— T» VI K IMl ^^ 1 It nu m 0 r g HON. JAMES IREDELL, LATE QOVERNOa OF THE STATE OF NORTH CAROLINA, SENATOR OF THB UNITED STATES, ETC., ETC., THIS RECORD OF A FATHER, WHOSE GENIUS HE INHERITED, AND WHOSE VIRTUES HE EMULATED; IN MEMORY OF HIM TO WHOSE PARENTAL CARE I AM INDEBTED FOE THB GREATEST OF ALL BLESSINGS — AN ADMIEABLB WIEE, THIS VOLUME IS AFFECTIONATELY INSCRIBED, BT GKIFFITH J. McEEE. PREFACE. Impressed, years ago, with a high opinion of the interesting char acter of the papers of Judge Iredell, and especially of their value as " materia historica," a vague purpose to prepare a biography of that eminent man, at the suggestion of the Hon. David L. Swain, soon assumed the consistency of a resolute determination. But slight liberties have been taken with the original papers introduced into the volume : ancient have been made to conform to modern usages, as regards punctuation, capitals, and orthog raphy : in no instance, however, has an attempt been made to make an illiterate appear an educated man. The papers of Judge Iredell are so perfect that I have not presumed to amend or cor rect them in the least degree ; not an i needs dotting — not a t to be crossed. I doubted about the propriety of this course ; but adopted it by the advice of the venerable Dr. Cogswell, of the Astor Library, whose opinion has with me the weight of the highest authority. I have endeavored to state facts disingenuously : any error that I have committed, if pointed out, will be promptly corrected, and proper atonement made. Fatigued by the transcription of the manuscripts of others, in hours stolen from the labors of my farm, and often consequently unfit for original composition, I am fully sensible that I can only claim for myself the merit of persistent industry. If the papers I present, vindicate the claim of North Carolina to a place in the front rank of the foremost States in the War of the Eevolution, even if the publication be unattended with profit, I shall be content. VI PREFACE. To Dr. Cogswell, upon whom I had no claim, for polite at tention, for information kindly imparted, for frank advice, and for a generous proffer that would have surprised me from any other quarter, I desire publicly to tender my thanks. Distin guished for the universality of his attainments, in a ripe old age his heart is still warmed by the sunshine of generous youth. In a position for which he is admirably qualified, and which he values because of the opportunities it offers him to render services to others, none who know him will hesitate to concur in the wish — " That thy days may be long in the land." To Dr. Hawks of New York, Gov. Swain, Dr. Carruthers, Joshua G. Wright, T. C. Mcllhenny of North Carohna, for words of encouragement or services rendered with a courtesy that heightened my sense of obligation, I offer my grateful acknowl edgments. G. J. McKEE. 'Wilmington, Noeth Caeouna, Augutt 5th, 1856. CONTENTS. PAGE CHAPTER I. England. — Birth. — Parentage, etc 1 CHAPTER II. America. — Edenton; its People. — Study of Law.— Letters from England 29 CHAPTER III. CuBtom-House. — McCuUoh.— Study of Law.— Letters. — Journal.— License 54 CHAPTER IV. Difficulty of Speech. — War ofthe Regulation.— Letters from Great Britain. — Lyric. — Let ters Irom Mr. Iredell. — The Circuit. — First Argument. — Letter from H. E. McCulloh CHAPTER V. Historical Summary. — Courtship. — Letters from Sir N. Dukinfield. — Letter from Mr. Ire dell, — Letters from England. — Letter from Mr. Iredell. — Journal, etc CHAPTER VL Mr. Tredell at 21. — Journal. — Letter from Miss Macartney. — Journal. — Letters. — Marriage, CHAPTER VII. Political Condition of the Province. — Iredell a Political Writer. — Collector. — Deputy for the Attorney-General. — Letters from McCulloh, Dukinfield, Brother and Uncle. — First Pro vincial Congress in North Carolina. — William Hooper. — Society at Wilmington, — ^A. Neilson, —Addreea. —Hewes 183 CHAPTER Vm. Letters from T. Iredell, Neilson, A. Iredell and Sir N. Dukinfield. — Iredell and Political Summary. — Letter from Iredell, — Last Speech and Flight of th© Governor. — Letter from A. Iredell. — " Principles of an American Whig." — Letter from Hewes and Mrs. Iredell. — Political Events. — Letters from Hewea and Neilson. — Proclamation. — Letters from Johnston. — Con gress at Hilleboro. — Letters from Johnston, Neilson and Hewes VIU CONTENTS. CHAPTER IX. Letter from Hooper. — Battle of Moore's Creek.— Letters from J. Johnston and Hewes — Prov. Congress. — Letters from Johnston iind Thomas Jones. — Custom-House Closed. — Let ters from Johnston and Thomas Jones. — British Retreat — Iredell's Essay. — Attack on Fort Sullivan.— Letters from Hewes.— Theft of unpaid Bills of Credit.— Letters from Iredell, Jones, J. Johnston and Chailton. — Defeat of Mr. Johnston, — " Creed of a Rioter."— State Constitu tion. — Letters from Johnston CHAPTER X. North Carolina enjoys Peace.— Letter from McCulloh.— First Session of the Assembly.- Letters from Iredell and Mrs. Blair.— La Neuville.— Letters from Iredell and Chief Justice Howard. — Letters from Iredell and La Neuville. — Iredell a Judge. — Letters from Hooper and Maclaine - 340 CHAPTER XI. The State. — Letter from Maclaine. — The Circuit. — Letters from Iredell, and Charge to the Grand Jury at Edenton. — Letters from Iredell. — Resignation as Judge. — Letters from Cas well, Nash, Iredell, and Hooper. — North Carolina Signs Articles of Confederation. — Letter to British Commissioners. — Assembly. — Lei ters, etc 373 CHAPTER xn. War in the South. — Letters from Iredell. — Confiscation. — McCulloh. — Letter from Iredell. — Sir George Collier at Norfolk. — Letters from BIrs. Blair. — Iredell Attorney-General. — Let ters from Iredell and Hooper. — .Schools in North Carolina. — The Circuit 407 CHAPTER XIII. Letters from Iredell. — Assembly. — The Circuit. — Letters from Iredell. — South Carolina eubdued. — Condition of North Carolina. — Letters from Iredell.— Rocky Mount. — Hanging Rock. — Battle of Camden. — Assembly. — Letters from Iredell. — Second British Invasion. — Bat tle of King's Mountain.— Cornwallis Retreats.— Letters from Iredell. — Arrival of Greene. Army. — Admiralty Suit. — Letter from Johnston, Delegate to Continental Congress 442 CHAPTER XIV. Cowpens.— Letter from Robert Smitli.- Assembly.— C. Johnston to Iredell.— S. Johnston tolredell.— Spencer to Iredell.— Hooper to Iredell.— Pierce Butler to Iredell.— Battle of Guil ford.— Letters. — Council Extraordinaiy.- Letters.- People of Edenton fly.— Greene's Cam paign in South Carolina. — Letters from Butler, Johnston, Mrs. Blair, etc. Trick played Gen eral Gregoi-y.— Assembly.— Governor Burke.— Letters.-Negro Invasion.- Battle of Eutaw Springs.— Capture of Governor Burke.— Battles of Elizabethtown and Lindley's Mill.— York- town. — Evacuation of Wilmington. — Rejoicing .?. Appendix 5g5 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE OF JAMES IREDELL, ONE OF THE ASSOCIATE JUSTICES OF THE SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES. CHAPTER 1. ENGLAND, BIKTH, PARENTAGE, ETC. James Ikedell was born at Lewes, Sussex County, England, Oct. Sth, 1751, K. S. His grandfather was the Eev. Francis Iredell, of Dublin, Ireland, who married Eleanor Macartney. His father, Mr. Francis Iredell, a merchant of Bristol, married on the 1st August, 1750, Margaret McCulloh, of Ireland. There is a tradition in the Iredell family that the true name is Ireton : that they are collateral descendants of Henry Ireton, son-in-law of Oliver Cromwell ; and that when at the Kestora- tion, the body of the republican General was dug up and ex posed upon the Tyburn gibbet, prudence dictated to the family such a change of name as would enable them to escape the clamor and fury of the royalists. Ireton died in 1651. Now a tradition in a family, three generations of which are known to have been cultivated people, for so shoit a period, has certainly great weight. Of Ireton, Hume remarks — " A memorable personage, much celebrated for his vigilance, industry, capacity, even for the strict execution of justice in that unlimited command, which he pos sessed in Ireland. He was observed to be inflexible in all his purposes ; and it was believed by many, that he was animated with a sincere and passionate love for liberty, and never could have been induced, by any motive, to submit to the smallest appearance of regal government." Vol. I.— 1 4 LIFE AND CORBESPONDENCE ^''^^ quitted all his brother's posts in Ireland, and carried back bis army to Scotland the following spring. " Captain Cullo O'Neil, and many other Irish officers of Edward de Bruce's army, went with King Eobert de Bruce to Scotland, who knighted Captain Cullo O'Neil, and preferred him to be his standard-bearer and secretary of state ; and gave Sir Cullo O'Neil lands in Loni, as likewise the lands of Myrton and Achawan, which comprehend Killerar and Ardwell in Galloway. Sir Cul- lo's charter is dated at Dunstaffnage, holding in fee blank form, the reddendo being a rose to the king to smell at when he comes to Myrton. Sir Cullo O'Neil died in the year 1331, and left his estate of Myrton and other lands in Galloway to his eldest son Sir Godfrey, who assumed the surname of McCulIo, and Sir Godfrey McCuUo had his charter renewed at Perth in the year 1332, by David de Bruce, then king of Scotland. Sir Godfrey McCullo died in the year 1358, and was succeeded by his eldest son Sir Alexander McCullo, who died in the year 1399, and was succeeded by his eldest son Sir Norman McCullo, who had his charter renewed at Eothsay in the year 1400, by Eobert the Third, king of Scotland, and was knighted in 1429 by King James, and died in 1445, and was succeeded by his eldest son Sir Eleseus McCullo, who died about the year 1448, and was suc ceeded by his eldest son Sir Alexander McCullo, who died about the year 1524, without issue male ; and was succeeded by his son-in-law Henry McCulloch of Killerar and Margaret his daugh ter (which Henry was descended from Thomas, second son of Sir Norman McCullo), who got their charter renewed by King James the Fifth in the year 1525, and died about the year 1561, and was succeeded by their eldest son Simon McCulloch, who got his charter renewed by Queen Mary, daughter of James the Fifth, and died in the year 1592, and was suceeded by his eldest son William McCulloch, who died about the year , and was suc ceeded by his eldest son Alexander McCulloch, who, finding his estate much embarrassed by family debts, borrowed some large sum of money from a Doctor McCulloch in London, the repay ment of which he secured by heritable bonds, and put his estate of Myrton &c. into the hands of his brother-in-law, John McCul loch Laird of Ardwell, designing that the rents thereof should clear his debts, — and after having fixed his affairs in such man ner, Laird Alexander came to Ireland with his family to Sir Henry O'Neil, who gave him lands near the main water, where he resided until the time of his death, which happened in the year 1643, and was succeeded by his eldest son, William McCul loch, Esq. of Br^ndalston, who died in the year and left I'^Sl.] OF MR. IREDELL. 