of
the new legislature, wouid be doing nothing ; and to render
instructions of use, the general assembly, and the freeholders
of the community, must unite. The almost impossibility of
procuring such a union from the majority of the United
States, is too obvious, not to show the very little dependence
that should be put on such instructions. And, after all, the

86 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
result could only be a legislative and mutable act against s*
fixed constitution. But how absurd would it be for the people
to agree to a constitutional evil to-day, and to-morrow call
for a legislative redress of that evil !
The fourth and last question, "Whether ruin would await
us," &c. I am clearly of opinion, that our greater strength,
safety, and happiness, depends on our union ; but I am as
clear that this union had infinitely better be on principles
that give security to the just rights and liberties of mankind,
than on such principles as permit rulers to destroy them.
Thus, sir, I hope that I have fully, and to your satisfaction,
answered your several questions : so that you may think
yourself warranted, if not bound to be a friend to amend
ments that should be constitutional. To trust to future events
for reniedy of evils that we have ourselves once created, is
like choosing to be sick, because a doctor may possibly cure
us! A very capital defect in this new project is, that the
executive and legislative powers are so blended and united,
as to remove all chance for responsibility; and to possess
man with very great powers, without making him easily an
swerable for an abuse of these powers, is, in my opinion,
neither safe nor wise. I am glad to hear that Colonel Bar
bour stands for the convention. It is many years ago since
I saw his conduct in the legislature, and observed it to be
both sensible and honest. I have been obliged to write in
haste, so that you may be sure this letter is not intended for
the press. I am, &c.
RICHARD HENRY LEE.
.Tamks GonijKx, jun. Esq.

CHANTILLY, in Virginia, April SSth, 1788.
Mt dear Sir — Your favour of December 3d, in the last
year, reached me the last of January following, and it should
have been answered with my thanks long since, if the un
common badness of the winter, stopping all communication,
had not prevented. Your sentiments on the new political
structure, are, in my mind, strong and just. Both reason
and experience prove, that so extensive a territory as that of
the United States, including such a variety of climates, pro
ductions, interests ; and so great difference of manners,
habits, and customs ; cannot be governed in freedom — until
formed into states, sovereign, sub modo, and confederated for
the common good. In the latter case, opinion founded on the

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 87
knowledge of those who govern, procures obedience without
force. But remove the opinion, which must fall with a know
ledge of characters in so widely extended a country, and
force then becomes necessary to secure the purposes of civil
government; hence the military array at Kamtschatka, at
Petersburg, and through every part of the widely extended
Russian empire. Thus force, the parent and the support of
tyranny, is demanded for good purposes, although for ever
abused to bad ones — that a consolidated, and not a federal
government, was the design of some, who formed this new
project, I have no doubt about. The dazzling ideas of glory,
wealth, and power uncontrolled, unfettered by popular opi-
nious, are powerful to captivate the ambitious and the avari
cious. With such people, obedience resulting from fear, the
offspring of force, is preferable to obedience flowing from
esteem and confidence, the legitimate offspring of the know
ledge that men have of wisdom and virtue in their governors ;
and, above all, from the conviction that abuses may be recti
fied by the substantial checks that political freedora furnish.
Massachusetts, I see, has adPpted the plan ; but proposes to
insist perseveringly on araendraents. If it were permitted
an individual to question so enlightened an assembly, I would
ask, why submit to a system requiring such amendments,
and trust to creatures of our own creation, for the correcting
of evils in it that threaten the destruction of those ends for
which the system was formed? The fear of greater evils has
been stated : but I cannot help considering such fears as
being generated by design upon weakness. The objections
to the present system, if accurately considered, will, I be
lieve, be found to grow out of those temporary pressures,
created by a long and expensive war, which time and pru
dence may remove. But, though it were admitted that some
amendments to the present confederation would better pro
mote the ends designed by it, why, for that reason, extermi
nate the present plan, and establish on its ruins another, so
replete with power, danger, and hydra-headed mischief? The
Massachusetts amendments are good, so far as they go.
The first, third, and fourth amendments are well contrived
to keep in existence the state sovereignties ; and the first
particularly proper for securing liberty from the abuse of
construction, which the new plan most amply admits of.
But why, my dear friend, was the provision in your seventh
proposition of amendment, confined to causes between citi
zens of different states, since the reason applies to suitors of
every country, and foreigners will be more apt than our own
citizens to abuse, in the way, which, that part ofthe proffered

88 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
plan permits, and which this amendment of Massachusetts is
designed to prevent ? England and Scotland are united for
every good purpose of defence and offence, yet a foreigner
cannot sue a resident Scotsman in England for debt con
tracted in Scotland: nor will any foreign nation upon earth
grant a similar privilege to our citizens over theirs, of call
ing their people from their own countries to answer demands
against them — the fixt idea of all the European nations be
ing, that strangers are not to have privileges in their own
country superior to what their own subjects enjoy.*
RICHARD HENRY LEE.

CHANTILLY', May 7th, 1788.
Dear Sir — Your son delivered me the letter that ypu were
pleased to write me on the SOth instant, and I have promoted
his views, as far as it is in my power at present, by directing
the tobacco I had intended to sell in the country, to be put
on board his vessel. I am inclined to think, for the reasons
assigned by him, that the French market will be as good a
one, at least, as any that we can send to. Give me leave
now, dear sir, to make a few observations on the important
business that will call you to Richmond next month. It
seems pretty clear at present, that four other states, viz.
North Carolina, New- York, Rhode Island, and New-Hamp
shire, will depend much upon Virginia for their determina
tion on the convention project of a new constitution ; there
fore it becomes us to be very circumspect and careful about
the conduct we pursue, as, on the one hand, every pos
sible exertion of wisdom and firmness should be employed to
prevent danger to civil liberty, so, on the other hand, the
most watchful precaution should take place to prevent the
foes of union, order, and good government, from succeeding
so far as to prevent our acceptance of the good part of the
plan proposed. I submit to you, sir, whether, to form a cdn-
sistent union of conduct, it would not be well for six or eight
leading friends to amendments to meet privately, and, hav
ing formed the best possible judgment of the members' senti
ments from knowledge of the men, to see how far it may be
safe to press either for modes of amendment or the extent of
amendments, and to govern accordingly. But, certainly,
the firmest stand should be made against the very arbitrary
* The person to whom the foregoing letter is addressed, is not men-

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 89
mode* that has been pursued in some states, that is, to projiosc
a question of absolute rejection or implicit admission. For
though it is true that the convention plan looks something
like this, yet I think every temperate raan must agree that
neither the convention, nor any set of men upon earth, have
or had a right to insist upon such a question of extremity.
To receive the good and reject the bad is too necessary and
inherent a right to be parted with. As some subtle managers
will be upon the convention, I believe you will find entrap- ~
ping questions proposed at first as a ground-work of pro
ceeding, which will hamper, confine, and narrow all attempts
to proper investigation or necessary amendment, and this
will be done under the plausible pretext of losing all by at
tempting any change. I judge that it will be so here, be
cause I observe a similar conduct has been pursued in other
places, as in Maryland and Pennsylvania. I trust that such
uncandid and dangerous stratagems will be opposed and pre
vented in the convention of Virginia, and a thorough, parti
cular, and careful examination be first made into all its parts
as a previous requisite to the formation of any question upon
it. During this process a tolerable judgment may be formed
of the sentiments of the generality, and a clue furnished for
forming successful propositions for amendment, as the candid
friends to this systera adrait that amendments may be made
to improve the plan, but say that these amendments ought
to be made, and may be obtained from the new Congress
without endangering a total loss of the proposed constitution.
I say that those who talk thus, if they are sincere, will not
object to this plan, which, as I propose it, soraething like the
proceeding of the convention parliament in 1688, in the form
of ratification, insert plainly and strongly such amendments
as can be agreed upon, and say, that the people of Virginia-
do claim, demand, and insist upon these as their undoubted
rights and liberties which they mean not to part with ; and
if these are not obtained and secured by the mode pointed out
in the fifth article of the convention plan, in two years after
the meeting of the new Congress, that Virginia shall, in that
case, be considered as disengaged from this ratification.
Under this proposition a development will be raade of the sin
cerity of those who advocate the new plan, the beneficial
parts of it retained, and a just security given to civil liberty.
In the fifth article it is stated that two-thirds of Congress
may propose amendments, which, being approved by three-
fourths of the legislatures, become parts of the constitution.
By this mode, the new Congress may obtain our araendrnents
without risking the convulsion of conventions, and the friends
Vol. il— N

90 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
of the plan will be gratified in what they say is necessary ;
the puti;ing the government in motion, when, as they again
say, amendments may and ought to be obtained. By this
mode, too, in all probability, the undetermined states may
be brought to harmonize, and the formidable minorities, in
the assenting states, may be quieted. By this friendly and
reasonable accommodation, the perpetual distru,st and oppo
sition, that will inevitably follow the total adoption of the
plan, from the state legislatures, may be happily prevented,
and friendly united exertions take place. Much reflection
has convinced me that this mode is the best that I have had
an opportunity of contemplating. I have, therefore, taken
the liberty of recommending it to your serious and patriotic
attention ; in the formation of these amendments, localities
ought to be avoided as much as possible. The danger of mo
nopolized trade may be prevented by calling for the consent
of three-fourths of the United States on regulations of trade.
The trial by jury, in this state, to be insisted on, as it used
under our present government, and confining the supreme
federal court to the jurisdiction of law excluding fact. The
Massachusetts amendments, except the second, and extending
the seventh to foreigners as well as citizens of other states,
appear to me to be very good, and for their adoption the aid
of that powerful state may be secured. The frepdom of the
press is, by no means, sufficiently attended to by Massachu
setts, nor have they remedied the want of responsibility by
the impolitic combination of president and senate. It does
appear to mp, that, in the present temper of America, if the
Massachusetts amendments, with those suggested by me,
being added, and inserted in our ratification as before stated,
we may easily agree, and I verily believe that the most essen
tial good consequences would be the result.
Affectionately yours,
RICHARD HENRY LEE.
Gbouge Mason, Esq. Gunston Hall.

CHANTILLV, May 22, 1788.
Dear Sir— The manner in which we have together
struggled for the just rights of human nature, with the
friendly correspondence that we have maintained, entitles us, I
hope, tothe most unreserved confidence in each other, upon the
subject of human rights, and the liberty of our country. It is
probable that yourself no more than I do, propose to be here
after politically engaged ; neither therefore expecting to gain.

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 91
or fearing to loose, the candid part of mankind, will admit
us to be impartial judges, at least of the arduous business
that calls you to Richmond, on the second of next month. I
do not recollect to have met with a sensible and candid man
Who has not admitted, that it would be both safer and better
if amendments were made to the new constitution, proposed
for the government of the United States ; but the friends to
the idea of amendments divide ah'oiit the mode of obtaining
them, some thinking that a second convention might do the
business, whilst others fear that the attempt to remedy by
another convention, would risk the whole. I have been
informed that you wished amendments, but disliked the
plan of another convention; the just weight that you have in
the councils of your country, may put it in your power, sir,
to save from arbitrary rule a great and free people ; I have
used the words arbitrary rule, because great numbers fear
that this wiU he the case, as it may he so under the new
proposed system, when they reflect on the unvarying pro
gress of power in the hands of frail man ; to accomplish the
ends of society by being equal to contingencies infinite, de
mands the deposit of power great and extensive indeed, in
the hands of rulers, so great as to render abuse probable,
unless prevented by tbe most careful precautions; among
which, the freedom and frequency of elections, the liberty of
the press, and the trial by jury, with the independency of
the judges, seem tq he so capital and essential, that they
ought to be secured by a bill of rights, to regulate the dis
cretion of rulers in a legal way, restraining the progress of
ambition and avarice within, just bounds. Rulers must act
by subordinate agents generally, and however the former
may be secure from the pursuits of justice, the latter are for
ever kept in check by the trial by jury, where that exists in all
its rights. This most excellent security against oppression, is a
universal, powerful, and equal protection of all. But the
benefit to be derived from this system, is most effectually to
be obtained from a well informed and enlightened people;
here arises the necessity for the freedom of the press, which
is the happiest organ of communication ever yet devised, tb^
quickest and surest means, of conveying intelligence to «e
human mind. I am grieved to be forced to think, aftc the
most mature consideration of the constitution proposed that
it leaves the three essential securities above stated, u"^*"* tjie
mere pleasure of the new rulers ; and why should it «'> so, sir,
since the violation of tliese cannot be necessary t' good, but
will be always extremely convenient for badgovecwaatni. It
is a question deserving intense consider/rtion^ whether the

92 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
state sovereignties ought not to be supported, perhaps in the
way proposed by Massachusetts in their first, third, and
fourth, amendments. Force and opinion seem to be the two
ways alone, by which men can be governed, the latter appears
the most proper, for a free people, but remove that, and
obedience, I apprehend, can only be found to result frora fear,
the offspring of force ; if this be so, can opinion exist, with
out competent knowledge Of those who govern, and can that
knowledge take place, in a country so extensive as the terri
tory of the United States, which is stated by captain Hutchins
at a million of square miles ; whilst the empire of Germany,
contains but 192,000, and that of France, but 163,000 square
miles, the almost infinite variety of climates, soils, produc-
. tions, manners, customs, and interests, renders this still more
difficult, forthe universal government of our legislature; but
very practicable to confederated states, united fpr mutual
safety and happiness, each contributing to the federal head,
such a part of its sovereignty, as would render the govern
ment fully adequate to these purposes, and no more. The
people would govern themselves more easily, the laws of each
state, being atlapted to its own genius and circurastances ; the
liberties of the United States would probably be mpre secure,
than under the proposed plan, which, carefully attended to, will
be fpund capable of annihilating the state sovereignties, by
the power given to push the operations of their government,
under the general legislative right, of commanding taxes
without restraint, and seizing the productive-revenues that
the states may happily fall upon, for their support, and this
right, powerfully supported by the congressional court of
justice, and by the sacred tye of oath upon all the state
judges, will probably prove so strong as to render resistance
vain, and the state governments as feeble and contemptible
as was the senatorial authority, under the Roman empe
rors ; the name existed, but the thing was gone. I have ob
served, sir, that the sensible and candid friends of the pro
posed plan agree that ainendments would be proper, but fear
the consequences of another convention. I submit the follow-
¦flg as an effectual compromise, between the majorities and
ft^midable minorities, that generally prevail. It seems proba
ble, that the determinations of four states, will be materially
influ^jced by the determination of Virginia, which places a
strpngobligation on this country, to be unusually cautious
and circ,Hispect in her conventional conduct ; the mode pro
posed is Something like that pursued by the convention par
liament of T5n gland in 1688. In the act of ratification, in
sert plainly and strongly, such amendments as can be agreed

OP RICHARD HENRY LEE. 9S
upon, and say, that the people of Virginia do insist upon,
and mean to retain them as their undoubted rights and liber
ties, which they intended not to part with, and if these are
not obtained and secured by the mode pointed out by the
fifth artice of the convention plan, in two years affer the
meeting, of the new congress, that Virginia shall be con
sidered as disengaged from this ratification; in the fifth
article it is stated, that two thirds of Congress may propose
amendments, whicii being approved by three fourths of the
legislatures, become parts of the constitution ; so that the
new Congress raay obtain the amendment of Virginia, with
out risking the convulsion of a convention. Thus the benefi
cial parts of the new system may be retained, and a just
security be given for civil liberty, whilst the friends of the
system will be gratified, in what they say is necessary, to
wit, the putting the government in motion, when, as they
again say, amendments may, and ought to be made. The
good consequences resulting from this method, will probably
be, that the undetermined states may he brought to harmonize,
and the formidable minorities in many assenting states, be
quieted by so friendly and reasonable an accommodation ;
and thus the perpetual opposition that will inevitably follow,
(the total adoption of the plan) frora the state legislatures,
may be happily prevented, and united exertions take place.
In the formation of these amendments, localities ought to be
avoided as much as possible. The danger of monopolized
trade may be removed, by calling for the consent of three
fourths of the United States, on regulations of commerce.
The trial hy Jury to be according to the course of proceeding
in the state, where the cause criminal or civil is tried, and
confining. the supreme federal court to the jurisdiction of law,
excluding fact. To prevent sui'prises, and the fixing of in
jurious laws, it would seem to be prudent to declare against
tlie making laws perpetual, until the experience of two years
at least, had vouched their utility ; it being much more easy
to get a good law continued, than a bad one repealed. The
amendments of Massachusetts, appear to be good so far as
they go, except the second, and extending the seventh to
foreigners, as well as the citizens of other states in this
union ; and for their adoption, the aid of that powerful state
may be secured. The freedom of the press, is by no means
sufficiently attended to by Massachusetts, nor have they
remedied the want of responsibility, hy the impolitic combina
tion of president and senate. It does appear to me, that
in the present temper of America, if the Massachusetts amend
ments with those herein suggested being added, and inserted

94 LIFE AND CORRESPONTIENCE
in the form of our ratification as before stated, that Virginia
may safely agree, and I believe that the most salutary con
sequences would ensue. I pray, sir, that God may bless
the convention with wisdoin, maturity of counsel, and con
stant care of the public liberty, and that he may have you in
his holy keeping. With very great esteem and regard I have
the honour to be, dear sir,
Your most obedient and very humble servant,
RICHARD HENRY LEE.
Hon. Mr. Ciiasceliok Pendietoit.

CHANTILLY, October 15th, 1738.
Sir — My sentiments of the new constitution, in its pre
sent form, having been already communicated to the public,
it is not necessary here to repeat my objections ; nor will it
be wondered, that, with such sentiments, I should declare
my willingness to serve in the senate of the new Congress,
where, in my judgment, the best opportunity will be afforded
of doing the most essential services to the community, and
especially at its first institution, when amendments so neces
sary for the security of civil liberty, will probably be the
most attainable. I do assure you, sir, that nothing but the
"^reference I have for the liberties of my country, and a
thorough conviction of the danger these will be exposed to
by the unamended state of the new constitution, could have
induced me to consent again to become a public man ; but
where the peace, happiness, and freedom of my country seems
concerned, all private considerations will, I hope, with me,
forever give place. It is impossible that amendments can
fail to be recommended by the new Congress, if the legisla
tures shall send to that body such men as are known friends
to civil liberty, and to the amendments that have been pro
posed by many respectable states, and are desired by such
numbers of respectable citizens ; but, to be sure, if charac
ters shall be appointed to the new government, who are so
zealously attached to it as to be incapable of seeing faults in
it, the friends of just government may be disappointed in
their views of amendments, however ardently, and generally,
it may be desired. I have the honour to be, Sir,
Your most obedient and very humble servant,
RICHARD HENRY LEJE.
Hon. JoDK Joins, in Bichmond.

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 9j

CHANTILLY, October 15th, 1788.
Dear Sir — Long acquaintance and friendship, with very
similar political opinions, will apologize for my troubling
you with my wishes that amendments may be procured to
the new constitution, by means of the new Congress ; aiid
that I am willing to exert my faculties for the obtaining such
amendments in the senate of the new legislature, if it shall
please the Assembly to send me there ; and this information
to my friends is the more necessary, because I know it is a
coramon art, in these times, to prevent elections by asserting
that persons proposed will not serve, if elected. That amend
ments are necessary to this system, cannot, I think, be
doubted by any sensible and dispassionate man. The thing
itself, the judgment of many respectable states, and great
numbers of individuals, all proclaim it. Nor will amend
ments, probably, fail to be made, unless the legislatures
should choose men so zealously and blindly devoted as to
prevent them from seeing defects that all other men do see.
As the subject has been very fully considered, and a majority
have received it, professedly under the idea of expected
amendments, I should think that, as good citizens, it now
becomes us to exert our faculties so to conduct the business
as that a wise, energetic, and free government, may result
from properly amending the present form. Should this for
tunately be your opinion, the community will have the aid
of your knowledge and experience in the new legislature.
I have the honour to be, with the truest esteem and regard,
dear Sir,
Your affectionate friend and obedient servant,
RICHARD HENRY LEE.
TuEosonicE Bland, Esquire.

NEW YORK, May 2Sth, 1789.
Dear Sir — Your favour of March the 23d, was yesterday
delivered to me, about eight weeks from its date. The pub
lic good, and your recommendation, are motives so powerfiil
with me, that General Martin will be sure of my friendship
whenever the time shall come that I can serve him. How
th^ business of appointment to tbe office he wishes, or any
other, will go on, it is not easy to say, because nothing of
that kind has yet come upon the tapis. If the constitutional
nomination takes place., I am inclined to think, that the
approbation of the Senaite will not be withheld, unless some

96 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
palpable impropriety should mark the nomination, which is
hardly to be supposed. If, however, it should so turn out as
to be in my power tb serve General Martin, I shall assuredly
do it. I have seen very few of the scurrilous papers that
you allude to, but from those I have seen, it is ray opinion
that neither you nor I may be much disturbed at their effects,
since it is not possible that they can have influence with any
whose good opinion is worth having. Of all the anonymous
nonsense and adulation that I have met with, Decius is the
most contemptible ; his effusions, nevertheless, are pretty
similar to the genius and spirit that has animated the rest of
his party. Nothing more than report of the Spanish pro
ceedings have reached me ; the public consideration here has
never been yet turned upon any thing of that kind. The
state of Georgia did, last July, make an offer to the then
Congress, of ceding part of her western territory to the
United States ; but the terms of cession were then clogged
with so many oppressive conditions, that the cession was not
accepted. I do not know that the state has since receded
from the terms it then proposed ; whenever any thing rela
tive to that business, shall come on the carpet, I will inform
you. An act has passed the Congress for administering the
constitutional oath, and an impost bill is now before the
Senate, from the House of Representatives ; the duties are
thought too high, and we are proposing a reduction. A
long regulating bill, for securing the collection, is now in the
House of Representatives; and in the Senate, a plan is form
ing for establishing the judiciary system. So far as this has
gone, I am satisfied to see a spirit prevailing that promises
to send this system out free from those vexations and abuses
that might have been warranted by the terras of the consti
tution. It must never be forgotten, however, that the liber
ties of the people are not so safe under the gracious manner
of government, as by the limitation oi power. Mr. Madison
has given notice, that, on Monday se'nnight, he will call for
the attention of the house to the subject of amendments. I
apprehend, that his ideas, and those of our convention, on
this subject, are not similar. We shall carefully attend to
this ; and when the plan comes to the senate, we shall pre
pare to abridge, or enlarge, so as to effect, if possible, the
wishes of our legislature. I think, from what I hear and see,
that many of our amendments will not succeed, but my hopes
are strong, that such as may effectually secure civil liberlty
will not be refused. As two thirds of the legislatures have
refused to apply for a general convention, the Congress,
it seems, can constitutionally, only submit their propositions

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 97
of amendments to the legislatures, or to state conventions ;
but, I suppose, neitheir of these modes will fail, where the
design is more effectually to secure civil liberty ; the wish to
do which, was, I assure you, the sole reason that could haver
influenced me to come here, for I agree perfectly with you,
that your time of life and mine, after the turbulence we have
passed through, renders repose necessaty to our declining
years. From what you write of the lands on the western
frontier of Georgia, I suppose that you have views of family
settlement there; as, in that case, the Spaniards will be
neighbours, I subniit to your consideration, to reflect on the
national character of that people, which seems to be firm
and immovable in friendship, hut very inverate in enmity ;
peaceable, and honest in their dealings, but zealous to an
extreme, of atterapts upon their territory, especially that
from whence they derive their wealth. Will it not be pru
dent, for such as are their neighbours, to cultivate their
friendship, rather than provoke their enmity ? It appears
to me, that a judicious procedure of this kind, may get every
thing from their good will, whilst it will not be pleasant/ to
be in enmity with them ; more especially, as there is~little
doubt, but that, in case of quarrel with us, France will,
upon principles of the Bourbon alliance, inevitably join
them. The English court have, for some time past, been
assiduously courting the court of Spain to a commercial
treaty, ahd, I fear, that our conduct has favoured their
views ; such a treaty would hurt us, in the same proportion
that it will benefit our former enemies. The eyes of Europe
are now turned, upon the meeting of the states general in
France. If that people succeed in restoring their ancient
liberty, France will be the most potent empire in Europe.
The war in the north of that part of the world, seems likely
tp continue, unless the peculiar state of England and of
France, should be the means of restoring peace. My brother
Arthur, desires his compliments to you ; he has read your
debates in convention, and accords with you in opinion,
about the probable issue of the present systera.
I am, with great esteem and regard, dear Sir, your affec
tionate friend and servant,
RICHARD HENRY LEE.
Patrick Henut, Esquire.
Vol. il— 0

98 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE NEW YORK, September 14, 1789.
Dear Sir — I have -wTltten two letters to you since my
receipt of yours dated March 23d, both which I enclosed tp
our friend Mr. George Fleming, at Richmond, and he has
informed me of their safe arrival, and that he had forwarded
them to you. I have since waited to see the issue of the pro
posed amendments to the constitution, that I might give you
the most exact accounts of tbat business, as they came from the
House of Representatives; they were far short of the wishes of
our convention, liut as they are returned by the Senate they
are certainly rauch weakened. You may be assured that no
thing on my part was left undone to prevent tbis, and every
possible effort was used to give success to all the amend
ments proposed by our country. Wc might as well have at
tempted to move, mount Atlas upon our shoulders. In fact,
the idea of subsequent amendments, vvas little better than
putting oneself to death first, in expectation that the doctor,
who wished our de^trifction, would afterwards restore us to
life. I am grieved to see too many look at the riglrts of the
people, as a miser examines a security to find a flaw in it.
The great points of free election, jury trial in criminal cases, '
and the unlimited right of taxation, and standing armies re
main as they were. The most essential danger from the pre
sent system arises, in my opinion, from its tendency to a con
solidated government, instead of a union of confederated
states. The history of the world and reason concur in
proving, that so extensive a territory as the United States
comprehend, never was, or can be governed in freedom under
the former idea ; under the latter it is abundantly more prac
ticable, because extended representation, knowledge of cha
racters, and confidence in consequence, secures that good
opinion of rulers, without which, fear, the offspring of force,
can alone answer, for all free government resting on opinion,
if that fails, force must succeed; hence standing armies and
despotism follow. I take this reasoning to be unrefutable,
and therefore it becomes the friends of liberty to guard with
perfect vigilance every right that belongs to the states, and
to protest against every invasion of them, taking care always
to procure as many protesting states as possible; this kind of
vigilance will create caution and establish such a mode of
conduct as will create a system of precedent that will prevent a
consolidating effectfrom takingplaceby slow but sure degrees.
A sufficient number of legislatures cannot be got at present
to agree in demanding a convention, but I shall be verj much
mistaken indepd, if, ere long, a great sufficiency will not

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 99
concur in this measure. The preamble to the amendnients
is really curious. A careless reader would be apt to sup
pose that the amendments desired by the states had been gra
ciously granted, but when the thing done is compared with
that desired, nothing can be more unlike. Some valuable
rights are indeed declared, but the power to violate them to
all intents and purposes remains unchanged. The southern
Indians having repeatedly declared the little confidence they
had in the justice of the bordering states, it was thought that
sending commissioners from hence to treat with them, who
were totally unconnected with the parties and their disputes,
would be the most likely way to gain the Indian confidenfce,
and thereby obtain a secure and lasting peace. Upon this
idea three gentlemen have been sent from hence to treat with
the Creeks, where probably some measure may be taken with
the Cherokees also. In this mode of doing business there
was no opportunity for suggesting General Martin ; and those
gentlemen who have gone, are only appointed pro hac vice, and
return here when they have done the business. It is proba
ble that this treaty will end in a large cession of territory to
Georgia, which may cause a cession of some part to the
United States; in either case, those who choose may have an
opportunity of obtaining grants in that country, said to be a
very fine one. As the laws that have passed Congress this
session will all be sent to Richmond, where I am happy to
hear you will be in the Assembly, it is unnecessary for me to
say any thing of them in this letter, already I fear too long.
It is now proposed to adjourn on the 22d inst. but I think it
will be the first of October, before this result takes place. I
am sure that nothing I write politically to you, will be im
properly communicated.
I am, with the most cordial esteem and regard, dear Sir,
your most obedient and very humble servant,
RICHARD HENRY LEE.
p. Henbt, Esq. Virginia.

NEW YORK, Sept,;28, 1789.
SiE, — We have now the honour of,enclpsing;the proposition
of amendments to the constitution of the United States, that
has been finally agreed upon by Congress. We can assure
you sir, that nothing ori our part has been omitted to procure
the adoption of those radical amendments proposed by the
convention, and approved by the legislatores of our country,
which as our cohStituent we s^all always consider it dur

loo LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
duty with respect and reverence to obey. The journal of tho
Senate herewith transmitted, will at once show how exact and
how unfortunate we have been in this business. Itis impos
sible for us not to see the necessary tendency to consolidate
empire in the natural operation of the constitution if no fur
ther amended than as we proposed ; and it is equally impos
sible for us not to be apprehensive for civil liberty, when we
know of no instance in the records of history, that shows a
people ruled in freedom, when subject to one undivided go-
veirnment, and inhabiting territory so extensive as that ofthe
United States, and \\hen, as it seems to us, the nature of
man and of things prevent it. The impracticability in such
case, of carrying representation sufficiently near to the
people for procuring their confidence and consequent obedi
ence, compels a resort to fear resulting from great force, and
excessive power in government. Confederated republics,
where the federal hand is not possessed of absorbing power,
may admit the existence of freedom, whilst it preserves union,
strength, and safety. Such amendments therefore, as may
secure against the annihilation ofthe state governments, we
devoutly wish to see adapted. If a persevering application to
Congress, from the states that have desired such amendments
should fail of its objects, we are disposed to think, reasoning
from causes to effects, that unless a dangerous apathy should
invade the public mind, it will not be many years before the
constitutional nuraber of legislatures will be found to demand
a convention for the purpose. We have sent a complete set
of the journals of each house of Congress, and through the
appointed channel will be transmitted the acts that have
passed this session. In these will be seen, the nature and ex
tent of the judiciary, the estimated expense of the govern
ment, and the means, so far adopted, for defraying the latter.
We beg sir, to be presented, with all duty, to the honourable
house of representatives, and to assure you, that we are, with
every sentiment of respect and esteem. Sir, your mostobedi^
ent and very humble servants,
RICHARD HENRY L^E.
WILLIAM GRAYSON.
Honourable Speaker of the House
of Delegates, Virginia.

NEW YORK, June 10th, 1790.
Dear Sir — My ill state of health, the iRclemency of the
season appointed for the liieeting of Congress, which in this

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 101
place, is mpst severely felt by all, and absolutely destruc
tive to valetudinary people, prevented me from reaching
Congresjs, before the 20th of April. Previous to my coming,
the cession of North Carolina, had been received, and legal
ized by both houses; and a temporary government, there,
similar to that west of Ohio, established. This system in
cluded the appointment of a governor, of that district, who
by the same system, is also Indian agent, and authorized to
transact all affairs with the Indians, in a more extensive and
absolute manner, than such agents have been heretofore au
thorized to do. This then being an office of great consider
ation and iraportance, you may easily see, that it would be
earnestly sought after, and attainable only by great interest,
and particularly such, as was supported by persons in office,
here from that state, which had made the cession, as well as
by those from Georgia, who vyere hostile to General M— — n.
On my arrival here, and finding your two letters, that had
been here spme time before, I immediately caused Governor
Martins to be P  d ; the event bas been, as apprehended,
that your friend would fail, for Mr. William Blunt, of North
Carolina, (heretofore in Congress, from that state,) has been
appointed governor of the ceded territory, and, as I have
observed above, that appointment includes the Indian agency,
thus tbis business bas terminated. I should have given you
this information sooner, but quickly after my arrival here,
I was, with many others, taken extremely ill, so that my
life was long in danger, and I was confined for near a month ;
the effects of this malady, are still upon me, and my weakness
so consi4erable, as to render writing painful to me. With
my letters, I found one from you, to Colonel Grayson, which
I secured, and now return to you, presuming, that you de
signed it only for the inspection of the friend, to whom it
was addressed. It is impossible, for me to describe the scene
here, and shall content myself with saying, that every thing
met with in my former life, is mere trifling, compared with
this, and you know, that I have been in very stormy legisla
tive scenes. The active and persevering efforts of those who
have engrossed the public securities, for little or nothing, not
content with that advantage, must have six per cent, forever,
on the full nominal value of their possessions ; so that a vast
monied interest is to be created, that will forever be warring
against the landed interest, to the destruction of the latter ;
and this evil, great as it would be, by funding the debts of
the United States only, is to be increased ten fold, by the
assumption of the state debts. By this plan, the monied
and the political speculator, will both be gratified; the

JOS LIEE AND CORRESPONDENCE
former, by the way I have already stated, and the latter, by
possessing the general government, with the sole cause, and
consequently, with the whole power of taxation, and so con
verting the state legislatures into mere corporations. That
this will be the consequence of funding the continental and
state debts, amounting tP about eighty millions of specie dol
lars, there can be no difficulty in foreseeing. There appears
to be no prospect of fiirther amendments to the constitution)
this session, and I own, 'tis my wish, that the amendments
generally, as proposed at the last session, had been adopted
by our legislature ; for although there is much force in your
observations, upon that subject, yet when I consider one
great object of declarations, beyond which government may
not go, to wit : that they inculcate upon the minds of the
people, just ideas of their rights, it will always be hazardous
for rulers, however possessed of means, to undertake a viola
tion of what is generally known to be right, and to be en
croachments on the rights . of the community : besides, that
by getting as much as we can at different times, we may at
last come to obtain the greatest part of our wishes. It would
prPbably contribute much to this end, if at the ensuing elec
tion of representatives, instructions were given by the people
of those districts, that send influential merabers here, to exert
themselves to procure such additional amendments as have
not yet been made. Such bad use has so often been made of
my letters, that I am sure, the bare hint of this, is sufficient to
secure your remembrance, that when I write to you, 'tis
always in confidence. I shall be at all times happy to hear
from you, being very sincerely, dear sir.
Your affectionate friend and ob't serv't.
RICHARD HENRY LEE.
Patbick Henut, Esq., Virginia.

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 103

HEAD QUARTERS, the 28th October, 1777.
Dear Sir — Receive my very sincere thanks for the advice
you favoured mc with. I ara yet more sensible of such a
service, when I consider my friends must be in the same want
of news, as I am myself, without being happier perhaps in
their expectations ; however, I'll write by every good oppor
tunity — some letters will escape, and let them know that I
am alive. I ara not in any doubt, that the English will kill
me in Europe, when they expect to take me in America, ac
cording to their New York papers. I take therefore the
liberty, of enclosing you a letter for a friend of mine, where
I give to hira some accounts in general ; none of ipy acquaint
ances shall receive a word from me, without political and
American reflections. I know well the  genius
of our enemies, that I'll endeavour all my powers, to let the
truth  in Europe, of their ridiculous relations.
For a long time, nobody would think himself a true friend of
mine, witbout being what they call, a good insurgent. I dare
hppe, that I can raise in ray own country, as strong a party
as can be there, of the most agreeable and polite. Though
I wi^ote several letters upon the same principles, I send
you but one ; the others will be carried by Mr. de Val-
font, actually at, or very near York, whom I will introduce
to my friends in France. I beg from you .... the occasion
of this gentleraan the greatest pleasure and most interesting
service; he, is my intimate friend, and I wish warmly to
obtain the following favour. — He came over on board of my
vessel by a sincere attachment for me, and with the hope of
being always in my family ; if he could stay, I would now
trouble Congress, in order to get employment for him, but
the deplorable state ofhis health obliges him to return home.
He has not a moment to lose — his life depends on his safe
and speedy arrival in France. I understand that Congress
would engage the captain of their packet, to take him
on board, alone, or if possible, with one of his friends ;
it is much better, than exposing him to the dangers of a mer
chant vessel. Will you be so good, sir, to inquire yourself,
where my friend can be; Mr. Lawrens, who will receive a
letter from his son, is able, I believe, to give you that intel
ligence ; then you'll engage Mr. de Valfont, to take that op
portunity, and the captain, to embark him in his vessel, at
whatever pripe he will choose. Perhaps 'tis not  ta

104 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
our business, that my letters could arrive soon. I know by
my experience, that a great authenticity is desired in the
American views ; howeyer, I give you one, which in all cases,
will acquaint my societies in Paris, of John Burgoyne being
prisoner of war. Farewell, sir, I will not detain your de
spatches, therefore it shall not give rae the pleasure of pre
senting you in long terms, with the assurances of my affection
and esteem, with which I am, yours.
The Marquis De LA FAYETTE.
I add here, sir, the letters of several. gentlemen, and one
from myself to the French ambassador, which you can read,
and seal after if ypu please. A meeting of general officers
yesterday, prevented me of sending my despatches. I en
close too, a letter from his excellency. General Washington,
for you. Sir, be pleased to let Mr. Carrol get the other one.

VALLEY FORGE CAMP, the 29th of May, 1778.
Dear Sir — Agreeable to your kind proposition, of sending
with packets of Congress, those I should give to you, I have
the honour tp send a large parcel of letters, which I beg you
would forward. The president of Congress, has, I believe,
some letters from me, to my friends in France, which you
will be pleased to ask from him, and I don't know but that
Mr. de Francy might have some ; the whole is to go (if you
please) in your packet. I hope the bearer of this, will ar
rive in time, but if he he too late, I will take it as a favour of
you, to send an express to the place where your vessel lies,
not at public, but at my expense. I understand there are
vessels going with despatches of Congress, every tenth day,
to France; if so, I would be extremely obliged to you
to let me know immediately, when my packets are to be
sent, because I would make new ones, without loss of time.
The only way to be certain, that my friends will hear from
me, is to divide my letters by several occasions. Since the
last miscarriage and little walk around the country of Sir
Henry Clinton, we bave no interesting news* It is with the
greatest gratefiilness, that I have heard, in the full persua
sion of possessing me and the whole detachment, they had
already very kindly disposed of me, and intended to send
me immediately to their gracious sovereign j— is it not very
impolite to acknowledge such a favour, by procuring them
a fatiguing and useless route of more than forty miles. I

OP RICHARD HENRY LEE. 105
.%ill not detain longer the officer, bearer of these despatches^
and I will end this letter, with the assurances of a sentiment
of mine, which is, I do assure you, very sincere, it is the re
gard and affection, with which I have the honour to be^
dear sir, your most obedient servant.
The Marquis De LA FAYETTE.
To the Hon. Richaud Heniit Lee, Esq.
Member of Congress, at Yftrktown.

VALLEY FORGE CAMP, Sth of June, 1778.
Dear Sir — I will trouble you with these few lines, in
behalf of a gentleman, who is now in Yorktown, and wants
to get a certificate of his services from Congress; this is
General Conway, who has Written to me several letters ou
the subject. My being the warmest friend and the flrst ad
mirer of our great general, will not prevent me to speak in
favour of a gentleman, whose conduct I was very far from
approving on that and on other respects ; but General Con-
¦way, is an officer iii the French service, and a good one; be
is much known by a man for whom I have a great regard,
and it engages mc to make you this request, though I just
now received a letter of his, of which I could be very little
satisfied ; therefore, when his affair be spoken of in Congress,
be so good as to mention, that I will be very glad if a cer
tificate is given to him, of what they believe he deserves by
his services. I beg you would show this letter to the presi
dent of Congress, and believe me, with the most sincere re
gard, your most obedient servant.
The Marquis De LA FAYETTE,
Hon. Richaud Henbt Lee.

CAMP AT BRUNSWICK, 2d July 1778.
t)EAR Sir — I beg leave to tell you some words of congra
tulation, for the advantage obtained by General Washington
and your troops, over the forces of the English array. I
think their journey through the Jerseys has been rather
disagreeable, and bought very dear. This occasion, I
fancy will be a reason for sending some packet boat to
France ; I beg you would give me notice of it, in time, tbat
my friends may not be deceived by some  account,
as they were at Brandywine. Don't you find, my dear sir.
Very extraordinary, to be in such an ignorance, of what is
Vox. II — P

jOS LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
doing in camp ? may I hope you will be so good, as to let me
know whicb were the last accounts — which was the last date
arrived to your knowledge. I will take the liberty of recom
mending once more to your friendship, the affair of Colonel
Arniaud, which I wish to be soon settled, agreeable to his
desire. There is one other thing I want to consult you upon :
you have seen my public letter concerning the M. de Ri-
enne, and therefore you are acquainted well enough of what
concerns that gentleman. He has always been near the ene
my, and risked to be taken without commission ; the conse
quences thereof could be avoided, was Congress kind enough
to make him a compliment of the commission he is now
entitled to receive in France — this of Colonelj that is an idea
which I wanted to communicate to you. You will hear soon
of a very disagreeable affair, concerning  upon
which I need not to be particular, but am very sorry any
event of that kind might have taken place. With the high
est regard and sincere affection, I have the honour to be.
Dear sii-, your most obedient servant.
The Marquis De LA FAYETTE,
To the Hon. Ricuabd Henut Lee, Esq.
Member of Congress, at Philadelphia.

BRUNSWICK CAMP, 6th July, 177S.
Dear Sir — I beg leave to introduce to you Monsieur
Tourad, an officer, whose merit you will easily know in
being better acquainted with bim. I have written several
times to Congress in his behalf, and a new letter of miiie is
just now sent to the president, which points out some parti
cular circumstances, where he did more expressly deserve
the attention of Congress. I will take, my dear sir, as a
very particular favour from your friendship, to advise and
countenance him in any thing which will lay in your power,
as a gentleman I have a true affection for. With the most
sincere affection and regard, I have the honour to be.
Dear sir, your most obedient servant,
The Marquis De LA FAYETTE.
To the Hon. RicBAnD Hesby Lee, Esq.
Member of Congress, at Philadelphia.
P. S. When do you send a packet boat to France.

i OP RICHARD HENRY LEE. 107
BRUNSWICK CAMP, 6th July, 1778.
Dear Sir — I beg leave to introduce and particularly re
commend to you. Monsieur de Rienne, lately arrived from
France, who did not think of leaving camp, while there was
something to be done in it, and who is now going to wait on
Congress. Any thing you could wish to know of that gen
tleman's distinguished family, and long services, you have
ali'eady seen by a public letter of mine to Congress. I ani
now writing another, and I leave to Monsieur de Rienne the
care of taking it himself, which plan would suit him better.
You may rest assured that a corps of horse would prove very
useful in his hands. You will be pleased to remeraber the
hint I gave you in my last letter, about a commission to be
given to him. With the highest regard and sincere fiiend-
ship, I have the honour to be, dear sir.
Your affectionate
The Marquis De LA FAYETTE.
The Hon. RicsAitn Henut Lee, Esq.
Member of Congress, at Philadelphia.

ON BOARD OF THE ALLIANCE, 7th January, 1779,
Dear Sir — ^Since I had the pleasure of hearing from you,
1 am told you are gone to Virginia, but I guess you must be
liack by this time ; so at least I wish, because I have desired
Monsieur de la  and  to take your
comraands, ahd I flatter inyself, you will favour rae with a
letter by each of these gentlemen. You know Congress have
resolved to send fast sailing vessels this month, and the ma
rine committee have been pleased to permit my appointing
some officers to carry the despatches ; it is so sure an occa
sion that I hope you will write me about any public or pri
vate affairs, wliich you choose to entrust to me. After having
waited a very long time fpr an answer I expected from
Congress, I think it now my duty not to detain any lon
ger the former despatches. My reasons for having acted
and now acting as I do, are explained in longer terms to
Congress, and I hope they will meet with your approbation.
I always recommend you ideas, which you and myself are
fond of, about a Canadian expedition ; I really think it of
high importance to America, and would be very sorry was
such an enterprise thought impossible. I hope you will not
be obliged to recall the proposed plan, and that means may

ios

LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

be found of executing it. Farewell, my dear sir, and bclievo
me, with the most perfect regard,
Your most obedient humble servant,
LA FAYETTE.
I'he Hon. Richard Henki Lei;.

HAVRE, 7th October, 1779.
Dear Sir — I am to acknowledge the receipt of a precious
favour from you, which, in all times, would have been very
dear to me, but was the more welcome, tiiat very few Ame
rican letters are arrived into my hands. From your worthy
brother, from Mr. Franklin's despatches, from my own let
ters to Congress, you might receive any European intelli
gence that is worth mentioning. I will then, my dear sir,,
employ the little time that is given to me for my letter, in
assuring you again of the sense I have of your friendship for
me, which I deserve by the most sincere attachment. Be
pleased, my dear sir, to make my compliraents acceptable to
your brother, Mr. Samuel and John Adams, Dr.
all my friends in Congress, and the city^ whom you very
well know.
I am sorry that circumstances, in which 1 hope you will
approve of my conduct, have prevented me from being a
witness of such successes as Count  arrival has
certainly brought on. Itvish you might be in Congress on
the reading of my public letter. I. give a little hint of the
warm desire I have of coming again on the American shores.
But whatever may be Count  operation, it will per
haps bring on again some ideas, which should more properly
be called yours, but which I dare call .... by tbe great
delight I had taken in them. In all cases, if something is
done in Araerica, I will be very happy to hear. My private
circurastances, in this part of the world, are as agreeable as
the most wishing heart may any way desire; but I will be
very happy in sailing again for America, and with pleasure
could bring on such an event.
With the most sincere affection, I have the honour to be.
dear sir, yours,
LA FAYETTE.
The honourable Richakd Henet Lee, Esq.
Member of Congress.

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 109
PHILADELPHIA, Bee. 17th, 1780.
De.ir Sir — Though I am to complain of your silence, I
take this opportunity of remembering myself to your friend
ship, and heg leave of introducing to you Monsieur de Laval
and Count de Custine, both of whom command a regiment in
the French army at Rhode Island. These gentlemen intend
travelling to the southward, and I think we must do every
thing in our power for the officers of these auxiliary troops,
such of them particularly as hold a high rank at'their court.
Pursuant to this duty I gaye tiiem letters of recommendatiou
for you, and assure you, my dear friend, that, with the highest
regard, and sincere affection, I shall ever be your most obe
dient, humble servant,
LA FAYETTE.
Ilonourable Richakd IIeney Lee, Esq.

PARIS, March the 16th, 1785.
My dear Sir — What intelligence [ may think worth
while for the President of Congress to read, I have commu
nicated to the secretary for foreign affairs, to whom I beg
leave to refer your excellency ; but the personal tribute of
my regard and affection, I can only trust to persons, whose
sentiments, my good friend, have been long engraved in
my heart. To you I owe my first obligations — and to be
obliged to you, has been long to me a more pleasing idea.
Highly sensible of your friendship, and its value, I am happy
in every opportunity to remind you of rae; and I know you
will be pleased to hear that I am well, and happy with my
family and friends. The situation of affair.s in Europe made
it highly proper for me to arrive at the time I did ; but mat
ters are now taking a pacific turn, and, since my return,
has ceased to present itself under the idea of necessity. ' I
more than ever lament tlie shortness of a visit, which I fondly
hope to renew in a little time. What has been given to foreign
trade in the West Indies, although it is short of what bad
been demanded, becomes a source of complaint araong the
merchants of this country, but who might be more tractable,
had they a larger share in the American trade. The spirit
of Great Britain seems to me, not hostile as some pretend,
but averse to the United States, which, by the way, is a very
foolish policy. I am glad to hear you are seriously taking
up a plan for the navigation of your rivers in Virginia. You
wiir find the Spaniards vo,iy obstinate; but every means

110 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
must be taken to reason them into proper measures. Above
all, ray dear sir, do attend to the confederation, to union and
harmony, to every regulation that can give security to the
commerce, energy to the government, and faith to the public
creditors. This Congress is an excellent one, and the fate of
future ages does principally depend upon what will be done
this year. Impossible would it be for me to express the
pleasure I feel, when I hear something that redounds to the
glory of America ! Adieu, my dear sir ; remember me most
affectionately to all your family, and Ludwell in particular.
My best compliments also wait upon Mr. Arthur Lee. Should
you write to the  send my love to him. God bless
you, my good friend. With every sentiment of affection and
respect, I have the honour to be, your obedient humble .servant,
LA FAYETTE,
My compliments wait upon ypur colleagues in the delega
tion. I hope  is married by this time.

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE, 111

NEW HAMPSHIRE CORRESPONDENCE.

PHILADELPHIA, 23d August, 1779.
My dear Sir — It gives me pleasure to find, by ypur
favour ofthe Sth instant, that you have got the better of your
indisposition, and I hope shortly to have the additional sa
tisfaction of being informed that your health is perfectly
restored. The Confederacy is still waiting for her freight ; I fancy a
late arrival at Boston will hasten her departure. A long
political letter has been received from Mr. Adams, in which
he gives a high character of bis companion in France. I
hope this gentleman will receive such impressions in the
country where he first landed, as will suflicientiy guard him
against the pernicious air of Philadelphia. From the cha
racter given of him, there is no room to apprehend much
danger of his being drawn into party, by the insidious arts
of base, designing men, but still it may not be amiss to
fortify him against any such attempts. The arrival of Mr.
Adams may make a change hi some political plans: I wish
he would come this way, but I do not understand he has any
such intention. The reading of Doctor Lee's vindication,
&c. afforded me high entertainment; envy, malice, and every
vindictive passion that disappointed malevolence could in
spire, appeared on various countenances around the room.
Fiddle head shook, swivel eye nestled and turned pale, the
chair changed colour at every sentence, some others forced a
sneer, endeavouring to conceal their chagrin and confusion :
this, you may well suppose, afforded me no small degree of
enjoyment. The Base-Viol has tarried a fortnight beyond
the time he some tirae ago set for his departure ; he has met
with something of late, that has lowered him exceedingly,
but what it is, I know not, perhaps it may be the oath you.
mention. What can become of Ford ; it is now ten days
since a fellow passenger of his passed through this city, who
informed, thatFord had despatches for Congress, but nothing
further has been heard of him. It is hinted, by some, that
he will not be permitted to pass this way, but those are not
remarkable for their friendship for his late employer. I

112 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
shall hot he under the least concern for the fishery, if a pi'o-
per person can he agreed on to negotiate the business ; but
that still remains a matter of uncertainty. The resignation
of Doctor Lee, at this time, would certainly be injurious:
though, I hope, when he has completed the business that I
now expect he is engaged in, he will ask leave to come to
America; but, in my opinion, it will be best not to resign ;
the thought of his coming to this country, would make some
of the villains tremble, but, if he resigns, it will he said he
has no intention of cPming here, and many injurious stories
will be circulated, that may make an impression that may
give him, pr his friends, some trouble to remove. The feW
select friends, whom you honoured with your confidence,
have considered the subject submitted to them ; their opi
nions will be given you by Mr. L  e, or Mr. L  1, who^
no doubt, will write you fully on the subject.
It is uncertain when I shall take my leave of this place,
but I believe it will be October first. Whenever that bap-*
pens, or wherever I may be, to hear of your happiness will
always be a great addition to mine.
I am, my dear sir, with the highest esteem, and most
sincere affection. Yours,
WILLIAM WHIPPLE.
Honorable Richakd Henry Lee, Esq.
At Chantilly, Northern Neck, Virginia.

PHILADELPHIA, Se^jt. ig, l779.
My dear Sir — When I diil myself the honour of writing
! 0 you last, it was my intention to tarry here till the latter
end of next raonth, but the arrival of a second colleague has
altered ray determination ; I shall take my leave of this city
to-morrow, but I must confess, I shall not do it with the satis
faction I should, if Virginia, and some other states, that
might be mentioned, were represented in the manner 1 have
known thera.
It affords me particular satisfaction to find, by your favour
of the 4th instant, that your health is restored. I hope your
influence will raake some beneficial changes in the politics
of Virginia. I am sure your endeavours will not be want
ing, and I am very sure, you are convinced of the necessity
of changing men, if not measures. If there is as much vir
tue and integrity in a certain Assembly, as formerly, there
certainly is a languor, a want of rcsoliition, to oppose vicej

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. US
and stem the torrent of corruption, that at this time, threat
ens ruin to America; but, I hope, that persevering spirit,
^yhich heretofore faced every difficulty, and looked all opposi
tion out of countenance, will again revive and scatter the
cloud that now hangs over us. I expect my retirement will
afford me a satisfaction, impossible to be enjoyed in Philadel
phia; but, however happy my situation may be, it will ever
be increased by hearing of the prosperity and happiness of
those wortiiy patriots, who first stepped forward, braved
every danger, and combated the greatest difficulties, and by
their virtuous struggles, and unremitted exertions, have thus
far rescued their country from the band of tyranny. Some
of your friends, particularly Mr. Laurens, and Mr. Lovell,
will give you an account how matters are going on here ;
these gentlemen, I need not tell you, are real friends to vir
tue, and, consequently, to those devoted to the cause of vir
tue. I much approve Dr. Lee's intention, to come to this
country, when the Spanish bu.siness is concluded. I think it
necessary he should have a fair opportunity, of putting to
shame, those base assassins, whose malice is wrmiglit up to
the highest pitch, by a consciousness of their own inferiority.
If he lands in New Hampshire, I am confident he will be
received with the respect due, and in some measure, propor
tioned to his merit. I shall be particularly happy in having
an opportunity, of manifesting my gratitude, for his services
to Araerica. Notwithstanding the great distance between us,
I shall flatter myself with hopes of sometimes receiving a line
from you, and you may be assured, I shall omit no opportu
nity of communicating whatever I think will give you plea
sure. Please to remember me, very affectionately, to Colo
nel F. Lee.
I am, my dear Sir, with the highest esteem and respect.
Your sincerely affectionate friend,
WILLIAM WHIPPLE.
Hon. Richakd Hehiit Lee, Esq. at Chantilly,
Nortliern Neck, Virginia.

PORTSMOUTH, Sept. 15, 1783.
My dear Friend — I am honoui'ed with your two favours
of the 1st and 7th of July, and should long ago have acknow
ledged the receipt of them, had not my absence, on a long
journey, prevented their coming to my hands till very lately.
You may be assured, sir, that, as it will always afford me
great pleasure to be instrumental in promoting the interest of
Vol. II,— Q

114 LIFE .VND CORRESPONDENCE
any of your faraily, I shall embrace every opportunity 1:0
recommend your son, to such of my acquaintance, as have
business to transact in your country. The opinions here,
respecting the address of Congress, are Various ; our Assem
bly have not yet adopted the measures recommended, but I
have some expectation that they will, at their next session,
which is in October. The local circumstances of this state,
points out the necessity of the measure, and though I always
pay the greatest deference to your judgment, I do not see the
danger of placing such funds in the hands of Congress, Un
der proper restrictions, for a limited time ; on the other hand,
is not something of this sort necessary to cement the union,
on which the well being of America so much depends ? It
appears to me, that a great revenue should be raised on
foreign trade, and if this tax is not under some general regu
lation, quarrels will surely arise, which will, at least, endan
ger, if not totally destroy, the union. However you and I
may differ in opinion, as to the means, I am sure we have the
same great object in vicw> the good of our common country.
This being the basis on which our friendship is built, I trust
it will not easily be shaken ; I can, therefore, with the great
est confidence, assure you of the unceasing esteem and re
spect, of your very affectionate friend, and most obedient
servant,
WILLIAM WHIPPLE.
Hon. Richard Henky Lee, Esq.

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 115

MASSACHUSETTS CORRESPONDENCE.
BOSTON, May 14, 1768.
Sir — By Mr. Edward Church, a passenger in

Wilson, who sailed the 24th ultimo, I sent you the Journals
of the House of Representatives for the year past. There
cannot be a better evidence of the moderation and good tem
per, with whicii the affairs of the last session, for the greater
part of it, were conducted, than the governor's speech to the
two Houses, when it ended. The House of Representatives
were constantly attentive to the late acts of Parliament, and
alraost their whole time was employed in preparing a peti
tion to his majesty, and letters to his ministers, &c. Notliing
extraordinaiy passed between the governor and the House,
who seemed determined to carry on business without giving
his excellency tbe least uneasiness that could possibly be
avoided. As an instance, they readily complied with his
request for a further establishment for Fort Pownal, at the
eastward ; which I am satisfied was done rather to gratify
the governor at this juncture, than from an apprehension of
the real necessity of it. His excellency, in tbe speech above
referred to, complains that the lovers of contention have
sought an occasion of reviving it. It is not difficult to find
by the journals, what gave occasion of uneasiness in the
latter part of the session. Had the governor concealed from
the House, the letter he had received from Lprd Shelburne,
whicii it does not appear be was under any sort of necessity
of disclosing to them, all things would have gone on quietly ;
but when they found that his lordship had passed a censure
upon their conduct, grounded upon information he had re
ceived, and probably, as they thought, by his excellency's
own letters, it is not to be wondered at, that thiey judged it
necessary to take measures to set their conduct right in the
mind of a nobleman of his lordship's dignity, character, and
rank in bis majesty's service ; especially as it appeared by
the letter, that his majesty himself had approved of the go
vernor's negativing some of the gentlemen they bad elected
as counsellors, as being done with due deliberation and judg
ment. The steps which the House took were no other than

116 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
common sense, as I apprehend, would dictate to any private
gentleman in a similar case. They are published for the
world to judge, if there was any contention in the matter, to
whom the blame ought to be imputed. It is observable, that
where there is a total w ant of confidence between the go
vernor and the people, which appears to me to be the case in
this province at present, suspicions of each other will often
take place, and operate to disturb the public tranquillity,
and hinder the affairs of his majesty's government in the pro
vince from being carried on so prosperously as all good men
would wish for. How far the jealousies of the House, in the
present case, of his excellency's having misrepresented them
to his majesty, as acting from unworthy views and motives
in their elections, is to be justified by his lordship's letter,
disinterested persons will judge. Such kind of jealousy has
long been in the minds of very many, if not the greater part
of the people ; and I am persuaded that nothing will reraove
it from the rainds of by far the greater part of those persons
who constituted that House!, but a sight of bis excellency's
letters, or a declaration from bis lordship, if he will conde
scend to give it, to the contrary. That House has since been
dissolved, according to custom, and a new one will be re
turned this month ; I have no reason to think that a cor
diality will ever subsist between the present governor and
the representatives of the people. Harmony, upon the prin
ciples of liberty and virtue, is much to be desired ; but pre
judices bave taken so deep root, tbat it is npt to be expected.
which side soever is in fault. If the prejudice he invincible,
his majesty's government must be impeded, and both tbe go
vernor and the people mu.st be unhappy. I now speak my
mind with an unreserved freedom, and I hope with candour
and impartiality, and not indecently ; for, though 1 can by
no means say that I am captivated with his excellency's ad
ministration, I should always rejoice in his prosperity ; and
were he ray patron or father, my regards for his ease and
comfort, as well as for the people, would induce nie to wish
for his removal to another governraent. The board of com
missioners of the custom here is extremely disgustful to the
people ; they are neglected by men of fortune and character,
and are viewed, in general, in no better light than the late
commissioners of the stamps ; they appear tp be a useless
and very expensive set of officers, and the arrival of their
appendages, from time to time, with large salaries, together
with the many officers of inferior class, which they have
created since they came here, alarm the people with dis
agreeable apprehensions. The ideas of their being designed

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 117
to facilitate trade, are now altered, and they arc considered
as the regulators of a revenue raised out of the people with
out their consent, and therefore unconstitutional and oppres
sive. Besides, it is apprehended that, in a very little time,
they will have an influence that wiU be justly formidable, by
appointing as many officers under them as they please, for
whose support it is said they may sink the whole revenue;
they may have it in their ])ower to form such a connexion, as
to make themselves terrible to the liberties of the people.
There is an anxious expectation of tbe event of the petition
and letters sent home. It is hoped by the most thinking and
judicious here, that the revenue acts will be repealed, and
the commissioners recalled ; if this should not take place,
it is hard to say what may be tbe consequence. While Ame
rica enjoyed her liberties. Great Britain reaped the profits
of her trade, and had her warmest affection ; but, if her liber
ties are violated by the mother country, and ber trade
rescinded, where is the bond of mutual affectiph ! The reso
lution of the Americans, which had its rise in this town, not
to make use of foreign superfluities, I perceive, by the London
prints, is disregarded there as a mere puff, because, upon
inquiry, it was found that the merchants had not stopped
their orders for such kind of articles, and these have the
usual exportations to Araerica this spring. But I wish that
this matter was considered with a little more attention ; for,
althoiigh it is very probable that many persons may break
through their agreement, yet there is no doubt, in my mind,
but such nurabers vvill adhere to it, as must affect the British
manfacturers. There is certainly such a disposition among-
the people to furnish themselves with the American manufac
tures, as never was known before ; and there have been late
instances ofthe manufacture of a variety of articles much be
yond expectation. It is well knowen what large quantities of
the British manufactures are annually consumed in America.
Could Great Britain endure a total stop to this consumption?
or what part of it would she be willing should be saved? Will
not the making of one piece of woollen clPth encourage the
making of another ? And if this spirit of manufacturing is
excited by resentraent, as some of your writers allege, is it
natural to suppose it will stop short of the utmost possibility ?
Can any man in England or America, ascertain the bounds.^
Will it not affect the mother country in proportion to the ex
tent of it? But there is another consideration of great weight.
Let the importations from Britain be ever so large, the trade
of America is so embarrassed and burthened, that it will not
afford the people the ability of wearing fine clothe.«. and pay-

118 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
ing for them, so that, in the course of things, the importations
must cease through necessity. I pray God, that those who
conduct the affairs of the nation, may be endowed with true
wisdom ; that all measures, destructive to the coramon in
terest, may be reversed ; that fomenters of division, on both
sides the Atlantic, maybe detected and punished; that Great
Britain and the colonies may thoroughly understand their
mutual interest and dependence ; that harmony may be culti
vated between them, and that they may long flourish in one
undivided empire.
1 am, with great regard, .sir, your most humble servant,
SAMUEL ADAMS.

June 6th, 1768.
Sir — The bearer of this letter, Mr. John Jefferies, is a
young gentleman of a liberal education, and of a good family
here. He is the son of Mr. David Jefferies, a gentleraan
highly esteemed by good men, whose anxiety for his only son,
leads hiin to seek the occasional advice of men of religion,
aged and experienced, in London, where he will be a stran
ger. To gratify the father's request, I mention him to you
in particular. As I am influenced by motives of friendship
to one, solicitous for bis son's spiritual, as well as temporal
interest, I hope you will excuse the freedom taken by
Your humble servant,
SAMUEL ADAMS.
Dknnts Dk RiKDT, Esquire.

BOSTON, March 21, 1775.
Sir — I am rauch obliged to you for your favour of 4tli
February last, by Captain Layton. From the beginning of
this great contest with the mother country, I have seen Vir
ginia distinguishing herself in the support of American
liberty ; and in the liberal donations received from all parts
of that colony, for the sufferers in tins town, we bave had
abundant testimonies of their unanimity and zeal for that all-
important cause. I have the pleasure to as.sure you, that the
people of this colony, (saving a few detestable men, most of
whom are in this town,) are also firm and united. General
^age is still here, with eleven regiments, besides several
detachments ; yet, it is generally supposed, that there are

OP KICHARD HENRY LEE. 119
not more than two thousand five hundred effective men in all.
They have been very sickly through the winter past ; many
have died, and many others have deserted. I have seen a
joint list, and I believe it to be a true one, of the royal Irish,
and the detachments from the sixty-fifth, in which the whole
number was one hundred and sixty-seven, and only one hun
dred and two of them effective. But though tiic number of
the troops are diminished, the insolence of the officers (at
least some of them) is increased. In private rencontres, I
have not heard of a single instance of their coming off other
than second best. I will give you several instances of their
behaviour in public. On the 6th instant, there was an ad
journment of one of our town meetings, when an oration was
delivered in coraraemoration of the massacre on the Sth of
March, 1770. I had long expected that they wouid take
that occasion to beat up a breeze, and, therefore, (seeing
many of the officers present before tlie orator came in, ) as
moderator ofthe meeting, I took care to haye thein treated
with civility, inviting them into convenient seats, &c. that
they might have no pretence to behave ill; for it is a good
maxim, in politics as well as in war, to put and keep tbe
enemy in the wrong. They behaved tolerably well until the
oration was finished, when, upon a motion made for the ap
pointment of another orator, as usual, they began to hiss,
which irritated the assembly to tbe greatest degree, and con
fusion ensued ; they, howeyer, did not gain their end, which
was apparently to break up the meeting, for order was soon
restored, and we proceeded regularly and finished the busi
ness. I am persuaded, that, were it not for the danger of
precipitating a crisis, not a man of tbem would bave been
spared. It was provoking enough to the whole corps, that
while there were so many troops stationed here, with the
design of suppressing town meetings, there should yet be one
for the purpose of delivering an oration to commemorate a
massacre perpetrated by soldiers, and to show the danger of
standing armies; they, therefore, it seems, a few days after,
vented their passion on a poor, simple countryman, the state
of whose case is drawn up by himself, and sworn to before a
magistrate, as you will see by the enclosed ; thus you see,
that the practice of tarring and feathering, which has so
often been exclaimed against, by the tories, and even in the
British House of Commons, as inhuman and barbarous, has,
at length, been revived by some of the polite officers of the
British army, stationed in this place, professedly to prevent
riots. Some gentlemen of the town, waited on the general
on this occasion ; he appeared to be angry at it, and declared

120 i-llE AND CORRESPONDENCE
that he knew nothing about any such design ; he said, that
he, indeed, heard an irregular beat of the drum, (for they
passed by his house,) hut thought theywere drumming a bad
woman through the streets! This, to be sure, would not
have been a riot. The selectmen of Billarica, an inland
town, about thirty miles distant, to which the abused raan
belonged, have since made a remonstrance to the general, a
copy of which is enclpsed. The general promised them that
he would inquire into the matter, but we hear nothing more
about it. Some say, that he has lost the command over his
officers, and is afraid of displeasing them ; how this may be
I cannot say.
SAMUEL ADAMS.

PHILADELPHIA, June 26, 1777.
My dear Sir — I intended to have written to you, by the
last post, but being under the necessity of despatching some
letters to Boston, by the eastern post, which went off the
same day, I was prevented. When you left this city, you
may remember that the enemy were at Brunswick, and our
army at a place called Middlebrook, about nine miles north
of Brunswick, since which. General Howe, who had joined
his army, marched suddenly from thence, with the design,
as it was generally believed, to make a rapid push for Phila
delphia, but he disappointed the hppes of some, and the fears
of others, by halting at Somerset court house, about nine
miles on the road leading to Caryel's ferry. General Sulli
van, who, you know, had been at Princeton, made a quick
march to cover our boats at the ferry, and, by retarding
Howe's march, to give an opportunity to our army to come
up and attack them. But the enemy continuing at Somer
set, Sullivan advanced with a considerable force, consisting
of continental troops and militia, and posted himself at a
place called Sourland hills, within six miles of Somerset
court house. The enemy were very strongly posted ; thefr
right at Brunswick, and their left at Somerset, well fortified
on the right, and having the Rariton in front, and Millstone
on the left. In this situation Gen. Washington did not think
it prudent to attack them, as it did not appear to him to be war
ranted by a sufficient prospect of success ; and, he thought, it
might be attended with ruinous consequences: his design then
was to reduce the security of his army to the greatest certainty,
by collecting all the force§ tbat could be drawn from other
quarters, so as to be in a condition of embracing any fair oppor-

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 121
tunity that might offer to make an attack on advantageous
terms ; and. in the mean time, by light bodies of militia,
seconded and encouraged by a few continental troops, to
harass and diminish their numbers by continual skirmishes ;
but the enemy made an unexpected retreat to Brunswick,
and, afterwards, with great precipitation, to Amboy.
June 29th — On Wednesday last, the enemy, reenforced, as
it is said, with marines, marched frora Amboy, through a
road between Brunswick and Elizabethtown, to a place
called Westfield, about ten railes, with a design, as it is
supposed, to cut off our light troops, and bring on a general
battle, or to take possession of the highland back of Middle-
brook, for which last purpose, Westfield was the most con
venient route; and it was, also, a well chosen spot from
whence to make a safe retreat, in case he should fail of gain
ing his point. On this march, they fell in with General
Maxwell, who thought it prudent to retreat to our main
army, then at Quibbletown, from whence General Washing
ton made a hasty march to his former station, and frustrated
the supposed design of the enemy. I have given you a very
general narrative of the different situations and movements
of the two arraies, without descending to the particulars,
because we have not, as yet, an authentic account, and one
cannot depend upon the many stories that are told. I think,
I may assure you, that our army is in high spirits, and is
daily growing more respectable in point of numbers. We
are going on, within doors, with tardiness enough ; a thou
sand little matters too often thurst out greater ones; a kind
of fatality still prevents our proceeding a step in the impor
tant affairs of confederation. Yesterday, and the day before,
was wholly spent in passing resolutions to gratify New York,
or, as they say, to prevent a civil war between that state
and the green mountain men, a matter which it is not worth
your while to have explained to you. Monsieur D'Coudray's
affair is still unsettled. The French engineers have arrived;
they are said to be very clever, but disdain to be commanded
byD'Coudray. The commissioner, D  n, continues to
send us French, German, and Prussian officers, with authen
ticated conventions, and strong recommendations. The
military science, for your comfort, will make rapid progress
in America ; our sons and nephews will be provided for in
the army, and a long and moderate war will be their happy
portion ; but who, my friend, would not wish for peace.
May I live to see the public liberty restored, and the safetj
Vos. II — R

122 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
of our dear country secured ; I should then think I had en
joyed enough, and bid this world adieu.
Yours,
SAMUEL ADAMS.

PHILADELPHIA, July 22, 1777.
Mt Dear Sir— -Your very acceptable letter of the twelfth,
came to my hand yesterday ; the confederation is most cer
tainly an important object, and ought to be attended to and
finished speedily ; I mpved the other day and urged, that it
might then be broughton, but your colleague Colonel H. . . .
opposed and prevented it, Virginia not being represented, it
is put off till you shall arrive ; you see therefore, the necessity
of your hastening to Congress.
We have still further and still confused accounts, from the
northward,  letters arc rueful indeed, even to a great de
gree, and with an awkward mixture, tbat excites one to laugh
in the midst of calamity. He seems to contemplate his own
happiness in not having had much, or indeed any hand, in
the unhappy disaster ; he throws blame on Sinclair, in his
letter of the ninth of July ; " what adds to my distress, says
he, is, that a report prevails, that I bad given orders for the
evacuation of Ticonderoga, whereas not the most distant
hint of any such intention, can be drawn from any of ray
letters to general Sinclair, or any other person whatsoever,"
he adds, " what could induce the general officer to a step, that
has ruined our affairs in this quarter, God only knows." And
indeed Sinclair's own letter of the SOth of June, dated at Ty
conderoga, would induce one to be of the same opinion ; for
he there says, "my people are in the best disposition pos
sible ; and I have no doubt about giving a good account of
the enemy, should they think proper to attack us." Other
parts of his letter are written in the same spirited stile. The
general officers blame New England, for not furnishing their
quota of troops. It is natural for parties concerned, to shift
the faults from one to the other; and your friend General
Steven, who seems desirous of clearing his countrymen from
all blame, in a letter to your brother, says, " eight thousund
were thought adequate to the purpose : they (new England) fur
nished about three thousand," and "for want ofthe quota the
place was lost ; ifthe war is protracted by it, they stand answer
able for the consequences." The General forgets, that five.
of the teu battalions ordered from Massachusetts to Tycon
deroga were countermanded, and are now at Picks Kill. I

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 123
will give you an abstract of the forces, at Tyconderoga and
Mount Independence, the twenty-fifth of June, taken from
muster master. Colonel Varick's retorn.
Fit for duty of the nine continental regiments
commissioned, non-commissioned, and staff
officers included,  2738
Colonels Wells' and Leonard's regiments of
militia from Massachusetts, . . . . 637
(their time expired the sixth of July,)
Colonel Lang's regiment of N. H. militia,
(engaged, to the first of August,) . . .199
Major Stevens's corp of artillery, . . 151
Five companies of artificers, . . . .178
Whatcorab's, Aldrick's and Lee's rangers, . 70
Sick in camji, and in barricks, ... 342
Men at out posts not included, ... 218
4533

Besides a number of recruits, belonging to the continental
regiments arrived at Tyconderoga, between the eighteenth
and twenty-ninth of June, that are not included in the above
abstract. General Schuyler, in his letter of the ninth of
July, says, " I ara inforraed from undoubted authority, that
the garrison was reenforced with twelve hundred raen, at
least two days before the evacuation." When the coraraander
in chief writes in so positive terms, Pne would presurae, upon
his certain knowledge of facts ; but as he was not present
with his array, let us suppose, (though it does not seera pro
bable, by the general gloomy cast of his letter,) that he has
overrated the numbers, and set down only 967, and it will
completei the number of 5,500, deduct the sick 342, and I am
willing to deduct, the two " licentious disorderly regiments,"
from Massachusetts ; though he acknowledges, they kept
with him two days on the march," and there remained near
5000; mentioning this in a public assembly yesterday, I was
referred to the general's information to the council of war,
who says, '-the whole of tbe force consisted of 2089, effective
rank and file." But allowing this to be the case, is an army
the worse for having more than one half of its combatants
officers, notwithstanding nothing is said of it, in the public
letters ; General Sinclair writes his private friend, that the
enemy came up with the rear of our retreating army, and a
hot engagement ensued ; other accounts say, that many were
killed ou both sides, that our troops beat off the enemy, and
that Colonel Francis of Massachusetts, and sorae of his

124 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
officers, are araong the slain. I shall not write yon another
letter for I hope to see you soon.
Adieu my friend,
SAMUEL ADAMS.
RicHAsn IIehky Lee, Esq.
P. S. By the letters immediately preceding the disaster, the
enemy were said to consist of 5,600, by the enclosed account
7,900; which is the most to be relied on, I know not, both
may be uncertain.