5 two sons, to wit, James of Grogan and Henry of Brandalston. John Laird of Ardwell turned out a bad trustee to Laird Alexan der and his family, having bought up for his own use all the old family debts, and heritable bonds affecting Myrton estate, &c. and under color thereof, Ardwell and his femily continued pos sessors of Laird Alexander's Scotch estates, — and had a son named Alexander who was knighted by King Charles the Second. But, how William of Brandalston came to submit to such frauds, I have not been able to trace. " The Genealogy and Memoirs of the House of Myrton herein contained, I transcribed from an old manuscript, which I found among my father's papers ; but made small alterations in the dic tion of the Memoirs, but none in respect to facts. J. McC. "October 24, 1767. " N. B. The manuscript is not attested by any persons, but I believe the contents to be true. " Mem. The above is a copy of a transcript of the original Memoirs, in the handwriting of James McCulloh Esq. of Cam- dey, and now in the possession of Henry Eustace McCulloh, Esq. who favored me with a sight of it. J. I. " N. Carolina, June 9, 1772." " James of Grogan, the last mentioned of that name in the foregoing Genealogy, had among other children the three follow ing — William, James, Henry, and a daughter married to Charles Macartney, Esq. of Dublin. William had issue, James, (now of Camdey, near Dundalk in Ireland, in whose possession the Me moirs are, and from whom the copy referred to was obtained,) who is yet a bachelor. William, a merchant in Dublin, who is now a widower. By his wife (whose name was Coleman), he had three children, now living, — two daughters and a son — Henry, (late Secretary of this Province), two of whose daughters are now living there. " James married Mary, the daughter of James Ferguson, M.D., of Belfast in Ireland, by whom he had issue two daughters, Margaret and Jane. Margaret was married on the 1st August, 1750, to Mr. Francis Iredell merchant in Bristol, a son of the Eev. Mr. Iredell of Dublin. Their issue is as follows : — James, born 5th October, . . . 1751 (N. S). Francis, born 21st December, . . 1752 Charles, born 1756 Arthur, born .... 1758 Thomas, born Sth December, . . 1761 6 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [I'^Sl. " Besides these, who are now living, they had three sons and a daughter who died — one son, named Thomas, born between Francis and Charles ; a daughter named Mary, born between Arthur and Thomas ; and two sons, named William and Henry, youngest of all. The Eev. Mr. Francis Iredell married Eleanor, the daughter of Macartney, Esq., who had two brothers, one named ., a Judge in the King's Bench (and after wards in the Common Pleas) in Ireland, and another named , father of , who was the father of Sir George Macartney, and two other children, daughters. The brothers and sisters of Eleanor were, James, a merchant in Bristol, never married, who died in April, 1770 ; Charles, a merchant in Dub lin, who married a daughter of James McCulloch, Esq., of Gro gan, and by whom he had several children, one only of which is living, Margaret Macartney. He died in or about the year 1750. " Isabella, the sister of Eleanor, was married, and died 26th December, l765. The issue of Judge Macartney was only one son, named James, who married, and had two sons and four daughters ; his two sons and one daughter died in his lifetime, so that his estate, which was £6,000 a year, descended to his three daughters, one of which only is married, whose husband's name is Greville, and the issue of his deceased daughter, who was married to William Henry Lyttelton, Esq., brother of Lord Lyttelton, and many years Governor of Jamaica, by whom she had three children. " Jane, the other daughter of James McCulloch, Esq., was never married, and lives with her mother, in Belfast. " Mr. Francis Iredell has one brother, Thomas, living in Ja maica, never married. " 1 forgot to mention that James McCulloch, Esq., of Grogan, had, among many other children by a first wife, a daughter mar ried to McCuUoch, a Scotchman, who had issue Alexan der McCulloch, Esq., of Halifax County, in North Carolina, and who is first cousin by half blood to James and William McCul loch in Ireland, Mrs. Iredell, Miss Macartney, and Henry Eus tace McCulloch, the only surviving chUd of Henry McCulloch, Esq., the brother of WUliam and James, and Mrs. Macartney, by the whole blood." Mr. Francis Iredell, of Bristol, being stricken with paraly sis, and unable to supervise his business, was soon reduced to poverty. However we may declaim about the heartlessness of the world, no man is ever utterly abandoned by his kind. God has I'^Sl-] OF MR. IREDELL. 7 established for us a law of mutual dependence ; and his kind providence has so ordered that even the most unprincipled and vicious are not entirely friendless in their hour of punishment, or remorse, or wretchedness. However monstrous the outcast may be, in some one human heart the spark of charity will kindle into flame at the sight of his misery. Verily he " tempers the wind to the shorn lamb ; " and " in his wrath forgets not mercy." The Iredell family, in their day of prosperity, had not re pelled by arrogance ; but had conciliated friendship by amenity of manner and amiability of temper. When adversity assaUed, and the wreck of their fortunes floated at the mercy of the blast, they were not without support and succor. Many stepped forward to their aid, with tender concern, to offer counsel and shelter. They were allied by blood to Sir George Macartney, the Earl of Wigton, the Fergusons and Mc- Cullohs, and by marriage to Gov. Lyttelton* — all people of rank and consideration. Many others of humbler social position ex tended to them the warmest sympathy. The most powerful of their connections from influence and talent, was Sir George Macartney. This gentleman was created an Irish baron in 1776 ; in 1785, declared Governor-General of Bengal ; in 1792, was advanced to the dignity of an Earl, and selected as the Ambassa dor Extraordinary of Great Britain to the Emperor of China. He married Jane, daughter of the Earl of Bute.f Though from early manhood warmly sustained by the family of Lord Holland, he was chiefly indebted for his elevation to his own merit. It must be acknowledged that he possessed virtues which qualified him for the most eminent situation in the service of his country. By his active agency, as soon as Mr. Francis Iredell so far re covered from his severe illness as to be capable of business, he received some small appointment under the Crown that nearly sufficed for his modest wants ; and in a few years three of his sons were indebted to the kind offices of the same relation for official positions. Mr. Henry McCulloh was the grand-uncle of the subject of this memoir. He and his son, Henry Eustace McCulloh, espe cially, were destined to shape the career and determine the char acter of the boy. The former, at a very early period, became connected with the Province of North Carolina. He had been Secretary of the Province, and had been appointed his Majesty's surveyor, inspector, and comptroller of the revenue and grants of * After-w-ards Lord Westcote ; his first wife -was Mary, daughter of James Macartney, of Longford, Ireland. f Lempriere. 8 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE C^''®^' land ; and speculated largely in crown lands with a view of pay ing for them by importing settlers.* It is said that he obtained, by fraud, grants for about one mUlion of acres of land. It is further said, that subsequently the son, Henry Eustace McCul loh, settled his father's accounts with the Crown with so niuch tact and address, as to retain sixty-four thousand four hundred well-selected acres, without the payment of a single doUar. Upon what authority this statement is based is not known. It is so improbable that I cannot but doubt. If McCulloh sought a settlement " propria motu," his action implied a degree of hon esty inconsistent with fraud. If he was prosecuted by the Crown, it is incredible that in the latter half of the eighteenth century, the era of Hardwicke and Mansfield, Johnson and Burke, the law-officers of the King should have so compounded rascality, f The charge is rebutted by the fact that Henry McCulloh always resided within reach of the English courts ; and further, by the general affection and regard cherished for him by his friends and relatives. None are such accurate judges of character as those most intimate with a man — those brought into frequent contact with him, and enjoying a daily intercourse. About the year 1736, Henry McCulloh began to introduce emigrants from Ire land to occupy his lands, and soon the number swelled to be tween three and four hundred. They settled at first in the counties of Duplin and Bladen, but gradually spread westward. The fortune of the elder McCulloh, whicli was large, was greatly embarrassed by this enterprise, as he furnished the settlers the means of crossing the Atlantic. He died in the year 1778. Henry Eustace McCulloh, after the usual term at the Inner Temple, was regularly called to the bar. He came to North Carolina about the year 1761,J and resided here constantly until the year 1767, during which time he was chiefly occupied as agent for his father, and served as a member of Governor Dobbs' Council. He was Collector of the Customs for Port Eoanoke for many years, and for a long time had also the honor of repre senting the Province at the several Boards in England, his father attending to this business whUe he was absent in America. Be fore I dismiss him for the present, it may be well to trace his history to the end, though the chronology of the narrative be violated. He returned to England in 1767 ; but came again to North Carolina in 1772, where he remained until June 1773 * Life of Caldwell, Williamson's Hist. N. C. ¦)¦ MoCulloh's affairs with the Crown were finally settled, to McCuUoh's satis faction, before the King in Council. — Letter from M. to Iredell. Ij. McCuUoh's Memorial to General Assembly. FAC .simile: of M S S of judge IREDELL "^Ar^ ^ <«>>i_ l^eJc^J A^e^h^, «^A-«^ t/k^C o4t.^.ryi^ l-t-u^^^e^y-a Z.^..,^.^ ^J 'I'-^Ji^Jf ^^7^ /Ui^ ^.:).^ /C-v^ ^i-c fl,/i.^ a/i.y^jt ^'^'''l-] OF MR. IREDELL. 9 when he once more returned to England. Death having re moved all of his father's children, but himself, he obtained from him, in 1772, a conveyance of all his property here. He was a man of more than ordinary abUity and culture ; cunning, rather than wise. Of loose morals, with a decent regard for appear ances, he veiled his vices from the public eye. He had no in strumentality in the appointment of young Iredell to office in America ; but knowing him to be a youth of great promise, he employed all his arts to win his confidence and secure his sub servience to his interests. He not only devolved on him all the duties of his collectorship, but employed him as agent to transact his private business. Through the agency of Mr. Iredell, he was enabled to enjoy, uninterrupted for long periods, the pleasures of a London life. He made Mr. Iredell no compensation for his services. Time after time he would hint to him that he intended making him his heir. Often he would amuse him with the hope that he would resign his office in his favor ; but always found a ready excuse to evade the performance of his promise. His sagacity early detected the small cloud, surcharged with the thunders of the revolution, that was destined to spread over the continent. It was not until thus warned that he resigned his office. His property was confiscated by the State. After this loss, his letters to Mr. Iredell became abject and piteous. The latter, true to the generous instincts of his nature, forgiving Mc CuUoh's errors, made, without success, strenuous efforts to pro cure his pardon and the restoration of his estates. The services he rendered him were manifold and valuable. At the close of the war, and after he had abandoned all hope of recovering his American lands, with shattered fortunes, but still with an in come of twelve hundred guineas per annum, McCulloh retired to a country-seat in the vicinity of London, where he died in the year , as false to his kinsman in death as he had been in life. Mr. Francis Iredell had a brother, Mr. Thomas Iredell, who was unmarried, and resided on a large estate that he owned in the island of Jamaica. He was too remote to render prompt succor to his brother in his misfortunes. He was embarrassed at that juncture by the failure of several successive crops. Pru dent, industrious and economical, and forgetful of the maxim, " his dot qui cito dot" he thought only of repairing his losses. He was a man of consideration in Jamaica, and more than once thought of for the post of Governor. James Iredell, in case of his death without issue, would have been his heir-at-law. He was first in his affection. Mr. Thomas Iredell was a high-church man, and a stanch adherent of the Tory Government. He was 10 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE fl'^^'- intelligent, and weU educated ; but arrogant, of violent preju dices, impracticable. The part that James played in the Amer ican Eevolution so excited his displeasure, that he _ thenceforth dechned aU intercourse with him, and when he died, left the whole of his estate to a younger brother. The following letters shed much light on the situation, difficulties and prospects of the family. Teemblat, Feb. 10, 1767. My Dear Young Friend : — I have sent by the bearer a box of books belonging to you or your brothers. My compliments to your papa and mamma. They and theirs have myjbest wishes. Fear not ; but trust in God, and he wiU take care of you all. Make him your friend, and your portion will yet be a happy one. Send me word if you can, what ships are to sail soon for (Ireland) Dublin. I want to send letters thither. Believe me, dear Jemmy, Your truly affectionate friend, D. LEWIS.* "Non, 91 male nunc, et olim sie erit." — Hoeat. Lib. 2, Odes, 11. "Tho' now 'tis cloudy, 'twill clear up again." — Nobeis. Master James Iredell, Bristol. London, Sth March, 1767. My Dear Jemmy : — I received your letter dated the 28th of February, and have been very sensibly affected by your father's misfortunes ; the ill state of health he labors under, and the melancholy prospect there is for his family. What adds to my concern is, that I am so circumstanced, that it is reaUy not in my power, at present, to assist him. Please God my son arrives in time, I shall consult with him what may be proper to be done for you, as it would give me great pleasure to put you in a road to provide for yourself In the meantime, if you do not go to Jamaica (which I think will be no bad scheme), I would have you endeavor to get into some counting-house or office, in order to keep you employed in some business or other. Mrs. McCulloh recovers slowly. She is not yet able to walk. She joins me in her love to your father, mother, and all the family. May God in his mercy grant you relief I am, dr. James, Your affectionate friend and servant, HENEY McCULLOH. Mr. James Iredell, Bristol. * Mr. Iredell's Teacher, ^''^'^•'i OF MR. IREDELL. 11 Dear James : — I had the pleasure of receiving yours last night, when I returned from Mr. McCartney's, where I had dined, and spent the evening. I almost wished I had not been engaged there, as Mr. Garrick played last night, and the Eoyal FamUy was there. I believe, had I been sure of a place, I should certainly have tried to make an elopement ; but I heard a lady say she had sent three times to the house, and could not get a place in any part of it ; so I thought I had better be content where I was sure of meeting good company. We had a private concert and cards there. The Governor* dined with us. We talked a good deal about your uncle and all of you. The Gov ernor tells me he is soon going to Portugal. Mr. Oust tells me in his letter, that he is so taken up that he can't attend to the arbitration, unless it can be deferred till June — so we must get somebody else. I am very glad to hear your father is so much better. God grant he may soon get entirely the better of his disorder. Your account of poor Mr. Bon's misfortune gave me great concern ; but you don't tell me whether it's for a large sum or not, or whether he had met with any losses lately to bring , it on. I pity Mrs. B. from my heart, as I think she seems to be in a very weak state of health, and this must be a great shock to her. Mrs. Parry, who is in town, insists on my dining with her to-day. She calls on me in her coach to take me first an airing in Hyde Park, and in the evening to the Opera. I am sure I am greatly obliged to her. My Aunt McCulloh seems to me to be in a very bad way. Give my duty to my uncle, and love to your papa and mamma, and believe me to be, dear James, your ever aff'ectionate kinswoman, MAEGAEET MACAETNEY. King's Square Coukt, Soho, March 17, 1767. P. S. — I had almost forgot to tell you that Miss Macartney broke her right arm about four months ago. I think that mis fortune incident to the family. Love to all inquiring friends. Master James Iredell, Queen Square, Bristol. i King's Squaee Codkt, Soh ¦. I received, my dear James, your letter Saturday night ; and yesterday went to my uncle in the morning instead of going to church, to ask his advice. He seems to think it a very good scheme, if at the Wells, as my cousin and all of us have a large acquaintance, especiaUy amongst the Irish. He thinks * Sir George Macartney. 12 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1161. that the house of Mrs. WUcox, corner of Dowry Square, would be a good one, and says that he will write to her about it. He makes no doubt but that she will let you have it for little or nothing the first year by way of trial. He intends writing this week if he can, or the beginning of next week, and if Mrs. WU cox likes the proposal she wiU speak to you. I have been kept at home these two days in expectation of Mr. Vesey._ Last Fri day he sent me a note to let me know he would wait on me on Saturday about 12 o'clock. I stayed at home tUl half-past five in the afternoon ; but he neither came nor sent any apology— which I think very rude — nor have I heard any thing of him since. I have more hopes than ever of the Arbitration, but must see Mr. Vesey before the day is fixed. I spent the even ing Friday, in Hanover Square, and am going there this evening. They sent their coach for me Friday, and I am to have it again to-night. I think their life seems wrapt up in Master Lyttleton. He is a very fine boy, three and a half years old. The Governor did me the honor of calling on me one morning last week, but I was just gone out to dine at Mrs. Parry's. I was sorry I had not seen him. Lady Eodney came from Greenwich on purpose to see me last Saturday. She insisted on my dining with her. Yesterday, accordingly, I went, and spent a very agreeable day. Thursday I saw Mr. Garrick play Eanger in the Suspicious Hus band, and Saturday saw Mrs. Pritchard in Lady Macbeth for her own benefit. Thus ycu see in what manner I spend my time ; but yet you have not the least reason to fear my having any reluctance to return to Bristol, for when I am there I can make myself happy in entertaining my friends with what I have seen ; as much as I am at present in the real enjoyment of them ; and that's saying a great deal, considering the many inducements I have to like this place. And now I must tell you, sir, that you are much Qbliged to me for this long letter, whatever you may think of it, for I refused dining this day with Mrs. Parry because I would not delay answering yours. I am glad to hear your father is much better. Give my love to him and your mamma. TeU her to take a little more care of her health ; and that I hope she will live to enjoy many more years of happiness. TeU her also I have bought a pair of candlesticks, which, if she likes them and the terms, are for her — if not I will keep them myself I am, my dear James, with duty and love where due Yours most affectionately, March 13th, 1767. MAEGAEET MACAETNEY. Call on the Miss Gresleys, and give my love to them. I wrote my uncle this post. ^'^Sl.] OF MR. IREDELL. 