¦ BOSTON, April 30, 1778.
My dear Sir — I most heartily congratulate you on the
happy and important news from Europe, which will be con
veyed to Congress by Mr. Dean, the brother of our late
commissioner, who will be so kind as to deliver you this letter.
France has acted with magnaniraity, while Britain continues
to discover that meanness and poverty of spirit, which ren
ders her still more than ever, contemptible iu the eyes of all
sensible people. The moderation of France, is such, as be
comes a great and powerful nation. Britain, forgetful of
her former character, sinks into baseness in the extreme.
The one is generously holding out the arm of protection to a
people most cruelly oppressed, while the other is practising
the arts of treacheiy and deceit, to subjugate and enslave
them. This is a contrast which an ancient Britain would
have blushed to have had predicted to him ; it is a true con
trast, and we will blush for tliem.
Commissioners we are again told, are coming out to treat
with us : this is what we had reason to expect ; her only de
sign is to amuse us, and thereby to retard our operations,
till she can land her utmost force in America. We see
plainly, what part we are to take ; to be beforehand of her,
and by an early .stroke, to give her a mortal wound. If we
delay our ^igorous exertions till the commissioners arrive,
the people abroad may, many of them will, be amused with
the flattering prospect of peace, and will think it strange if
we do not consent to a cessation of arms, till propositions
can be made and digested. This carries witii it an air of
plausibility, but from the moment we are brought into the
snare, we may tremble for the consequence. As there are
every where artful tories enough, to distract the rainds of
the people, would it not be wise for the Congress, by a pub
lication of their own, to set this important intelligence in a

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 125
clear light before thera, and fix in their minds the first im
pression in favour of truth ? for I do assure you, it begins to
be whispered by the tories, and as soon as they dare to do it
they will speak aloud, that this is but a French finesse and
that Britain is the only real friend of Araerica. Should not
the people be informed with the authority of Congress, that
Britain persists in claiming a right to tax them, ? and that
the new or intended act of Parliament, expressly declares
her intention to be only a suspension of the exercise of
tbat right till she shall please again to exercise it — that is,
till she shall have lulled thera into a state of security — that
her commissioners are not to bo vested with full powers to
finish any treaties, nor even to promise a ratification of them.
This will be left in great uncertainty till it shall be consi
dered in Parliament. They are allowed, as one of our friends
expresses it, to proclaim a cessation of hostilities, and revoke
their proclamation, as soon as in confidence of it, our militia
are allowed to go home. They may suspend the operation
of prohibitary acts of trade, and take off that suspension,
when our merchants in consequence of it, shall have been
induced to send their ships to sea. In sliort, they may do
every thing that may tend to distract and divide us, but
nothing that can afford us security. The British court have
nothing in view, but to divide by raeans of their coraraission
ers, of this they entertain sanguine expectations ; for I ara
well assured, that they say they have certain advice, that
tbey have a large party in the Congress, almost a majority,
who are for returning to their dependency ! this cannot be
true. Doctor Franklin, in a letter of the 2d of March, in
forms me, that America at present stands in the highest light
of esteem throughout Europe, and he adds, a return to de
pendence on England, would sink ber into eternal contempt.
Be pleased to present my due regards to all friends, and
acquaint my worthy colleagues, that Mr. Dean's great haste
prevents my writing to them. I intend to set out on my
journey to Yorktown next week, where I hope for the plea
sure of seeing you. In the mean time be assured, that I am,
vour affectionate
SAMUEL ADAMS.
RicHAKn Hekbt Lee, Esq.
P. S. I thank you for your favour of March 1st, which I
received three days ago.

126 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE PHILADELPHIA, January 15th, 1781.
Mt dear SiR-^-Yonr second letter carae to hand in due
season. My much esteemed friend, Mr. Arthur Lee, will
take the charge of this. I will say to you as I have said to
my Boston friends, who were solicitous to know what treat
ment he meets with here ; the more I have conversed with
him, the raore I have been confirmed in a good opinion of
hira, and lamented the mistakes and prejudices of some men,
and the wickedness of others. His enemies I think, dare not
openly attack his reputation or conduct, hut the whispers
of envy and malice, have sometimes influence enough to pre
vent the justice due to the A'irtuous citizen ; when this is the
case, it affords a symptom of the decay of public spirit, more
threatening to the liberties of a commonwealth than hosts of
foreign enemies. Monarchs have their favourites, who serve
as pimps on their hone.st subjects, but republics should exaraine
the conduct of their servants with an impartial eye. And it
discovers the want of public virtue, as much to withhold
their smiles from the wise and good, as to bestow them on
the wicked and unfaithful. Mr. Lee, as yet had neither
smiles nor frowns. I am still in hopes, he will meet with
the rewards, which I am sure he would have received, if he
had returned a few years agP; he will have them, when the
trustees of the public shall have fortitude enough, to be un
influenced by great naraes and characters, given to men of
base and depraved ininds. You will ask, when that will be,
perhaps not in this age ; but the historian will in some future
time, draw forth the proofs of his patriotism, and unprejudiced
posterity will acknowledge, that Arthur Lee bas borne a great
share in defending and establishing the liberties of America.
I say posterity, for I believe a wiser generation will enjoy
tlie fruits of the toil of patriots and heroes in the present day.
My friend, we raust not suffer any thing to discourage us
in this great conflict : let us recur to first principles w ithout
delay. It is our duty to make every proper exertion in
our respective states, to revive the old patriotic feelings
among the people at large, and to get the public departments,
especially the most important of them, filled with men of un
derstanding and inflexible virtue. It. would be indeed alarm
ing, ifthe United States should entrusttheshipin which our
all is at stake, with unexperienced or unprincipled pilots.
Our cause is surely too interesting to mankind, to be put
under the direction of men, vain, avaricious, or poncealed
under the hypocritical guise of patriotism, without a spark
•f public or private virtue. We may j^iossibly be more in dan-

OP RICHARD HENRY LEE. 127
ger of this, than many of our honest citizens may imagine.
Is there not reason to apprehend, that even those who are
inimical to our cause, raay steal into places of the highest
trust? I need not remind you, tiiat men of this character have
bad seats in Congress from the beginning. Where is Gallo
way, Low, Allen, and Alexander? If it was so in those times
of vigilance and zeal, how much more is it to be expected
when the love of many is waxen cold, and their minds are
distracted with the pursuit of pleasure and exorbitant riches.
We cannot be persuaded to believe, that bad men have been
sent by their states with a view of giving a fatal stab to
our cause in its infancy; but, is it unreasonable to suppose
that their elections were secretly influenced by artful raen,
with that design ? Our most dangerous enemies may be in
our bosoms.
My regards to Mrs. Lee, &c. Adieu, and believe me to
be your friend,
SAMUEL ADAMS.

BOSTON, December 9th, 1784.
Mt dear Sir — You will perceive you are not altogether
unacquainted with Colonel Walker, who will deliver you this
letter, when you recollect, in the early stage of the late war,
he discovered himself to be a warm and judicious friend of
our cause : that he advanced his money for the support of
our troops when they entered into Canada, and that you
afterwards saw him in Philadelphia. He is araong the earliest
asserters of our liberties, for which he suffered great injury,
and nearly the loss of his life, in Canada, long before hosti
lities began. He carries with him the strongest evidence of
the abuse he then met with, and his honourable scars recom
mend him to the notice and friendship of every true patriot.
Colonel Walker is a man of sense and knowledge, and well
acquainted with Canada, having many years ago removed
from this town, and resided in that province ; he is, there
fore, capable of giving you the best information respecting
the interest of the United States in that quarter. I know
your attachment to an eai'ly, constant, and persevering pa
triot, and that you are ever ready to render to such a man
the best service in your power. Adieu my friend. Your
affectionate SAMUEL ADA3/IS.
Honourable RicBAnn Henkt Lie, Esq,

128 LIEE AND CORRESPONDENCE BOSTON, December 23d, 1784.
Mt DEAR Sir — I congratulate our country on the choice
Congress has lately made of a president. He who fills that
chair is the most respectable citizen ; and, while he performs
his duty well, he adorns the most dignified station in your
confederated republic.
You observe in your letter to me, that, at this moment,
moderation, wisdom, firmness, and attention, are the princi
ples proper for our adoption. I agree with you, and de
voutly wish that every man who has a share in the adminis
tration of public affairs, may possess a large portion of those
and other great qualities. They are, in a particular manner,
necessary to hiin who presides in the important councils of
the American amphyction.
Congress bas need to watch, lest the commonwealth suffer
harra. I doubt not tbey will be assiduous in their labours
for the public welfare ; and I pray God they may be his ho
noured instruments in exalting to the highest pitch of human
happiness that people, who have testified to the oppressed
world, that by patience, fortitude, and perseverance, the iron
rod can be wrested from the arra of a tyrant, and that all
nations may be free, if they will magnanimously contend for
their liberty.
By God's blessing on the councils and the arms of our
country, we are novv ranked with nations ; may he keep us
from exulting beyond measure. Great pains are yet to be
taken, and much wisdoin is requisite, that we may stand as
a nation in a respectable character. Better it would have
heen for us to have fallen in our highly famed struggle for
our rights, or even to have remained in our ignoble state of
bondage, hoping for better times, than now to become a con
temptible nation. The world have given us an exalted cha-
racterj and thus have laid on us a heavy tax! They have
raised expectations frora us ! How shall we meet those ex
pectations? They have attributed to us wisdohi ! How shall
we confirm them in this opinion of us? Inexperienced, as
we are, in the refinements of nations, can we expect to shine
in the world as able politicians? Shall we then be hack
nied in the path of deception, because sorae others, famed for
their deiterity in politics, have long trod that path, and
thought they have gained advantage by it? or, because it is
said all nations are self-interested, and that no friendship in
treaties and national transactions, is almost as proverbial as
no friendship in trade, shall we depart from that excellent
rule of equity, the observance of which should be character-.

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 129
istic of all nations, especially republics, as it is of all good
men, to do to others as we would have them do to us? Could
we be induced thus to prostitute ourselves, how should we
appear in the eyes of the virtuous and wise? Should there be
found a citizen of the United States so unprincipled as to ask,
what will become of us if we do not follow the corrupt maxims
of the world ? I should tell him, that the strength of a republic
is consolidated by its virtues, and that righteousness will
exalt a nation. Was it true, as some affirm, that the old
world is absorbed in all kinds of vice, nnhumanized and en
slaved, it would indeed be a melancholy subject to contem
plate, and I should think that common prudence would dictate
to a nation, situated as we are, to have as little to do with
them as possible. Such indiscriminate censure, however,
may spring from ignorance of the world, or unreasonable
prejudice. Nations, as well as individuals, have different
characters. We should not forget the friendship and kindness
of one, because we have experienced the injustice and cruelty
oi another. But the inconstancy of friendship, and even infide
lity, has been seen often enough among individuals, to lead
wise men to suppose it may happen in any case, and to ex
cuse a kind of circumspection ; different from base suspicipn,
consistent with the generous sentiments of friendship, and,
considering tiie weakness of the human mind, a necessary
guard. Does not the true policy, the honour and safety of
our country, greatly depend upon a national character, con
sisting, among other particulars, in simplicity and candour
in all her public transactions ; showing herself, in reality,
friendly to those to whom she professes to be a friend. A
constant regard to mutual benefit in commercial treaties;
suspecting the honesty of those who will not deal with her on
equitable principles, and guarding her trade against their
selfish designs by wise commercial laws ; an exact and punc
tilious fulfilment of obligations, on her part, to be performed
by virtue of all treaties ; and, an unalterable determination
to discharge her national debts with all possible speed. If,
my honoured friend, the leading men in tbe United States
wouU, by precept and example, disseminate, through the
lower classes of people, the principles of piety to God, love
to our country, and universal benevolence, should we not se
cure tbe favour of heaven, and the honour and esteem of the
wise and virtuous part of tbe world? Great Britain, thongh
she has concluded a treaty of peace with us, appears to be not
a cordial friend. She cannot forget her unparalleled injustice
towards us, and naturally supposes there can be no forgive
ness on our part. She seems to have meant nothing more
Vol. II — S

130 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
than a truce. A sensible gentleman, very lately from Canada,
informs me that General Haldiman, who is going to England,
has ordered those posts to be reenforced, which, by treaty,
were to be delivered to us. Encroachments are made, as I
apprehend, on our eastern territories. Our fishery may, un
der some friyplous pi'etence, be next interrupted. Should we
not guard ourselves against British intrigue and factions?
Her emissaries, under the guise of merchants, repenting re
fugees, schoolmasters, and other characters, unless care is
taken, may effect another and fatal revolution. The comraon
wealth of England lasted twelve years, and then the exiled
king was restored with all the rage and raadness of royalty !
A caution to the citizens of the United States, zealously to
counteract the hopes our enemies entertain of "discord, dis
union, and apathy on our part;" to watch over the public
liberty and safety with a jealous eye, and to practise the
moral and political virtues, upon which the very existence of
a commonwealth depends. Mrs. Adams desires me to pre
sent lier respectful compliments to you and your connexions.
I am, with great esteem, your affectionate friend,
SAMUEL ADAMS.
His Excellency Richaub HenIit Lee,
President of Congress.

BOSTON, December 3, 1787.
My DEAR Sir — I amfo acknowledge your several favours
of the 5tli and 27th of October, the one by the post, and the
other by our worthy friend, Mr. Gerry. The session of our
general court, which lasted six weeks, and my station there
requiring my punctaal and constant attendance, prevented
my considering the new constitution, as it is already called,
so closely as it was necessary for me, before I should venture
jan opinion.
I confess, as I enter the building I stumble at the threshold;
I meet with a national goyernment, instead of a federal union
of sovereign states. I am not able \o conceive, why the wis
dom of the convention lead them to give the preference to the
former, before the latter. If the several states in the union,
are to become one entire nation, under one legislature, the
powers of which shall extend to eVery subject of legislation,
and its laws be supreme, and control the whole, the idea of
sovereignty in these states, must be lost. Indeed, I think,
upon such a supposition, those sovereignties ought to be era
dicated from the mind ; for they would be imperia in imperio,

OE RICHARD HENRY LEE. 131
justly deemed a solicism in politics, and they would be
highly dangerous, and destructive of the peace, union, and
safety of the nation. And can this national legislature be
competent to make laws for the free internal government of
one people, living in climates so remote, and whose "habits
and particular interests" are, and probably always will be so
different. Is it to be expected, that general laws can be
adapted to the feelings of the more eastern, a*"! the more
southern parts of so extensive a nation ? It appears to me
difficult, if practicable; hence then, may we not look for dis
content, mistrust, disaffection to government, and frequent
insurrections, which will require standing armies to suppress
them in one place and another, where they may happen to
arise; or, if laws could be raade, adapted to the local habits,
feelings, views, and interests of those distant parts, would
they not cause jealousies of partiality in government, which
would excite envy, and other malignant passions, productive
of wars and fighting ? But, should we continue distinct
sovereign states, confederated for the purposes of mutual
safety and happiness, each contributing to the federal head,
such a part of its sovereignty, as would render the govern
ment fully adequate to those purposes, and rio more, the peo
ple would govern themselves mpre easily, the laws of each
state being well adapted to its own genius and circumstances,
and the liberties of the United States, would be more secure
than they can be, as I humbly conceive, under the proposed
new constitution. You are sensible, sir, that the seeds of
aristocracy began to spring even before the conclusion of our
struggle for the natural rights of men ; seeds, which, like a
canker worm, lie at the root of free' governments. So great
is the wickedness of some men, and the stupid servility of
others, tbat one would be almost inclined to conclude, that
communities cannot be free ; the few haughty families, think
th&y must govern ; the body of the people tamely consent, and
submit to be their slaves. This unravels the mystery, of mil
lions being enslaved by the few ! But I must desist ; my
weak hand prevents ray proceeding farther at present. I will
send you my poor opinion of the political sti'ucture, at an
other time. In the interim, oblige me with your letters ; and
present mine and Mrs. A's best regards to your lady and
family, Colonel Francis, Mr. A. L. if with you, and other
friends, and be assured, that I am, very affectionately, yours,
SAMUEL ADAMS,
Hon. RicBAHD Heshy Lee, Esq.
P. S. As I have thought it a piece of justice, I have ventured
to say, tbat I had often heard from the best patriots from Vir-

132 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
ginia, that Mr. G. Mason, was an eaidy, active, and able
advocate for the liberties of America.

BOSTON, March 4, 1789.
Mt dear Sir — Will you permit me to introduce to you
my friend, Mr. Jeremiah Allein, who expresses his wish to
be made known to you, and your circle ; he is a gentleman
that has seen the world, arid is a friend to our happy revolu
tion, and the republican constitutions of the United States.
Mr. Allen has given me short notice, whicii prevents my
writing to you more largely, but shall expect your letters
frequently. I wish you that wisdom, which is profitable to
direct, in the arduous affairs you must attend to. Remem
ber me to your brother, and my friend, Arthur Lee, Esq. and
to every one who knows me, and is attached to an efficient,
but free federal government.
I am, affectionately, yours,
SAMUEL ADAMS.
The Hon. Richaed Henbt Lee, Esq.
\

BOSTON, April 22, 1789.
My dear Sir — You must not expect long letters from
me, for a reason which I have heretofore given you ; possibly,
however, I may trouble you with more frequent letters. I
hope the federal Congress is vested with powers, adequate to
all the great purposes of the federal union ; and, if they have
such adequate pow^ers, no true and understanding federalists
would consent, that they should be trusted with more ; for
more would discover the folly of the people in their wanton
grant of power, because it might, and considering the dispo
sition of the human mind, without doubt, would be wantonly
extended to their injury and ruin. The powers vested in
government by the people, the only just source of such pow
ers, ought to be critically defined, and well understood ; least,
by a misconstruction of ambiguous expressions, and by in
terested judges too, more power raight be assumed bythe
goyernment, than the people ever intendedthey should pos
sess. Few men are contented with less power than they
have a right to exercise : the ambition of the huraan heart
.grasps at more ; this is evinced by theexperience of all ages.

OP RICHARD HENRY LEE. I33
Will you give me leave to mention to you, the name of
Leonard Jaivis, Esq. a gentleman, to whose agreeable ac
quaintance, though he is a native of this town, I introduced
rayselfby the request of our worthy friend. General Whipple.
Mr. Jarvis is a very sensible republican, and an honest raan ;
he holds the place of comptroller general, in this common
wealth. I believe Mr. Dalton can show you a specimen of
his industry, and accuracy in business. It is not by his soli
citation, or even knowledge, that I write this. I ara induced
to it, because I think that good men, living at a distance
from the seat of the federal government, and capable of serv
ing the United States, should be made knovyn.
Adieu, my dear Sir,
SAMUEL ADAMS.
Hon. RicHAnn Henrt Lee, Esq.
Member of Senate, in Con
gress of thp United States.

BOSTON, July 14, 1789.
Dear Sir — I have not lately heard from you, and am
ready to impute it to the multiplicity of affairs in which your
mind is eraployed. You must not expect that I shall be even
with you upon the epistolary score, for the reason which 1
have heretofore given you. I wish to know from you the
state of federal affairs as often as your leisure may adrait.
We organize our state governments, and I heartily wish that
their authority and dignity may be preserved within their
several jurisdictions, as far as may be consistent with the
purposes for which the federal government is designed. They
are, in my opinion, petit politicians, who would wish to lessen
the due weight of the state governments ; for I think the fe
deral must depend upon the influence of these to carry their
laws into effect; and while those laws have for their sole
object, the promoting the purposes of the federal union, there
is reason to expect they will have the due support of the state
authorities. Places are now become the object of multi
tudes ; I mentioned to you, in a former letter, the narae of
Leonard Jarvis, Esq., whom I hope you will not forget.
Israel Keith, Esq. wishes to have the place of marshal, for
this district, he is a gentleman of the law, and was during
the war, aid-de-camp to General Heath, who I understand
has recommended him to the president. You will gratify
the wishes of Mr. Keith, as far as shall consist with your

134 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
own ideas of propriety. And be assured, that 1 am sin
cerely your friend.
SAMUEL ADAMS.
r. S. I have been informed that Mr. Edward Church, a
native of this town, but now an inhabitant of Georgia, is in
the city of New York; I take him to have been a steady
friend to the liberties of our country, and a man of sense and
integrity ; if it will not weary you with applications, I will
beg your notice of bim, and after your own inquiries afford
him yPur influence, if you shall think it proper, in promoting
bim to a suitable eraployraent under Congress, in the state
of Georgia. This I mention without his solicitation, or even
knowledge.

BOSTON, August 24th, 1789.
My dear Sir — Your very acceptable letter of the Sth cur
rent, came to me by the post. You flatter me very much
when you tell me, that any sentiment of mine can please you :
I have always been apprehensive, that through the weakness
of the human mind often discovered in the wisest and best of
men, or the perverseness of tbe interested and designing, in
as well as out of government, misconstructions would be
given to the federal constitution, which would disappoint the
views and expectations of the honest among those who ac-
cceded to it, and hazard the liberty, independence, and hap
piness of the people. I was particularly afraid, that unless
gieat care should be taken to prevent it, the constitution in
the administration of it. Would gradually, but swiftly and
imperceptibly run into a consolidated government, pervading
and legislating through all the states, not for federal purposes
only, as it professes, but in all cases whatsoever ; such a
government would soon totally annihilate the sovereignty of
the several states, so necessary to the support of the confe
derated commonwealth, and sink both in despotism. I know
these have been called vulgar opinions, and prejudices ; be
it so — I think it is Lord Shaftsbury, who tells us, that it i.s
folly to despise the opinions of the vulgar; this aphorism, if
indeed it is his, I eagerly caught from a nobleman, many
years ago, whose writings in some accounts, I never much
admired. Should a strong federalist, as some call themselves,
see what has now dropt from my pen, he would say that I am
an anti-fed, an amendment monger, Sfc. ; those are truly
vulgar terms, invented and used by some, whose feeling';

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 135
would be sorely wounded to be ranked among such kind of
men, and invented and used for the mean purpose of deceiving
and entrapping others, whom ^Ae?/ call the vulgar; hut in
this " enlightened" age, one should think there was no such
vulgar, to be thus amused and ensnared. I mean, my iVientIT"
to let you know, how deeply I am impressed with a sense of
the importance of araendraents ; tbat the good people may
clearly sec the distinction, for there is a distinction, between
tiie federal powers vested in Congress, and the sovereign
authority belonging to the several states, which is the palla
dium of the private and personal rights of the citizens. I
freely protest to you, that I earnestly wish some amendments
may be judiciously and deliberately made, without partial or
local considerations ; that there may be no uncomfortable
jarrings among the several powers ; that the whole people
may in every state contemplate their own safety on solid
grounds, and the union of the states be perpetual. I hope
that you have recovered your health, so valuable to our couii:^
try. Your letter requires a further consideration : I will at
present only express my astonishment, at the strange and
absurd opinion, of our former republican Connecticut friend
— Tempora mutantor, et hie mutatur in illis.
Your friend,
SAMUEL ADAMS.
Hon. Ricuabd Heniiv Le^e, Esq.

BOSTON, August 2a!», 1789.
My dear Sir — The power of removing federal rfficers at
the pleasure of the president, is to be found in theconstitu-
tion, or it is not ; if it is, what need was there of m act or
decision of Congress, to authorize it ? but if it is lOt, could
Congress give so important a power ? Liberty — tiis is the
great object of their state governments, and has no the fede
ral constitution the same Pbject in view ? If therefoc a doubt
arises respecting the exercise of any power, no contruction,
I conceive, should militate with the main design,or ohject
of the charter. If there is a total silence in the coBtitution,
is it not natural to conclude, that an officer holdug during
pleasure, is removable by the same power that apponted him,
whether vested in a single person, or a joint numbr ? I am
sensible, it is said, that a single person, being aiiKuable for
his exercise of power, will use the utmost circunspection;
this may be true, but may not this idea be carried ;oo far in
practice ? may not some powers vested in a single man, give

136 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
him such weight and influence, as to render any restraint
from his feeling himself amenable, of little or no effect ? If
this power lodged in the discretion of a single person, will
afford a greater security against corruption, because of his
amenability, why should not the power of appointing as well
as of removing officers, be given to him ? in the one case, the
gracious hand may be held forth — in the other, the threaten
ing rod, and both may be used for improper purposes. In
England, "the king can do no wrong" is a maxim; his mi
nisters are made accountable for him ; and how often have
corrupt ministers and counsellors been brought to the block
for follies and crimes committed by their royal masters, who
can do no wrong ? arid it may also be asked, how often such
ministers and counsellors have found means to get themselves
screened from punishment, through the influence of their
raasters, by procuring parliamentary sanctions to such crimes
and follies ? But in the removal of officers, the president has
not a constitutional' council, he must therefore be solely ac
countable. I need not tell you, who have known so thoroughly
the sentiments of my heart, that I have always had a very
high esteem for the late commander in chief of our armies ;
and I nov most sincerely believe, that while President Wash
ington cmtinues in the chair, he will be able to give to all
good raci, a satisfactory reason for every instance of his
public ccnduct. I feel myself constrained, contrary to my
usual malner, to make professions of sincerity on this occa
sion, beciuse Dr. Gorden, in his history of the revolution,
among nany other anecdotes, innocent and trifling enough,
has gi-avily said, that I was concerned in an attempt to
remove Ceneral Washington from command, and mentions
an anonynous letter, written to your late Governor Henry,
which I alirm I never saw nor heard of, till I lately met with
it in readug the history ; this is a digression to which a man
of my yetrs is liable. Who will succeed the present presi
dent, for it is the lot of man to die ? perhaps the next, and
the next, nay inherit bis virtues, but my friend, I fear the
time will jome, when a bribe shall remove the most excellent
man from iffice, for the purpose of making room for the worst.
It will be ;alled an error in judgment ; the bribe will be con
cealed ; itpiay, however, bp vehemently suspected, and who
in times ol great degeneracy, will venture to search out and
detect the jorrupt practices of gi'eat men ? unless a sufficient
check is jrovided and clearly ascertained, for every power
given, wil not the constitution and the liberties of the citi
zens, for vant of such checks, be finally subverted ? A gen
tleman of this place, who has suffered much for his attach.-

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 1^37
ment to our cause, I conceive has documents in his hands,
which would be of importance in the settlement of the eastern
boundary of the United States, which appears to have heen
encroached upon by the British. I wrote so long ago, as last
April, to Mr. Dalton, respecting this gentieman, but have
never received an answer ; he, I suppose, is able to give you
an account of Mr. Boyd, the name of the gentieman referred
to. I wish you would converse with Mr. Dalton on the sub
ject. The vice-president, however, is probably able, and
undoubtedly disposed, to give you the fullest account.
I am sincerely your's,
SAMUEL ADAMS.
P. S. Pray write to me. and let me know tbe state of
your health, ahd pay my affectionate regards to your brother
the doctor.

PARIS, Hotel de ValoJs, Rue de Richelieu, March ]5th, 1780.
Mt dear Sir — After my last embarkation for Europe,
your letter of October the eighth, was brought me, on board
the French frigate the Sensible, just upon the point of sailing,
so that I had no opportunity to answer it, in America, and,
since my arrival in Europe, I have gone through a land
journey from Ferrol, in Spain, to Paris, little short of four
hundred leagues, in the dead of winter, in such roads and
such accommodations, aS almost wore me out. I have scarcely
recruited myself enough to recollect what I bad to do.
I thank you, sir, for your kind congratulations on my re
turn to my family and country, both which I had the inex
pressible pleasure to find in perfect health.
My countrymen are so nice, and so difficult to please, in
the choice of a constitution of government, that I cannot say
how long it will be before they will adopt one ; but of this
I am very certain, tbat they have one at present which is'
very tolerable, and that the temper and genius of that people
will not endure a bad one.
You recommend to me to continue in public life, but you
practise tbe reverse yourself. How is this? Are not the
same obligations upon you that you think lie upon me? You
and I have had experience enough of public life, to be very
•well convinced tbat there are great trials of our patience,
very little pleasure, and no satifaction at all, to be found in
it. I was never very fond of public life myself, but, on the
contrary. I avoided it, with the utmost care, for many years.
Voi. IL— T

138 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
But stepping into the midst of civil dissensions, when I first
entered on the stage of life, it was impossible for me to avoid
having an opinion of my own, and principles like those of
the majority of my countrymen ; these principles I frankly
professed at all times, and in all circumstances, however
critical and dangerous, whicb involved me in an unavoidable
necessity, when the times grew more tempestuous, to step on
board the ship and take my fortune with the crew ; it is, and
will ever be, the sweetest reflection of my life, that I did so.
But I have ever been thoroughly sensible of the instability of
a public courser, and have ever endeavoured to preserve my
mind prepared to return to my rocks and forests, with tran
quillity, which, I am perfectly sure, at present, that I could
do, and with pleasure too. Yet, I assure you, I begin to fear
that habits will steal upon me, by length of time, which I
shall find it hard to break, when the time shall come that I
must retire. This time will certainly arrive with the first
moment that I cannot serve the public with honour, and some
prospect of advantage ; and I have many reasons to suspect
that the time is not very distant. The Chevalier de la Lu
zerne, I have reason to think, frora an agreeable acquaint
ance with him, in the course of a passage to America, of
forty-seven days, from some knowledge of him that I had
before and after, is a candid and impartial man, possessed of
no principles or views inconsistent with his public character,
and very able to do service to bis country and ours. The
same of Mr. Marbois. I lament, most sincerely, the unhappy
contests that preceded his arrival, "kiid wish tbat they may
be extinguished ; but I know too w'cll the circumstances to
expect that they will. As to my negotiations, our sons, or
grandsons, have a better chance of completing them, than I
have ; there is, or at least there was, a system of policy and
of military operations, that, if it had been pursued, might
have given me something to do. It is not ray fault, nor the
fault of America, that it was not. The fishery and the navi
gation of the Mississippi, are points of such importance,
that your grandson, when he makes the peace, I hope will
secure them. I am sure, he will omit nothing in his power
to do, for that purpose. You will hear, before you read this,
of a series of good fortune, which has happened to Rodney
and hia fleet ; but the allies will be superior by sea, in Ame
rica and the West Indies, so that we may hope, that the tide
will turn. England will remain without allies, although
Denmark has done a foolish thing by restoring to the English
some prizes, sent into Norway, by the Alliance; she seems
to be sorry that she did it. It was upon the principle, that

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 130
they had not acknowledged our independence; and that all
powers were their enemies, with whom they had no treaty,
a principle long since exploded, and of which they are at
present asharaed, Ireland and England are following our
example ; and if France and Spain act with sufficient vigour
in America, and in the West Indies, all is ours, with an
ordinary success ; otherwise all will be aback. But we must
persevere ; the more success Great Britain has, the more
J'cason we have to dread her, and we ought to be the more
determined to hold out for ever.
I ara, with great esteem.
Sir,
Your friend and humble servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
Honourable Richard llEsnY Lee,
Chantillj', A'irginia.

[private.]
AUTEUIL, Tiear Paris, February 8, 1785.
Dear Sir — It was with very great pleasure, that I learned
your return to Congress, and election to the chair ; indeed,
so many names that are familiar to me, make me wish myself
with you. A Congress, so respectable as tbe present, must
have great weight, both at home and abroad ; it is only by
sending to that assembly the best men, and most respectable
characters, that the people can expect to have their union
Cemented, and authority supported, as it ought to be.
Our joint letter will inform Congress of the state of our
negotiations, under our new commissions, and whatever I
raay say separately, should pass for nothing. But I really
don't expect, that any of the great powers will treat with us
here. Spain and England, to be sure, will not, and I don't
believe the empfres will. Prussia will. Denmark and Por
tugal possibly may, if the gout, or the lethargy, don't remain
too long upon their ministers.
The Barbary Powers, I presume, would make no difficulty,^
which their eagerness for money would not soon get over.
Will Congress order us to advance money enough? And may
we use what remains in my bank at Amsterdam? Or, has
Mr. Morris drawn for all of that? I expect, every day, the
ratification of my last loan, and orders what to do with the

140 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
cash in bark ; and, also, orders whether I am to open a new
loan. Wiii you be so good as to convey the enclosed to your
brother, with my best respects to Francis Lightfoot, &c.
With the greatest respect and esteem, I am,
Dear sir.
Your most obedient servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
His Excellency Richard Hesht Lee,
President of Congress,

[private.] AUTEUIL, April 29, 1785.
Dear Sir — The appointment of a secretary of foreign
affairs, interrupts the official correspondence with your excel
lency, and I know too well the constant employraent of the
time of the President of Congress, to flatter myself with
hopes of many private letters.
I raay not, however, suffer my son to return home, as he
must go by the way of New York, without a letter of intro
duction to the president, especially, as so old a friend of his
father, and so great a supporter of the rights of his country,
is at present in the chair. It is now near eight years since I
left you in Congress, and I have not found the service abroad
less hazardous, or more pleasing, than at home. I ara so
little in love with it, that instead of breeding my son to tbe
diplomatic trade and expectations, he is going to college and
the bar, where he cannot fail to find more pleasure and profit,
and less interruption than his father did ; at least, such are
my wishes and hopes.
I perceive, I have lately received a trouncing in Congress,
and, perhaps, not wholly unmerited. When astronomers are
calculating the motions of the heavenly bodies, they are
often obliged to neglect les infiniment petites, that their re
sults may be the more certain. I do not reckon, however,
the "debts," and the "slaves," araong those infiniment
petites. They are great and important quantities, and shall
have a proportional attention paid to them. Let me beg of
you, sir, to urge the necessity of sending me every informa
tion upon these, and all other subjects, committed in any
measure to my care, which can be obtained ; the numbers and
value of the negroes, and other property carried off, in vio
lation ofthe treaty; the quantity and circumstances attending
the debts; the measures taken by the states to prevent the

OP RICHARD HENRY LEE. 141
Oppression of the citizens, by too sudden executions, and the
necessity of them; and the probable advantages even to the
creditors themselves, from the delay. Colonel Smith, who,
the Marquis informs me, is to assist me in England, will,
no doubt, bring with him much information upon these
subjects. I have not the pleasure to know that gentleman,
but he shall have all the respect and regard frora me, which
the relation between us requires.
With great and sincere esteem, and respect, I have tbe
honour to be, Sir, your most obedient and most humble
servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
His Excellency Richaud Hes by Lee, Esq.
President of Congress.

GnOSVENOK SdUAKE, WESTMUfBTEll, Julj 15, 1785.
Dear Sir — I have received the letter you did me the ho
nour, to write me on the 28th May, and am fully of yosir
opinion, of the importance of concord between our countiy
and this, and of the causes which obstruct it. Themalig :\iy
of disappointed men is astonishing ; but the change oi lu ;-
guage, if not of sentiment, of some who have not been dis
appointed, is more so. In truth, sir, some wMio forcstivv the
success ofthe American cause, attached theraselves to it, as a
.scaffold, on which to mount into power ; but having arrived
at the summit, they neglect the ladder, and have adopted tbe
very passions and principles of those whom we, not they,
have driven off the stagp. t don't apply this censure to all :
on the contrary, the majority of the present ministry, I be
lieve, think pretty justly, and would do right if they could ;
but government, although at present possessed of decided
majorities in both houses of Parliament, is very weak. There
is great impatience and discontent in the nation, and great
parties are watching the present minister. If there should
be any change, it is problematical whether tbe coalition
would come in, or the Marquis of Lansdown, the Marquis of
Buckingham, &c. ; the latter party possess sentiments of the
relations of commerce between America and Great Britain,
the most just of the two ; but it is my duty to be explicit.
Conviction in administration is not enough ; they cannot irl-
low their own lights, and the nation must be made to feel.
This is a work of time, and it is dangerous work, because it
may, in such inflammable circumstances, provoke war. I
hope that persons and property in America, will be held

143 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
sacred ; that nothing will be done by the people, but in the
legal way of petition, and peaceable associations ; but I hope
they will never have done petitioning, and associating, until
the states unite in giving Congress full power to raake trea
ties of commerce and navigation with Great Britain, either
by a perfect freedom of trade on both sides, or equal and re
ciprocal prohibitions or discouragements.
Your letter to Mr. Steptoe, I have delivered to a gentle
man, Mr. Stordale, much acquainted with persons connected
in India, who will be so good as to forward it, and if I can
be of any service to Mr. Steptoe's views, I will. But Ame
rica and India, are two ideas in the mind of a Briton, which
produce an explosion. If an American should be known to
solicit an employment in India, for an Araerican, the East
Indies would instantly be seen, in imagination, independent
of Britain, and in alliance with the United States and
France. This nation, sir, sees that their sciences, arts, trade, com
merce, navigation, and wealth, and power, are all hurrying
over to America ; and the prospect is so hurailiating to their
pride, so mortifying to their vanity, that they lose their pa
tience, and their final exclamation is, " I had rather America
had been annihilated, than that she should have carried her
point." Nor is this sentiment peculiar to Englishmen. A
great Spanish minister has very lately said at Madrid, that
"he wished all America, north and south, under water.'*
European ministers expect a great deal of trouble from Ame
rica, and they all know that she will always prevail. We
know too, that we shall have a great deal of trouble from
Europe ; but* I hope, we are neither so impious, so inhuman,
or so silly, as to wish her annihilated, or under water. The
jealousies of old physicians, and lawyers, of young and rising
genius in their professions, often stimulate them to acts of
ungenerosity and injustice, which, however, instead of crush
ing the youth, only sharpen his ingenuity, and increase his
caution and industry. Nations are like individuals, and
Europe mu,st allow America fair play : that is all the world
wants; and she will always have one half of Europe, to see
that she has fair play, frpm the other half. The European
powers can never agree ; there are now on foPt, three at
tempts,' which will all prove abortive. Mr. Crawford has
been a year at Paris, to negotiate a treaty of commerce with
France ; and Mr. Woodford, lately British minister in Den
mark, is now appointed to freat here with Del Campo, the
Spanish minister; and a Mr. Bordieu, told me yesterday,
that he is just appointed to negotiate some convention be-.

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 143
tween the French and English East India Companies. But
these attempts, if ever sincere, will produce nothing.
With great and sincere esteem,
I have the honourto be. Sir,
Your obliged friend, and very hurable servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
His Excellency Richahij Heuiit Lee, Esq.

[private.]
GROSVENOR SQUARE, Westminster, September 6, 1785.
Dear Sir— I had yesterday the honour of receiving your
letter of the first of August, and I pray you to accept of my
thanks for your kind attention and obliging civilities to my
son. It was the first news we had of him, since he sailed
from L'Orient. I hope that, after remaining in New York
long enough to pay his respects where they were due, he
made haste to Boston. Your reasoning, sir, both upon the
powers of Congress, and the subject of the debts, is very just,
and is such as I have urged upon all occasions, both to mi
nisters and creditors. Nevertheless, I expect, that the debts
will be urged as a breach of treaty, and as the justification,
excuse, or pretence for withholding the posts. I can get no
answer frora ministers, neither in writing nor in conversa
tion ; they make rae handsome bows, look at me with smiling
countenances, give me civil words, but not one word of ex
plicit answer, except in two or three points, Mr. Pitt and
Lord Carmarthen gave me their opinions, which I have re
ported to Mr. Jay. I hope the states will not wait a moment
in hopes of any commercial relief frora this court, but pro
ceed to prohibit all exports from the United States in British
vessels, until we shall have an open trade or a treaty. A
navigation act, in my opinion, will extort terms from Britain,,
if any thing can ; if not, our freights will be a great fund of
wealth, our ships and mariners, will be castles and garrisons
to us, and the mutual dependence of the states upon one ano
ther, will be a strong cement of our union, in interest and
affection. The present ministry, may be the great men they are re
presented to be ; I will not ^rm the contrary. It is proble
matical yet. Their plans relative to the United States,
relative to Ireland, relative to Holland, Germany, France,
Spain, their own finances, &c., do not yet demonstrate them
;toi be well informed »nd judicions, mack less deep aud great

144 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
statesmen. Their schemes have been temporaiy and partial,
as if adopted upon the spur of the occasion, to remove a pre
sent pressure, or silence a partial clamour. If they had
carried their point in Ireland, I will not say what I think
would have been their conduct towards America. From the
hints which dropped from Mr. Pitt, I am of opinion, they
are determined to keep the posts, at least until something
further shall be done about tbe debts. As to taking off the
alien duty upon oil, and admitting our ships to their market,
the national voice and public opinion are decidedly against
it, and therefore yeu must furnish the ministry, in your navi
gation acts, an excuse to the nation, before they will venture
upon it. I have sent your letter to Mr Steptoe, but I don't
believe I shall be able to serve him in his views ; if I can, I
will. The United States must establish a factory of their
own, araong the French, English, Dutch, Danes. Swedes,
&c. ; the natives will be glad to see thera, and the other Eu
ropean factories too, if our factory would treat them with
equity and humanity. We should be the most favoured na
tion. Why should we come to Europe for East India goods ?
Why should we purchase European manufactures, if we can
have India manufactures equally good, and for half the price ?
Our vessels may go a trading, and carry any thing to sell to
the European factors, and get money of them, to buy a cargo
of the natives in return. This letter will be delivered you
by Mr. Storer, a gentleman who assisted me in Mr. Thaeters
sickness at the Hague, and afterwards in the hurry of the
conferences for the peace, at Paris.
With great respect and esteem, I have the honour to be,
sir, your most obedient servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
His Excellency Richaed Hekkt Lxe, Esq.

CAMBRIDGE, 9th February, 1789.
Mt DEAR Sir — I am sure you will believe me, when I in
form you, that it gave me the highest satisfaction to hear
that you and your colleague were appointed members of the
Federal Senate. I have much to say to you, upon the state
of public affairs, but shall wave tbem at present to inform
you, that our friend the Hon. Mr. Otis wishes to fill the
office of secretary to the Senate, and that from a long ac
quaintance with him, I think him, as well on account of his
early attachment to the cause of America, previous to the
war, and ofhis semces during it, as ofhis diligence, iategrity»

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 145
and abilities, a candidate who will do the highest honour and
justice to the office, if conferred on him. Indeed I most sin
cerely wish it, because he is amongst the number of unfor
tunates who have suffered by the war, and has an expensive
but worthy family. If he should not succeed in this, which
I hope he will, perhaps you may promote sorae other appoint
ment, which will be equally beneficial to him. I have only
time to inform you, that Mrs. Gerry joins me in sincere re
gards to yourself and your colleague, and ladies, and be
assured I am with the highest respect.
Your friend and humble servant,
ELBRIDGE GERRY.
Richard Henkt Lee, Esq.
Member of the Federal Senate, at New York.

December 10th, 1778.
Dear Sir — It was not possible for me to acknowledge
your favour of November the 29th, by the same post, which
gave me the pleasure of bearing, tbat you and your lovely fa
mily were well : nor will I now particularly notice the subjects
you hinted to me. I will rather give you a few entries of
our journals, and an anecdote of our friend Adams, to enable
you to read the prints with a proper comprehension of the
plotting spirit of some of the chaps who are scribbling there
in, and of the serpentine, malicious, and elusive course, which
others have been contriving for themselves since you left us.
"iTemple came to this city about ten days ago, bringing letters
of high recommendation, both to Congress and to the dele
gates of Massachusetts. His letters were from the council
of state. Governor Trumbull, General Washington, Governor
Livingston, and the first whigs indisputably of Boston. Mr.
Adams conducted Mr. Temple from his lodgings to the pre
sident's, to introduce the delivery of the mentioned letters;
this simple call at the door of the man's lodging, is termed
to the public, " so frequent in excharige of visits," and pro
bably by the very tall wiseacre, who was for constituting a
semblance of the French lieutenancy of police, to fall in wiih,
pimp upon, and otherwise entrap, all visiting strangers, even
so far as to write fictitious letters and intercept the answers.
But I drop this pitiful subject, only remarking that the hint
in the prints, is a good answer to all our recommendatory
letters, for there was nothing public or private, which Mr.
Temple ought not rather to have communicated by letter,
than by a visit. I must give you my key to his whole pro-
Voi. IL— U

146 EIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
ceedings, it is in the cry ofthe preacher — " Vanity of vanities,
all is vanity."
Noveraber SOth, 1778. On motion.
Resolved, That Congress meet on Wednesday evening, at
six o'clock, to consider tbe proceedings of the courts martial
. on the trials of Major General Lee, Major General Schuyler,
and Major General St. Clair.
December 1st. A letter of November SOth, from Silas
Dean, Esq. was read. AVhereupon,
Resolved, That, after to-morrow. Congress will meet, two
hours at leastj each evening, beginning at six o'clock, Satur
day evenings excepted, until the present state of our foreign
affairs be fully considered.
December Sth. A letter of the 4th, from Silas Dean, Esq.
was read.
Ordered, That Monday evening be assigned for hearing
Mr. Deane, and that he be notified to attend.
December 7th. Resolved, That Silas Deane, Esq. report
to Congress, in writing, as soon as may be, his agency of
their affairs in Europe; together with any information which
he may judge proper.
That Mr. Deane be informed, that if he hath anytbing to
communicate to Congress in the interim, of immediate im
portance, he shall be heard to-morroW evening, at six o'clock.
He published on the Sth, notwithstanding our resolve of
the 1st, upon his letter of November SOth. It is true, he dates
November blank, to give his piece the air of precedency ; but
if he had really appealed to the public, why write to us on
the SOth? He had made himself a culprit before our bar, by
refusing to answer any interrogations "tending to criminate
himself." He was the cause of often delay. I need add no
more to you ; therefore conclude, your humble servant, affec
tionately,
J. LOVELL.

August 17th, 1779.
Dear Sir — Your favour of the 7tb, is in my hand. I am
surprised that you had not then heard ofthe arrival of Ford,
on the Ist, at Metompkin. Mr. Adams was at Braintree on
the Sd, and Count Luzerne in Boston. I have no despatches
from either; but I have a letter from Nantz, of May 25th,
an extract of which you will see in the paper of to-morrow.

OP RICHARD HENRY LEE. I47
US well as the continuation of Rowland's communications, of
part of what you think ought to be published. You talk of
your having a sort of right to a copy of the papers sent by
Arthur. You little know of the droll motion made by your
merry friend, to stigmatize Arthur for having enclosed to an
individual, what he desired raight be communicated to a se
lect committee of Congress, to prevent the consequences of a
palam examination ofthe vouchers. But, as on the one hand
I contended for an open reading of the whole that was sent,
I most easily convinced the House, that every officer in their
service, has a right to communicate such papers as these in
question, to any individual friend, on whose judgment he
chooses to depend, either to present or burn resignations,
memorials, and defences, these being personal concerns ; and
I mentioned having by me some things, thus enclosed, upon
which I should act ray sovereign pleasure. I thought this
necessary, that I raay act with a good grace, if I should see
cause to give in any ofthe papers now in my trunk, at a tirae
when it would not be possible to prove a late arrival. The
motion was withdrawn, inch by inch, I pledging myself to
prove that Congress never had an official paper kept from
them hy the mode mentioned in the motion, viz. covering
despatches of a rainister to an individual. I mean, I pledged
myself so far as concerns Arthur Lee, Esq. Your brother
was totally mistaken as to D.'s credit here ; but I wait with
impatience to know more by Mr. Adams. Our Penobscot
expedition is not yet well over. Collier may do great hurt
there. I have a few lines frohi Mr. Samuel Adams ; he is, as
you think, greatly engaged in town and body raeetings, and
in the general assembly. They have great expectation of
mending the currency by vigorous taxation and loan ; but I
look for credit to the poor eastern states mainly from a suc
cessful expedition, though even in that case, W. H. D.
will be against them, He spouted an invidious motion about
their fleet to relieve South Carolina and Georgia. Observe
the cursed rascality of sending to New York, as well as to
Boston, the Paca-Drayton effort. Though, in the former
case, there is a supererogatory section, of its being a com
mittee information.
I find that paper is stolen from me. It was either Pough-
keepsie or Fishkill, you can get it by inquiring of your
printer. I have recovered it. The party are provoked be
yond raeasure, at seeing the vouchers sent out by Rowland ;
but I tell them, "they are free for any member who chooses
to use tbem, only it is at his peril, if he does not guard
against offending France,, Spain, or Prussia, or e^qiosing ho-

148 UFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
nest whigs to danger. The affair of Barker Fort can he put
in a light to damn D's, virulence exerted under pretended
care of the public safety. Siraple views must be first given
of tbe state of facts ; and, at the close, a freedom in infer
ences, reflections, and brands, may be taken ; indeed, this
part may be performed in the different states upon an exhibi
tion of vouchers here. It will have more effect by springing
from different quarters ; the main point will be to establish
the propriety of supporting merit in republics against envy
and falsehood, rather than suffering it to be crushed from a
foolish idea of convenience to the public. The contrary would
be to induce eventually a maximum, tp avoid a present quid
detrimenti. I wish your health may suffer you to attend to
this. Speeches should be short, to be generaUy read.
J. LOVELL.
I will attend to your request about Beaumarchai's charge.
I have no reasons now in favour of giving the resignation ;
but rather the opposite.

18th December.
Dear Sir — A packet arriving this week, directed to the
committee of correspondence, and containing only a letter
from Berlin /or Congress, I took the liberty of opening one
directed to our worthy friend, Samuel Adams, in your bro
ther Arthur's hand writing, of which I send you a copy, so
far as was material to the public. PARIS, July 31st.
" Journeys to the courts of Spain and Berlin, have satis
fied me that the deterrained system of Europe is to let us
struggle through the war as we can. With the warmest pro
fessions of friendship, with the strongest declarations of their
being interested in our success, and therefore ardently wish
ing it, nothing can move them from their quietism and cau
tion, which are carried to a perfectly ridiculous extreme.
Spain is totally occupied with its little Portuguese war;
France is governed by timidity in the excess ; and the three
great northern powers are immersed in schemes of plunder
ing tbe Turk and the Pole, and dividing the spoil. In this
situation of Europe, notwithstanding the justice of our cause
has rendered all men in our favour, it is not wonderful that

OP RICHARD HENRY LEE. I49
you are left, like Hercules in his cradle, to strangle the ser
pent that is the terror of Europe. In this situation, it is
happy for us that the extravagance of the enterprise has al
ready exhausted the means of our eneraies ; that, it is certain,
this is the last campaign of vigour they can make against us.
When our point is secured by the energy of our own exer
tions, we shall think it happy, that the fears and occupations
of the powers of Europe have prevented thera from forming
treaties with us — when our situation would have given them
infinite advantages. When our distresses are past, and our
fears subsided, we shall be enabled to see, and to follow our
interests in the alliances we form; which I do not think
would be entirely the case at present."
Besides this public matter of your brother's letter, he adds
a note. " A Mr. Carmichael obtained from me a letter to
you, under a pretence of his going immediately to America.
I have since found hira to be a very unworthy person, whom
I can by no means recommend to your patronage." You
will see more sentiments of this kind written to Colonel
Francis. I wish these hints had come before our late election
of Mr. C  .
" One of Monticu's vessels has arrived at Portsmouth,
with the following articles for the continental account.
48 brass four pounders, with carriages complete,
19 nine inch mortars.
2500 bombs, nine inch.
2000 four pound shot.
A large quantity of entrenching tools.
3000 fusees.
1,110 ditto for dragoons.
About 18,000 lbs. gunpowder.
61,051 tierces Brimstone.
Beaumarchais's secretary, Francy, is arrived at Ports
mouth, and is expected here daily; perhaps he will bring let
ters from the gentlemen at France, to our committee ; but
they cannot be later than September. Mr. Gerry has one
dated Nantz, the 5th of that month, which speaks of the cow
ardly disposition of the French court I do not count this an
absolute contradiction of Bingham's letter of October ISth,
because a gentleman from America, trading at Nantz, Sep
teraber 5th, might be a stranger to ministerial measures
entered into, time enough to reach M. Beaumarchais, through
the General of Martinique, by October 13th. However, sir,
though I attempt to reconcile their accounts, so as to make

150 LIFE AND CORRESPbNDENCE
the story of war stand, yet, I am very far from being san
guine in the belief of it. Your brother's history of the tem
per of the several courts, seems by far the most natural of
any other which has come to hand. I expect we shall have
an enormous mercantile account from De Francy. I sup
pose, it is the house of Hortales & Co. which your brother
William hints his fears about. You see how necessary his
presence was near Mr. D  ; a letter, from this
same gentleman, to Mr. Morris, came open to Mr. Han
cock, but the letter covering appeared to be private, so tbat
the enclosed was sent on to Mr. M., without Congress
coming to the knowledge ofthe contents.
Yours, &c.
JAMES LOVELL.

28th December, 1777.
Dear Sir— ^I shall leave you to get news at large, respect
ing our army,' and the transactions of Congress, from yPur
worthy brother, only saying as to the first, that the extremity
of these injuries, which were prophesied some months ago,
are now realized in the commissariate; and that we, also,
row find most of our high expectations from the expensive
establishment of the quartermaster, had not a thorough
foundation ; General Washington has made this evident, and
shown it fairly to be the clue to unravel our many seemingly
mysterious, past miscarriages, in the field. As tothe second,
I will remark, that, few in number, we have vast business,
and though we have had particular reason to regret ybur
absence, and that of other ancient merabers, we must and
will go through with what times and circumstances demand
to be immediately done. From me, ypu will chiefly look for
fpreign affairs. What I have before written, did not destroy
Bingham's narrative ; what I now communicate goes near
to do it; but it leaves our intelligence from St. Pierres,
Mignilon, in good force. Private persons at Nantz, Sep
tember Sth, mfght easily be ignorant of what Bingham might
know, throdgh a public channel, at Martinique, October
13th; but, Mr. Williams gives me the following, in a pri
vate correspondence, of October 18th. The politics of this
country seem to be, as from the beginning of the war; they
rejoice at every event in favour of America, because they
wish tP see their old eneray crushed ; but that enemy is still
sb formidable to thein that they do not seem inclined to lend
a helping hand ttt us openly; and every piece of bad news

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 151
from America, as it raises the tone of the English ambassa
dor, increases their fears, and the effect is felt throughout all
the sea-ports of the kingdom. We have lately had two
Jamaicamen seized by the admiralty, and, I suppose, they
will be returned to the English ; it is true, prizes are still
brought in and privately sold ; but the purchasers, on account
of the risk of having them given up, do not allow above one-
third of the value: thus, do the French merchants make great
sums of money, and the policy of the nation goes hand in
hand with the interests of individuals ; it is, indeed, pre
tended, that matters will take a turn soon. The reason,
they say, that war is not more thought of at present, is, that
their fishermen and Baltic ships are still out: by the first,
they expect an additional number of seamen ; and, by the
last, a full supply of naval stores, which would be intercepted
should a rupture take place now ; but that, when these shall
be safely arrived, they will hold a very different language to
the English. Two or three months will convince us whether
these professions are sincere or not ; but, I apprehend, some
singular success on the part of Araerica, would do more in our
favour than any other circumstance.
The Rawleigh and Alfred arrived at L'Orient the 6th of
October ; between that and the 1 Sth, they had suddenly sold
two Jamaicamen, for only 9y700 sterling, as the other two
at Nantz, taken by a Massachusetts captain, Kendricis, had
been seized ; one Nicholson, brother of the Baltimore com
mander, had a fine frigate, just launched at Nantz, of twenty-
four twelves on her gun deck, and six sixes on h^er quarter,
and would be at sea in November, with the other two, which
were hove down at L'Orient ; the commissary of which port
had orders, from the ministry, to supply every thing out of
the royal magazines for Thompson and Hindman. Poor
Johnson was taken two days after he left Morlaix, by a cut
ter of heavier metal than his, having fought five hours, lost
many men, as well as his enemy, and being towed, a wreck,
into Dover. I doubt not, our gentlemen will exert every
nerve to protect him from the malice which will be ready to
show itself against hira after his successes in the Irish chan
nel. Our old Holland correspondent gives us, on the 2d o^
August, a long detail of Samuel and John Adams's v^ife and
children at the Hague, where, it seems, one or the other of
those gentiemen was born and married, but forsook his wife
and family to make his fortune in America. " Sir Joseph
"York knows this, but pretends to be ignorant of it" say their
relations ; "and though," says Dumas, " this is, at bottom,
only a bagatelle, yet I wish to have some short account of the

152 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
honourable persons of Mr. Samuel and Mr. John Adams,
that I may undeceive our public and confound the impostor,
which characterizes impudent and base enemies ; they decry
you, in Europe, as paltroons, and they, at the same time,
pray and intreat the European powers not to permit you to
buy arms from them ; and, while they fear tbey shall not be
able to destroy virtue, they seek to blacken and calumniate
it." "Let us pass," says he, "this miserable tale to what is
more and more agreeable. The prince of Waldeck has two
fine regiments of his subjects in the service of this republic,
the contract for whora is near expiring ; the court of London,
knowing this, pressed that prince to let her have them ; but
he answered, that he had proposed a new contract to their
high miglitiness, and had demanded some conditions in
his own favour, to be added to the former ones ; that, if
their high mightiness would not consent to thera, he would
let the king have them, upon the conditions last demanded ;
but that he could not refuse them to thp republic, if she pre
ferred to keep them. Yours, &c.
J. LOVELL.

BOSTON, llth April, 1789.
Sir — ^Your arrival in Congress gives great satisfaction to
the old revolutionists in this state. While I presume to con-
gratolate you on the subject, I wish to indulge myself the
pleasure of mentioning the success of the supporters of your
old friend and compatriot, the honourable Samuel Adams ;
he has been exceedingly maltreated, or you would have now
had him by the hand in the Senate of the United States ; but
the votes in our late election, a sample whereof, is exhibited
in the Gazette enclosed, will evince how much he lives in the
esteem of his fellow citizens.
We have a very uneasy party in this comraonwealth; com
posed of the seekers of emoluments under government, and
of the old anti-revolutionists ; they hate democracy on differ
ent principles.
The imprudence of this party, was the sad cause of the dis
grace of our people, in the year 1786. The measures their
influence obtained, produced that uneasiness,, which ended in
an insurrection. They now pant for a rebellion, because they
think it would end in a standing army, and finally produce
a monarchy. But our people are disposed to live q,uietly<..

op RICHARD HENRY LEE. X55
>
and when Congress shall pay a proper attention to the amend
ments, proposed to the general constitution all will be easy j
unless a particular partiality is shown by the general govern
ment to those, who have affected to be tbe champions of it.
Our people have good sense enough to know, that anarchy,
must end in despotism : they have all property, and tbey want
laws and government to support and protect it; they feel as
freemen, and they act in that character. However they may
be despised and scandalized, by men who cannot gain their
confidence ; they will cheerfully support a good governraent.
I send you  of General Leonard Jarvis, Esq. he is
an honest man and useful to bis country.
I have the honour to be, with respect and veneration, your
most obedient and very humble servant,
JAMES SULLIVAN.

Vol. II.— X

154 LIFE AND CORUESPONDENCE

i\EW YORK CORRESPONDENCE.

Dear Siit — When I had tiie honour of your company, and
acquaintance at Philadelphia, you made it a request, thatl
would exert my poor abilities, in the honest endeavour to keep
my fellow citizens in the line of their duty, their interest, and
honour, I freely made you the promise, and I did honestly
and faithfully perform it.
I am iiilbrmed that the committee of this city, have drawn
up a representation of Mr. Rivington's case, for the animad
versions of that respectable body, of which you are a mem
ber. The consequence of this step, will undoubtedly strike
your mind, it is the giving a new power to the Congress ; our
association, hath given thein the legislative, and this now
tenders them the judicial supremacy.
The power of government, as of man, is to be collected
from small instances, great affairs ai'e more the objects of
reflection and policy. Here both join, a mild and favour
able sentence, will conciliate the opinions of mankind, and
what is the force of opinion, a gentleman who has made it
his study to investigate the nature of government, need not
be told. I will not pretend to offer you any reasoning on this
subject, hecause it willbe tedious to repeat things, which strike
your mind at the first glance ; but I can venture to assure
you, that a favourable sentence to this creature, will be
highly agreeable to most men here. The history ofhis con
duct is simply this; his company, his acquaintances, his
friends, were warm advocates for the power of government.
Indifferently wise, his mind took a wrong bias from interest,^
deference for the sentiments of others and opposition. A tool
in prosperity ; a cast off in adversity, he solicits the assist
ance of that body, which his press has aspersed; magnanimity
will dictate to that body, the true line of conduct. The
liberty I take in writing to you can only be excused by the
intention I have to do good; this I trust will be a sufficient
apology, for sir.
Your most obedient and humble servant.
GOV. MORRIS.
RicHABD Henkt Lee, Esq.
Philadelphia.

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 155
PHILADELPHIA, May 28th, 1775.
Dear Sir — The friends of virtuous liberty in New York,
liave certainly effected a most iraportant change, in the politi
cal system of that flourishing city. I can gratulate you sir,
and yourworthy associates in this happy revolution ; it is most
certain that a profligate ministry, have greatly relied on the
assistance of your fine fertile province, for carrying into
execution their cruel system, a system by which existing
millions, and millions yet unborii, are to be plunged into the
abyss of slavery, and of consequence deprived of every dis
tinction, that marks the man from the beast. But happily
for the cause of humanity, the colonies are now united, and
may bid defiance to tyranny and its infaraous abetters. You
will see that Mr. Rivington's case, is involved in all of a
similar nature, which are to be determined on by the colony
conventions, where the offence is committed. I am sorry for
the honour of huraan nature, thatthis raan should have so
prostituted him.self, in support of a cause the most detestable
that ever disgraced mankind. But he repents, and should be
forgiven ; it is not yet too late to exert his poweis, in defence
of the liberty and just rights of a much injured country. I
I wish you happy sii-, and I assure you that I am, with singu
lar esteem, your friend and countryman,
RICHARD HENRY LEE.

TlCONDEROGA^, October 19lh, 1775.
Dear Sir — I ara indebted to you in a thousand thanks
for your polite letter, which Mr. Caldwell was so good as to
deliver rae this day. The utmost of my ambition, is to ap
prove myself a good citizen ; an important and comprehensive
epithet. You will pardon me if I refer you to my ]jublic let
ters, for an account of our operations ; nothing as yet that is
decisive. The intelligence which I have received froni Con
gress, respecting the ministerial designs on Hudson river,
gives me raUch uneasiness, as I think it must to every friend
to America, acquainted with the geography of ttat part of
the country ; but a tiraely attention, and a vigopus execution
of any plan, that may be formed to guard asu^inst the evil,
may frustrate the designs of the ministry. Were I in Con
gress, and capable of conveying ray ide^s with propriety, I
should speak for hours on the subject, in order to impress
gentiemen, were it needful with gentlemen, of the necessity

156 I-IFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
of taking this matter in hand without delay. My good wishes
attend you through life. I am, dear sir, most sincerely.
Your most obedient bumble servant,
PHILIP SCHUYLER.

Dear Sir — Soon after your absence from this city, we
began to have a little military news stirring. On the llth
instant, General Mifflin, by directions from General Wash
ington, acquainted the inhabitants at a meeting in tbe state
house yard, that frora the late preparations of the eneray,
their intentions were for this city. His address was received
with as much spirit as it was delivered, and the meeting
unanimously resolved to turn out, agreeable to the militia
law. On the 1 Sth, at night. Generals Howe and Cornwallis
moved to Somerset, eight miles from Brunswick, and on the
19th, at night, retreated again to Brunswick. On the morn
ing of tbe 22d, they evacuated the last mentioned place, ahd
retreated to Amboy. I am at a loss to account for General
Howe's movements on any other plan than tbe following :
his short march from Brunswick to Somerset, afforded him
an opportunity of trying the disposition of the states of New
Jersey and Pennsylvania, as to the turning out of the militia,
which was very necessary for him to be acquainted with he-
fore he ventured too far into tlie country ; it was like moving
the previous question, and the issue was against bim, for tho
militia of both states took the alarm instantly. It tiicn he-
came necessary for bim to make a retreat to- Amboy and a
feint of passing over to Staten island, in order that the
militia, which his first march had raised, might be dismissed^
and the three thousand men from General Putnara, cpunter-
manded ; both those events have happened, and last Thursday
General Howe left Amboy, and made his appearance in tiie
country. He is, I believe, too weak to hope for a decisive
victory, and is trying to win it as a game ; besides wiiich,
as this is their only army, they are obliged to preserve it as
an army of observation, on the motions of the French and
SpaniartVi; in the West Indies.
I sincerely regret your absence, both on account of your
private friendship, and your public services, and I bave the-
pleasure (if I Kiay call it such, for I wish the occasion had
not happened) of ^^;aring many others of the sarae opinion.
A man that sets out upon a public bottom, must always expect
to be privately underminded, in sorae quarter or other, I
have often remarked, that those who are benefited by the pub-

OP RICHARD HENUY LEE. 157
lie service of another, without feeling themselves rivalled,
will always be the friends of merit, but those who are bene
fited hy being rivalled, will from envy, ever be its enemies;
and thus by tracing a received affront to its true cause, and
reflecting philosophically thereon, a person may often draw
very agreeable consolation therefrom. We have had nothing
stirring of news for three weeks past, when the enemy marched
from Amboy, they endeavoured to surprise the division under
Lord Stirling ; we lost tvvo, if not three pieces of artillery.
No other material loss. I am, dear sir.
Your affectionate humble servant,
THOMAS PAYNE.
PuilArELPHIA, July 1st, 177",
Colonel RicnAni) Henut Lke, Esq.
of Chantilly, Westmoreland co.
¦^^irginiq.

MORTilSTOWN, State of New Jersey, October 27, 1780.
Sir — I have been duly honoured by your agreeable favour
of the 24tii ultimo, enclosing a letter to the director general,
which has been delivered. Since the 22d Noveraber, the
date of a letter you mention to have received, I have written
two other letters, containing such raatters as I should be un
willing to have fallen into the possession of some persons,
whose heads and hearts, are unworthy of my confidence, and
who I fe.ir have filched those letters under way, as you make
no mention of having recei\-ed them. It appears, to rae, sir.
your apprehensions are well founded, when you observe "I
fear the season is much too far advanced, for any decisive
operations to be atterapted agains.t New York, this cam
paign," &c., and tiiat your queries claim the highest atten
tion, when you farther add, « may not the winter be most
profitably employed in retaking Charlestown, and recovering
the two southern states, from our enemies," &c. ; the reasons
you mention in favour of the attempt, are weighty, and the
successes, which have lately attended our arms in tliat quar
ter, render the operations you have proposed, both for the
winter and spring, less hazardous. The spirited exertions
of your state, in raising three thousand recruits for the con
tinental array, and pne thousand good western militia, at so
critical a period, evinces a redoubled attachment to our cause,
and add much to the prospect of success in our operations in
that vicinity. I cannot quit the subject, without congratula
ting you, my dear sir, on the appointment of Major General
Greene, to take the commapd of the southern army. That

158 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
gentleman's great abilities in the field, his extensive know
ledge of the various departraents in the army, gives him tbe
advantage of almost every otlier general officer in Araerica,
in immediately reducing to order and systera, an army and
affairs, which at present are almost " witbout /orw and void."
But alas! of what avail will be the exertion of the greatest
generals, unless fully aided with men, money, and the other
necessary supplies ? In the present dangerous situation of our
public affairs, can this aid be furnished ? Our treasury is
empty, our military and naval stores in that quarter are
much exhausted, and I fear the resources of that country,
under its present embarrassments, will prove incompetent for
those other supplies. Your zeal and exertion in the cause of
our distressed country, on every forraer occasion, forbid my
mentioning a single argument to induce your utmost efforts
in the present alarming conjuncture. General Greene enter
tains a high opinion of your influence and abilities, and wishes
for your assistance, in support of such measures as he may
find necessary to adopt for recovering the southern states, or
rather what is more probable, to prevent the enemy, fiom
making further progress ; and as the general, is a gentleman in
whora you raay place the raost unreserved confidence, not only
as an officer, but as a private gentleman; I have not the least
reason to doubt, but there will be a perfect harmony and free
correspondence between you and that gentleman, and which I
am sure will be assiduously cultivated on his part. The
Honourable Arthur Lee, passed through this place a few^
days since, on his way to Philadelphia ; but I w as so unhappy
as not to have the pleasure of seeing him, though I have been
honoured by a line frora hira, since his arrival there. As the
present situation of the southern states bespeaks the theatre of
war, at least for the ensuing winter, I should esteem it an
addition to the obligations I should otherwise be under, by
being favoured w ith a letter from you, as often as you may
find opportunity and leisure, for that purpose. With senti
ments of real friendship, I have the honour to be, sir.
Your most obedient and very bumble servant,
NATHANIEL PEABODY.
Hoi). Richard Hefhit Lee, Esq.

OF RICHAUD HENP.Y LEE. 159

PENNSYLVANIA CORRESPONDENCE.
PHILADELPHIA, Dec. 20, 1776.
My dear Sir' — An officer (a Gerraan by birth) who has
served in Russia and Hanover, several campaigns, called
upon me a few hours ago, and after producing certificates,
&c. that he now holds a captain's commission under the em
press of Russia, gave me the following information in confi
dence. He says, that he is personally acquainted with many
of the Hessian officers and privates, now in Howe's army ;
that, as they serve for pay only, he thinks the bounty, pay,
and clothing, offered by Congress, so much above what they
now enjoy, that, if they were properly tendered to them,
they would serve us with more cheerfulness than the king of
Britain. He offers to go in person, into Howe's army, at
the risk of his life, and is sanguine enough to think, he could
immediately bring off two hundred recruits with him. He
demands continental money only, to pay the bounties ; if he
fails, he will return the money : he very justly objected to
taking gold or silver, as it might be useful to thera in Howe's
camp. I submit these hints to your consideration. I am
bound to inform you, that the captain, (who, from his certifi
cates, is a baron) appears very modest, and possesses the
manners and address of a gentleman. He added, in the
course of our conversation, that we had many warm friends
in Russia, and that a majority of tbat nation expressed a dis
like at the thoughts of being employed to fight against us.
He thinks there is no probability of any troops being pro
cured from that quarter next summer. If you think the
above scheme practicable, please to mention it in Congress.
I am at a loss what to advise in the affair ; at any rate, com
municate your opinion, or the determination of Congress, to
Mr. Philip Bochm, in Philadelphia, who will comraunicate
it to the baron. If he is encouraged, he will wait upon Con
gress, and receive his insti'uctions from them. We are much
blamed by the whigs, and ridiculed by the tories, for leaving
Philadelphia so suddenly. AU the back counties near Phila
delphia, are in motion. Several hundred of the militia, join
General Washington daily ; I refer you to Mr. Samuel Per-
viance, for particulars. I have a thousand things to say to

IQQ LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
you. Vigour, firmness, and decisive measui-cs, arc more ne
cessary than ever. Dispute less, and do more in Congress,
or we are undone. Compliments to your brother, and the
w orthy raembers of the weekly club. I am oh my way to
Bristol, being summoned to attend the Philadelphia militia,
for a few weeks. Your's, sincerely,
BENJAMIN RUSH.
P. S. I need not suggest to you the necessity of secrecy,
if the baron's scheme is adopted.

NEAR BRISTOL, December 21, 1776.
I)ear Sir — Wherever I go I bear in my mind, the small
share of the w eight of our dear country's happiness, which
the state of Pennsylvania hath committed to my care. I wish
sometimes, to throw my mite into the councils of the Con
gress, but as this is impossible for the present, I beg leave to
suggest such things as have occurred to me, in my passage
through Philadelphia to this place, and submit it to your
good sense to make any use of them you may think proper. I
need not inform you of the general disposition of the people,
in and near Philadelphia, to refuse continental money upon
the late prospect of General Howe's getting possession of the
city. General Putnara threatening to confine such people as
refused it, and declaring the debt for which the raoney waa
offered, to be void, produced only a temporary remedy against
the evil. People who had goods, refused to sell them ; and
men who had money out at interest, either refused to give up
bonds, or kept out of the way when continental money wa.s
offered for tiiem. The legislatures of America look up to
Congress for a remedy equal to the danger of the disease.
Suppose you recommend to every state to make a law, not
only to forfeit the debt for which our money is offered, but to
fine tbe person who refuses it, severely ; this will be more
effectual than imprisonment, which frora becoming so com
mon for tory practices, has now lost its infamy. "" The pu
nishment, in this case, strikes directly at that principle in
human nature, which is the source of the contempt into
Avhich our money has fallen, I mean avarice, and a want of
public spirit. Pray don't let this matter be neglected, our
salvation hangs upon it. I tremble every time I think of the
danger of the further progress of the refusal of our money.

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE, IGl
Connected with the above subject, is the state of the loan
office ; if possible, let the resolutions for the last emission
of five millions of dollars, be concealed. I hope that it will
be the last resolution of that kind that will appear on our
journals. If it is not, the whole continent must complain of
our injustice, in allowing only four per cent, for the money
now deposited in the loan office, unless we can give positive
assurance that we shall pay it in hard money. I have learnt
from many people, and among others, from two New Eng
land officers, that the four eastern states will find great diffi
culty in raising their quota of men, owing to that excessive
rage for privateering, which now prevails among them.
Many ofthe continental troops now in our service, pant foi-
the expiration of their enlistments, in order that they may
partake of the spoils of the West Indies. At a moderate
computation, there are now not less than ten thousand men
belonging, to New England, on board privateers. New En
gland, and the continent, cannot spare thera. Tbey bave a
right at this juncture, to their services, and to their blood.
We must have an army; the fate of America must be decided
by an army. It must consist of seventy or eighty thousand
men, and they must all be fit for the field before the first day
of May next. Since the captivity of General Lee, a distrust
has crept in among the troops, of the abilities of some of our
general officers high in command. They expect nothing now
from heaven taught and book taught generals. I hope in our
next promotions, we shall disregard seniority. Stevens must
be made a majorgeneral, he has genius as well as knowledge.
Mercer must not be neglected, he has the confidence of the
troops. Adieu. Your's,
BENJAMIN RUSH.
RicuAHD Henut Lee, Esquire,
Member of Congress.
P. S. Congress raust take up^ the^ affairs of our money
wholly. It is a national concern ; .legislatures are too dis
tant, too languid, and, in many states, too incompletely
formed, for that purpose.