13 DuBiiN, 26th April, 1767. Dear Cousin : — I received your favor of the 7th inst., and also your father's of the 19th of February, inclosing a copy of a letter from him to your uncle in Jamaica, which, according to your desire, was forwarded to your grandmother. I am persuaded it is needless for me to assure you that the unhappy situation of your family gives me the deepest affUction. I sincerely con gratulate you on the prospect of your father's recovery from his very distressing indisposition. In consequence of your desire, I sent your letter to my brother, which he has returned to me. We join in thinking that the very best method that could be taken by every branch of your family, would be to get some dis creet person of your Uncle Macartney's acquaintance (chosen by general consent) to open up to him the present situation of his affairs with every particular circumstance relating thereto, at such time as he is clearheaded — if any such time there is — and leave him to order his own affairs in such manner as may seem best to him, in their present circumstances. This we think would be the best way to prevent animosity and contention hereafter. I showed your letter to Mr. and Mrs. Paumier as desired. Please present my affectionate compliments to all friends with you. I am, dear cousin, Yours very affectionately, WILLIAM McCULLOH. KiNG-SQDAKE CoUET, SoHo, 1 1 Sept. 1767. Dear Sir, — I have your favor of the 14th. An unexpected prospect of bringing on our affair before the King in Council, this month, agreeably detains my father and myself here, and we do not now imagine we shall see our friends your way till the beginning of next. The delay is certainly a disappointment, but business of this kind must be waitched. My father desires me to inform you that you must for the present, at least, give up your hopes of going to India, as he finds every vacancy long filled, and the greatest interest necessary. You may assure yourself he has it much at heart to give you a good opening into life, and he directs me to inform you that he has thought of the Comp troller of the Customs' place at Newbem, in North Carolina, for you. It is an office to be created, none having been yet ap pointed, — he had reserved it in view for a near friend in Carolina, but his desires to serve you preponderate with him. The method of application he proposes is, that you make friends with some of the managers of the Bristol election to recommend you to my 14 life and CORRESPONDENCE C^''^''- Lord Clare, and to name the manner proposed ; and if that ia done, my father thinks you need not fear success. The salary paid here is £30 a year, which it is proposed your father should re ceive for his use ; to this I am sure no objection can arise from you. The fees may amount to near £100 per annum now, a genteel office, easy, though requiring residence. You may at first view object to the country, but permit me to assure you life may be passed therfe very happily, without too great an exercise of philosophy: another thing is, that if your genius leads to the bar or trade — the first especially, you may promise yourself a fair field for success, as it is a most growing country. Add to this, that the natural weight which my father's property and my connections give us there, shall be of service to you in case this event takes place. You will inform us of the steps you take. Please to make our kind respects to Mrs. Wilcocks, and inform her of the alteration in our plan. Be so kind also as to see Miss Macartney, and to tender her my compliments and her uncle's affectionate remembrance. My father joins me in affectionate compliments to your father and mother. I am, dear sir. Your most assured humble servant, HENEY E. McCULLOH. You must conceal your age and the value of the employment from Lord Clare. Your friends may say it is worth about £50 per annum. Your success depends on being properly recom mended to him. London, 17th Nov. 1767. Dear James, — I did not imagine I would be near three months in London without hearing oftener than once from you. I have wrote you twice, but it is true I should have done so oftener to make good my promise, — but do assure you, since my arrival here,_ the greater part of my time has been taken up in a constant series of business which has prevented my writing to many friends. However, Mr. Jem (excuse the term) you can't plead this excuse — therefore I take it rather unkind your not letting me hear oftener from you, as you must have known from Mr. Hunter of my being in London. You will say I have made a long stay here. I must say so also ; but yet London is so agreeable a place, that the time has appeared very short However, I have at length fixed upon leaving this to-morrow by way of Chester, in company with my old school-fellow, Dick Weld. Some little time ago I was in hopes of having it in my 116S.] OF MR. IREDELL. 15 power to return by Bristol ; but now I am obliged to be in Ire land immediately, therefore must rest satisfied until another favorable opportunity offers for seeing my good friends at B— — I. You wUl of course expect some little description of London, but time will not allow my saying any thing at present. When I get to Greenmount, and get my secretary settled, — after all fa tigue and hurry — will then endeavor to give you some little en tertainment. If I have not the pleasure of seeing you before you depart for the Eastern world, I heartily wish all possible success and happiness, and that you may in time prove a second Nabob. I shall expect to hear from you, without fail, very shortly. Let me know your schemes, and what you have in view. Direct to me at Antrim. My best wishes and respects to your father and mother, and all the little ones. My comphments to Miss Macartney. I wish her all happiness, whether in the married or single state. I must conclude with my best wishes for your welfare. Dear James, your most affectionate friend, &c., SKEFFINGTON THOMPSON. Dear Cousin : — I received both your favors of the llth of December and 25th of January. The letters which you mention were all properly forwarded and delivered. I would have an swered you much sooner in regard to Mrs. Paumier ; but she and Mr. Paumier have been in the County of Fermanagh, at Mr. Leslie's, since the middle of September. As they were expected home before Christmas, I delayed writing till I could let you know particularly how she was. She and Mr. Paumier came to town a few days ago. They are both now in good health and spirits. They were delayed in the country by Mr. Paumier's being iU with the gout and cold, and she with the rheumatism. Mr. Crawford left this yesterday for London. My brother con tinues at Drogheda school, and is very well. My dada and sister join in affectionate compliments to all friends with you. I am, dear cousin, Your very affectionate humble servant, ANN McCULLOH. Dublin, Sth February, 1768. Kings Sqcaee Coukt, Soho, 3d March, 1768. Dear Sir : — I can readUy imagine that our long silence rel ative to Jemmy's affair, has long ago induced you to think our appUcations unsuccessful. The friendships of this life consist too much of profession and appearance ; but the motives which 16 LIFE AND correspondence [l'^^^- influenced my father, were not to be discouraged by the difficulties he met with. The office which was intended for Jemmy, would have been obtained had not an unexpected engagement to Gov ernor Tryon interfered. This disappointment gave us great un easiness, but the Collection falling vacant, application was made for that, and there also rendered unless from the same cause, — a prior engagement. Thus disappointed, a third essay was made, which was to get Jemmy appointed ComptroUer of the Customs at Port Eoanoake (Edenton) in the place of the late Comptroller preferred ; and this, we have the great pleasure to acquaint you, has succeeded. The warrant for his appointment issued the 29th uU., and is now in our hands. I can but heartily congratulate you on this event, as I know nothing (his age &c. considered) which could have been wished more happy. The office is genteel, re quires little or no duty, so that he will have time to apply him self to business ; it is worth upwards of £100 sterling a year. His situation will be in the most agreeable part of the province, in the midst of my friends and connections, and consequently, in the way of my advancing happily his opening into life, of which (if he properly co-operates) his prospects are most fair and happy. He cannot, unless it is greatly his own fault, miss of doing extremely well, and we are the more pleased, as it may put him in a situation to be of the greatest service to you all. We have been at some expenses in this matter, and very willingly, and shall take upon us the care of providing the securities. I don't know but I may see Bristol soon. If I should be disap pointed, I will write you what my father advises as to the time of Jemmy's going over. In the mean time, I think you had better use your interest with your friends at your custom-house to permit Jemmy to attend, and make himself acquainted with the nature of his office. It is with great cheerfulness we ac quaint you, that you are only obliged to us in the above transac tions for our kindest wishes, and our ready attention to, and in formation of circumstances. Sir George Macartney's beha^aor upon the occasion has been extremely kind and generous. He had the goodness to apply to the Duke of Grafton, in person ; and it is to tiim, and his interest alone, you are indebted for this ap pointment. It is but strict justice to him, to mention also, that he applied in the two instances before mentioned. This atten tion and generous exertion of interest reflects great honor on him, and justly demands your most grateful sentiments. My father advises that you write to Sir George upon the subject, in forming him that we have acquainted you of Jemmy's appoint ment, and that this happy alteration in your prospects is entire- 1768.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 17 ly owing to him. You may inclose the letter open to me, to seal and deliver ; though if we should conceive it improper in point of expression, we shall use the kind right of friendship in ad vising you of it. I mentioned in a letter I wrote some time ago to Miss Macartney, that our affair was happily settled. Our doubts and uncertainties as to Jemmy's affair, was the reason I did not write you before. I write this in great haste, and wUl beg your excuse for my not going further than to mention our hopes that you have been all well. My father joins me in our kindest love to you, Cousin Peggy, and the boys. I am sorry to say he has been vei-y unwell for some days, and still continues so. I shall expect the pleasure of hearing from you soon. By my next it is probable I may come to some determination as to my trip to Bristol. I will beg your care of the inclosed. Wishing you and yours every manner of happiness, I am, dear cousin. Your affectionate humble servant, HENEY E. McCULLOH. Mr. Francis Iredell. Belfast, April 23d, 1768. My Dearest Jemmy : — I received your letter of the I7th of March last Sunday, which gave your aunt and myself un speakable pleasure. To hear that you were so happUy provided for, gives us very great joy. We are all under great obligations to Sir George Macartney, your good uncle, and his son, who have all behaved so generously and friendly to you. I hope you will always bear a grateful sense of their favors and goodness to you, and behave yourself suitably, to deserve the continuance of thera. I beg, my dear, you may be careful what company you take up with, and be directed by your cousin in every thing, who knows the province and the people. I beg you may take care of your health. I would be glad to know when your cousin intends going over ; it had been your great advantage had you gone with him. I am glad that your father has got his deliverance, and that your mamma and he are well. I spoke several times to Mr. Jones about Eaeney, but he can get no satisfactory auawer from him ; always puts him off with excuses. I don't know what can be done with him. I am glad that Mrs. Agnew sent the money. I wish the letter she wrote to you had been sent over, wherein she recol lected that it had not been paid. Mr. Agnew's son intends going to Bristol, Bath and London soon, in company with his Aunt Stewart and her daughter, who