- CROSSIDES, December 30, 1776.
Mt dear Sir — There is no toil so dear to a soldier as
that which is raarked with the footsteps of a flying enemy t
every thing looks well. Our airoy increases daily, and our
Vol. IL— Y

162 "FE AND CORRESPONDENCE
troops are impatient to avenge tbe injuries done to the stale'
of New Jersey; the tories fly with the precipitation of guilty
fear, to General Howe. A detachment from our body yes
terday, took four of thera, and killed one ; two of the for
mer, were officers of Howe's new militia establishment. Wc
suffer much for the want of intelligence, which can only be
procured by money that will pass in both camps. Howe
owes the superiority and regularity of his intelligence above
ours, not so much to the voluntary information of the tories,
as to the influence of his gold. Pray send two or three
thousand pounds, in hard money, immediately, to General
Washington ; it will do you more service than twenty new
regiments. Let not this matter be debated and postponed in
the usual way, for two or three weeks ; the salvation of
America, under God, depends upon its being done in an
instant. I beg leave, for a moment, to call off your atten
tion from the affairs of the public, to inform ypu, that I have
heard, from good authority, that my much honoured father-
in-law, who is now a prisoner with General Howe, suffers
many indignities and hardships from the enemy, from which
not only his rank, but his being a man, ought to exempt him.
I wish you would propose to Uongress to pass a resolution in
his favour, similar to that they have passed in favour of
General Lee ; they owe it to their own honour, as well as t&
a meraber of their body. I did not want this intelligence to
rouse my resentment against the enemy; but it has increased
it ; every particle of my blood is electrified with revenge ;
and if justice cannot be done to hira in any other way, I
declare I will, in defiance of the authority of the Congress,
and the power, of the army, drive the first rascally tory I
meet with, a hundred miles, barefooted, through the first
deep snow that falls in our country. Two small brigades of
New England troops have consented to serve a month after
the time of tbeir enlistments expire ; there is reason to be
lieve, all the New England troops, in their predicament,
will follow their exaraple. We have just learned, that the
enemy are preparing to retreat from Princeton. Adieu.
General Washington must be invested with dictatorial power
for a few raonths, or we are undone. The vis inertise of the
Congress has almost ruined this country.
Yours,
BENJAMIN RUSH.

¦OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 165
BORDENTOWN, January 6th, 177^.
Dear Sir — Before tbis reaches you, you will, I dare say,
have heard of the affairs of Trenton and Princeton. At the
former place, victory was undecided; at the latter, it was
complete. Too much praise cannot be given to our brave
troops for the patience with which they have undergone cold,
hunger, and all the usual distressesof a winter's campaign; the
Philadelphia militia behaved like heroes ; at Princeton, like
young ti-oops, they broke at first, but, like veterans, were
rallied without much difficulty. Much credit is due to a
brigade of New England men, commanded by Colonel Hitch
cock, in both actions ; they sustained a heavy fire, from
musketry and artillery, for a long time, without moving ;
they are entitled to a great share ofthe honour acquired by
our arms at Princeton. General Mercer's death cannot be
too rauch laraented. I had the pleasure of dining with him
two days before he fell, and was never raore highly feasted
with patriotic sentiraents ; his character was marked with
all the traits of one of the heroes of antiquity ; the manner of
his death was equally honourable to himself and to our
cause. I cannot help thinking but that the Congress owe
some funeral honours to his memory; perhaps an oration
would have a better effect in this case than in that of General
 . What do you think of tiie Congress writing a let
ter of condolence to the widow?
I congratulate you uppn the addition of Colonel Knox to
the list of general officers; he is a brave, sensible, enterpris
ing man. I saw his behaviour in the battle of Trenton ; he
was cool, cheerful, and was present every where. I have
picked up an original letter from General Howe to Count de
Donop, at Trenton, a copy of which I shall send you, to be
laid before Congress ; it contains, among other things, a
warrant for plundering the inhabitants of New^ Jersey ; it
must be publishedi Yours, &c.
BENJAMIN RUSH.
Richard Henby Lee, Esq,

PRINCETON, January 7tb, 1777.
Dear Sir — I write to you, at the request of General
Meri er, to beg that you would immediately despatch an ex
press to Mrs. Mercer, to inform her that the General is con-

164 ^lEE AND CORRESPONDENCL
siderably better, and there are reasonable hopes of his re
covery. I have attended hira since yesterday, and shall not
leave him till he is out of danger ; he is wounded in seven
places, with a bayonet ; one of tliese wounds is in his fore
head, but the mo.st alarming of them are in his belly; he is in
gootl spirits, drinks plentifully, sleeps tolerably well, and
talks cheerfully on all subjects, as usual ; from the unfortu
nate circumstance of bis wanting a surgeon at the time he
fell, he was obliged to give his parole, in order to procure a
surgeon from the enemy, and ho is now their prisoner. The
loss of the eneray in the battle at Princeton, from the best
accounts, amounts to fifty killed, and one hundred and fifty
wounded ; among the former is a Captain Leslie, a nephew
to General Leslie, and the second son of the Earl of Leven.
I knew him intiraately in Scotland ; he was an accomplished
officer and gentleman. I wept, for the first time, for a vic
tory gained over British troops ; our attachraent to each
other was reciprocal ; for when I was introduced to a Cap
tain M'Pherson, who now lies in this town, in orderto dress
his wounds, be asked if I was the Doctor Rush who used to
correspond with Captain Leslie. I told him I was. He told
me he had heard his friend Leslie say, a thousand times, that
he forgot in me the political enemy in the personal friend.
General Washington buried him with all the honours of war.
Our loss at Princeton, amounted to about twenty-five killed,
and about forty wounded ; among the former were Colonel
Haslet, (a gallant officer,) Major Fleming, Captains Neal and
Shippen, and Lieutenant Morgan, of Philadelphia. Prince
ton is, indeed, a deserted village; you would think it had
been desolated with the plague and an earthquake, as well as
with the calamities of war; the college and church are heaps
of ruin ; all the inhabitants have been plundered ; the whole
of Mr. Stockton's furniture, apparel, and even valuable
writings, have been burnt; all his cattle, horses, and hogs,
sheep, grain, and forage, have been carried away by them ;
his losses cannot amount to less than five thousand pounds.
The enemy, in their pursuit of General Washington through
the Jersey's, called his troops tiie rebel army,- in their retreat
before hira, they called his troops the provincials, and .some
times the continental army. Major General Grant com
manded at Trenton and Princeton, last week, under Lord
Cornwallis. When Colonel Roll, who was killed at the
surprise of Trenton, on the 26th of last month, wrote to him
for more troops, to enable him to hold his posts on the Dela
ware, he laughed at his application, and sent him word that

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 165
he '" could keep the whole Jersies with a corporal and four
men?" Enclosed is the copy of the form of a protection in
English and German. Hundreds have been plundered who
have accepted of them. Yours, sincerely,
BENJAMIN RUSH.
Colonel Lee.

PHILADELPHIA, January 14th, 1777.
Dear sir — I left our good friend. General Mercer, on Sa
turday last^ out of danger, but so exceedingly weak, from
tbe loss of blood, tbat he cannot be moved with safety these
ten days. The commanding officer at Brunswick has given
him liberty to go or ride where he pleases. Lieutenant
Yeates, of Colonel Reed's Virginia regiment, died on Friday-
last at Princeton. The circumstances of his death merit the
attention of the Congress. In the beginning of the action,
on the 3d of this instant, he received a wound in his side,
which brought him to the ground. Upon seeing the enemy
advance towards him, he begged for quarters. A British sol
dier stopped ; and, after deliberately loading his musket by
his side, shot him through tiie breast ; finding that he was
still alive, be stabbed him in thirteen places with his bayonet,
the poor youth all the while crying for raercy. Upon the
enemy being forced to retreat, either the same, or another
soldier, finding that he was not dead, struck him with the
club of a musket on the side of the head. He languished a
week in the greatest anguish, and then died (I declare it upon
my honour, as a man and a physician,) of the wounds he re
ceived, after he fell and begged for quarters. The savages
murdered a clergyman, a chaplain to a battalion of militia,
in cool blood, at Trenton, after he had surrendered himself,
and begged for mercy. His name was Rosborough. When
we complain to the British officers of the hard fare of our pri
soners in New Yorii, they ask, Why do not the Congress ap
point a commissary, and send provisions to them ? The
enemy have done something like the first of these things for
the Hessian prisoners now in this state. I wish the attention
of Congress could be roused in behalf of our poor fellows ;
they are confined in churches, without fire-wood. Twenty
have been thrown out in a day, to putrify in the streets. It
is a prostitution of language and truth to attribute a fibre of
humanity to General Howe's heart ; his natural disposition,
as well as the nature of the service he is engaged in, have
i-cndered him a mere Jeffries for every species of political

Igg LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
iniquity. I write from good information, having picked up
a nuraber of anecdotes which justify the picture I have given
of him. I saw an intelligent gentleman, who left New York
about ten days ago, who whispered in my ears, that an ac
count had just reached New York, that the court of Britain
had engaged 12,000 Russians and 3,000 Germans for the
next campaign. He said, the affair of Trenton operated like
a clap of thunder at New York. Some cursed the Hessian
commander at Trenton : while the most intelligent blamed
General Howe for making his line so long, as they called it.
It produced a revolution in their countenances, manners, con
versation, and even their toasts : "A speedy accommodation
of the present unnatural dispute," being given at the table of
the principal officers. Lord Cornwallis was to have sailed
for England the day the news reached New York, but was
detained in order to take the command in New Jersey. I
hope to join you in Congress in a few days. I forgot to men
tion before, that I left our army not only in high spirits, but
in good health. The medical department must undergo a re
volution. Compliments to your worthy brother. Yours,
sincerely,
BENJAMIN RUSH.

PHILADELPHIA, January 14th, 1777.
Dear sir — Since my letter of this morning, I bave heard
of tbe removal of Dr. Morgan and Dr. Stringer from the
medical department. I beg you would suspend the filling up
their places, tiR I have the plea,sure of seeing you. I have
taken some pains to acquire from a surgeon in General
Howe's army, a perfect knowledge of the methods of takin."-
care of the sick in the British military hospitals. I caii^
moreover, point out to you several worthy characters, who
should immediately be placed on the medical staff in our
army. Dr. Cochrane, of Brunswick, is one of them; he pos
sesses humanity as well as skill, and is dear to all who know
him. I have found, from conversing with the surgeons of the
British army, as well as from my own observations, that the
care of the sick is a matter that engages the attention of even
their general officers. Lord Cornwallis, in retreating through
Princeton, left five privates and one surgeon to attend the
wounded men he was forced to leave behind him. I am sorry
to say nothing of this kind was done by our generals, al
though a General Mercer was numbered in the list of our

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE, 167
wounded. Every captain in the British army is obliged to
visit the sick of his company at least once a day, to see that
they want for nothing. Considering that sickness sweeps off
raoi-e men than the sword in all armies, I cannot help think
ing, that it is as much the duty of a good officer to save his
men by tenderness in the one case, as it is by ... . in the
other. From yours, sincerely,
BENJAMIN RUSH.
RicHAHD Henrt Lee, Esq.

BETHLEHEM, Tuesday, December 17th, 1776.
Dear sir — After mUch difficulty and expense, I have re
moved all the sick to Easton, Bethlehem, and Allentown.
their number is now much reduced, and all in a good way.
I send twenty or thirty weekly to join the army. There is
no paymaster or general near us, and I am almost out of
cash ; I must, therefore, beg the favour of you to procure me
five thousand dollars, and send them by the bearer. Dr. Hail
ing, for the use of the hospitals. You will please to give a
receipt for me, &c. Mrs. Shippen and the children arrived
safe on Thursday morning, and are happily settled in this
peaceful town. I have not heard of my clothes and old wine:
fear the varlets have them as secure as poor General Lee.
Oh ! what a damned sneaking way of being kidnapped-^I
can't bear to think of it; I saw aU his troops, about four
thousand, this morning, marching from Easton, about two
day's march from Washington, in good spirits, and much
pleased with their General Sullivan. General Gates, with
nine hundred men, marches from this plaice this afternoon and
to-raorrow. We hear General Heath is within four days
march with three thousand men. God send that all joined
may save Philadelphia, and disappoint the cursed tories this
winter. Where are your good ladies? my love and best com
pliments to them, and desire they will take care of them
selves, lest our retrograde soldiers will run them down. I
wish you would introduce a new step into your army. I am
sure they are perfect in the back step by this time.
Compliments to the Adams's, See. &c.
I am, yours, Very affectionately,
W. SHIPPEN, JuH.
Colonel Lee, ofthe Honourable Continental Congress,
Philadelphia.

168 UEE AND CORRESPONDENCE

From a tedious experience, I have learned what is necessaiy
in a military hospital, and think it my duty, to give my opi
nion thereon, to my friends in Congress. I have attended
to this matter more carefully, because I saw on my first en
tering the army, that many more brave Americans fell a sa
crifice to neglect and iniquity in the medical department than
fell by tbe sword of the enemy. I saw directors but no
direction, physicians and surgeons, but too much about their
business, and the care of the sick coraraitted to young boys,
in the character of mates, quite ignorant, and, as I am in
formed, hired at half price, &c. &c. &c. ; some I found honestly
doing the duty of their stations. How far my own depart
ment has been better filled, does not become me to say, and
I am not ashamed to own, that I am conscious of many im
perfections, but flatter inyself, none of them have arisen from
want of care and integrity in the director, or skill and in
dustry, in his physicians, surgeons and mates ; all the latter,
he can with pleasure declare, have done more than their
duty cheerfully. Some have arisen from my inexperience,
some from the scarcity of many articles necessary for the
sick, and more from the districted, flying state of our army.
All these causes, I persuade inyself, will in a great measure
be removed in the next campaign, if our cruel enemies risk
another. I would humbly propose the following arrange
ment as necessary, and I hope adequate to making the sick
soldiery comfortable and happy : suppose three armies, a
northern, middle, and southern, to each of these the following
officers —
1 director and surgeon general, at 35s Od and 8 rations.
3 sub or assistant directors,
10 surgeons or physicians, -
20 mates - -
1 apothecary general,
4 mates, - -
1 to act as quartermaster and
cPmmissary general,
3 deputies, or one to every hun
dred sick, . - . ,
1 steward to every hundred sick,
1 matron to do. - ¦
1 ward master to do.
1 nurse to every 15 sick,
instead of one to every ten, at

22 6

and 6

do.

20 0

and 4

do.

7 6

and 2

do.

20 0

and 4

do.

7 6

and 2

do.

12 6

and 4

do.

7 .6

and 2

do.

5 0

and 2

do.

3 9

and 2

do.

5 0

and 1

do.

10 0 ]

per week.

»

OP RICHARD HENUY LEE. 169
7* &d ; they are not to be had
at 7s 6d.
1 to act as secretary, and store
keeper to every hospital, 7s 6d and 2 rations.
The directors general and sub-directors to be chosen by
the Congress ; the physicians, surgeons and apothecaries,
by the directors.
The mates, by the physicians and surgeons, after a strict
examination. All otlier officers, by the directors. Not less
than this, in my opinion, will induce men properly qualified
to engage ; and any others, will be dear at any price.
I have the honour to be,
dear sir.
Your very hurable servant,
WILLIAM SHIPPEN, Jun.
No regimental hospitals will he now necessary. To every
regiment, should be appointed by the Congress, after being
examined and recommended by the directors, and physicians,
and surgeons of the hospital, or by three or four, of the most
erainent in any state, appointed by that state for the pur
pose, 1 surgeon, - at 12* 6d and 4 rations, per diera.
and 2 mates, - 6s 3d and 2 do.
To be supplied with one case of amputating and trepanning
instruments, one case of pocket ditto, and such a chest of
medi.cines, as the directors shall think proper.
Bethlehem, 20th December, 1776.

PHILADELPHIA, 17th January, 1777.
My dear Sir — The sick soldiery are suffering for want
of sorae new arrangement ; I am pleased, that you have
adopted mine so far as to dismiss the two directors, it gives
general joy to the army. We want assistant directors, the
army and sick are so scattered ; and the pay of our physi'-
cians and surgeons must be augmented to 20s. or three dollars,
or no men of education will engage ; these things must be
done immediately. There will some difficulties arise, if the
sub-directors and surgeons are not equal in their pay, because
those who stand first on the list for promotion, are not the
fittest for directors. Suppose sub-directors and surgeons are
Vol. II.— Z

170

LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

allowed 20s., and there were assistant surgeons at 15s., and
mates at 7s. and 6d. You cannot conceive the disorder I
found the sick in here, every body directing, and every body
bringing in accounts. I am now busily engaged in reducing
them to a littie regularity, which I hope I shall effect in four
or five days; in the mean tirae, I. ara much wanted in tiie
army, and at my other hospitals. Don't forget Doctor Coch
ran as one of my assistant directors. Can't Doctor Jones be
enlisted for the northern department, and Foster, Warren,
&c. , his assistants ?
Would it not answer good purposes, and save the Con
gress much trouble, if I was called inspector general of
the whole and director of the middle departraent ? I should
then have a right to look into the conduct of all the hospi
tals and receive returns from them, and order what propor
tion of medicines should go to each, &c. I write any thing
and every thing to you, knowing your friendship and as I
flatter myself you tliink, I will exert my honest endeavours
to serve this great cause. It would be a great thing if we
could have six weeks peace now, that our soldiers might be
inoculated; many of them have the small-pox, and I fear all
the brave Virginians will take it. How do you all do ?
God bless you, and believe me sincerely.
Your affectionate,
WILLIAM SHIPPEN, Jun.
RiCBAiin Ilr.N-nY Lee, Esq.
P. S. The New York battalions are all complete. Two
thousand have marched from this place within three days.
We shall do for them.

Mt dear Brothers — I enclose a letter written to anybody
you think proper, containing my idea of a railitary hospital,
as frugal as I think consistent with the good comfort of the
sick soldiery. The abuses, tbe neglect and fraud, in M. .n's
department, has been of more disservice to the new army,
than any other circumstance I know of — (not paying the men
is another sad thing, very few have received any pay for four
months.^ The New Englandmen say they will not serve if
M . . n is director. The following are facts that can be prov
ed, but I should not choose to be called on :
1. He appointed his own apprentice, who had not been
with hira three months, apothecary general, at fifty dollars >

OP RICHARD HENRY LEE. 171
month; pocketed the whole, and charged the youth for hiis
board. 2. He has eight or ten mates at 3s. 9d. a day, and charges
the continent 7s. 6d. ; they are quite ignorant.
3. From fifty to one hundred sick, are entirely trusted to
these boys.
4. There always have been a great abundance of stores
locked up, and with great expense removed from plaee to
place, greater than the first cost, and the sick perish for want
of them. Hundreds in Hackinsack, lying on straw, in cold
barns, with nothing but beef and bread to eat.
5. He makes raoney of the tallow, by making candles and
selling them to the hospital, therefore nothing but beef given
them : this Ihave from his quarter raa.ster, who was to have
part of the profit ; and I am told, he pockets all the retained
rations, but this I cannot prove, nor should I choose to be
called upon to prove any thing, fhave my information from
the united voice of his own officers. Methinks I hear you
say, yet this is the man you would have chosen — but, good
God! did you or I believe he could be so damned a rogue !
General Gates, who has .spent two days with us here, gives as
bad a character of Dr. Stringer, the northern director. If
you think proper to show' the enclosed to Congress, do it ; if
to particular merabers, doit; any how, let Messrs. Adams,
Gerry, Rush, Morris, &c. see it. I know I shall have your
and their interest for my proper place, and when you find me
tripping, turn me out.
General Howe is now stopped, and I believe, for the winter.
Washington is strong, being reinforced by Sullivan and
Gates, with four thousand brave northern troops, who passed
through this place two days ago. There is a certain account
of twelye thousand men coming from Massachusetts — .the
extremes must save us. Where are the Virginia light horse,
&c. ? Our troops begin to recollect themselves and again
think of bush fighting ; they scout and skirmish every day
with success, and begin to grow bold. The New York men
have raised their complement for the army, and intend doing
more. I am desired by some of the northern merabers of Con
gress, to recommend to your interest. Doctors Foster and
Warren, these are, strong arguraents, and I believe they are
clever in the profession ; they are the two first on  list;
I am only afraid they have lived too long in the sphere of this
action. Dr. Foster did direct before, and I am well inform
ed, the hospital was in good order; suppose he was made
director of the northern army, and his sub-directors were

172 EITE AND CORRESPONDENCE
Warren, M'Knight, and Potts, who are much thought of
in the army, unless you make Dr. Jones of New York, direc
tor, and those three sub-directors, then the department will
be complete. For the middle, I should like to continue if 'tis
agreeable to Congress, and have for my sub-directors. Doc
tors Brown, Kuhn and Cochran. All the directors should
be directed by Congress, to visit the hospital every two or
three days ; the southern department you know better than I
do.

Mt dear Sir — General Greene is appointed to take the
command of the southern army, and wishes to have your
countenance and friendship. He is a little suspicious that you
are not perfectly satisfied with his conduct, because you were
said to be inimical to our coraraander, and of consequence to
him, who was supposed to be one of his flatterers — this false
idea I have reprobated, to General Greene, and assured him
he would find you his friend and useful confidant. He is
pleased with the idea, having a good and great idea of your
integrity and ability ; and I am pleased with an opportunity
of assuring you the general is the fittest raan in our army to
retrieve our affairs in your country ; he is a cool, brave, pru
dent, and thoughtful general, a staunch whig, and inflexible
patriot, and, what I am sure will recoraraend him to you, he
is my friend. I congratulate you on the success of our arms,
against Ma.jor Ferguson, &c. and this will certainly give our
southern friends fresh spirits, and who knows but it will be
as fruitful in its consequences as the affair at Bennington. I
give you joy also on the safe arrival of your two fine boys,
and your brother Arthur. I left them all well, at ray house,
on Sunday last. The Congress seeraed determined to give
Mr. Lee all the trouble and vexation they can, influenced by
that  The arrangement of the hospital department, is
beyond conception, raean, unjust, and contemptible ; and
none of the officers, will, I believe, act under it. With diffi
culty, I ara again elected director, such influence has Mor
gan's raalicious insinuations had on the rainds of six states,
notwithstanding tiie acquittal by the court martial and Con
gress ; however, I am now at liberty to continue or resign,
and believe shall choose the latter, unless some very material
alterations take place. Two or three tiiousand men have sailed
from New York, for Cape Fear, or Virginia, it is supposed.
Our campaign is near over, and nothing like to be done.
Our situation is now alarming, and unless something deci-

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 173
sive and spirited is donie, God help us. With sincere wishes
for your health and happiness,
I am, ray dear Sir,
Your affectionate brother and humble servant,
W. SHIPPEN, Jr.
Camp Peakncss, Oct. 27, 1780.

READING, Novembers, 1777.
Dear Sir — Mr. Nourse enclosed to rae, by order of the
board of war, a copy of a charge, made to the hoard, by
the president and council of this state, against the quarter
master general's department; in which charge, Mr. John
Biddle, and Mr. Rohert L. Hooper, are particularly raen
tioned as offenders. Agreeable to the orders of the board, I
have called upon Colonel Hooper to justify his condnct as a
deputy quartermaster general. The colonel will wait on the
board for that purppse. From much experience, I declare,
that Colonel Hooper is a most excellent officer, and to him,
we are principally indebted for the reraoval and security of
the stores from Philadelphia, and for the happy supplies of
forage and teams, during the three last months of the cam
paign. Major Ayers, who was sent by General Wa.shington
to remove the public stores frora Trenton, and Mr. Butler,
who had the principal direction of the stores from Philadel
phia to Trenton and Bristol, will give bim reputable certifi
cates of his activity in the service. Mr. John Biddle, who
acted some weeks as an assistant comraissary of forage, with
much industry, and great utility to the public, resigned the
office about three weeks past, being tired out with the cla
mours of his eneraies.
I believe the most honourable president and council do not
suspect me of disaffection to our most righteous cause. If
tiiey hold any suspicions of that kind, the scene has changed
most wonderfully, as I perfectly recognize many of their
special friends, in times of difficulty and danger, as disaffect
ed, most pusillanimous scoundrels ; whom no inducements,
private or public, could call forth in defence of their coun
try — I mean before the game was palpably our own, and the
storra well nigh past and over. Forgive this apparent heat; I
know the men well, and believe the complaint against my
departraent is grounded solely on a suspected detestation, in
some of my assistants. Of their government, and their go-

174 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
verning abilities. I shall be happy to know the determina-
tion of Congress relative to my letters of resignation, to
which I beg leave to adhere.
I am, dear Sir, with much respect and affection,
Your obedient servant, J. MIFFLIN.
The Hon. Richaiiii Heskt Ltjs,
in Congress, at Y'orktown.

HEADING, 12th November, 1777.
Dear Sir — I return a thousand affectionate thanks for
your kind attention to me, and in particular for your last
proposition, which has given rae an opportunity of proving
my zeal for ray country's welfare, to be as ardent as ever.
It became impossible for me to act in ray former line, and I
would have served as a gallopen to any general officer rather
than continue in a command whicii I could not execute in a
way honourable to myself, or useful to the public. The
salary annexed to my new appointment is ample ; I do not
want pay ; I wish only to lend a hand to save my country.
1 have thought rauch ofthe paltry figure this state makes in
the present hour, and think it is not too late to recover her
usual activity, and to make her as useful to the general cause
as she was last year, tf Congress will but assist in calling
forth the militia of this state as volunteers, and not under the
law by distinct classes, much may be done. I have reason
to believe, six thousand men raight be induced to step forth
for a coup de main in the same manner, and with the same
success, with our brave and virtuous brethren of New Eng
land ; there is but one ob.stacle. This scheme is offensive to
the president and council of Pennsylvania, and will, pro
bably, be discouraged by them, as it may be injurious to
their plans of government. I would have proposed and un
dertaken it long ago, but was unwilling to give those gentle-
nicn any cause of complaint. If it is begun in Congress, it
will probably take effect, and I will say and do all I can to
bring out my countrymen ; and when out, I will take any
command with them, even that of a sergeant or corporal.
When Congress have made their arrangement of quarter
master general, so that I can leave this town, without injury
tl) tiie service, I will wait on them for tiieir orders.
I am, affectionately, J. MIFFLIN-
The Hon. Richard Hesbi Lee,
in Congress, at Yorktown.

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. I75
PHILADELPHIA, April 15, 1780.
Sir — I am to acknowledge and thank you for your oblig
ing favour of the 17th February, enclosing Mr. Lee's vindi
cation, which has been published in onr newspapers. To
some collateral parts, there have been replies by ^Ir. Conyng
ham, and Mr. Joseph Wharton. The multitude and enor
mity of public abuses one would have thought should have
excited general attention and alarm ; but attempts to detect
and prevent them have generally been retorted in such a
manner, as almost to sanctify unfaithfulness and dishonesty.
I cannot help considering it as one of the most unfavourable
symptoms, that, while we are all coraplaining against abuses.
as soon as the offender is selected, he finds friends and advo
cates even in the most respectable assemblies.
In the affairs of Mr. Deane, I fear we shall long feel the
sad effects of procrastination and indecision. After the pub
lication ofthe Sth December, America had a just claim upon
that gentleman to prove his allegations, or take the shame
which would have been his portion. It has been determined
otherwise, and it is very probable we shall never know from
public authority, whether Mr. Deane was a faithful servant
to his country, or a defrauder and base calumniator. At
this rate, innocence is no shield, nor honesty a 
and I shall esteem him a bold man who will venture abroad,
in a public character, under the auspices of Congress. Per
mit me now, sir, before I conclude, to turn your attention to
the unhappy state of affairs between Pennsylvania and Vir
ginia. We had flattered ourselves that our disputes of terri
tory were happily adjusted, and mutual friendship and affec
tion would have taken place of that distrust and jealousy which
had long prevailed. But the measure of sending coraraission
ers to sell and confirm the very lands ceded to Pennsylvania
by the settlement of the line, and the contempt shown to Con
gress, as well as this state, have, I fear, made such impres
sions as will not easily be erased. When nations and states
can adopt such pitiful and disingenuous policy, it becomes
common cause to unite against tiiem, and you well know the
jealousy entertained of Virginia, forms an easy ground for
this purpose. The advantage, also, taken of our vicinity to
the common enemy, against whom our whole force is collect
ed and pointed, must appear, to every generous mind, so
irreconcilable to the common principles of gratitude and
justice, that it cannot be supposed the present measures ori
ginate from tiie same spirits or counsels, which created and
conducted this great contest with Britain. You may be

176 LIFE AND CORUESPONDENCE
assured that Pennsylvania will resent it the moment she has
her arms at liberty, and then Virginia will blush that she has
verified the predictions of our enemies. A few designing and
interested men, in the back country, are certainly practising
upon their more honest and  or corruption has
pervaded your councils in a greater degree than could have
been supposed from the infancy of your government. Your
influence raay do much to retrieve this unhappy business, and
never can be employed to a better purpose.
The ladies of my family thank you for your very polite
attention, and join rae in wishing your lady, family> and self,
every possible happiness.
I am. Sir, with rauch esteem.
Your most obedient and very humble servant,
JOSEPH REED.
Richaud Hesut Lee, Esquire.

PHIL.ADELPHIA, March 25tli, 1780.
DE.iR Sir — Your much esteemed favour, of the 15th of last
month, with the extracts frora your rauch injured brother's
letter, to the President of Congress, and the copy of Doctor
Berkenhout's letter to yourself, enclosed, carae safe to hand.
Next to the approbation pf ray own conscience, it has always
been my wish to obtain that of the wise and good, and I con
fess I ara happy in having yours. I flatter myself the time
will shortly come, when the honest labourers in the cause of
freedom and their country, will at least meet with the reward
of being known ; and when, also, the double dealing, artful
pretenders will be discovered.
Tliere has been a virtuous band in Congress from the be
ginning of the present contest, but they were never so few,
or so much opposed, as just after you and your good brother
left us. In the winter and spring of 1779, there was a ca
bal, whose views I could not fathom ; there were some pos
sessed of restless spirits, and who endeavoused to set mem
ber against member, and the Congress against the states,
particularly Pennsylvania and those of New England, and
and the states against Congress. Every artifice was used to
instil prejudice, against all our foreign ministers and com
missioners, particularly your brothers, (Dr. Arthur Lee and
William Lee,) and 1 really believe, if I had not in April last,
gone off the bench into Congress, in the face of a vote of the
Assembly of Pennsylvania, that they would have been re
called without exception. My fears were, tliat at that criti-

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 177
cal period, when it had been propagated in Europe, and some
uneasiness discovered on that score by the court of France,
that we were listening to overtures frora Great Britain, a
change of raen raight have implied, a change of raeasures,
and given some countenance to the report ; and for this rea
son I thought it wrong to recall any gentleman in such a con
juncture. The vote was taken with respect to Dr. Franklin,
and being determined in the negative, it was postponed as to
the rest, until I was absent on the circuit. Places I saw were
sought after by some, and vacancies were necessary for the
purpose of obtaining them, but I could not think this was the
only thingin contemplation ; though 1 may bave been mistaken,
as harmony seemed to be restored in some raeasure, upon
the appointment of Messers Jay and Carmichel. The death
of Mr. Drayton, and the considerable change about that time
of the members, several of them not having been re-elected,
left us pretty quiet ever since, though prejudices still too much
prevail. When I reflect on the assiduity, the zeal, the
fidelity, the abilities and patriotism of Dr. A. Lee, I cannot
help deploring his fate, and reprobating the ingratitude of
Congress; but sir, it is with pleasure that I can assure you,
that he has many unshaken friends still remaining in that
body, who have never seen him, and who esteem hira only for
his public virtues. I profess myself one of these, and he has
at least, my warmest thanks for his substantial services ren
dered to my country. I cannot think it any reflection on a
gentleman's heart, that he has been mistaken in entertaining
too good an opinion of another, nor am I at all surprised that
even you, should have been led into an error with respect to
Doctor Berkenhout, after perusing his letter, and knowing
hi^ insinuating address ; but 1 shall say no more on this head,
as I am really apologizing for myself. The deranged state
of our finances has given us infinite trouble and concern ; a
new plan has been adopted which is published in the news
papers, to which I shall refer you. If it can be carried into
execution it will be a great relief to us, and I see nothing
else left, but for every whig to exert himself in its support.
There is no great prospect of peace, thougli the late intelli
gence frora Europe is otherwise favourable, I suspect that
Mr. Temple, (who came over in 1778 with Doctor Berken
hout,) will shortly venture here again, with propositions,
(perhaps secret,) to acknowledge the independence of the
states, except South Carolina and Georgia, and tbat part of
Massachusetts, formerly called the province of Maine, on con
ditions of our neutrality between Britain and Spain ; he is to
have power to call on two merchants in London, of his own
Vol. JI. — A a

178 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
nomination, ad libitum. This is not mere conjecture or re-
port ; but it raay npt be attempted to be carried into execu
tion, as I think uppn the best reflection he must despair of
success. Can they suppose that these states will be so per
fidious to one another, or to the auxiliary of their ally, that
they are so corrupt, sp base ? Can they be taught to believe,
that a virtuous pePple can grow so extrenjely wicked, by a
yvar of five years continuance ? Nemo repente fit turpissi-
mus. I am, my dear sir, with the most perfect esteem, your
most obedient humble serya,nt.
THOMAS M'KEAN.

PHILADELPHIA, September 4th, 178}.
.- SiRr-I had the pleasure pf receiving your favour, of the
26th of last month, yesterday, and am yery sorry for the dis
tresses of Virginia, though the ardour and unanimity of the
people promise, that they will not long continue. Long ere
this I had flattered myself, that I should have heard of the
Count de Grasse apd Count dc Barras, having entered the
Chesapeake, with thirty four ships of the line, and several
frigates, bomb ketches and other armed vessels. They sailed
for that bay long ago, with a considerable body of land
forces, and a corapany of sappers and miners, having every
apparatus pn board for attacking fortifications. This you may
depend upon. General Washington, with the whole French
army and a large detachment of Americans, are in full
march for your relief ; the last division passes through this
city to day. Colonel Laurens, came to town yesterday from
Boston, where he arrived, in the French frigate Resolution,
accompanied with two others loaded with arms, ammunition
and clothing, onthe 25th of August; besides these important
supplies, all fPr tbe United States, he has brought with hin»
a large sum in specie, almost equal to our wjshes. The Court
of France have really exerted themselves, far beyond any
thing done heretpfore, and have given full proof, how much
they have our independence at heart. In a few wpeks more,
I trust I shall haye it in my power to mentjon, additional
evidences of their most faithful attachment. The king has
written a very friendly letter to Congress, and presented
their special minister Colpnel Laurens, with an elegant gold
box, baying his picture in the lid, ornamented with diamonds,
^c. nearly resembling one, you had the honour of receiving.
Qn Saturday last, about one oclock P. M,, Sir Samuel Hpod,

OF RICHARD HENRY LEi. 179
with twenty-two ships ofthe line, was seen about twenty-five
miles southward of Shrewsbury, steering to the southward ;
I suppose for Chesapeake. In all probability we shall soon
hear of a sea engagement ; we are at the eve of great events ;
may God grant them to be prosperous to us, and that they
may terminate in securing to us, peace, liberty and safety.
I have the honour to be, sir, with the most respectful per
sonal attachment, Your most obedient humble servant;
TiaiOMAS M'KEAN.
The Hon. Abthob Lee.

ISO Ltt'E AND CORRESt'ONDENCE

MARYLAND CORRESPONDENCE.

PHILADELPHIA, July SOth, 1776.
Mt dear Sir — Your letter of the 14th instant followed
me to tbis city; and your other favour of the 21st, was de
livered by yesterday's post. I hurried to Congress to give
my little assistance to the framing a confederacy and a plan
for a foreign alliance ; both of them subjects of the utmost
importance, and which, in ray judgment, demand immediate
despatch. The confederacy has engaged our close attention
for a week. Three great difficulties occur; representation,
the mode of voting, and the claims to the south sea. The
whole might, in ray opinion, be settled, if candour, justice,
and the real interests of Araerica, were attended to. We do
not all see the importance, nay, the necessity, of a confede
racy. We shall reraain weak, distracted, and divided in our
councils ; our strength will decrease ; we shall be open to all
the arts of the insidious court of Britain, and no foreign court
will attend to our applications for assistance, before we are
confederated. What contract will a foreign state make with
us, when we cannot agree among ourselves? Our army at
Ticonderoga, consists of six thousand men, of which three
thousand are in the hospital, from the small-pox and other
camp disorders. Our army at New York contains fourteen
thousand, of which only ten thousand are effective. Our
flying camp in the Jerseys, has but between three and four
thousand troops. No news frora General Washington. He
writes, 27th, that eight sail, supposed to be part of Lord
Howe's fleet, arrived at the Hook tbat day. I shall always
be glad to hear frora you, and ara, with great esteem,
Your affectionate friend.
And obedient servant,
SAMUEL CHASE.
The Hon. Kichabd HsintT Leb, Esq.

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 181

Extract of a letter from
PHILADELPHIA, July 1st, 11 o'clock, A. M.
The enclosed copy of General Washington's letter of the
28th, will inform you of the transactions in the Jerseys, since
my last to you. We do not exactly know the eneniy's strength
in the Jerseys. They have called in all their outposts, and
have left but weak garrisons in New York and Lpng Island.
I apprehend Howe may have in all about fifteen thousand;
but these Will moulder away by daily skirraishes, desertion,
and fatigue, unless he can force our general to a battle, and
should come off conqueror. I fear the loss of our three field
pieces was owing to surprise. Was it not shameful to be sur-
prisedj when the enemy were within eight miles ? Nothing
but severity will introduce discipline into our armies; and
dear bought Experience only can convince our officers anfl
men of its utility, nay, of its absolute necessity. Mr. Duet, a
delegate ft-oinNew York, informs me, that an intelligent per
son who arrived yesterday in town from Poalskill, acquainted
him, that the obstructions in the Highlands are in great
forwardness ; and that the eneray, should they attempt that
passage, will raeet with a raost vigorous resistance. I wish
our situation at Ticonderoga raay be as respectable. I ex
pect great raatters from the influence, conduct, and activity
of Schuyler, and from the military knowledge of St. Clair,
who coramands at that post. Four French engineers arrived
here last week, engaged by our agents in France, by the
direction of Congress. They refuse to serve under De Cou-
dray. The terms on which these gentlemen engaged, are
modest and moderate ; a lieutenant colonel in the French
service is to be a colonel in our's, a major a lieutenant colonel.
and a lieutenant a captain.

Extract of a letter from
PHILADELPHIA, half after 12 o'clock, July 1st, 1777.
By a letter from Gieneral Washington, dated the 29th, and
just now received in Congress, we are informed that the

182 LIFE AND COKUESPONDENCL
enemy have all returned again to Amboy ; and, from appear
ances, are preparing for a general embarkation. The general
enclosed a letter from Lord Sterling, which mentions several
circumstances, inducing him to think the enemy, in the late
skirmish, lost a general officer, and that Lord Howe's son
was dangerously wounded. We took thirteen prisonei-s, and
have lost about as many, with three field pieces.

ANNAPOUS, November 28th, 1777.
My dear SiR — I ara under infinite obligations to you, foi'
coraraunicating the very important intelligence received from
Europe. I always esteemed it the real interest of France and
Spain to assist us; and, if necessary, to join in a war to
humble the insolence and pride of Britain. I wish, most cor
dially wish, to see that proud, wicked,-and tyrannical nation
reduced to beg terms of peace from her ancient and inveterate
enemy. Do you believe that the British eommissioners au
thorized Brown to inform Congress, that they would treat
with Congress, as such ; and, as a preliminary, would with
draw their troops, and grant the ternis of 1 763, and more,
or that they have any powers to treat on any terms?
I heartily approve the conduct of Cpngress. I am inform
ed from Albany, that during the convention, the military
chest was divided among the generals and officers, after pay
ing the troops, and the arras and the stores destroyed. Is a
convention binding under suCh circumstances? I beg leave to
suggest to your consideration, the propriety of Congress re
commending to the states to make continental loan office cer
tificates a tender in all cases ; by this measure, you will
corapel the tories to lend to the continent. E g. A, a whig,
owes B, a tory; if A pay B in money, B will not lend to
Congress, but will either lend to private persons, or specu
late. A may force him against his will, by paying his money
into the treasury, and giving him a loan office certificate. I
wish you all health and happiness.
Your affectionate and obedient servant,
SAMUEL CHASE.
The Hon. Richabd HEirtil Lee, Esq';
in Congress, Yorktown.

OP RICHARD HENRY LEE. 183,

BALTIMORE, July 2d, 1789.
Mt dear Sir— As the time approaches for the appoint
ment to office, the anxiety of the .applicants increases. Mr.
Harness is alarmed from the number of applicants ; and he
is told that the president will only nominate one person to
each office. The choice Pf the Senate will be great, and use
ful tb the public if this mode he pui'sued! They will have a
negative, if the president should again nominate the same
person, and persist; the office must be vacant, or his nomi
nation accepted. I remember it was held a maxim in British
politics, that all acts of bounty should flow from the king
alone — all refusals from his ministers. I hope tbis informa
tion is not true.
I sometimes see debates in the lower house of Parliament,
but none in the Senate. I hear their doors are locked ; if
true, I am sorry for it. I retain my republican principles,
although pur governraent, and the principles of the people,
are changed,, and are monarchical. I approve of the amend
ments of the Senate to the impost bill: the duties are yet too
high, and experience will prpve it. I think the subject of the
bill ought to have been divided : duties for revenue ; duties
for the regulation of trade ; and duties to encourage manufac
tures, if you have any power by the constitution to impose
taxes or duties fpr these purposes. I perceive by the bill for
the establishment of the judicial courts, that the jury trial is
secured If the jury trial depends on a law, I suppose it may
be modified, or taken away by another law. I think the bill
is ably drawn. I think there are some defects. The circuit
courts ought not to have, jurisdiction of cases under eight
hundred dollars, The district court ought to have jurisdic
tion of juries to amount of eight hundred dollars. The same
persons ought, on no account, to be judges of law and equity.
The restriction on the jurisdiction of the courts of equity will
render the court useless in a thousand instances, in which it
ought to have jurisdiction. It is difficult to define its jurisdic-
tipn, but the limitation will do great injury. I have written
my idea of a proper clause, pointing out in what cases the
equity courts shall have jurisdiction, to Mr. Hbusy. I con
sider the district court as the most useful and important ;
the superior court as the most honpnrable and profitable. If
it is intended to give the district judge jurisdiction of ... .
in time of war, his office will be vefy important, and will
require considerable abilities, as well as great integrity. I
say if intended, because it is omitted. Whatever I scribble

184 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
now, or at any time, is only for your private observation. If
I notice any thing to you, it is without the least intention of
giving offence to any one. If my opinion could prevail, I
would .... allowance to the  I have not heard
one person approve. It is flinging the government into the
hands of the wealthy or adventurous. Adieu, my dear sir ;
accept my best wishes for your health and prosperity; think
of my friend Harness, and believe me to be, at all times.
Your affectionate friend,
And obedient servant,
SAMUEL CHASE.

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 1 85

VIRGINIA CORRESPONDENCE.

Dear Sir — In return for your kindness in sending the
two Maryland acts, iraposing taxes by assessment, I am
sorry that I cannot furnish you with an authentic copy of
the charter granted by King James. The papers belonging
to the House of Delegates, among which that grant is, were
long since sent to Richmond ; and I do not believe the per
son in whose care they are, can readily find it. Before you
reached Philadelphia, or soon afterwards, you probably heard
of the arrival of a British fleet in the Chesapeake. Whilst it
was in suspense, whether their destination was for Virginia,
goyernment was making some preparations for its defence :
if they had made a descent here, how inadequate the forces
that could have been drawn together would have been, I need
not explain to you. They however soon disappeared. It is
supposed that they are bound to the head of the bay ; and that
the troops on board will march towards Philadelphia : if they
should take that route, and General Washington had left the
city, as we are informed he did the lOtii instant, some of us
fear it may be attended with bad effects, unless he can return
time enough to obstruct the progress of the enemy. Several
of the Gloucester men from the lower part of the county,
oven of those who were assembled upon tlus occasion, refused
to take the oath of fidelity : Mr. Camen and our countryman
Mr. Hubard, of this city, declined it, alleging that they de
sired time to consider of it: I have heard too, that many in
another county, are very scrupulous on this head. It is pity
we cannot act with more unanimity and more vigour : nothing
else seems wanting to conclude this contest happily and
speedily ; an event whicii I despair not of, nor wouW despair
of, if all the tories,  patriots, and triniraing neuters were
at Howe's head-quarters. It appears to rae, whatever may be
achieved by the enemy, or however they may be disappoint
ed in this expedition, tbat the earliest intelligence of their
operations ought to be dispersed. No doubt our delegates,
ill their ordinary correspondence with government, will be
Vox. IL— B b

186 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
as comraunicative as can be reasonably wished, yet partic"'^*^
information frora you, sir, will be esteemed a favour. Present
my compliments, if you please, to your brother, and believe
me to be yoUr friend,
GEORGE WYTHE,
WiiirAMSBUHG, 24th August, 1777.
Col. RicBAnn Heitby Lee

WILLIAMSBURG, 18th October,

Well I know, sir,, how much of your time is taken up in
the important duties of your station, nor do I wish to inter
rupt you, even so long, as it would require^ to answer a let
ter from me, unless you think you cannot be better employed.
This I write chiefly to remind you, how acceptable a line frora
you will be; and further, that I would very gladly be ac
quainted with your sentiments upon taxation, a topic which
we expect at the approaching session will he copiously dis
cussed. When you were so obliging as to send me the Mary
land act, you had not considered it, perhaps you may have
since had leisure to do so, and if you have, I need npt tell
you, what advantage may be derived from your observa
tions. , I am, dear sir, your obedient,
GEORGE WYTHE.
RlcaiBD HiNBr Lee, Member of the
Continental Congress, now at York,
Pennsylvania.

Dear Sir — The letter concerning the leases was mentioned
in the House, but so slighted, and treated in such a manner,
that I had not occasion to acquaint the House with What you
had written to me upon that subject. I had hopes, when I
received your last obliging letter, that Sir William Howe
would before this time have been driven out of Philadelphia,
but it seems he remains there still ; perhaps he will not find
it an eligible station, nor think it worth holding, if our gar
rison at Mud Island Fort, w hich I think have done meritorious
service, can be supported so as to keep his brother, in the
British fleet, below the Chevaux de Frise. Onr Assembly
have entered on the consideration of taxes, which every one
appears to concur in imposing, but have not made any great
progress in it. Bills are ordered to be brought in for esta
blishing the courts of justice, and one of them, I expect, will
be presented to day. We were all very happy for a time, by

OF RICH.ARD HENRY LEE. 187
the report of General Burgoyne's surrender, but some begin
to doubt the truth of it, because, as it is said, no letters in con
firmation of it, have been received frora the victorious Gates.
Be so kind as to put an end to, our suspense so soon as may
be. The British ships of war are yet in the waters of the
Chesapeake. I am, dear sir.
Your most obedient servant,
GEORGE WYTHE.
WiiLiAMSBUBO, 6th November, 1777.
Honourable Ricuabd Henbt Lee, Esq.
one of the Delegates in Congress,
for Virginia.

WILLIAMSBURG, August 1, 1778.
Dear Sir — I find I am in your debt for interesting intel
ligence, and feel myself able to discharge it no otherwise
than by thanking you; for I hear nothing in this quarter
lately, worth communicating ; I say discharge, for an ethic
writer, of the first class, hath taught me, that gratiam et
qui retuKt habet, et qui habet dissolvit. By anpther way,
however, I may be even with you. The pleasure you will
be sensible of when I tell you, that letters from you at all
times augment my happiness, must remunerate you for the
trouble it costs you to write them. This consideration en
couraged rae to hope for tbe continuance of a correspondence,
valuable, I know, to one, and not otherwise, I flatter rayself,
to tlie other. Shall I put the papers in the suit brought in
the name of Mr. Gaskins, agaiiist Mr. Pinckard, into the
hands of our attorney general? I have better reasons for
recommending bim than that I have a kindness for him. Pre
sent my compliments to your brother, and my other country
men, and be assured that I am your friend,
GEORGE WYTHE.
Honourable RichaUb Henet Lee,
Member of Congress, for Vir
ginia, Philadelphia,

WILLIAMSBURG, June 5, 1778.
Dear Sir — I am now to acknowledge the receipt of two
of your favours, during the session of Assembly, but there,
being littie to communicate to you, and that, being a busy

188 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
time with me, has prevented my doing it sooner. The As
sembly rose on Monday last; their only act, which can shortly
aid our army, was one for raising a regiment of horse, which,
I think, will be raised as fast as it can be accoutred. Another
act they passed, will, also, produce aid to our army, I hope,
but it will be some time first; it was for giving great encou
ragement to soldiers, and appointing recruiting officers all
over the Country, to attend all public places. By a third act,
they foolishly repeated the experiment of raising volunteers ;
the first attempt was pardonable, because its ill success could
not be foreseen ; the second is worse than ridiculous, because
it may deceive our friends ; I am satisfied there will not be a
company raised. I wish Congress would commute a good
part of the infantry required from us, for an equivalent force
in horse. This service opens to us a new fund of young men,
Who have not yet stepped forth ; I mean those whose indo
lence or education, has unfitted them for foot-service ; this
may be worth your thinking of. We passed the bill of par
don, recomraended by Congress, but the Senate rejected it-
Your letter, about enlarging your powers over the confedera
tion. Was not proceeded on, because the nature of the en
largement was not chalked out by you so intelligibly as
enabled the house to do any thing, unless they liad given a
carte blanche. Indeed, I believe, that, had the alterations
proposed been specified, unless they had been mere form
indeed, it raight have been difficult to obtain their consent
A Frenchman arrived here a week ago, with a vast cargo of
woollens, made and unmade, stockings, shoes, &c. fit for tiie
army, fifty-thousand weight of powder, and other articles;
the raaster had once sold the whole cargo, to the governor
and council,^r 5s. 3d. the livre, first cost; but, on suggestions
from some of our forestallers, and those from Maryland, he
flew off. Our bay is clear of the enemy. Nothing new here.
I set out for Albemarle, within a day or two. Mr. Harvie will
be witii you in about three weeks. My compliments to ypur
brethren of the delegation, and ara, dear sir.
Your friend and servant,
THOMAS JEFFERSON.
To Richabd Hesbt Lee, Esquire,
Of the Virginia Delegation,
Yorktown.

OF RICHARD HENUY LEE. 189

WILLIAMSBURG, June 17, 1779.
Dear Sir — I received your letter, and kind congratula
tions, for which I return you ray thanks. In a virtuous
government, and more especially in times like these, public
offices are, what they should be, burthens to those appointed
to them, which it would be wrong to decline, though foreseen
to bring with them intense labour, and great private loss. I
am, also, still to thank you for a former favour, enclosing a
song and receipt. We have little new here. Colonel Clarke's
expedition against St. Vincents, you know of ; his prisoners
are arrived at Chesterfield, and three of thera brought to this
place, to be severely dealt with; the enclosed paper will
explain that matter. We have 300 men, under Colonel
Bowman, in the Shawanee country, of whom wc hope to
receive good accounts ; the destruction of the villages of the
Cherokees, at Chuchamogga, and taking their goods, &c.
has brought them to sue fbr peace ; but the happiest stroke
was the burning twenty-thousand bushels of corn, collected
there for the use of the expeditions, which were to bave been
adopted at the great council. Governor Hamilton had called
at the mouth of the Tanissee, as mentioned in the within
paper. It is a cruel thought, that, when we feel ourselves
standing on the firmest ground, in every respect, the cursed
arts of our secret enemies, combining with other causes,
should effect, by depreciating our money, what the open arms
of a powerful enemy could not. What is tp be done? Tax
ation is become of no account, for it is foreseen, that, not
withstanding its increased amount, there will still be a
greater deficiency than ever. I own I see no assured hope,
but in peace, or a plentiful loan of hard money.
I shall be obliged by your letters, when convenient to you
to write. I never was a punctual correspondent to any ])ef-
son, as I must own to my shame ; perhaps my present office
will put it more out of my power ; however, as it may some
times furnish me with matter which may induce me to hope
my letters may be worth sending, I may venture to say, you
shall hear from me whenever I can get over the two-fold diffi
culty of many letters of absolute necessity to write, and an
innate aversion to that kind of business.
I ara, dear sir, .
Your friend and servant,
THOMAS JEFFERSON.
Richabd Hekbt Lee, Esquire,
Westmoreland,

190 LIFE AND COURESPONDENCE

IN COUNCIL, March 10, 1781.
Sir — At the request of Major General Baron Steuben, ex
pressed in the enclosed letter, I take the liberty of laying it
before you. The number of militia necessary to be called
into the field, and time of their being there, we begged the
baron to advise. He did so. Apprehending deficiencies, we
ordered a considerably larger number. As soon as we re
ceived the letters informing us of the deficiencies from New
Kent, and desertions from Cabin Point, finding, that, with
those of Loudoun, the number would be reduced below what
he desired, we ordered three hundred and fifty-one from the
counties of Chesterfield, and Dinwiddie. The time fixed by
the baron, for tbe first reenforcement, was the 6th instant;
our orders were that they should be there on the 6th or 6th,
at furthest ; they were not there, it seems, on the 7th. A
number of horses were required for special purposes ; we
furnished the quartermaster with impressing powers. He
applied for militia to aid him in tbe execution of the powers.
We knew that an arraed force to impress horses was as un
necessary as it was new. The fact has been, that our citi
zens, so far from requiring an armed force for this purpose,
have parted with their horses too easily, by delivering them
to every man who said he was riding on public business, and
assumed a right of impressing. When, therefore, the militia
have on their bands a sufficiency of real calls to duty, we did
not think proper to harass them in cases where, we had rea
son to believe, they were not wished by the quartermaster as
militia, but as servants. It was mentioned to the quarter
master, that, in our opinion, he could and should do but little
in this neighbourhood, and that of Petersburg, which had
been drained by constant impresses ; nevertheless, we fur
nished him with blank powers, to be exercised where he
pleased. I have the honour to be.
With very great respect, sir.
Your most ob't and most humble serv't.
THOMAS JEFFERSON.
The Hon. Richabd Henet Lee.

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 191

WILLIAMSBURG, October 15, 1775.
Dear Sir — I have by express, your obliging favour of the
Sth ; we were in some sort, prepared for the disagreeable in
telligence of the small hopes of an accommodation, by re
ports and papers here intimating the same thing. Colonel
Corbin has a letter from a hand, connected in some raanner
with Admpn, that the plan was to withdraw all troops, and
send raen of war and cutters, to put a stop to all foreign
trade, and that with each other, and so starve us into sub
mission. If this is the case, perhaps Shuldham may not
bring troops. Our affairs may perhaps take another turn,
when the Congress petition and the Virginia representation
against Lord Dunmore, reaches the people there. These
fuiious measures seem to have been suddenly adopted on the
arrival of Lady Dunmore, no doubt with cargoes of aggra
vating letters and misrepresentations from our hero, and just
after some fears of Admon respecting the Spaniards, were
quieted by their loss among the Algerines ; whatever be our
state, 1 hope we shall meet it with fortitude. Had we arms
and ammunition, it would give vigour to our measures. Wc
hourly hoped to hear of the arrival of the necessaries, but
now fear we shall be defeated. A villain has given Lprd
Dunmore information of it, and he has six or seven tenders
plying out for it about tbe capes. What cap such a parricide
deserve ? We have been sitting a month, and yet see no
hopes of a recess ; we are thin, and some present unwell.
Colonel Thomas is among the healthy. Nine companies of
regulars are here, and seem very clever men; others we hear
are ready, and only wait to collect arms. Lord Dunmore's
forces are only one hundred and sixty as yet, entrenched at
Gosport, and supported by the ships drawn up before that
and Norfolk. I have heard of no attempt of his since seiz
ing the printer, and a ship with flour, from Baltimore, ex
cept sending a party to Sleepy Hole, in pursuit of ^pme pow
der we had there, which be mi.ssed about three hours. Most
of the inhabitants of Norfolk, except tories, have moved out
their families and valuable effects. Lord Dunmore, it is said,
is rauch afraid of the riflemen, and has all his vessels caulk
ed up on the sides, above men's height, however, they may
perhaps pay him a visit, ere long. The good news relative
to General Schuyler, came as a reviving cordial after the
other ; nothing has yet happened more important in my opi
nion, than this event, if completed, as I hope it is before now

192 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
Pray present my affectionate compliments to your worthy
brethren and the ladies.
I am, with great regard,
YoUr affectionate and obedient servant,
EDMD. PENDLETON,
To Richabd Hkkbt Lee, Esq. of Virgini,i,
now at Philadelphia.

CAROLINE, April 8, 1776.
Dear Sir — On Friday last. General Lee arrived safe in
Williamsburg, in a very rainy day, and much fatigued ; we
considered him as a valuable acquisition, and esteem it a
favour in Congress to sjiare him to this department, where,
most pepple here think, the gentry who found Boston too hot
fpr them, will come, and be joined by tiie much talked of
powerful force frora Europe. However, I am not of that opi
nion, and think they either raean a descent upon some other
part of New England they like better, or, perhaps, by divid
ing our army, may purpose to return tP Boston with greater
advantage, or else to go to Halifax, and wait for the season to
go up to Quebec. General Lee thinks if they corae here, they
will certainly make Williamsburg their objeqt, and on that
supposition is going to entrench it. I hear since I came
away, he has ordered all the battalion.s from tiieir stations to
that place, whicii has made the people in town very happy,
but I fear will be very alarming to other parts, particularly
the Northern Neck, w ho were before uneasy, on the appear
ance of tenders in Potomac and Rappahannoc. It was men
tioned in comraittee before I came away, it would be proper
to request our delegates to transmit all public proceedings of
Congress, to be laid before convention at their meeting ; they
will probably have wrote on the subject, but I mentionit
least they should frora hurry overlook it. I have seen your
resolves about reprisals. Is it considered as a law we are
now to execute by granting commissions ? or must we wait for
a confirmation by our convention ? Elections are coming on ;
it seems Colonel Francis and Mr. Carter, are left out, by the
bulk ofthe freeholders being absent, not expecting a contest,
I am, dear Sir,
Your most obedient humble servant,
EDMD. PENDLETON,
To Richabd Henbt Lee, Esq.
at Philadelphia.

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 193

CAROLINE, Sept. 13, 1777.
Dear Sir — Since your first letter gave me notice of your
return to Philadelphia, I have not missed a post paying you
my respects, till the last, when I happened to be much en
gaged. I thank you for your favour of the 2d, which en
closed a handbill of General Arnold's having compelled the
enemy to raise the siege of fort Schuyler in so precipitate a
manner, as to give us some valuable things; I hope the web is
made so strong for him as, ere this, to make him the govern
ed in some strong hold of ours, instead bf Governor of Fort
WiUiam in North Britain. The instance mentioned by Ge
neral Gates, of his having paid for the scalps of innocent
helpless people, is shocking to humanity, not to say, Christi
anity, and proves that English bravery has fled with it, and
we shall that way derive advantages equal to the sufferings
of our poor country women and children. It would seem as
if a battle on Delaware was now unavoidable, and I shall
daily expect to hear of it. From all accounts we have, our
army are healthy, in spirits, and w^ill supplied, and with the
militia are greatly superior to the enemy. Our cause is just,
as we are only defending our lives and properties, the gift of
God, against the most cruel invaders ; and therefore, I think
we may with confidence, hope for the divine assistance. I
have just heard from Williamsburg, that the Caroline troop
of horse had marched to Portsmouth, but not the occasion,
perhaps we may hear by post. I wish the enemy's ships had
shared the same fate as their bouses, that they might, de
prived of those canvass wings, h^ve no better means of
moving than we have.
I am, dear Sir,
Ypur most affectionate Servant,
EDMUND PENDLETON.
To Richabd Henbt Lee, Esq.
in Philadelphia.

CAROLINE, October 11, 1777.
Dear Sir— Your favour of September I6th, reached me
yesteirday, and that of the 1st instant, tbis morning. I had
before received a very succinct account of the  victory
we had complimented General Howe with, and every letter
from Congress and the army conveyed the pleasing news that
our army were on their raarch to a new rencounter with re
doubled ardour and spirits ; judge then sir, of my feelings,
Vol. il— C c

194

LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

when I was a fortnight in suspense for any certain intelli
gence, but yet almost every day teased with loose reports
that Howe had passed Washington, and got into Philadelphia
without firing a gun. ~ The various causes assigned for it,
rather increased than lessened tbe wonder, and I buffeted the
fact wherever I met the story ; your last favour clears up the
perplexity, and assigns a very satisfactory cause for tbe re
treat of our army. I am perfectly resigned to the providen
tial interposition at the moment hostilities were begun, and
by the same overruling hand, it may be that our purpose is
another  effected without the effusion of blood, which
would probably bave then followed. We are now told that
General Putnam possesses Philadelphia, with a strong body,
and Howe encamped at the Chesnut Hills, seven miles off,
with General Washington seven miles beliind him ; however
this be, if we can keep the ships belpw the fort, the city can
not be eligible quarters for him long, and the ships will only
serve to cover his retreat and embarkation for sorae other
place ; if that should be Virginia, and our army can give
them another victory, or two, such as the former, before they
come off; I think General Nelson with our militia, will give a
good account of the rest The state of- our affairs in the
north is pleasing, and by divine assistance, promises us the
most important, beneficial consequences from a very unpro
mising root, the former surrender of Ticonderoga. The
check given to Burgoyne's army, his wound, and the loss of
so many raen, must dispirit them and animate our people.
who should however prepare for a most desperate defence
from soldiers whose retreat is cut off, and will not soon agree
to surrender. I am glad Congress have found a Mount
Arrarat, and hope the communication between them and the
southward, will now be open and regular. I have continued
to write by every post, but uncertain whether they haye
reached you, as I was inforraed no northern rider came to
Fredericksburg. The crisis is important, may wisdom guide and union at
tend your councils, and may the God of batties strengthen
the nerves of the soldiery, and enable them to crush tyranny.
and establish peace and security for America.
Dear sir, affectionately yoiirs,
EDMUND PENDLETON.
Richa-bd Henbt Lee, Esq., at Congress, York.

OP RICHARD HENRY LEE. 195
EDMONSBURG, February 28th, 1785.
Dear Sir — I have not heen favoured with any letter from
you since December 19th, nor do I expect anPther until after
you shall have received mine; accepting of your kind offer
of reviving a former correspondence. I have nothing worth
coraraunicating of foreign or domestic intelligence, and there
fore it shall be the purpose of this, to make a few observa
tions on some of our late laws. You'll have been informed,
that an act has passed for incorporating tbe Episcopal church,
the minister (where there is one) and vestry, are raade the
corporation in each parish, with power to take care of the
property, and to elect a layman, to accompany the priest to
the convention, where rulers are to be formed for the govern
ment of the church, and providing for a succession in the
ministry. The vestries, as many of them are said not to be
of that church, are all dissolved, and a new election is to be
made on Easter Monday, by the members of the church only ;
their power, I am told, is confined to the affairs of the church,
and that there are to be overseers of the poor in each parish,
elected by the people at large, to make the right of represen
tation as extensive as the power of taxation, and to avoid all
suspicion of partiality in the assembly, to that church. The
act was preceeded by a resolution that they would pass laws
for incorporating any society of Christians, who should de
sire it. I ara not able tp discover in this law, any thing
which can justly alarm any other society, no more than in
another bill, (which is put off till the next session) for a ge
neral assessment to support religious teachers, with a right
of appropriation in the prayer ; yet in both some very saga
cious gentlemen, can spy designs to revive the former esta
blishment, which I believe, do not exist in the minds of any
member of that church, the clergy and a few monarchy men
excepted. A recomraendation has gone forth to elect mera
bers to meet in convention at Richmond, in May, when, I ara
told, the clergy mean to recommend the plan adopted in New
York, as the ground of proceeding ; and so much for these
laws. An assize law hath at length passed, but its operation sus
pended, till tbe first of January next, I suppose with the in
tention to collect the sense of the country, upon its propriety
and utility in general, as well as upon the particular plan of
it, and give an opportunity of repealing or altering it, before
it had begun to operate ; a deep reflection on the subject, Jias
long convinced me, that this measure is unexceptionable, and
absolutely necessary for the speedy and easy administration

196 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
of justice in this extensive country. But, whether we are
arrived at the period proper for its adoption, depends upon
many circumstances too delicate for me to mention, espcciatiy
as the decision depends on others and not on me ; with them
therefore I leave it. The sheriffs coraplain of great diffi
culty in the collection of taxes ; which, I believe, proceeds
frora a struggle between the merchants and planters, to les
sen and keep up tbe price of tobacco. Why the assembly did
not continue to receive coramodities, I know not, but am
persuaded they have injured botb the people and the revenue
by the measure. Adieu for the present. Dear sir.
Your most obedient and affectionate servant,
EDMUND PENDLETON,
His Excellency Richabd Henbt Lee, Esq.
in New York.

EDMONSBURG, March the 7th, 1785.
Dear Sir — Post day has again arrived without my having
received a letter from you, or acquired any intelligence worth
communicating. The continental storm haying blown over,
the systems of the courts of London and Madrid, may possi
bly change, particularly the latter, who can promise itself
very little countenanuc (in shutting up the navigation of the
Mississippi from sp great a number of its settlers, against
natural right, and a fair construction of treaties,) from those
powers, who have in their mediation, compelled the opening
of the Scheldt, against explicit and repeated treaties. The
precedent is strong, and applies a fortiori.
People here are sitting in judgment upon a late vote in
Congress, appropriating a sum of money towards raisino- a
new city for their residence. They call in question the power
of Congress, to put their hand into the public purse for tbis
purpose; and, admitting the power, arraign their prudence
in the exercise of it, at a time, when our faith in the discharge
of former engagements, calls for the utmost exertions of our
abilities in finance, and perhaps requires more than can be
complied with, without a degree of distress which endangers
our infant government. Pray enable me, to advocate Con
gress on these heads, which at present I feel myself unequal
to. You'll have heard, that the act providing for the pay
ment of British debts, was one of two that was left unsigned
by the speaker of the Delegates, for want of an House at the
close of the session. I suppose it will be thought in Britain,
that this was a contrivance to suspend the operation of the

OF RICHAUD HENRY LEE. 197
remedy, inadequate as they may deem it; indeed we are told,
that the North British merchants have applied to their minis
try to enforce this part of their treaty. In the mean time,
the learned in the law are divided here, on a question whether
the act, haying passed both branches of the legislature, is not
in force, though it wants the signatureof one of the speakers.
I wish no parts of the law were subject to raore important
consequences, than the decision of that question. I am, with
great regard, dear sir.
Your affectionate and obedient servant,
EDMUND PENDLETON.
nis Excelllency Richabd Henbt Lee, Esq,
New Y'ork.

EDMONSBURG, Virginia, April 18th, 178.).
Dear Sir — An indisposition has prevented ray paying you
my respects for some weeks past, and am yet very feeble ;
however, I have taken up the pen, to thank you fbr your very
obliging favours of the 17th and 26th of March. I ara truly
sensible of the alraost unremitted demands of office upon your
time, (and concerned to find that ill health is superadded,
which, I hope, the approaching warm season, salutary to age.
will reraove) and whilst I acknowled.ge how rauch the valur
of a letter is increased by that circurastance, I ara to entreat.
you will not let your politeness interfere with business or
health ; I will be thankful for a letter when a leisure moment
turns up, and you are quite at ease.
I think the slow movements of the emperor towards the
field, strongly indicates his intention to make an amicable
end ofthe dispute; and "true itis 'tis pity, hut pity it is 'tis
true," that he will probably in yielding, lose much political
character in Europe; for to a philosophic mind it would ap
pear more reasonable to yield a small claim, however just in
itself and useful to a few of his citizens, and wait for some
more convenient season for attaining it, than precipitately
to involve his country and perhaps all Europe in a war, iii
the event of which, nothing would be certain, except the loss
of much blood and treasure. Spain has probably hostile in
tentions, but if it be true, that she has begun by a squabble
with Britain about the Musquito shore, and South Americans
are in ill humour with her government, she may find her
hands full of employment without disturbing us. I am glad
to hear,, that the European powers lend an attentive ear to

19S LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
propositions for treaties of commerce, a subject more sonorous*
to an American, than luar. 1 can't help thinking, that the
British court are right, in having all propositions between
them and us, agitated citiicr in London or America ; indeed
during the war, and in the treaties for putting an end to it,
Paris was very properly fixed on as the rcndevouz of the
plenipotentiaries, but in peace the case is altered, and we
ha\'e only to take care that we enter into no engagements in
consistent with good faith to France, and satisfy that court
of it, by communicating what is done, as becomes finends. I
hope Mr. Adams will find the court of London sincere in her
professions on this subject. Noise and dissipation, are stated
enemies to wisdom and deliberation, in public councils in
their neighbourhoods, and I should think that consideration
alone, a sufficient reason for the determination of Congress
to found a new city for their session, if they could there be
secure of the w ished for retirement ; but I fear they will carry
with them, the seeds of those evils wherever they go : pardon
me sir, I don't mean in tiieii- conduct or dispositions, but
considering them as the Araerican court, the residence of
foreign rainisters and their suites, as well as the rendevouz
of foreign travellers of distinction, I fear that virtue and quiet
will be short lived in your new city.
I am happy to find tliat your sentiments accord with mine,
on the subject of a general assessment, as I know they for
merly did on that of. circuit courts. I hear there are consi
derable clamours against both, and cannot foresee, what will
probably be the decision of the next asserably upon either ;
but as your reasoning on both, though short, is very forcible,
I know I shall have your pardon for publishing that as an
extract, as it may be useful to the raembers, who I fear will
need it, as I can truly say, that I have heard of but one elect
ed, who is acquainted with business, and he not a very indus
trious one. I shall never publish any intelligence, which
may be supposed to come to you from our ministers abroad,
without particular permission.
There seems to be an untoward fate attending the impost,
'that when Rhode Island had just come into the measure, an
opposition should be found in the senate of New York ; and
so I suppose they will throw in the black ball, one after ano
ther, and always defeat it.
Governor Harrison has lost his election in Charles City,
which he imputes, I hear, to the intrigues of his old friend
the speaker, and is, as usual, very angry, that he should raeet
with this reward from the people, for thirty-six years faithful

OP RICHARD HENRY LEE.

199

service. I am, with my best wishes for your healtii, and
every sentiment of esteem and regard, dear sir.
Your affectionate and obedient servant,
EDMUND PENDLETON.
His Excellency Richabd Henbt Lee, Esq.,
New York.

WIL LIAMSBUKG, February 20th, 1776.
Dear Sir — I have just received yours ofthe 15th instant,
and have snatched a moment to write a few lines in answer^
to it. I approve much of your plan of publishing the hand-bill,
and would, before this, have executed it, if ray indisposition
and Mrs. Page's illness, added to an incessant round of busi
ness, had not prevented me.
The method you mention for removing the spikes from
cannon, is certainly good ; hut it is said the cannon at Nor
folk are rendered useless, by being broken at their trunnions
and buts. I will endeavour, sir, to prevail on our committee
to send you regularly authentic accounts of every material
occurrence here, and of the state of the enemy's strength. I
wrote you yesterday an account of the arrival of another man
of war, and a transport or two ; this report has not been con
tradicted, nor have we yet heard from whence or what these
ships are. Captain Hammond of the Robuck, wc are well
assured, has behaved with great politeness and humanity to
several of our people. Lord Dunmore had written a letter
to Colonel Corbin, in whicii he offers to go to England to
negotiate peace ; he professes the warmest attachment to this
country, and says that he lays hold on the last sentence in
tbe king's speech, to offer his services to procure a lasting.
speedy, and honoui-ablc accommodation. No one, but Lord
Dunmore, could have applied that sentence in the manner he
has. I will send you a copy of the letter by the post. Colonel
Corbin laid the letter before the committee of safety, and
received a letter from the committee, which I will also send
you. In it we told the colonel, that we were neither empow
ered nor inclined to intermeddle with the raode of negotiation :
tbat w-e looked to the Congress for the management of this
iraportant matter ; but added, we would lay his letter before
tbe asserably, which is to raeet on their adjournment, and
that Lord Dunmore raight manifest his good intentions by
suspending hostilities. Colonel Corbin set out this raorning
to Harapton, with orders to Colonel Grayson to send him
with a flag of truce to Lord Dunmore. We gave him to un-

200 ^^^^ AND CORRESPONDENCE
derstand, tiiat his lordship Siiould deliver up tiie slaves now
with him immediately. The old gentleman went off in great
hopes of procuring a month's truce at least, and seemed de
termined to give Captain Hammond a true statement of Lord
Dunmore's conduct. Since writing my letter of yesterday,
the committee have ordered down the saltpetre which had
been sent to Petersburg, to be worked up by Buckstrout. I
hope from this that they will at length encourage hira, and
enable hira to carry on the manufacturing of gunpowder to a
considerable extent. The report ofthe burning of Portsmouth
was entirely without foundation.
I ara, dear sir, your affectionate, humble servant,
JOHN PAGE.
P. S. I think you had better attend the Assembly. You
will be more wanted here than at the Congress.
J. P.
To Richabd Henbt Lee, Esq.
of Chantilly.