lives in Dublin. He is very 2 18 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE i^''^^- weU ; but it is thought he wiU be the better to travel, and not to stay too much at KiUwaughter. I hope you wiU write me when you go to Carolina. I wiU pay for a letter from you_ with great pleasure. May God Almighty bless and direct you in^aU your ways. I hope, my dear, you won't forget to pray to God daUy ; acknowledge Him, and he will direct you in all your ways. My blessing to my son and daughter, and aU your brothers. Your aunt sends her love, and wishes you a good voyage and aU manner of prosperity, which we will not neglect to pray for, and am, my dearest Jemmy, Your most affectionate grandmamma, MAEY McCULLOH. p. S. — Mr. Jemison told me of a brig going to Bristol, which returns here. I hope your mamma or Frank will write by her. He sends this letter under cover to Mr. Hunter, who wUl let you know when the brig returns. I would be glad to know if the butter was good. There is an affair which has happened this week which has given real concern to a great many. Poor Mr. William Haven has been obliged to stop payment. It is talked that he is in great debt, and been feared for some time, though I knew nothing of it. I shall long greatly for a letter, in hopes to hear how all affairs are. The sloop is ready, just waiting for a fair wind. Mr. James Iredell, Bristol. The grandson of a clergyman, and educated in the tenets of the Church, James Iredell was early imbued with a sense of re ligion. The following essay, found amongst his papers, and en dorsed " written when I was very young," evinces the strength of his conviction : — Nothing is a stronger argument of the profligacy and de generacy of the present age, than the general turn to infideUty which universally prevaUs. Strange ! that in an affair of so great importance as religion confessedly is, any should be so weak as to conceive a prejudice against it, without giving it that im partial examination which is due to every object of speculation and which religion more particularly claims, as including within itself every thing of moment to our present and future happiness. The man who is singular enough to profess a value for religion" is too frequently considered as a morose, or an unreflecting being' whose conduct is unsocial, or whose principles are unsound — adopted from education, and preserved by prejudice. But this 1''68.] OF JAMES IREDELL, 19 is not the rational way of condemning opinions. It does not follow that every thing we receive from education is wrong ; nor that because we still continue to revere truths our fathers taught us to revere, that this must be the effect of prejudice. As no one wUl pretend to deny, it is not necessary for me to prove, that as our judgments ripen, we become gradually capable of thinking for ourselves, — and of confirming, or condemning, former opinions. Eeason faithfully exerted will seldom lead us astray ; for if truth be the only object of our inquiry, it will be indifferent to us where we find it. I am not an advocate for carelessly receiving every thing upon trust — such an adoption of principles is irrational as well as infirm ; but when we examine, let us do it with all the caution of a confined capacity, — let us be content with that proof which the nature of the thing wUl only admit of ; but let us not reject the whole of a system of the purest principles of practice, and the highest objects of belief, because we may sometimes meet with a difficulty our reason cannot thoroughly comprehend, con sidering that many things in this natural world are equally amazing and incomprehensible. If that part we do understand conveys to us the utmost purity of thought, and teaches us the most rational sentiments, though some part of revelation may seem difficult and mysterious, yet if it has nothing directly con tradictory to the dictates of reason, let us pass it by with awful reverence, supposing our capacities too limited to comprehend it, and resolve it into the wisdom of the Almighty, whose ways are above our ways, and past finding out. If we strongly possess ourselves with the divinity, the rationality, and the moral excel lence of its internal evidence, we need fear very Uttle from ex ternal shocks. We shall not easily believe, that a person born of low parents, and meanly educated, could early form a plan so consistently, so extraordinarily, and (if we reject the divinity of his mission) so impiously carried on, that his conduct should be entirely irreproachable, his lU'e a pattern of the most exalted morality, — and yet that his designs should be blasphemous to his God, and an imposition upon all mankind ; that he should give up every prospect of happiness, and subject himself to every hardsMp of life ; that he should expose himself to persecution, hatred and revenge ; that he should set up in opposition to opinions the most favored, and to practices the most indulged ; that he should preach doctrines of the sublimest virtue ; and the only objects of his attack should be, unworthy sentiments of re ligion, and the immoral lives of men, — enforcing every precept with his own example, and for what end ? can you, can I, can any one believe it was for any other end than the declared one, the glory of God and the good of mankind ; and that the many 20 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1768. miracles he performed, and truths (hitherto unthought of or un known) he related, confirm him in the divinity of his mission. Oh ! easy, unpardonable credulity I that any one can believe such a man, with such designs — can be an impostor. Whether is it more rational to believe, that a religion every way worthy of God for its author, revealing truths which could not be dis covered by the most learned Pagan philosophers, inculcating doctrines whose sublimity their theology never reached, and at tested by miracles which nothing less than Divine power could enable to perform, was really introduced from heaven, and had God for its author and support ; — or that it was framed by a man who propagated it with a lie (its own doctrines strictly con demning the least deviation from truth), and that of the most horrid nature, — a lie against the God of truth — that he was not only an enthusiast himself, but made many others so ; that he associated with him twelve poor illiterate men, whom he pos essed with the same enthusiasm ; thafr the miracles they wrought, where every suspicion of deceit must be precluded, was owing to the assistance of demons ; that this enthusiasm caught many thousands, and in time mUlions, in this very belief, in opposition to their immediate interest in this world ; and that though the whole powers of the earth were exerted in vain to crush it, yet it still spread with the most astonishing success ; and after lives which had experienced every cruelty or persecution which the rod of power could inflict, enthusiasm still made them submit to deaths of ignominy and torture, and seal with their dying lips the sincerity of their profession ; and lastly, that at this day, the Christian religion is professed by the greatest part of the most civilized in the world ; and all this, the effect of an imposture carried on by deceit, and propagated by enthusiasm, bidding de fiance to the outward repulses of kingdoms, and the most favorite inclinations of individuals. Is it possible that any man on earth can be so lost to reflection as to think— so immersed in sensuality as to wish — or so inclinable to scepticism as to believe — the Christian religion, under these circumstances (and they are aU capable of proof), is an imposture ? For my part, I am free and ready enough to declare that I think the Christian religion is a Divine institution ; and I pray to God that I may never forget the precepts of his religion, or suffer the appearance of an inconsistency in my principles and practice. London, 6th September, 1768. Dear Jemmy : — I received a letter from you on Saturday, I am glad to hear you are not likely to be delayed ; as Mr. Beeves will not agree to what was proposed, let him take the ^loS.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 21 ten guineas, out of the balance to be paid in on account of Campbell, or if that balance should be insufficient, let him draw on me for the difference, and the bill shall be duly answered. If he scruples taking your bUl on me, apply to Mr. Spann for the cash, and give him a bill on me. It is true every disbursement is at this time very disagreeable to us, but this is absolutely ex pedient to complete the endeavors we have exerted for you ; as to provisions, &c., I imagine you will easily contrive that. I shall now (in much hurry) by way of journal, mention some of the steps you have to pursue. When you get to Boston, wait immediately on Mr. Fulton ; deliver my letter, recommend your self to his patronage, and urge him to assist you in procuring your deputation as soon as may be ; if any questions arise con cerning your age, insist you was 21 in May last. Deliver my letter to the Commissioners, and my father's memorials on which you are to obtain an order, which you will either deliver or forward to Messrs. Ancrum & Shaw when you get to Carolina. You will of course make it your business to see Murray : of him, get what money you will want for your necessary expenses, and the fees of your deputation ; we expect you will not make any greater use of our letter of credit than absolutely necessary. See Mr. Stewart the Cashier-General, and endeavor to settle with him the easiest and quickest method of remitting your salary, £30 sterling per annum, to your father or mother at Bristol. I conceive a power of attorney might be given to Mr. Murray to receive and remit it for you ; and I recommend, if possible, a settlement of this matter before you quit Boston : it may be remitted half-yearly. The moment you have settled all your necessary business, ship yourself on board the first vessel, bound for the northern part of North Carolina, — if none offering, — on any for Wilmington, or in the last choice, on any for Nor folk in Virginia. You wUl find you have letters of credit for every one of these places. You cannot but be sensible how much depends upon dispatch, and I hope you wUl not squander away in pleasure or amusement, a moment of your time. Write your friends from Boston, fully. You can agree with the vessel that carries you to Carolina, to take your pay there. Suppose you arrived at Ocrocock Bar (North Carolina), en deavor to learn if the Governor is at Newborn. If he is, go up immediately there ; carry your deputation, and qualify yourself before him ; and then you may immediately proceed to Edenton, and take possession of your office ; this would be a fortunate cir cumstance, and by no means omit informing yourself at the Bar. When at Newborn, make no use, nor deliver my letter to Has- laine, but apply yourself to one WiUiams, a merchant