WILLIAMSBURG, July 10th, 1778.
Dear Sir — I was not at home when the post brought your
letter, and therefore could not acluiowledge the receipt of it
by its return ; but snatch a moment by the return of this
week's post, to thank you for your letter and paper enclosed.
I am highly pleased with the answer of Congress to the Bri
tish commissioners ; it was a glorious contrast to their pro
posals. I heartily congratulate you on tbe retreat of the
British army from Philadelphia, and on your return to that
city, and hope shortiy to have the pleasure to congratulate
you on their total defeat, or capitulation at least The sooner
wc can be informed of the defeat or escape of the enemy, the
better ; because I should think, in either case, we might lay
aside the extravagant scheme of the volunteer horse and foot.
I wrote a few lines yesterday to your brother, the doctor, in
France, enclosing him the latest Pennsylvania papers, and
the hand-bill giving an account of the flight and defeat of the
British army, and sent my letter by a vessel which set sail
in two or three days. The governor sent, by the same
opportunity, some letters and despatches, I believe from
Congress. I am, dear sir, your affectionate, humble servant,
JOHN PAGE.
To Richabd Henbt Lee, Esq.
A Delegate in Congress, at Philadelphi*.

op RICHARD HENRY LEE. 201
WlLLIAMSBtJRG, October 15th,1778.
Dear Sir — I this moraent received your letter of thfe first
instant, enclosing the vote of Congress respecting the canhoii
in North Carolina. The board have not yet had leisure td
consider whether they will accept of them on the terms pro
posed or liot I have jtist received a letter from Dr. Lee,
informing me that he expected to procure the cannon and
other military stores, which our board had written to Mr.
Williara Lee to purchase for this state. The letter, is of an
old date. May the 27th, 1778, and therefore contains no rtews ;
but the doTctor says he had been informed, that the British
army was to be withdrawn, leaving a strong garrison at
Halifax ; and that the fleet was to exert its whole force in
annoying our coasts, and cutting off our trade — ^by this means
endeavouring to worry us into a compliance with the com
missioners' propositions. I congratulate you on the success
of the French fleet on the English coast. This, with the news
ofthe loss of Dominica, and the frigate? in the West Indies,
and those at Rhode Island, added to the severe check their
naval force has received in America, and the defeat of their
army in two battles, must give a shock to the British minis
try that I think they will not be able to withstand, The
minority must gain strength every day ; and I should even
suppose that the militia, having arms in their hands, may
feel themselves of importance enough to begin to think and
judge for themselves ; and if so, there must be at least a
change of ministers and measures. The independence of
America, and peace with France, raay be the consequence of
this— ap event truly desirable ; but I confess tbat I am al
most afraid of' making peace with England, before the deep
I'oOted prejudices of some of our countrymen in favour of that
artful people, are eradicated — or at least before we can con
quer the aversion too raany Araericans have conceived against
the French. I really am apprehensive, if a peace were shortly
to take place, that; the English Would again engross nearly
the ^hole trade of America, ingratiate themselves so with
lis, as atmost to wheedle us into some connexions with them,
which raight prove fatal tb oiir liberties, especially after they
had sufficiently undermined the French interest in America,
and had worked theii- court up to a proper pitch of jealousy
and resentment ; sothati though I ardently wish for peace,
yet I am almost afraid of its consequences. I fear we have
riot wisdom arid virtue enough to conduct ourselves properly
in such a trying situation — when that luxury, avarice, and
indolence, which w^ see already possessing so many Ameri-
Vol. IL— D d

20 a LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
can breasts, to the utter exclusion of every virtuous senti
ment or feeling for their country, may be so much more
completely indulged and gratified : and yet, such is our un
happy situation, frora a thousand concurring circumstances,
that I dread the consequences of another campaign. Should
tbe French fleet be obliged to leave us for want of proper
supplies, or be called off to the West Indies or to Europe,
and should the enemy, discovering the difficulties we shall be
under of supplying our army with provisions, resolve not to
quit New York and Rhode Island ; I fear we shall want more
virtue to support us, than could be easily found on such an
emergency. But heaven forbid that we should have any such
occasion for such exertions of virtue. Adieu, my dear sir,
and believe me to be, yours,
JOHN PAGE.
P. S. Since writing the within, the board have directed
the agent for the state to pay for the cannon iraraediately,
should they be approved of by the officer sent to receive
them. I have enclosed you a copy of the paper you sent me,
and which you received from the commercial committee, to
show you that they have comniitted an error somewhere in
their state of the account. J. P.

Mt dear Sir — Since your letter ofthe 1st of September,
we have heard nothing with certainty respecting the northern
army, and but little from that under General Washington.
I fear the post must have fallen info Mr. Howe's hands, for
we have seen nothing of him these two weeks past; we had a
report yesterday, that Burgoyne, with his whole army, was
totally defeated. I should be happy to hear it confirmed,
but fear there is no truth in it, as no mention is made of the
time or place, in which it happened, or by whom the victory
was obtained. I shall be glad to be informed ofthe particu
lars of the action of the 1 ith, and where General Washing
ton is at present. Has Congress moved from Philadelphia,
or do you intend to stay and act like the Roraan senators,
who offered their throats to the Gauls to be cut? I was, the
other day, in Williamsburg, where the people appeared to be
just composirtg themselves after the fright which theywere
thrown into by the appearance of the fleet in our bay. The

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 203
militia, which was drawn down there, were in high spirits,
and wished to be ordered to join General Washington, but
our council would not perrait General Nelson to march to
the northward, as he desired. It raay not be amiss to inform
you of one of the late arts of the disaffected. They, knowing
the reputation of Congress for truth, make use of the names
of its members as the means of gaining credit to their in
fernal lies. At Frazier's ferry, I saw one Card, of Urbanna,
who told me that he heard Colonel Corbin, at Mr. Braxton's,
say, that he had seen a letter from you, in which you mention
Howe's force, at that timp at Elk, to be 17,000 men, and
that a fleet of 200 ships was gone up the Delaware, with
another army. By such base means, they endeavour to in
timidate our people.
I am, dear sir, with great respect, your affectionate friend
and humble servant,
MANN PAGE, Jun.
Mansfield, September 23(1, 1777,
KicHABD Henbt Lee, Esquire,
In Congress, Philadelphia.

Mt dear Sir — I am greatly obliged to you for your two
last letters, which contain the raost agreeable and important
intelligence. Agreeable to your request, I have sent copies
of them to your brother, and have been these two days busied
in taking other copies for our friends ; a little of the same
sort of intelligence from Mr. Howe's army, w ould effectually
determine our cause, and fix our independence beyond tbe
power of the tyrant's arms. I have not yet heard whether
bur asserably have proceeded to business. One thing, how
ever, I was informed of the other day, in Prince William,
which was, that the old faction was determined again to
attack your character in Assembly ; for which purpose, their
cats-paw has carried down with him to Williamsburg, an
attested copy of your letter to Scott. I am at a loss to say
whether their malice or their folly is greatest. I was of the
opinion, that your last victory oyer them was so complete
that they would hardly enter the lists with you again ; but,
in depraved minds, the hope of revenge is so sweet, they will
attempt any thing and every thing to effect their wicked pur
pose. Can't you spare time to corae and put to silence and

£04 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
confusion, such a set of miscreants. Colonel Mason has not
yet gone down ; he is busy, I am told, in preparing a bill
for a general assessment, and a militia bill.
I am, dear sir, with great respect,
Your affectionate friend,
MANN PAGE, Jun.
Mansfieid, October 27th, }777
RicHABi) Henbt Lee, Esquire,
In Congress, at Yorktown,
in Pennsylvania.

MANSFIELD, June 23(1, 1778.
Mt dear Sin. — The newspapers inform us that Lord
Carlislp, Governor Johnstone, and Mr. Eden, had arrived
at Philadelphia^ as commissioners from the court of London,
but we do not learn what powers they are vested with, or
whether they haye any others than those set forth in the acts
of Parliament. If they have nothing else to offer, I should
suppose they could bave no serious expectations that Con
gress would waste their time upPn a subject which they have
before considered, and, therefore, need not be over solicitous
for their secretary to be adraitted to Congress, unless they
raean to try the arts of corruption, since tbe force of arms
has failed. If that is their aim, I trust, they will find Ame
rican virtue too stubborn to admit of any impressions from
such base objects. Has the number of our forces increase^
so as to make our army respectable? Where are they, and
what are they doing? What seems to be the design of the
enemy? Have they received, or do they expect, any consi-,
derable reinforcements. We have no news in this part of the
country. Farewell, my dear sir.
Your affectionate friend,
MANN PAGE, Jun.
Richabd Henbt LeS, Esquire,
In Congress, Yorktown, in
Pennsylvania.

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 205

FREDERICKSBURG, June 15lh, 1781.
Mt DE AR Colonel — I ara honoured with yours of 14th inst
and find myself happy, in having an officer in the lower parts,
that gives satisfaction ; nothing but an absolute necessity at
ariy time induced the marquis to draw a single man from the
nprth side of Rappahanoc, be is well inforraed of their exposed
situation, and when they were on this occasion drawn together,
it w.as on a supposition that this quarter would be attacked ;
and nothing saved us frora a visit, but a fortunate circum
stance in taking up all the bridges ofthe marquis's rout, and
removing every thing from town that raade an object, of
which they got intelligence, and instantly struck at Char
lottsville. On their pointing so far sputh, I suggested to
the raarquis, the propriety of sending the troops under ray
coraraand, to the cultivation of their fields, under certain re
strictions ; I am tbis morning honoured with his approbation,
and have given directions accordingly ; they will return on
furlough till called on, whicb will not be till danger of a se
rious nature appears. In tbe mean tirae, their present ar
rangements had better be continued, which will add raore
security to the internal defence of their own counties, should
a party of plunderers visit you ; however, this I leave to your
own good judgraent, weU knowing your prudence and activity
in times of alarm. A general exertion, and close attention,
for a few raonths longer, will, I am perfectly certain, make
us a happy people. With respect to our operations on James
river, 1 refer you to Mr. Lee, who is now with me. Your
letters to Congress, were despatched per express. I have
every assurance of a plentiful supply of arms, by the first of
next month ; under these circumstances, I hope yet to see
the Big Knife extricate herself. Congress have ordered
three battalions of militia from Maryland, and four frora
Pennsylvania to our aid, and Maryland dragoons are now on
their raarch. I am endeavouring to form a small legion of
horse and foot, young men with no families, and volunteers,
for the general protection of the four lower counties ; pray
add your influence. They will cover the country in time of
harvest, and give the planters and farmers opportunity to
cultivate their fields. Colonel Nelson has general instruc
tions on that head. I am, with perfect respect and esteem.
Your obedient servant,
GEORGE WEEDON.
Col. RrcKAHi) Hekkt Lek, Westmoreland.

206 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE

FREDERICKSBURG, August 2d, 1781.
Mr DEAR Colonel — I am favoured with yours of yester
day's date, by Mr. Lee, and rest perfectly contented on the
score of intelligence, from the precautions you have so wisely
adopted. I inforraed you in a previous lettei, that a small
supply of arms and powder, would at any tirae be sent to you
on your order. Having no continental stores of a railitary
nature at this post, I have taken tbe liberty of sending you a
reenforcement, the property of the state, for which stretch of
authority, I must apologise to government. They wishing the
appropriation of the arms to be applied according to their
own ideas, at present, from the difficulties that have occurred
in consequence of the derangements in our state, they find it
hard to apply them properly ; I have, however, persuaded
them out of one thousan. stand forthe use of the Neck, which
at this time, lays at Noland's ferry, and will be brought for
ward so soon as I can get \ agons. These will be distributed
by their order, which will issue in favour of the counties,
who make their requisitions to the executive. Communicate
this hint to your, brother,  in the four lower counties ;
by which means, I make no doub t you will iraraediately get in
condition as to arms. Lead we have none ; I have repre
sented it several times to governraent, and was ever answered
they had none to furnish; the mines having failed, I ara at
a loss what to advise you to on this head, and must leave it
to your own invention and activity. The northern raail be
ing taken at, or near Wilmington, and carried to New York,
we have no intelligence from that quarter this week. The
Operations before New York, are (you may be well satisfied)
of a serious nature ; how far we have carried our approaches,
can't tell, having lost my letters by the villany of the post-
rider, or some other enemy. Not a word of an official nature
from General Greene ; reports however are favourable. I
am, with perfect esteem and attachment,
Your affectionate friend,
GEORGE WEEDON.
Col. RiCBATiD Henbt Lee,
commanding in Westmoreland co.

CAMP, GLOUCESTER COURT HOUSE, 20th Sept., 1781.
Dear Sir — 1 am so anxious that the distressed situation
of our army and thaf of our allieci, may not be the occasion
of fatal consequences, that I most earnestly request you to

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 207
give every assistance in your power, not only to aid the com
missioners in the collection, but in iraraediately forwarding
the cattle so collected, with the utmost despatch to General
Washington's army. Permit rae to assure you raost faith
fully, that this so necessary supply, can alone give the pro
mised glorious end of our honourable struggle, and every
nerve must be strained, that a raoraent be not lost. Your
judgraent will best direct tJie nearest rout, and have most
perfect dependence, that the Northern Neck will distinguish
itself on this occasion. You will turn out a sufficient num
ber of militia instantly, to forward this work. Orders are
gone on to the commissioners ; and this is only to pray your
influence on so important and momentous an occasion. You
are hereby empowered to impress every thing necessary to
facilitate this business. I am with esteem and respect.
Your obedient servant,
GEORGE WEEDON, B. G.
Col. RicBABD Henby Lee, Westmoreland co.

Sir — Lord Dunmore orders me to the Ohio with his lord
ship, to endeavour to put matters on a footing to establish a
lasting peace with the brave natives ; who, in ray opinion,
would behave well, were they not poisoned by the blackguard
traders allowed to go araong them, to their different towns.
This prevents ray attending the general Congress, where I
would expect to see the spirit of the Araphyctions shine, as
that illustrious council did in their purest times, before de
bauched with the Persian gold. The fate of America depends
upon your raeeting, and the eyes of the European world hang
upon you, waiting the event. Despotism, and the Roman
Catholic religion is established in Canada. Can we be said
to enjoy liberty, if the villain who ravishes our wives, de-
flours our daughters, or murders our sons, can evade punish
ment, by being tried in Britain, where no evidence can pur
sue hira ?
A governor to suppose me guilty of a crirae, and tell me
that there can be no fair trial in America ; that is, there are
not honest men to be found in my country to try me, he must
send me horae to rot in Newgate, is shocking to human na
ture. Could I get within musket shot of him, I would put
hira to death ; he should neVer attempt to send home another.
In the mean time, I must acquaint you, that the situation of
America, that is, the parts of it I am acquainted with, is un-

208 LU'E AND CORRESPONDENCE
happy in not bteiiig provided in arras and aramunition. At
the Congress this ought to be privately taken into considera
tion ; a plan laid for encouraging nurabers of gun-lock smiths
to come in ; a number of locks to be imported with caution,
to prevent suspicion ; and as many arms as could be got I
imagine that we want 100,000 stand of arms. We have great
difficulty in fitting out the few men we wanton this occasion.
Contrive a supply of ammunition ; let sonie be brought in by
every ship. I wish the united wisdom of America raay prevent
it, but I expect, from their determined system of arbitrary
power at home, that raatters will corae to extremity. It ap
pears to rae, that they intend to irritate Araerica into rebel-
lionj and then govern us like a conquered people. Try all
fair means with the greatest address to avoid it, but be pre
pared for the worst as soon as possible ; this ought not to
escape consideration at this time, and it is a thing that requires
the utmost address; Let us be provided with arms and am
munition, and individuals may suffer, but the gates of hel^
cannot prevail against America; our greatest enemies would
be the despotic, tools of Canada. Before provision is made
for these things, the hand of power will prevail. I wish the
happy issue of your councils, and ara with respect, sir,
Your most obedient humble servant,
ADAM STEPHEN.
Beekelet Codbthouse, August 27th, 1774.
P. S. Pardon this s'crawl, I ain on the march:

Mt DEAR Colonel — A grateful remerabrance of pld
friendship will, I hope, apologize for my troubling you so-
often, without bearing^ the iPast whisper from you, since I
came from the ShaWanese expedition.
The important session of Assembly, big with matters of
great moment, is now at hand. I wish that a firm and dis
passionate conduct raay shine through tiie whole, and all our
pasions may be soothed by agreeable accounts from the new
Parliament I must acknowledge my dread to hear from
them. Several sensible men, lately from England, inform
us the people there seem but little affected with our dispute ;
and that, they, witbout thought prconsideration, declare that
America- ought to be taxed.
In these troublesome times, it is absolutely necessary that
you pay the men employed in the late expedition ; they have
done honour to «ur country. The Indians are daily deliver-

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 209
ang up prisoners and horses, and do really stand in awe of
us. Unless the raen are paid off directly, their certificates
will be sold, for a fourtii part of their value, to pedlars and
store-keepers, and the brave men who did the service, be
nothing the better of their pay. Appoint coraraissioners
from below to settle the accounts ; let no interested persons,
or their connexions, be concerned in the affair; send the
squire up again, Tom Marshall and Frank Peyton, and as
many more as you think proper. By this means the people
will have justice done them, and, at the same tirae, many
thousands will be saved to the country. The House must
settle what pay they are to get per day, and from what time
they are to be paid, as they were raised and detained some
considerable time for want of arms and aramunition; this
time was eraployed in disciplining them for the service; but,
without the consideration and sanction of the House, the com
missioners may think it raatter of altercation. With the
greatest econoray, raatters on this quarter were raanaged ;
but the expense of Fort Pitt must be kept apart by itself, as
I ain afraid the reverse of econoray will appear there ; it has
no connexion with the rest of the campaign. I would have
you discharge that garrison immediately ; but then, I desire
you may keep ray opinion to yourself. In renewing the
niilitia law, let there be one hundred well appointed horse
disciplined in every county ; to be superior in horse com
mands the field, and no enemy can safely show himself out
of sigbt of their camp ; we are immediately apprised of the
strength of their escorts, and of every motion they raake,
and can act accordingly. At the courts martial; let a ma
jority present deterraine any matter ; and, during an attack,
«r in battle, let the men be subject to the articles of war, with
what alteration the House thinks proper. Until the men, who
want fire-arms, can be provided, let them be furnished with
spears and tomahawks ; the iron of the spear to be made in
shape of a triangular bayonet, only broader at Hie shoulder,
to go on the staff with a large socket, and thin plates of iron
reaching up the staff about two feet, to stiffen it, and guard
it against any cutting instrument, the plates being part of the
socki^t ; the spear of the raen in front to be six inches larger
than tVie musket with fixed bayonet ; those of the second rank
eighteen inches longer than the spears in front, and those in
the third j-ank eighteen inches longer than the second, that
three spears may reach the breast of the enemy at once,
before our men could be touched with the first bayonet.
This moment, I am informed that the Assembly is prorogued
till May ; confusion worse confounded ; I wish, for the en-
VoL. IL— E e

210 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
couragement of the soldiers, that you would raeet in provin
cial Congress, and order an emission of bills of credit for
their payment I am sorry that Lord Dunmore raay depend
on it, the militia will never obey his orders again. If the
country has a raind to secure useful men, it is absolutely ne
cessary to contrive some method to pay the common men, if
the officers and provisions should lie over; let us be firm, and
the gates |of hell cannot prevail against us. A handful of
raen in Canada, six broken regiments from France, with
stood, for five years, all the force of British fleets, and armies
from home, and fifteen or twenty thousand Afnericans every
campaign. They gained several victories over us, and chance
had a great hand in their reduction at last. What can we
do, if united. We only want a navy to give law to the world,
and we have it in our power to get it
I am, dear sir, firmly yoUr's,
ADAM STEPHEN.
February 1st, 1775.

February 17tb, 1775.
Dear Sir — Since I had an opportunity of forwarding the
enclosed, I put it in my pocket, and thought I should never
trouble you with it, but I cannot forbear communicating my
sentiments upon so alarming an occasion. If in the colony
Congress the merabers should resolve to acquaint the men em
ployed in the last expedition, that they would be paid, as soon
as the general commptions are settled, it would keep them in
heart ; and, indeed, it would be highly imprudent to disgust
a body of such useful raen, at this iraportant era ; for, by
what I can hear, it will corae to the shedding of blood, unless
providence interferes in a very special manner ; for my part,
before I wpuld subrait hiy life, liberty, and property to the
arbitrary disposal of a corrupt, venal aristocracy, the wan
ton and effeminate tools of power, I would set rayself down,
with a few friends, upon soine rich and healthy spot six
hundred miles to the westward, and there form a settlement,
which, in a short tirae, would, comraand attention .md re
spect. I wish you happy, and have the honour to be, with
respect, Dear sir, your most obedient humble servant,
ADAM STEPHEN.
Colonel Richabd Henbt Lee,
Of Westmoreland.

OP RICHARD HENRY LEE. ^n

Sir — Since ray last, we have received advices from the
Wiandots, a sensible nation, who live near to Detroit, and
have great influence on the contiguous tribes pf Indians. It
may be plainly seen that they arc a great deal attached to
the commanding officer at Detroit. Some of tiiem have pro
mised to come and hear what we have to say ; that is their
policy ; they have, very lately, killed a trader's servant, and
carried off part of the goods. The nation has raade an apology,
and the goods arc restored to the owner. We have advices,
likewise, frora the tribes living up the Alleghany river,
about one hundred and sixty railes above this place ; several
of them have been at atreaty held at Niagara, and inform us
that many Indians are gone to, Albany, but a greater number
to Caghnuwaga, near Montreal, at the instigation of Gay,
Johnston, and Carlton.
The commandant of Niagara and Johnston, told them to
watch our motions here very narrowly, and the red coats,
and other English, would fight us by ships, whilst the In
dians kept picking us off on our frontier ; that we could not
hold out long for want of powder, as we usually had it frora
Britain, and could not make any amongst ourselves ; that he
would supply them plentifully with powder, and every thing
else. I can sec that the Indians are very jealous, greatly
divided, and at a loss how to act General Schuyler's suc
cess will settle the matter ; but an unsuccessful attempt will
deterraine the greatest part of the western Indians against
us ; perhaps make it necessary to take possession of Niagara
and Detroit.
We have reason to expect all the Indians, who intend to
corae to us, will attend next week.
I have the honour to be, with respect sir.
Your raost obedient hurable servant,
ADAM STEPHEN.
PiTTSBUHGB, September 23d, 1775,
Colonel Richabd Henbt Lee,
of Virginia, Philadelphia.

Dear Sir— I languished to hear from you, and at last re
ceived the pleasure of your letter yesterday. The sending
Americans to their antipodes, was as wicked and extensive a
plan, as the agents of the devil could form on earth. I sup
pose the intended attack on our state, is a creature of the

212 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
volatile Burgoyne, engendered on Lady Dunmore or bis Lord
ship, who doubtless will attend with his council, in order to
add some raore odoriferous beauties to his Ethiopian seraglios.
Should they get the troops, which I reckon irapossible,
they may distress individuals, but can do nothing towards
conquering our country. To prevent this attack, and ob
viate all difficulty, our principal object ought to be the dis-
truction of their army in the Jerseys. Virtue is certainly
wanting, or we should have had raen enough to have effected
it before tbis tirae. The Virginians, with a few Jersey raen,
and as few Pennsylvanians, are likely to bear the burden of
the day; the myriads of the north; the great warriors, who were
to do the business, if we found raoney, seera cloyed of fighting,
and are wonderfully backward in turning out I wish no
attention had been given to the defence of the western fron
tier, further than having the militia supplied with ammuni
tion, and embodied. The clouds which threaten frora Canada,
and the savages, and all other petites, whould have dispers
ed, yea, dissolved like raeteors, upon the destruction of
Howe's army. On Monday, the 14th, I resolved the enemy
should make compensation for their excursion to Bound-
brook ; I went along tbe out posts of my division, with Gene
ral Maxwell, and planned the attack Of their pickets, at
Amboy and Borum town. Captain Conway, of the first Jersey
regiment, behaved to admiration, brought off three out sen
tries without disturbing the guard, and got the countersign;
in short, he had nothing to do but kill, or bring off, fifty men
of the picket, when he was unhappily abandoned by the men
of the second Jersey regiment, and obliged to drop the affair.
The attack at Borum town, was more successful, the picket
were all taken or killed, except three.
I am, with great esteera, dear sir.
Your most obedient humble servant,
ADAM STEPHEN.
Chatham, April 22d, 1777,
Colonel Richabd Henbt Lee,
in Congress, Philadelphia.

PARIS, September 21st, 1778.
Mt dear Brother— By my letter to the committee of
this date, you will see that I have delivered to the commis
sioners here, a copy of the treaty which I had negotiated
with Holland, and which I have strong reasons for believing
I could have soon brought to a conclusion, had my authority

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 213
from Congress been sufficient. But what will be thl5 issue
now may be easily foreseen ; the overweening self sufficiency
of one, and the latent plans that every one supposes bas been
formed of contriving Mr. D  's return to H  , with
other and similar motives, will all conspire to interrupt the
success. Besides, very unhappily, things are minutely com
municated to a person, that, in my opinion, ought not to be
trusted with any thing; of this person Congress has been in
formed, I understand, haying fornierly given intelligence
relative to the treaty with France. If this business with
Holland is coraraunicated, in its present stage, to our enemies,
or their emissaries in that country, of which they have a
great nuraber, it will infallibly be obstructed. All this I ex
pect, however ; I have done ray duty, and hope Congress will
approve ray conduct. I am entirely of opinion with you
relative to the estate and will ; send the proper instruments,
as soon as they can be got ready, which is attended with
more difficulty than you can well imagine, in a strange
country. The season is now so far advanced, that it will be
impossible to get the documents to you time enough to pro
ceed on the business before winter twelye months, as about
Christmas is the only time for such a business to be done. I
wish to know accurately, when and how the principal money
is to be repaid that is put into the continental loan offices ;
and if, in the raean tirae, the billets given for cash, can be
sold or converted into cash, easily and without loss. Pray
answer rae in this as soon as possible, and send me the rest of
Congress proceedings, having only received one volume, for
which I greatly thank you; my station is quite out ofthe way for
sending newspapers, paraphlets, &c. ; I understand you get
thera from hence. I return to Germany immediately, and
lose no occasion of promoting the wdshes ^of Congress in
that quarter. The Virginia business is a heavy one ; I am
afraid the ministry here will not do what the state expected,
and without them the business cannot be accomplished in this
country, but on such terms, and in such a manner, as is
shamefully horrible to think of ; the first demand, however,
is nearly accomplished, but there is four tiraes as rauch yet to
be done ; I am now pushing the subject as far as I can. Your
sons are well. We have not any material news, and I have
only time to assure you of my continued and steady affection.
Adieu.
WILLIAM LEE.
Richabd Henbt Lee, Esq. Member
of Congress from the state of
Virginia.

214 Jf-'t'E AND CORRESPONDENCE CAMP, December 12, 1775.
Mr DEAR Friend — I have just received your letter by
Mr. Custis. I am heartily glad that you have sent a com
mittee into Canada, but inter 7ios, think it might have been
better chosen. Payne has certainly not the mannieres* . .
w hich, according to Lord Chesterfield, and my observation,
are so requisite to captivate the French ; for heaven's sake,
my dear friend, why are you not more decisive, and wherefore
are any bf the sea-port towns suffered to furnish the men of
war with fresh meat, or even with a single carrot; this inde
cision will ruin us ; this cursed tenderness for the sea-port
towns will at least prolong the war and all its calamities.
It was indecision that has thrown yPur affairs in Virginia,
into their preseiit situation ; had my opinion been thought
worthy of attention. Lord Dunmore should have been dis
armed of his teeth and his claws. I proposed sending Tryon,
and all his tories, at New York. I knew if it was moved in
Congress his excellency would be instantly apprised of it,
and of course the possibility of effecting it would not be left
to us ; in this persuasion, I would have struck the sti"oke, and
applied afterwards to your mightiness for approbation. You
will justly accuse me of self conceit and egotism, but I have
not yet done. I propose, therefore, the following measures:
First, To seize every governor, government raan, place man,
tory, and enemy to liberty, on the continent, to confiscate
their estates, or, at least, lay them under heavy contributions,
for the public ; tiieir persons should be secured in some Of the
interior towns, as hostages for their treatraent of those of our
party whom the fortune of war shall throw into their hands ;
they should be allowed a reasonable pension out of their for
tunes for their maintenance. Secondly, I propose that New
York be strongly garrisoned and fortified, or destroyed.
Thirdly, That a strong flying camp, witii not only an able
officer at their head, but an officer who has the reputation
of being able, in order to inspire the people with confidence,
be kept aboutjHampton, York, or Williamsburg, in Virginia ;
anotiier, not quite so strong, about Alexandria; and a third
strong one? about Annapolis, in Maryland. Fourth, That
Charlestown, in Carolina, should be well secured. Fifth,
and lastly. That, if the Canadians desire it, you spare
no expense in furnishing them with an army ; but, above all,
that you be extremely careful in the choice of officers sent to
that country ; that tiiey be not only raen of strict integrity,
but of a frank, open address, with elievated sentiments ex
• Out in the originali

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 215
pressed in their manner. I should think such men may he
found with you more easily than in these provinces, as I find
you propose in your letter, for I never saw a people so uni
versally destitute du Pair du monde, as these here ; Mr.
Bodwoin, an invalid, is the only exception. These proposi
tions I before offered to a member of your Congress, with
one other, respecting tbe construction bf your array, here
oraitted. Recruiting goes on here raore briskly than we expected ;
the raen are strange mortals, but they have virtue, and many
good qualities. Adieu, my dear friend.
Your's affectionately,
C. LEE.

WILLIAMSBURG, April 5, 1776.
Mt dear Friend — 'I congratulate the public, and you,
one of her best raerabers, on the late glorious event, the flight
of the tyrants, cut throats, frora Boston ; although I do not
know whether it is a matter of congratulation, for it appears
to me, that as our affairs grow raore prosperous, the naraby
paraby's of the senatorial part of the contineiit (great and
sraall) grow raore timid and hysterical; I am sorry to say it,
but your comraittee of safety seem to be as desperately and
incurably infected with this epidemical malady as the provin
cial congress of Maryland, or the quondam assembly of
Pennsylvania. Your brother, Mr. Page, Payne, and I be
lieve Mercer, are indeed exceptions. If you could be spared
frora the Congress, your presence raight inspire vigour and
wisdom. Their economy is of a piece with their wisdom
and valour ; to save raoney, we have no carriages to our
guns; to save money, we have no blankets for our men, who
are, from want of this essential, dying by dozens at Suffolk.
Had I gun carriages, I could flatter myself with alraost a
certainty of driving the pirates, and shutting them out for evt r
frora the harbour of Norfolk. I have, however, ordered
thera to be made with all possible expedition, and then shall
attempt this capital stroke. My command from the circum
stances of the country being intersected hy navigable waters,
and the enemy being supplied with canvass to fly to any spot
they choose, is disagreeable. I may make a very shabby
figure, without any real demerits of my own. I know not
whereto turn, or where to fix:, myself. I may, as Richard
the Third sa^s, bein the west,\wlien I should serve my sove
reign in the north. I can only act from surmises, and I may

216 LIFE AND CORUESPONDENCE
surmise wrong ; but I must venture, and take my measures
accordingly. I am apt to think that Williamsburg and York
will be their object ; the possession of the first is not only
most temptingly advantageous, frora its coramand of the two
rivers and a raost abundant country, but its being a capital,
the possession would give an air of dignity and decided supe
riority to their arras, which, in a slave country, is of the ut
raost importance. Your dominion over the blacks is founded
on opinion ; if this opinion falls, your authority is lost. On
this principle I ara drawing down some battalions, and shall,
when I can provide intrenching tools,, work for the security
of these places. For God's sake, why do you dandle in the
Congress so strangely? why do you not at once declare your
self a separate independent state? I am much obliged to yon
for keeping my letter in your hands, and am happy that the
stigma was not levelled at rae. Appropos, will you move, as
my command is separate, and scarcely any letters are ad
dressed to me, even those not written by the raerabers of the
Congress, which do not relate to public business, whilst I
continue in this separate command, should be frank, for the
expense is very considerable. I wish you would cuff Dr.
Rush, for not writing. I expect and insist upon it A Co
lonel Grayson, (whom I suppose you are acquainted with) will
be soon with the Congress, to make application for some raili
tary establishment; I am desired to recommend hira as a man
of extraordinary merit. We must have a continental hospi
tal in the southern department ; Dr. M'Clurg, i,s, I am told,
very well qualified to be at head of it. My little German
engineer is (as the New Englanders say) a nice man. But I
wish I knew what pay and rank you intend him ; I have
hitherto supported him rayself, but shall send in a bill for his
nourishment Adieu, my dear senator,
Your's, and your brother's.
Most affectionately,
C. LEE.

WILLIAMSBURG, April 12, 1776.
Mt dear Friend — I am much pleased with the appoint
ment of the Congress of the two engineers, and not less so
Avith  establishment ; but at the same time am a good
deal dissatisfied by an omission of the provincial congress of
Virginia in not having mentioned a company of artillery
which they had already raised, and at the head of which a
Captain Innis was placed ; you perhaps know him, he was

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 217
formerly usher ofthe German school here, is a man of extra
ordinary virtue, good sense and knowledge ; the thought of
discharging such men is extremely disagreeable. I hope
spme means may be devised of providing for him in a man
ner adequate to his merit If a commissary of ordnance, is
to be an established office, it would suit him ; there is, I un
derstand, to be, likewise, a commissary of musters, I would
beg leave to recommend a Mr. Archer, who has a most un
exceptionable character, and lost his all, his household goods
and slaves, in the destruction of Norfolk. These sufferers
have certainly, (when qualified for the discharge of their
duty) the first and most solid claim to the favour of the Con
gress. As I can have no jobs in view, as I have no predilec
tions or connexions, I shall make no scruples of appointing
to act, and entreating the Congress to confirm my appoint
ments. I have myself no doubt, that the first attempt of the
tyrant's mercenaries will be on Virginia. My opinion of
your troops and officers, is, thank God, so good, as to put me
entirely at my ease with respect to action, corps to corps. I
only wish your provincial Congress and committee of safety,
had taken some precautions for the security of your great
navigable rivers against their piratical inundations ; and in
my opinion, nothing could be easier effected. Perhaps I may
differ from the generality of sea-faring people ; but as they
have their prejudices, and are like other professions, •a.serviim
jiecus, I shall not give up ray opinion. I would then propose
fitting your rivers with twelve or eighteen oared boats,
mounting a six-pounder at the head of each, fortifying the
sides with occasional mantlets, musket proof, and manning
them with stout volunteers, whose principle should be board
ing. I am raistaken, when we are sufficiently provided with
fleets of this kind, if a single tender w ill show itself in your
rivers. I have already, for experiment sake, sent out one
boat, armed and principled in this manner, on a cruise, and
expect with impatience tbe issue. The men have their cut
lasses and pistols, and seem to taste the piviject I shall
order twenty for each great river ; the expense is trifling,
and the spirit, the very principle of coming to close quarters,
will inspire naturally the people with confidence in their own
force and valour. Another great point I seem in a fair way
of obtaining; the conciliating j-our soldiers to the use of
spears ; we had a battalion out this day ; two companies of
the strongest and tallest, were armed with this weapon ; they
were formed something like the Triarii of the Romans, in
the rear of the battalions, occasionally either to throw them
selves into the intervals of the line, or to form athird^ second.
Vol. IL— F f

21g LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
or front rank in close order. It has a fine effect to the eye,
and the men in general seemed convinced of the utility ofthe
arrangement In two days, I shall visit Norfolk, Suffolk,
and Kemp's landing. Your's, affectionately,
CHARLES LEE.

RICHMOND, December llth, 1784.
Dear Sir — I was, by Thursday's post, favoured with
your's of the 26th of November. We had begun to de.spair of
a Congress being made up in time for a decision on the case
referred to them by the resolutions of our last session. I now
hope that we may yet hear from you, on that subject, before
our adjournment. The bill on the resolutions in favour of the
treaty of peace, mentioned in my last, is not yet reported. It
will, I am persuaded, need the reenforcement of an exhorta
tion from Congress. The Glasgow merchants haye authoriz
ed their agents here to compromise for the payment of their
debts in four years, and a meraorial will, I understand, be
presented to that effect in a few days. My next will infornl
you of the result. The past week has been spent chiefly on
the assize bill, which yesterday past the hpuse of delegates
with a very feeble opposition, and a very few di.ssenting
voices. Its fate now depends on the senate. It is pretty ana
logous to the nisi prius establishment of England. The num
ber of assize courts is seventeen. A smaller number was
proposed, but we thought ourselves lucky in being able to
give general content by such an augmentation. The counties
of Northumberland, Westmoreland, Richraond, and Lan
caster, form one district : the court house of the first being
the seat of tiie assize court The friends of this measure bere
considered it as a foundation for a very important and salu
tary amendment o€ our judicial system. The bill for a general
assessment has not yet undergone a discussion ; the same is
the case of the militia VjH. The scheme for opening the na
vigation of the Potoraac, which has been settied between the
Maryland and ... . gentiemen, is before the House of De
legates, and will be favoured, as far as the objectionable
"amount of the tolls will admit. As the concurrence of Mary-
land in this scheme is necessary, some difficulties will attend
its progress. The difficulty of providing for a representation
of this state in Congress, under the act for the annual meet-

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 219
ing of the Assembly, has been a subject of conversation. The
loss of that benefit is a serious matter ; but is not the appoint
ing of delegates a year before tiiey are to serve, rather a sin
gular expedient? The vacancies in the council had all been
filled before the receipt of your recomraendation of General
Gates. I must beg the favour of you to excuse my not obey
ing, by tills post, the last request in your letter, as to the
expediency of a continental convention— having, at present,
only time to add, that, with great respect and regard, I have
the honour to be.
Your obedient, and very bumble servant,
JAMES MADISON, Jun.

RICHMOND, December 25tli, 1784.
Dear Sir — Be pleased to accept my congratulations on
the event which has given to your talents a station, in which
they cannot fail to be equally useful to the public, and honour
able to yourself. I offer them with the greater pleasure too,
as such an event is a proof that Congress have unfettered
themselves from a rule, which threatened to exclude raerit
frora a choice, in which raerit only ought to prevail.* The
assizp bill has, since my last, past into a law. The .senate
raade no material change in it, and gave an almo.st unani
mous suffrage to it. The only hesitation with them was be
tween that plan and another, which would have rendered the
circuit courts independent of the general courts. Tlie former,
wliich follows the English model, unites tiie advantages of a
trial of facts, where facts can be ascertained with greatest
certainty and cheapness, with a decision of law, where such
decision can be made with most wisdom and uniformity. The
advantage of the latter consisted in removing the inconve-
niency of making up the issues and awarding the judgments,
in the general court, which it was siipposed would increase
expense, if not delay, and particularly require the service
of a double number of lawyers. Experience will probably
show that the latter supposition is exaggerated, and that the
system preferred, is at least the best to begin with. The ge
neral assessment bill was ordered to be engrossed by forty-four
against forty-two, and has since, by forty-five against thirty-
seven, been postponed till November next, and is to be print-
* Mr. Lee had been elected president of Congress.

220 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
ed for immediate consideration. An act incorporating tht
Episcopal church, bas passed in a form less offensive than
the one proposed at tbe last session. The bill for payment of
British debts was under debate yesterday ; its passage seems
probable, but there is no reason to fear that atterapts will yet
be made to trammel it. It still takes seven years for pay
ment, though the Glasgow merchants have signified their
assent to four years. Tlie merchants of this town and Peters
burgh have remonstrated against the idea of giving the Bri
tish merchants a suraraary recovery, at the periotls of the
instalments. The bill for opening the Potomac, is suspended
on the result of a conference. General Washington, General
Gates, and Colonel Blackburn, arc commissioned to hold
conferences with Maryland on the subject. A bill for open
ing James River, on a different plan, has passed the house of
delegates. A bill will also probably pass for surveying the
waters of those two rivers to their sources, the country be
tween them, and the western waters, and the latter down to
the Ohio. It will also probably provide for a survey of the
different routes for a communication between the waters of
Elizabeth River and those of North Carolina. In the course
of the last week, a proposition was made to empower Con
gress to collect the imposts within this state, as soon as
twelve states should unite in the scheme. The arguments
which prevailed against it, were the unfavourable aspect it
would present to foreigners ; the tendency of the example to
inferior combinations ; the field it would open to contraband
trade; its probable effect on the temper of Rhode Island,
which might thwart other necessary measures which require
the unanimity of the states ; the improbability of the union
of twelve states on tiiis new ground, a failure of which would
increase the appearance of discord in their policy, and give
fresh triumph and invitation to Rhode Island. I have not yet
found leisure to scan the project of a continental convention
with so close an eye, as to have made up any observations
worthy of being mentioned to you. In general, I hold it for
a maxim, that the union of the states is essential for their
safety against foreign danger and internal contention ; and
that the perpetuity and efficacy of the present system cannot
be confided in. Tbe question tiierefore is, in what mode and
at what moment the experiment for supplying the defects
ought to be made. The answer to this question cannot be
made without a knowledge greater than I possess, of the
temper and views of the different states. Virginia seems, I
think, to have excellent dispositions towards the confederacy ;
but her assent or dissent to such a proposition would pro'

OF UICHARD HENRY LEE. oat
bably depend much on the charge of having no opponent ca
pable of rousing the prejudices and jealousies of the Assembly
against innovations, particularly such as will derogate from
their own power and importance. Should a view of the other
states present no objections against the experiment, indivi
dually I would wish none to be presupposetl here.
With great esteem and regard,
I am, dear Sir,
Your obedient and humble servant,
JAMES MADISON, Jmi.
To the Hon. Richabd Henby Lee, Esq.
Virgini.a.

ANNAPOLIS, Detiember 16th, 16S3.
Dear Sir — I am particularly happy to hear by your
brother, that you have almost recovered from the indisposi
tion, with which you have been lately afflicted : an event I
must consider fortiinate to the state and your family, for I
flatter myself, when perfectly restored, you will not witlidraw
yourself frora tbe public service. It must be hoped that those
measures, which haVe hitherto, will not always, prevail ; as
to establish in our public councils, a greater regard for pub
lic faith, and in private life, for morality, your exertions
joined with those of some worthy raen, must certainly be
more successful. I am called on a theatre to which I am a
perfect stranger. There are before us some questions of the
utmost consequence that can arise in the councils of any
nation : the peace establishment; the regulation of our com
merce, and the arrangement of our foreign appointments;
whether we are to have regular or standing troops to protect
our frontiers, or leave tbem unguarded; whether we will ex
pose ourselves to the inconveniences, which may perhaps be
tbe loss of the country westward, from the impossibility of
preventing the adventurers from settling where they please;
the intrusion of the settlers on the European powers, who
border on us, a cause of discontent and perhaps of war, a.*
with us a constant state of warfare with the savage tribes, to
the ingrafting a principle in our constitution which may in
its consequences, as it ever hath done with other powers,
terminate in the loss of our liberty. How we are to coun
teract the narrow and illiberal system of commercial policy
in the European powers, and what connexion we are to have
with them, are also questions of the first import. If your

523 LIFE AND CORUESPO.\DKNCE
health will permit, I shall be particularly happy to have your
opinion upon these several subjects. It is ray desire to hear
from you as frequently as possible, and upon those subjects
before us, which I shall be happy to make known to you. I
am, with the utmost respect and esteem.
Your sincere friend and servant
JAMES MONROE.

..'iiiswer of Richard Henry Lee,
CHANTILLY, January 5th, 1784.
Dear Sir — I have duly received the letter, that you were
pleased to favour nie with, on the I6th of Deceraber last. I
am very sensible of your kind sentiments re.specting my
health ; I am indeed restored beyond my expectations, but
yet I am very far from being so circumstanced, as to promise
hopes of being soon in astate to venture again on the storray
sea of politics, and public business. Few, I believe, feel
more sensibly than my.self, how much our unhappy country
suffers, and is likely to suffer, frora the want of those qualities,
and such conduct, as are certainly indi.spensable to the suc
cess and well being of society. And it would seem that such
feelings are natural to a man, who has laboured for raore
than twenty years in the public service, and indefatigably
so, for the last ten years, to secure the public liberty and
those blessings that ought to attend its possession. You do
me much honour, by asking my poor opinions concerning the
Congressional questions, that are stated; they are of great
moraent, no doubt, and I heartily wish that they may finally
receive proper determination. You are perfectly right, sir,
in your observation concerning the consequences of a standing
army, that it has constantly terminated in the destruction of
liberty. It has not only been constantly so, but I think it>
clear from the construction of human nature, that it always
will be so ; and it is really unfortunate for human freedom,
safety, and happiness, that so many plausible arguments are
ever at hand to support a systera, which both reason and ex
perience prove to be productive of the greatest of human
evils — slavery. But it may be questioned — Why, to avoid
possible ills, should we adopt measures which in tiieir nature
produce the highest evil ? The spirit of the 4th section ofthe
6th article of the cpnferation, plainly discourages the idea
of a standing array, by the special injunctions concerning a

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 295
well regulated militia, which is indeed the best defence, and
only proper security for a free pepple to venture upon. To
guard our frontiers from Indian invasions, to prevent irre
gular settlements, and to secure the possessions of foreign
powers from the encroachments of our people, which mav
provoke foreign or Indian wars, seem to be the reasons as
signed for their adoption of this mischief working system —
a standing military force. But surely it is the business of
other powers, to secure their own possessions, and punish
the violators of thera ; and it would be as new, as it would be
improper, to keep a standing array, to prevent the encroach
ments of our own citizens upon foreign states : it will ever
be sufiicient to disavow such proceedings and to give the
culprits up to justice. As to the protection of our frontiers,
it would seem best to leave it to the people theraselves, as ha.«
ever been the case, and if at anytime the frontier men should
be too hard pressed, they may be assisted by the midland
militia; this will always secure us a hardy set of men on
the frontiers, used to arms, and always ready to assist against
invasions on other parts; whereas if they are protected by
regulars, security will necessarily produce inattention to
arms, and the whole of our people becoming disused to war,
will render the curse of a standing army necessary. In this
light the Indians may be considered as a useful people, for it
is surely fortunate for a free people to be under some necessity
of keeping the whole body acquainted with the use of arms.
Should the fear of Indians in some measure check the settle
ment of that country, it can be no inconvenience to a people
already inhabiting rauch too thinly the country they possess.
Irregular settlers, I think, may be kept away, by timely and
judicious proclaniationS of Congres.s, forbidding such prac
tices, and peremptorily assuring that no titles shall ever fol
low such settlements; and perhaps, also, by having a few
persons near the scene, authorized to give notice to all goers
there, upon their first appearance. If the horrid evil of a
standing army must be encountered, it is clear to me, that
such forces had better be placed in judiciously chosen fortified
places, to give protection to our own conimerce, and that of
foreigners. But I must confess, I would infinitely rather
see this valuable purpose effected by the more safe and effectual
measure of a navy, which I sincerely hope will be the constant
and nnremitting object of Congressional attention ; and both
the building and the manning of this navy should be as much
as possible, dispersed throughout the thirteen states. With
respect to trade, its combinations are so many, and so ex
clusive, that it is not easy to say much with propriety on that

Oj;4 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
subject hastily : but one thing, respecting that, is evident, it
is, that the free nature and genius of commerce always re
quires as little restraint as possible, and that in young com
mercial states, to embarrass trade with heavy imposts, or other
clogs, is cflectually to demolish it. How grievously do I
lament that this is fully and fatally the case in our ill-fated
coiintry. In our actual circumstances, it is difficult to meet
and check effectually, the illiberal commercial conduct of the
European states, except hy counter and similar restraints;
but the want of men and vessels, for the present, renders tiiis
difficult, if not impossible. A wise attention to the raising
of seamen and building of ships, may in time cause these
selfish states, to rue their selfish policy. Do you not think
that it would be well for Congress, to regulate and bring to
uniformity the business of weights and measures, throughout
the United States, and also, to establish an uniformity in the
value of coins ; our country, in particular, is suffering great
loss for want of the latter regulations. I am, dear sir, with
great respect and esteem.
Your obedient servant,
RICHARD HENRY LEE.

NEW YORK, May 24th, 1786.
Dear Sir — I have no excuse for having been so indiffer
ent a correspondent, except that I had nothing to corarauni
cate to you, and I knew that of this you were apprised by
your brother. Colonel Lee. Lately, however, we bave re
ceived despatches from Mr. Adams, of a very interesting
nature. He presented, some time about Npvember last, a
memorial to the ministry, requiring a delivery of the posts,
and compensation for the infraction of the treaty respecting
the negroes ; to which he received for answer, "that it was
unquestionably true, that, by the seventh article, the posts
should have been evacuated ; but that, by the fourth and ninth,
it was also stipulated that there should be no legal impedi
ment in the way of the recovery of British debts ; that these
articles had been violated by almost every state in the con
federacy. Lord Carmarthen enumerates all the acts of the
several states whicb militate against the treaty, with great
precision, and finally states, that it would be folly for one
party to carry its engagements into effect, while the other

Oi KiuHARD HENRY LEE. 225
neglected theirs; that, provided the United States would
comply on their part, the king would on his." This, I think,
is the amount of the despatch from Mr. Adams, from which
the injunction of secrecy is removed, so that you may be
under no restraint in your communications on the subject.
We shall state it to the executive, for the information of the
legislature. We have lately been rauch perplexed by a pro
position from Connecticut, for ceding her claims to territory
westward one hundred and twenty railes of the Pennsylvania
line, by which she retains a right, by implication, to one
hundred and twenty railes. We have been informed that she
and Pennsylvania are on the point of variance with respect
to Wioming, and that this land is necessary to satisfy ithe
Susquehannah and Delaware companies of Connecticut, who
create this mischief, whereby peace will be restored to toe
Union. We are also apprised, that, unless we accept this
cession, Connecticut will open an office for the whole degree
claimed by her, to the Mississippi, for sale. A proposition
has been raade reserving to the United States whatever th^
have acquired under the cession of Virginia, and negatived;
iand one confirming the decree of Trenton, or rather requir
ing that Connecticut should cede her claira to Pennsylvania,
as therein decreed, met with the sarae fate ; the latter as con
nected with the former, which, being negatived, gave a more
ipointed implication in favour of Connecticut ; there it now
stands. To-day it will be taken up again, and I suppose it
will be passed. When shall we have the pleasure x)i seeing
you here ; you have, in a great degree, the friendship and
good wishes of our family. Miss Shortwright and Mrs.
Monroe desire to be most affectionately reraerabered to you.
I shall always be happy to hear from you, and am sincerely
your friend and servant,
JAMES MONROE.

KtNG GEORGE, April 4, 1783.
Dbar Sir— il am sorry my engagement to return imme-
fliatelyto Richmond, deprived me of the pleasure, or I should
be happy to wait on you, to pay my respects to yourself and
family, at Chantilly. It is with concern I hear you have
thoughts of withdrawing from the service of your country.
Voi.II.— Gg

20,g LIFE AND CORRESPOJXDBlNCli
If your guidance and direction of this state, through hti-
difficulties, encompassed as she has been with those of every
kind, hath hitherto been an object worthy your attention, cer
tainly those arrangements which should take place upon the
establishment of her sovereignty, as with respect to the
order of the government, (if any change should be thought
necessary,) as the enacting those laws whicii may be calcu
lated to forra and adapt the spirit and temper of the people
to the degree, are equally important. These are, no doubt,
objects of the utmost consequence, and as certainly as they
are committed to the care of able and virtuous, or unskilful
and designing men, will the people feel the good or bad
effects, perhaps for ages to come. Many, who retain the
prejudices of a monarchical education, many young men, just
from school, and many without any education at all, now the
day of difficulty is over, will be desirous of obtaining seats
in the legislature ; those who form the latter class, must act
in subservience to men of talents, and whatever he the talents
these young men may possess, they are neither calculated
nor will they have the public confidence so far as to take
the lead in the republic. Those elderly gentiemen, who, in
addition to the acquirements of study, from the direction and
management of our public affairs, during the Contest, have
become profoundly versed in the windings of the huraan heart,
and in the affairs of government, not only possess the confi
dence of the people, but, in every view, are those who, upon
the present occasion, should stand forth, and take the lead.
They are without these prejudices, or the intemperate heat of
youth, and as the state has grown up in her independence,
under their honest care, in the arrangements they will pro
pose, they will be guided by their wisdora, and the affections
of a parent to its offspring ; and, under their auspices, the
people may expect such wholesome regulations as will make
them ever bless the . . . of opposition and of independence.
In the faithful and able part you have acted upon the late
theatre, decisive and independent as you have been, you have
not failed to make enemies, but the malignity of the people
has not been able to effect the minds of the public who have
looked on with deliberation, and assured by events of the
eminent integrity and propriety of your conduct have felt
themselves more grateful and warmly interested in your-
fevour, in proportion as, these attacks have been more base
and ungenerous. Believe me, your retreat from the public
service is a matter which will not be lamented only by a
partial part of the state, you will pardon the liberty I have

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 227
taken in joining the wishes of a citizen to those of a friend ;
and believe me to be, with great esteera and regard, very
affectionately yours.
JAMES MONROE.

DANBURY, 23d September, '1778.
Dear Sir— The bearer. Dr. Johnston, being delayed by
a storra, I have time to own the receipt of your obliging let
ter, by Major Biggelow; lest that should not have been the
case, I have desired Mr. Andrew Adams to show you my
letter to hira, for whom it was equally intended with himself.
I look upon the present moments as the most critical to Ame
rica of any that have passed since the war. If the enemy
should succeed in a sudden and bold stroke upon the town
and harbour of Boston, all their misfortunes are repaired,
and our blooming prospects destroyed. If we take a decisive
part, and arrive, with the army, in time, in the neighbour
hood of Boston, we may make a glorious finishing of the war.
Flour is the only article I dread the want of ; I fpresaw this
in the very beginning of June, and wrote, the third of that
month, to Cpngress, to press the immediate formation of a
large magazine in the eastern states. When you consider,
sir, tbat our army, the French fleet, the prisoners of war,
and all the railitia it raay be necessary to call to defend our
country, and our allies, are to be fed from one raagazine,
you will allow that it ought to bo ti large one, and collected
in time ; for all our sakes, move heaven and earth to the ac
complishment of this one thing so necessary. It being a
natural consequence of our alliance with France, that wc
ought fairly to assist each other with the most salutary coun
sels, I hope Congress will not neglect the opportunity which
the late engagement of the Compte D'Etaing, with the French
fleet, affords us, to show them our sincerity ; the improper-
length of the ship-guns of the French, which renders that
nation inferior to the English, w^hen equal, and even supe
rior, in every other respect, might be introduced, with great
propriety, to the French ministry, without offending their
pride, and it clearly appears from Maudil's handbill, how
much England dreads such counsels. When you write to
Mr. Arthur Lee, present him with my affectionate respects ;.
when the campaign is finished, I shall answer his polite letT

228 LIFE AND CORUESPONDENCE
ter in a raanner, I hope, that will give him the utmost satis
faction. Remember me to all those yott know to be friends,
and believe me, with the truest attachment and regard.
Dear sir.
Your much obliged, humble servant,
HORATIO GATES.
Hon. Richaud Hesbx Lee.

Letters from WiUiam Lee, Esquire, Jimerican Agent at
the Court of HoUarid.
FRANKFORT, Germany, October 17, 1778.
R. H. Lee, Esq.
My dear Brother — I send you, with this, some magazines
and Parliamentaiy registers of last session; my remote sltua
tipn prevents me from sending yPu more things in this way, or
the English papers; surely, ypu must get a'l these things
from Paris, for though France and Great Britain have been
some time at actual hostilities, yet, as there has nOt been any
forraal declaration, the coraraunication between London and
Paris, is as open as in time of profound peace. To what I
have said to your committee, relative to the plan of a ti^eaty
with Holland, I will add, that, it is said, that the States
General, in their grand meeting, since my nieeting with Mr.
D'Aneufville, have seriously deliberated about openly acknow
ledging the Aimerican independence. How the deliberation
has ended, I have not been able to learn; however, it seeras to
me pretty clear, from what has been done, England will be
precluded from getting any succours from Holland, either
against us, or our ally France. The conduct of Spain is
utterly inscrutible to us, at a distance, but from some hints,
given me from England, I judge, that there is a trial of .skill
between the English and Spanish ministry, who shall outwit
the other, in negotiation ; the latter demand the cession of
Gibraltar as the price of their nputrality, which the former
flatter themselves with obtaining ; while they are taking as
much precaution as their strength will admit, to secure it,
and, with great assiduity, they insinuate Lord Mansfield's
Jesuitical argument that your independence will be a dan
gerous precedent for the Spanish possessions in America.
The Spaniards must soon, I think, see that the English
ministry are imposing on themj for they are, in general, a

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 229
solid and clear-sighted people. They wish tOOj that Ame
rica should give them the Floridas ; perhaps, it would not be
unwise to agree to their having St Augustine, with a large
district around it, upon their agreeing to allow us a free
navigation of the Mississippi, provided they have so little
sense as to desire St Augustine. This I mean only on the
supposition that they join us openly, if Great Britain should
foolishly continue the war through another year. This
measure, I am told, they think of being buoyed up by a few
captures made on the French commerce ; and, in that case.
Lord Howe is to return to the command in chief; but you
may form a pretty decided opinion on that head yourself, by
the issue of the present campaign in America, by sea and
land. If the British forces are successful, tiie war will con
tinue ; if they are beaten. Great Britain will be anxious for
peace ; in which business, the opposition will give the minis
try all the trouble they can, particularly Lord  , and his
tres petite party, for his Lordship has latterly shown himself
to the world, what I alw ays thought him, a worthless and
wicked character. The ministry, however, can carry any
thing through Parliament that they please, for the king of
Great Britain may now say, with the European monarchs,
sic volo, sic jabeo. With respect to Germany, the campaign
has ended without any thing material or decisive having
passed. The military abilities of the king of Prussia, and
his brother. Prince Henry, still shine conspicuous, though
the emperor and his generals have obtained as much as they
could have expected, which Was to prevent the Prussians
frora wintering in Bohemia. The king of Prussia is to win
ter in Silesia, and Prince Henry in Saxony. The political
negotiations are becoming very violent ; both the emperor
and the king of Prussia, have called on all the empire, at the
general Diet, to join them, but tiie members assembled in the
Diet, have not yet taken part with either side. The electorate
of Hanover has greatly increased its army to upwards of
twenty thousand men ; the king of Prussia expects to have
thera on his side, and the emperor hopes to keep them neuter.
In this situation, neither can, with prudence, take part with
us openly; but 'tis expected, by the spring, some certain
systera will be formed, when we may see our way clearer
than at present, for which purpose, I wait here as a central
and neutral place, to watch the first favourable opening of
advancing the interests of America. There is no speaMng
with certainty, but to me it seems probable that our con
nexion with Austria will take place before it will with Prus-

2S0 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
sia, and, perhaps, the former will be more advantageous
than the latter.
I am greatly obliged to you for the papers containing the
Congress proceedings, relative to the British acts of Parlia
ment, which gave infinite pleasure, and has confirmed the
high opinion which this part of the world entertained of their
wisdom and firmness. It will be of considerable service if
you keep rae well informed of what passes with you, and par
ticularly furnish rae, early, with authentic accounts of the
military operations, whether favourable or unfavourable.
I see by Mr. Timothy Dean's letter to his brother Silas,
in France, which was intercepted by the English, and pub
lished in the London papers, that Governor Henry told him,
a land office would soon be opened for the sale of back lands
in Virginia. This appears to me an important business, and
should not be entered upon hastily. They will certainly sell
higher, and settle faster at the end of tbe war. I ara sorry
that the firet raode of fixing the proportion of each state's
contribution to the general fund, by the nuraber of souls in
each state, has been changed to that of the value of land in
each state. The first mode was certainly the fairest and best
for all ; but Mr. J. A. says, it was the southern people who
insisted on this alteration, particularly F. L. L.
I have considered the subject of taxation with considera
ble attention ; and frora seeing the vicious mode practised in
almost every part of Europe, I ara convinced, that unless
trifling taxes on luxuries raay be necessary for the regulation
of comraerce, a poll tax, on low land, willbe ever found the
most equitable, the easiest collected, and the most productive
of nett revenue. I should, therefore, be happy to find such a
mode adopted, and continued, in Virginia.
As to this country (Germany) the poor are raiserable; but
still it is full of manufacturers useful for America, whose pro
ductions will find a profitable market there, and therefore
there must be a great connexion between the two countries.
This is a disagreeable country to live in, particularly Vi
enna, which is five times as extravagant as either Paris or
London. The language is difficult to leai-n, and when learnt,
is horrible to speak.
Our sincere love and affection attend you and yours.
Farewell. Your's, &c.
WILLIAM LEE.

OF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 231

AUGUST IS, 1780.
My dear Brother — As we have not heard from you
since you sailed,* our earnest wishes for your safety makes
us hope, that you are now safe arrived ; and hope you will
not lose any time, in obtaining from the state of Virginia, a
remittance for the freight of goods, sent by the Livingston,
last year. There is lately arrived at Bordeaux, one hun
dred hogsheads of tobacco, belonging to the state, and con
signed to  & Co. ; but no order for the payment of this
freight, or for any part of the goods. Thus a house, that
never did, and never can, if it were willing, advance one
shilling for the state, is in possession of large funds belong
ing to the state, While those who have served it, and ad
vanced their money, ai'e left in the lurch.
In the place you have left, things seem to go on as they
did, and the old man seeras to have taken up his line, and
treats the peaceable minister with as much, or raore indiffer
ence, than before. The most trifling things are concealed
frora him, so as to give a general idea of his insignificance.
It may be of use to us to know, that the Countess of Scarbo
rough sold at Dunkirk for very near one hundred thousand
livres ; the Serapis, being so fine a ship, was, no doubt, sold
for a million at least Count D'Estaing has gone to Cadiz,
to take command of the allied fleet, which probably will not
be able to join the ships at Brest this season ; as the English
fleet by this time, forty line of battle ships strong, cruising
off cape Finisterre and Corunna.
The Russian fleet of thirteen ships, is arrived at theTexel,
and the Dutch fleet is nearly ready for sea. The northern
league between Holland, Russia, Sweden, and Denmark, is
agreed on, which is the most fatal blow to the English domi
nation on the high seas, which they have experienced this
century ; and must finally, in spite of all their blunders, past
and present, give victory to their eneraies. Virginia and
North Carolina must prepare for a violent shock, as the
force of the enemy is ordered to be divided between those
states, next fall, winter and spring, unless Clinton should
have work enough cut out for him about New York.
To aid this plan, the tories in England, at least the intriguing
characters among them that came from North Carolina, Virgi
nia and Maryland, ai'e ordered back, and to submit to thepre-
• This was written to Arthur Lice, Esq. but has reference to the public
concerns of the day.

232 LIFE AND CORRESPtoNDENCi,
sent government there, that they may serve as spies to the
army, and create dissension and distraction by their intrigues
among the people. The shock occasioned by the taking of
Charleston, which was ten times greater than it otherwise
would have been, from the publication of that vile forgery of
a letter, frora Clinton to Lord G. G. has pretty well gone
over, and our friends in Europe seem as confident as ever,
but pray discourage the repetition of such a dirty practice,
for it is too base for any but our enemies to use. The riots
in England are ended, with about four or five thousand peo
ple killed by the soldiery, forty or fifty hung. Lord G. Gor
don still in the tower, and houses, &c. burnt to the value of
above one million sterling. The city of London, and most
parts of the kingdom, thank the king for using military, in
stead of civil law, so that a revolution similar to the last in
Denmark, in its essential points, seems to have taken place
in England, where the king is happy, having become abso
lute. The people in Ireland seem still determined to support
their rights, though their rParliament has become latterly as
complaisant as that in England.
You have the best love of all here, and we desire you to
present our affectionate love to all friends with you. Adieu.
WILLIAM LEE.

DF RICHARD HENRY LEE. 233

SOUTH CAROLINA CORRESPONDENCE.

PHILADELPHIA, June Sth, 1779.
Dear Sir — I had the honour of addressing you under the
Ist instant. From tbat day to our yesterday's adjournment,
we have made no progress in the treasury business, nor in
our foreign affairs — none at all. This morning is appointed
for resuming tbe latter. Mr. Deane sent a letter yesterday,
which he intimates will be his last ; he requests an adjust
ment ofhis expenses; and, if I remember right, his salary —
the letter was committed to the board of treasury. Colonel
Wadsworth has laid before Congress an alarming state of
his department, and again declares his intention to resign.
No less alarming is an explanation from the board of war,
respecting essential articles within their sphere. Araerica
trusts to . . . . and .... to the chapter of accidents ;
that mere accident which lately happened in South Carolina,
will prove an excellent interposition in our favour — we shall
turn t'other side, and go to sleep again. Enclosed with this
you will receive a letter which iMr. Lovell delivered me yes
terday ; I suppose it carae by the post ; and also Dunlap's
paper of this raorning.
I am, with very great esteem and regard,
Dear sir, your obedient and humble servant,
HENRY LAURENS.
The Hon. RicBAiin Henrt Lbs, Esq,
Virginia.

PHILADELPHIA, June 22d, 1779.
Dear Sir— Since my last of the Sth instant, I am become
debtor for your favours of the 6th and 13th. I am mortified
by my inability to raake proper returns by the present mail ;
but circumstances render it impracticable. I shall seek for a
private hand, or perhaps a public messenger in a day or two
Vol. II— H U

234 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
may offer, by whom I raay pay my respects, and be almost
as early with you as this will be.
We have not yet gained an hair's breadth up the hill of
appreciation, nor shall we be able to roll that stone without
the iraraediate interposition of those for whom we have been
long labouring in vain. I shall take the liberty of enlarging
on this head in my next. I believe as you do, referring to an
intended publication, you may remember I intimated the ap
prehension while you were bere, and told you whence it sprung.
As to the hearing and open door, I believe, it would be a pro
per means had we proper men; but, alas! one may almost
now exclaim w ith Elijah, " and Lord, I alone of all thy pro
phets ara left" If the conduct of the man had been clear, he
Avould have demonstrated his purity long since. His publica
tion cannot make a clean thing come forth of an unclean.
Remember his own criterion for the character of a public
minister — but there is the Reraora to ray process, Colonel
Knaublancli and two bran new foreigners, both recoramend
ed to me, by particular friends. Dunlap's paper will accom
pany this, to which I beg leave to refer, and to conclude by
repeating, that I remain.
Dear Sir, with very great esteera and affection.
Your obedient, and raost hurable servant,
HENRY LAURENS.
'lhe Hon. RrcHAnii Hesky Lee,
Virginia,

PHILADELPHIA, 31st August, 1779.
Mt Dear Sir — Since the date of ray last trouble, the 24th
instant, I have been honoured with your favours of the 13th
and 23d ; the former by an express messenger, who assured
me, he should not return till this day, but I learned last night
at Mr. LoveU's, that he went off suddenly on Sunday. Yes
terday I received at Congress, two packets and one small let
ter, directed to you. these I apprehend carae by the eastern
post ; at Mr. Lovell's request, I shall send thera to him, to
be forwarded in a proper manner. I am sorry to find you
continue an invalid, but how can it be otherwise, if you also
continue to fatigue both body and mind. You must not allow
the attempts and designs of wicked men, to operate in the
very manner they would wish ; let us proceed fairly, and
softly, and wisely, and truth will drive them out of their en
trenchments, they are now closely hemmed in, and cannot
escape. On Tuesday last, at the reading of a letter from A.

OP RICHARD HENRY LEE. 235
Lee, Esq. I moved to commit that letter, together with Mr.
Lee's vindication, to a special committee ; besides the reason
of the thing, I grounded my motion on a commitment of a
late memoir from Mr. Deane, a copy of which you will re
ceive herewith. You will give this performance a more
proper name. The motion was laboriously opposed, and in
C. T's. language; after some time spent in debate, ou.sted by
a niotion for adjournment. On some day since Tuesday, a
report from the treasury was taken np, recomraending a war
rant to issue for ten tiiousand dollars, to the Hon. S. D. E.sq,,
in full for his expenses from the 4th June, 1778. I oppo.sed
the payment of that, or any other sura to Mr. Deane, until
he should account for the large suras of public money which
have been in his hands. The question was put, shall ten
thousand stand .¦¦ lost ; motion to insert fifteen thousand ?
question lost ; to insert twelve thousand ? lost ; to insert ten
thousand five hundred ? carried, even by voices who were
against ten thousand, or any sum, because they were worried,
and had been worried ; this deficiency of firmness and per-
severence, is the source of much irregularity and much evil
in public business. The yeas and nays were called for in
every stage, and finally upon the resolutions ; I reflect with
pleasure, that I stand uniformly through the whole. A ques
tion was asked of the treasury, has Mr. Deane given in an
account of his expenses ? Artfully replied to, by a gentleman
who had formerly given proofs of his abilities in answering
interi'ogation.s, not a regular one ! mot a regular one.' This
gentleman perfectly well knew, that Mr. Deane had given
in a very minute one, amounting to 29,000 dollars, and up
wards ; he also knew the artifice whicl> had been practised
by one of his colleagues at the board, to repossess Mr. Deane
of a paper, which he discovered, could not be crammed down
the throats even of the treasury. I had seen that account,
and had been promised a copy of it, but, as I am informed,
Mr. Deane, the very next morning, acted a high passion of
offence at so shameful a demand, and his zeal for the public
good, carried him rather beyond the tone pf prudence ; he
ordered that the account should be immediately carried back
to the demandant, with a declaration that Congress would
allow no such adcounts. As Mr. Deane has not judged it
proper to return that, or any other, 'tis -not to be doubted
but that a gentleman of Mr. Deane's candour, now regrets
his rashness in parting with the original. I received this
relation from one of those worthy friends, who sincerely wish
to see right done, but who will not encounter trouble neces
sary to accomplish right. I shall endeavour to trace this

i36 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE
matter to its source, and possibly the whole House will be
inforraed of it Saturday last a letter from Mr. William
Lee, accompanied by his vindication, was brought into Con
gress, but the "order of the day" laid those papers asleep,
yesterday an attempt was made to keep them out of hearing
a little longer ; I complained heavily of the innovation., and
after much debate, tbey were in part read ; the House grew
thin, and at length only eight states being present, adjourned.
I believe I am wrong, William Lee's papers were read, those
from Arthur Lee were not My colleague Mr. Drayton,
had been confined to his bed some three weeks past. When
I had learned that he was really ill, I could not refrain from
visiting hira. his permission being previously obtained. When
I approached his bed, he clasped ray hand and wept affect-
ingly; after recovering his voice, be signified great satis
faction at seeing me, and particularly requested I would write
a state of his case to Mrs. Drayton. The physicians think
him dangerously ill, say he raay live one or two weeks lon
ger, that if he has strength for the discharge from an abscess
in his side, they shall raise him again, but that be will remain
an invalid several raonths. Upon Mr. Drayton's recovery,
or upon the arrival of another colleague, my continuance
here partly depends ; but I ara much inclined to return home
ward in the course of the next month. I believe I shall have
the honour of waiting on you, before the first of October.
Finances as they were. News from Penobscot very unfa
vourable, but no particulars. I would compound for the loss
of all our bUips, provided the soldiers and sailors escape cap
ture. Dunlap's paper of this morning, will present Rowland
sorae intelligence. I beg, sir, you will present my compli
ments to your brother ; I ehall have much to say to both you
and bim, when I have tbe happincae of meeting you, deferring
to that time will be the best. Many clouds will in the mean
time pass away, and subjects in embryo be matured. I re
main, with sincere esteem and respect.
Your obliged and faithful humble servant
HENRY LAURENS.

PHILADELPHIA, September 28tb, 1779.
Dear Sir — I have not had the pleasure of writing to you
since the 14tb instant Yesterday I was honoured with your
favour of the 12th and 19th. You have quite mistaken the
motive for "committing for consideration ;" the motion was

OP RICHARD HENRY LEE. 237
made by a very sincere friend of yours ; he had entertained
hopes of bringing before the House a proper report ; a tole
rable one was prepared, received, and read, and Monday 12th
or 14th, I forget which, " set apart" for considering it in the
House; but although repeatedly called for, its unpleasant
ness, I apprehend, proved a bar against taking it up. Your
friend did not think it quite perfect : he had, therefore, pre
pared certain araendraents, which he would have brought on
the hook, and I will .still endeavour to make the whole appear
to public view. You shall be particularly inforraed in due
time. You will have heard before this day of Count d'Es-
taing's arrival near Charleston, South Carolina; that ope
rations against the enemy at Beaufort and Savannah, were
in hand. I expect every hour to learn some iraportant event
in that quarter ; probably the first intelligence will be brought
by the count himself, who raay be daily expected at Sandy
Hook or Rhode Island. Our coraraander in chief is properly
authorized to co-operate vigorously with him. The season of
the year was much against the forces of our ally to the south
ward. A few days easterly winds, with autumnal rains,
would blast our prospect; but I hope the weather has favour
ed them.
Enclosed herein you will find a general account of three
days' work ; it will he an exceedingly painful task to recite
by and by the particulars. I shall make no comment. I have
acted one uniform and consistent part, dictated by conscience
for the good of my country, as well as for doing justice to a
meritorious individual. My wishes are not accomplished ;
but, I am nevertheless persuaded the day will corae, when
that injured individual will receive botb justice and honour
from his country. By the next post I shall determine whe
ther to leave Philadelphia this winter: and you shall, if I de
termine to go, be informed precisely the day. At present,
time will not permit rae to pay that respect to your favours
now before rae, which is due. I must hasten to the square
room, where I often raeet raany crooked things. I pray God
to bless you : and entreat you to be assured that I continue,
with sincere respect and esteera,
Dear sir, your obliged and obedient servant,
HENRY LAURENS.
The Hon. Richabd Henbt Lei, Esq.
Virginia.
P. S. We have advices to be relied on, that the second
division of Arbuthnot's squadron, seven ships of war, having
under convoy transports, containing about four thousand

238 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE, kc.
troops, arrived this day sevennight at New York. The troops
are said to be " wild Irish" and Hessians ; the term " wild
Irish" is repeated in several letters.
Twelve o'clock. A circumstance has just happened, which
renders a transmission of the paper intended to have been
enclosed, with certain coraraents on it, inconsistent with
ray honour. Therefore I have withdrawn it.

THE END.

3 9002 00523 4316

. .-A,^^^a.1a ;iblM.4&.V..^t

iiittV-ii^iii:*.-