there (a Quaker), a particular friend of mine, who wiU supply you with 22 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1768. what money you want, and show you every civility. If the Gov- vernor should not be at Newborn, proceed up to Edenton, de-i liver my letters, and be directed by Mr. Johnston, or Mr. Brown rlgg, where the Governor is, and the best and quickest way to get to him ; lose no time, and return immediately after, for your taking possession of the office. That once done, you may look about you, and endeavor to improve the introduction you have received from me. You wUl find a great many very worthy people ; and the country in its disposition, extremely hospitable and kind to strangers. It is your business to endeavor to oblige all, and to Ust yourself of no faction either public or private. You will be very happy in an intimacy with Mr. and Mrs. Brownrlgg. You will find the gentlemen of Edenton very agree able ; particularly cultivate the notice of Mr. Hewes. It is un necessary to observe you should be obliging to Mr. Hardy, and look on him as your superior both in years and office. You know our intentions as to your situation with Mr. Johnston. If he takes you under his care, you will be very happy ; and in that expectation, I need not enlarge on the course of your studies, or rules for your particular conduct. I hope you will always have both too much sense and too much pride, to disgrace the intro duction you have, by keeping improper company. Your office will barely support you genteelly, for the present it is what should content you : you know it is intended as an opening for better things. (Indeed, my dear Jemmy, — when you reflect upon the past and the future, — ^you have great reason to be thankful to that Providence which has blessed the endeavors of your friends to serve you.) I would have you by all means board yourself, but in this Mr. Johnston will direct. I hope you will not have too much idle time on your hands, and that you do not wish it. You must apply yourself closely to the business of the Collector's office. I have wrote Mr. Hardy you would ease him of the labor ing oar. Endeavor to make yourself master of the subject. Be ready ever to oblige and do the business of the vessels, but keep no company with the master. Your own prudence and caution can only improve the circumstances of your life ; every thing de pends upon your application and behavior, for four or five com ing years, and when you consider the alternatives are either poverty, contempt, and repentance, — or prosperity, friends, com fort and ease, — I hope you will want no incentive to a propriety of exertion. I am duly sensible how strongly passion prompts at your time of life ; but be certain, that if it should now prove too strong for your reflection, all is over with you. Avoid the first occasions of evU ; for no man can say, thus far will I go, and no farther. But I must stop, else [ shaU moralize a letter' into a. sermon. I'^^^-l OF JAMES IREDELL. 23 I have wrote your cousin Benjamin McCulloh to supply you with a horse : on this you can take many excursions which will, in all probability, make life both agreeable and healthy to you. You will take care to deliver the various letters from me, as you pass their routes. If you should not pass Halifax in going to the Governor, it is probable you will, about Christmas, make an ex cursion to see your relations and friends that way. I expect you wUl write me once or twice a month, very fully, and send me all the information you can in my affairs. When you see Mr. Campbell, urge him to ship to some correspondent, such a cargo as will answer the bill protested ; and inform Mr. Brownrlgg, I have never heard of the bill from him, and I trust in his friendship, he has long ago provided for it : write me their answers. See to the care and disposal, if possible, of some furni ture I left at Edenton. Get Messrs. Lowther & Co. to send me an account of the things sold, and if any opportunities offer of purchasing good bills that way, desire them to invest what office money they may have in hand, therein. Write me fully of every occurrence in which I may be concerned that way. When you see Col. McCulloh, acquaint him the bUl re mitted me by Mr. Hamilton proves bad, that there is a neces sity he exerts himself to put me in cash for his affair immediately. Tell Ben, I have not heard from him since March ; urge him to remit me every farthing in his power ; assure him the money I brought over is long since expended, and that I am now supported upon the credit of the remittances I am looking for from him ; desire him to reflect I had above £2,500 sterling to pay away to Selwyn & Co. : desire him to write me often and fully of every thing he has done, and to give you a summary thereof, to transmit me ; learn also what you can of what Mr. Frohock is and has been doing ; whether he has remitted or wrote me, and do you write me fully of every particular. Acquaint Ben I desire his endeavoring to receive aU the hogs he possibly can from the people indebted to me in Orange and Granville, to drive into Virginia to be disposed of for cash, or bills of exchange ; that I would have him make up about 100 barrels of pork fit for this market, the hogs to be corn-fed, the pork clean packed in tight double-hooped barrels (no heads of the pork included), to be pickled, not dry-salted, to endeavor to send them down to Edenton, together with 100 barrels of In dian corn to be shipped on board some proper vessel, consigned to Mr. Spann of Bristol ; that I would have him particularly at tentive to this object, and to advise as to the same with Mr. Montfort and Mr. Lowther ; the Uberty of importation here closes the 1st of May next. 24 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE ^^'^^^' When no opportunity offers from Edenton, forward your letters tome, to the care of Mr. John Driver, merchant, near but- folk in Virginia. Direct to us at the Tennis Court Coffee-House, White Hall, London, and do not use more covers than necessary, as you know it increases the postage. I repeat I expect to hear very often, and to have very long letters from you. It is all we at present expect from you, and if we are disappointed, you may assure yourself we shall take it very ill of you. _ Be always as full in your information as you can. I write this letter in the greatest hurry, and very probably may omit some things ma terial. What I can say can only serve as outUnes ; your own reason and prudence must direct you in the use of circumstances and things as they occur. You may depend on hearing often from me ; and I shall freely use the privilege of my years and affection, to offer at all times to you any observations which I conceive may be of service to you in your future walk of life. I expect to hear from you before you sail, though I scarce wish you may receive my answer. It is probable by the time you get to Edenton, you may meet a letter from me. If we both live, we shall meet there, by October 1769. If we have parted for the last time, — ^be it so, — be assured though, whUe I live, you shall ever find me disposed to serve you. I pray God, the com mon Father of Mankind, to take you under his protection, to watch over, protect, and bless you ! Forget not your duty to Him as your first Benefactor, and endeavor to think and act so that you may ever be able to put your trust in Him. The mum mery of form and nonsense are an offence to most thinking minds ; but never lose sight of that religion, which will make you firm and constant in your duty towards God, and just and beneficent towards your fellow-beings. For the present, my dear Jemmy, I shall take my leave of you, with my best wishes for your happiness and success in life ; to which your uncle joins his, and his blessings to you. Him, in all probability, you will never see ; though I make no doubt you wUl ever retain a tender sense of the affection he has shown you. I can't conclude without observing that you must by no means suffer your imagination to dress up fairy scenes of ease, elegance, and pleasure where you are going. In a young coun try you must not expect the appearance of luxury or riches. It is best to be agreeably disappointed, and I am very hopeful you wUl be so. Once more adieu 1 Eemember my love to your father and mother, and I will write them soon. Believe me ever, truly. Your affectionate and assured friend, HENEY E. McCULLOH. 1''68.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 25 In accordance with McCuUoh's suggestion, and in obedience to an impulse of his own, Mr. Iredell readily assented to the ap propriation of his salary to the support of his father and mother. That he should devote so large a portion of his small income to so laudable an object, illustrates in a forcible manner his filial piety and his generous nature. The salary, as long as he re mained an officer of the customs, was annually transmitted. After a perusal of McCuUoh's letters, and a knowledge of the relations that subsisted between him and his kinsman, the reflec tion presses upon the mind that few young men have ever been so exposed to moral peril as was Mr. Iredell. McCuUoh was his official superior, his elder, his connection, — au accomplished man of the world. Few similarly situated could have resisted the charm of his blandishments, or the infection of his example. His apparent success, his command of money, the throng that paid him court, threw around him a glare as well calculated to dazzle, as the ease of his address and softness of his manner were to at tach. That the youth did remain pure and true, there is no doubt. The prayers taught hira* at his mother's knee were never for gotten ; the lessons engraven upon his heart by the weight of a father's authority, defied all assaults. However at fault for a time, his strong sense would soon detect the right path, and his brave heart beat with manly vigor as he trod it with confident step. From his advent in America to the close of his life, so discreet and blameless was his conduct, that, by the concurrent testimony of aU his acquaintance, his fame was ever unspotted — his honor unsullied, — not even suspicion ever rested upon it longer than the moist breath upon a mirror. Doubtless his sagacity early penetrated and understood the character of Henry E. Mc CuUoh ; but disparity of age, and their relative positions, exacted from him a prudent forbearance and studied respect, enforced by his dependence and thoughts of the loved ones who leaned on him for support. McCulloh, though generally kind in his inter course with him, was not always so. Once he was so rude that Mr. IredeU declined his business. Struck by the young man's spirit, and alarmed for his interest, he was prompt to atone, and to soothe his wounded feelings, by infusing into his letters an ad ditional warmth. As the softer metal, now heated by fire and now plunged into water, hardens into steel, so the young man's virtue was corroborated ; the attrition of the world could only thenceforth impart to it an exquisite polish. The foUowing letter, written on the eve of Mr. Iredell's de parture for America, is as remarkable for beauty of penman ship, as for its admirable sentiments and excellent counsel. 26 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [116S. Bristol, September 10th, 1768. My Dear Sir : — As you are so shortly to remove from your native country to a very distant land, in such a situation as your mind must necessarily be on this occasion, I apprehend that the subject of this friendly epistle might be serviceable. It hath pleased the good Providence of God to make a comfortable pro vision for you. I hope you wUl ever retain a deep and affecting sense of the divine goodness. You are going to an unknown region, and you know not, my dear friend, what events may await you. But you have this consolation — that you can remove nowhere but you will have the same God and the same Provi dence to attend you. It is an unspeakable comfort to reflect, that wherever we are, if we do but our duty, God will bless us ! You are removing from kind parents, from a most tender and affectionate mother ; and think, what must be their satisfaction to hear from time to time that you are sober and virtuous ! And can you deny a parent these satisfactions ! A great deal, almost every thing is dependent upon your conduct. The eyes of great numbers are very anxiously fixed upon you. You have given your relations and friends reason to expect great things from you. God hath Messed you with excellent abilities, which you have worthily improved. 0, my dear friend, let me conjure you by every thing sacred, by the regard you owe your friends, by the duty you owe your parents, and the gratitude you owe to your God, not to disappoint us. Form, I entreat you, no con nections abroad, but such as will redound to your reputation and credit. Keep two great objects in -dew, — to acquit yourself with honor and applause in your station, and to assist your parents and brothers. Let these two great objects fire you with a noble and virtuous ambition. I will not say, my dear friend, what I expect from you. I know your intellectual endowments, and the proficiency you have raade in useful knowledge. Frustrate not my hopes, I beseech you. I am persuaded you wiU not frustrate them. May the blessing of Almighty God attend you. I will not cease to offer my fervent prayers to God for your virtue and welfare. In your absence may God comfort your parents, to whom you have been a great consolation. Shun vice, embrace virtue, and make God your friend, and he wUl never leave you nor forget you. Wishing you a prosperous voyage and every felicity, I am, dear sir, Your affectionate friend, E. HAEWOOD.* * The passages italicised are not so marked in the original. Edward Harwood a dissenting minister, was born in Lancashire. He died 1794, aged 65. He wrote various worke, but he ia best known as the author of a "View of the Various ^'^^^•3 OF JAMES IREDELL. 27 Soon after the date of this letter, Mr. IredeU embarked for America to fulfil the promise of his youth. As the ship that bore him away receded in the distance, eyes moistened with tears strained after hira, and fond hearts grew sick and faint. He was not forgotten. The affection of his English friends watched his career with eager hope, and exulted in his triumphs. The scion of a race who boasted that since the Eevolution they had ever been a Whig family, he was gone, under the same name and in a new revolution, to do his duty as a man ; to win renown as a patriot. APPENDIX TO CHAPTEE I. The paper below was found in Judge Iredell's office : — The admirers of the works of the late ingenious Mr. Sterne will, doubt less, be pleased -with the following letters ; the first was wrote by doctor Eustace, late of this town, deceased, a man of wit and understanding ; the other, in answer to it, by Mr. Sterne. They are both taken from oi'iginal manuscripts. Doctor Eustace to Mr. Sterne. Sir, — When I assure you, that I am a very great admirer of Tristram Shandy, and have been, ever since his introduction to the world, one of his most zealous defenders against the repeated assaults of prejudice and misapprehension, I hope you will not treat my unexpected appearance in his company as an intrusion. You know it is an observation as remarkable for its truth as its antiquity, that a similitude of sentiments is the general parent of friendship. It cannot be wondered at, that I should conceive an esteem for a person whom nature had most indulgently enabled to frisk and curvet with ease through all the intricacies of sentiment, which, from irresistible propensity, she had compelled me to trudge through without MERIT or distinction. The only reason that gave rise to this address to you, is my accident ally having met with a piece of shandean statuary — I mean, according to the vulgar opinion ; for, to such judges, both appear equally destitute of regularity or design. It was made by a very ingenious gentleman of this pro vince, and presented to the late Governor Dobbs ; after his death, Mrs. Dobbs gave it to me. Its singularity made many very desirous of procuring it, but I had resolved, atfii-st, not to part with it, till, upon reflection, I thought Editions of the Greek and Latin Classics," which has passed through several edi tions, and has appeared in almost every European language. After presiding over a congregation at Bristol, he came to London, where he lived by correcting the prees, by teaching the classics, and by his various publications. It is said that he refused very liberal patronage to join the Church of England. — Lempriere. 28 LIFE AND correspondence. t^''^^' it would be a very proper, and probably not an unacceptable compliment to my FAVORITE author, and, in his hands might prove as ample a field for meditation as a buttonhole or a beoomstick. I am, &c., JOHN EUSTACE.* ME. Sterne's answer. London, Feb. 9, 1763. Sir, — I this moment received your obliging letter, and shandean piece of sculpture along wilh it ; of both which testimonies of your regard I have the justest sense, and return you, dear sir, my best thanks and ac knowledgments. Your walking stick is in no sense more shandaic than in that of its having more handles than one — The parallel breaks only in this, that in using the stick, every one will take the handle which suits his convenience. In Tristram Shandy, the handle is taken which suits their passions, their ignorance or sensibility. There is so little true feeling in the herd of the world, that I wish I could have got an act of parlia ment, when the books first appear'd, " that none but wise men should look into them." It is too much to write books and find heads to understand them. The world, however, seems to come into a better temper about thenl, the people of genius here being, to a man, on its side, and the reception it has met with in France, Italy and Germany, hath engag'd one part of the world to give it a second reading, and the other part of it, in order to be on the strongest side, have at length agreed to speak well of it too. A few Hypocrites and Tartufe's, whose approbation could do it nothing but dis honor, remain unconverted. I am very proud, sir, to have had a man, like you, on my side fi'om the beginning ; but it is not in the power of any one to taste humor, however he may. wish it — 'tis the gift of God — and besides, a true feeler always brings half the entertainment along with him. His own ideas are only call'd forth by what he reads, and the vibrations within, so entirely correspond with those excited, 'tis like reading himself and not the book. In a week's time, I shall be deliver'd of two volumes of the sentimental travels of Mr. Yorick through .France and Italy ; but, alas ! the ship sails three days too soon, and I have only to lament it deprives me of the pleasure of sending them to you, being, dear sir, with great thanks for the honor you have done me, and with true esteem, Your oblig'd and humble servant, LAU. STERNE. * Dr. Eustace was a resident of Wflmington, N. C. ^'^^^•] of JAMES IREDELL. 29 CHAPTER II. AMERICA, EDENTON, ITS PEOPLE, STUDY OF LAW, LETTERS FROM ENGLAND. iET 17-18. In the month of November, 1768, Mr. Iredell arrived at Bos ton, Mass. He immediately exhibited his Warrant to John Eobinson, Wm. Burch, I. Henper, Henry Fulton, and Chas. Paxton — "Commissioners for managing and causing to bQ levied his Majesty's Customs and other Duties in America." And after giving bond in the sum of £500, was deputied and em powered by them to act as ComptroUer of the Custoins at Eoanoke (Edenton) in North CaroUna. " London, 26th Jan. 1769. Dear Jemmy : — I had, yesterday, the pleasure of receiving your letter dated Boston, 4 Dec. I am sorry for the delay and disappointment you met. You certainly did right in tak ing your passage via Virginia, though it would have been much more fortunate could you have proceeded to Ocrocock. I am glad to find you met so agreeable a reception at Boston, and hope the letters you carried, have introduced you to every ne cessary assistance and civility since ; and that you have long ere this taken possession of your office. I shaU depend upon hearing very often and fuUy from you, and shaU think very un kindly of any omission you may be guUty of that way. My leisure wUl not permit me at present to write you a long letter. My father and myself have our health but middUng. I had a letter from your mother a few days ago, which men tions the famUy to be aU weU. You omitted in your letter to me any mention of what I principaUy recommend to you, — laying a foundation to assure the regular receipts of your salary to your parents. I trust, though, you did not omit the thing itself, and that you wiU never be capable of forgetting the dis charge of any part of that great first duty. 30 LIFE AND correspondence t^''^^' I suppose by the time you will receive this letter, you will begin to be famiUarized to scenes that must have appeared strange to you at first, and that you do not conceive your lot to be very unhappily cast. If it is not among the first, con sider, thousands and ten thousands do not enter into Ufe with prospects so good, — prospects which I hope your own good con duct wiU happily reaUze. I wish it may suit Mr. Johnston to take you under his care. I depend you wUl endeavor to make yourself master of the business of the office. I shall expect very full, particular, and faithful information from you of every thing your way in which my interest may be concerned. The mistake Porter mentioned to you, Mr. Hardy had long ago my orders to correct. I desire you will write me very fuUy of the present state of the office, and your opinion of things. Mr. Berry's fees as Comptroller were 1 and 2 doUars. The ComptroUer's fees were estabUshed by act of ParUament only, — there was consequently the greatest difficulty in procuring them at all. Desire Mr. Hardy to make up the fees to you 10s. and 20s. proc. out of mine, and let things rest on this footing for the present. I make no doubt you vrill receive many very agreeable civU- ities from Mr. and Mrs. Brownrlgg,* whom you wiU soon find to be two of the best people in the world. Present my very affectionate remembrance to them. Acquaint Mr. Brownrlgg, I have not as yet been so happy as to hear any thing of his biU : — that I am crueUy distressed, and depend upon his honor and friendship, not to meet further delay. Make my compUments to all my friends your way. I am much disappointed in not having had the pleasure to hear from them. I am stUl here, anxiously looking out for letters and from my agents, on the receipt of which I propose saUying out in quest of adventures. My first course wiU be for Bath and Bristol, from whence I propose writing you. Your bUI in favor of Mr. Murray has been presented and paid. My fa ther and myself both think you made a very moderate use of your credit, and sincerely wish our good vnshes and intentions towards you may be attended with the desired success. I am very truly. Your assured and affectionate friend HENEY E. McCULLOH. * Mr. Brownrigg was an enaigrant from Ireland, ancestor of the wife of the Hon. John L. Bauey, of HiUsboro', N. 0. "• l'?69-] of JAMES IREDELL. 31 "^" P. S. K my lots in Edenton would sell for a good bUl of £100 sterling I would let them go willingly. I depend on having long letters from you once a month at least. Oppor tunities often offer from Virginia. Near the close of the year 1768 Mr. IredeU arrived at Eden ton. He was then just seventeen years old ; at that age when pleasures are enjoyed with the keenest relish. Frank, ingenuous, of pleasing appearance, and winning manners, and educated in the best schools of England, he was kindly received and warmly welcomed. He arrived at a season of gayety and festivity, when famUies gather about the social altar, and neighbors interchange those courtesies, that, as flowers that bloom by the way, divert the mind from the fatigue, and care, and anxiety of Ut'e. On such occasions in North Carolina, "room for the stranger" is the impulse of every heart, whUe the ready grasp of the hand and the genial smile assure his hesitation, and calm his embar rassment. The ancient borough of Edenton is situated on the northern shore of the Albemarle Sound. It was founded in 1716,* and named in honor of Eden, the Eoyal Grovernor ;f and is nearly opposite the points where the rivers Eoanoke and Chowan dis charge their waters into the Sound. It was the centre of a re gion of such remarkable fertUity, that it might well have been styled the granary of the province : it was also the place of con centration, and market-town for the opulent planters of a large district of country. The territory north of the Albemarle is in tersected with deep creeks and rivers, whose mouths expand into estuaries. Ordinarily the banks of every stream, on one side, are bold and bluff, ajffording fine sites for residences ; whUe on the other, the view is bounded by impenetrable swamps. In 1769 its population was sparse and scattered. Brave old forest trees, with the long moss waving from their branches like the pennons of sturdy knights in battle array, covered the arable lands, save where, here and there, the smoke curled above the roof of the settler. Here dwelt the first inhabitants of North Carolina ; and a Httle to the south-east lies Eoanoke Island, where Sir Walter Ealeigh left his first colony in America, in 1585 ; and where was bom Virginia Dare, the ffi-st chUd of Eng lish parentage who ever gamboUed upon the soU of the New World. The climate was humid and unhealthy, but soft and • C. H. Wiley, N. C. Reader, Wheeler, Jones. f Got. Eden died in 1722. His daughter Penelope married Gov. Gabriel Johnston. That amiable gentleman, Tristram L. Skinner, of Chowan, is her lineal descendant. 32 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE P''®^' luxurious. Game and fish were abundant ; and cattle, and sheep, and swine throve and multipUed upon the spontaneous fruits of the earth. If there was little of the parade and pomp of older communities, if many of the appUances of luxury were wanting, ease and abundance were the reward of but a slight degree of frugality and industry. No palatial dweUings existed — tapestry and plate were wanting ; but the homes of the planters were comfortable, and ample for all the purposes of hos pitality ; while their tables groaned beneath dainties beyond the reach of wealth on the other side of the Atlantic. The inhabitants visited and traded oftener in boats than in any other vehicles ; were familiar with the use of the oar, and could spread with, dexterity, to the wind, the saUs of almost any species of craft. He who supposes them an untutored people is grossly deceived. They were not refugees from the justice of the Old World ; nor were they of desperate fortunes, or undisciplined minds. The letters that will appear in the course of the nar rative will demonstrate that they were equal in cultivation^ ability and patriotism to any of their contemporaries. The men were bold, frank, generous, and intelligent ; the females tender, and kind and polite. The strength of the former was developed by manly labors. The taste of the latter was improved, and their imaginations exalted by the varied forms of beauty that surrounded them : the sparkling water of the Sound — the smaller streams, now of the color of the amethyst, now of the topaz, and again black as the Stygian wave* — the woods resonant with the mock-bird's melody — the wild flower of every hue and tint, now blazing as flame, and now emulating the spotless snow. VerUy it was and is a goodly land, with its clustering grapesf and perfumed air. The town of Edenton possessed a population of about four or five hundred. About eight mUes south, across the Sound, was Tyrrel County, where resided Col. Eichard Buncombe :J a little to the south-west was Plymouth, its capital, on the Eoanoke Eiver. About six mUes west, over the Sound, was the County of Bertie, watered by the Eoanoke and Cashie Elvers and Salmon Creek ; and here on one side of Salmon Creek, was Dukinfield, where resided Mr. and Mrs. Pearson, the latter the mother of Sir Nat. Dukin field : on the oposite side resided Col. John Dawson. About thirty miles south-west, on the Eoanoke, ^ dwelt Dr. Cathcart. * Dyed by roots, shrubs and decaying leaves. f The Scuppernong is indigenous here. { Wheeler, Diary of W. Avery. I'^fi2.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 83 Eleven or twelve miles to the north-east is Hertford, the county seat of Perquimans. Through this county flow the Cheopim, Lttile and Perquimans Elvers. On Harvey's Neck, between the Cheopim and Perquimans Eiver was the home of Col. John Harvey. In 1769 the town of Edenton was the Court end of the Province. Within its limits and in its immediate vicinity there was, in proportion to its population, a greater number of men eminent for ability, virtue, and erudition, than in any other part of America. Samuel Johnston, Joseph Hewes, Thomas Barker, Thomas Jones, Jasper Charlton, Stephen Cabarrus, Eobert Smith, Charles Johnson, John Johnston, William Cumming and Sir Nathaniel Dukin field possessed talents and attainments that, when combined, not only enabled them to determine the politics of their District, but gave them a potent influence in the Province. Considering the intimate personal, professional, and political relations of these various gentlemen with Mr. Iredell, it may be well to pause for a brief glance at their history.* Col. Eichard Buncombe was a native of St Kitts.f He was educated in England, and possessed a large fortune. In 1776 he was appointed Colonel of the Sth Eegiment of tbe Cont. Line of N. 0. This Eegiment he raised in his own county, and kept for more than twelve months at his individual charge. In the battle of G-ermantown he was severely wounded, and taken prisoner ; and died of his wounds soon after, at Philadelphia. He was distinguished for his martial appearance, his courage, and unbounded hospitality. Of " lawyer Pearson, an English gentleman," little is known, save that he married the mother of Sir N. Dukinfleld, and thus became master of large estates.^ His seat was called Du kinfield. Col. John Dawson, a lawyer and a Virginian, married the daughter of Gov. Gabriel Johnston. Mr. Avery, § who visited him in 1769, was " highly pleased with the family, as well as surprised at the good sense and accomplishments of Mrs. Dawson."|| Col. Dawson's mansion, Eden House, was noted for its " splendid hospitality " and the " refined society " generally assembled there. Dr. Cathcart T" was a " gentleman of extraordinary fine sense * To these a few years subsequently Dr. Hugh Williamson, the historian, was added. f Diary of Waightstill Avery, 1'76'7. Jones' Defence N. C. passim. Wheeler's Hist. N. C. ± Avery. § W. Avery was a native of Connecticut, educated at Princeton, a signer of the Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence — Attorney-General, 1111, &o. &a. He was intelligent, honest and patriotic. I University Mag., Aug. 1855. 1 Avery. Vol. L— 3 34 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1769. and great reading. " His "two daughters were possessed of the three greatest motives to be courted : beauty, wit and prudence, and money ; great fortunes, and toasted in most parts of the Province"* Col. John Harvey was Speaker of the House of Commons from 1766 to l769.t He was Moderator of the first Convention of the people in 1774. He had great intellectual power, deci sion of character, and firmness of principles. At the time of his death (June 3, 1775) he was the undoubted leader of the Whig Party. Of Joseph Hewes, one of the Signers of the Declaration of Independence, it is unnecessary to speak : his history is known to the Union. I need only say that he was affianced to Miss Isabella, the sister of Mr. Sam. Johnston. The death of that amiable lady, before the consummation of their nuptials, left him so bereaved, and the recollection of her grace and virtue was so vivid, that he never married. He was always regarded by the Johnstons as a member of their family. Thomas Barker was as generous as a man as he was able as a lawyer. He was one of the four Commissioners appointed to revise the Statutes in 1746. He was the early friend and legal instructor of Gov. Samuel Johnston. Jasper Charlton and WUliam Cumming, " two gentlemen Attorneys, both Deists," were men of abUity and scholarship.^ The former was one ofthe Commissoners selected in 1776 to re vise the Statutes ; more than once office was tendered to him and promptly refused. The latter represented the State in the Con tinental Congress, 1784. Thomas Jones was one of the very first men in the Province in genius and learning. He was a native of England, a member of the Bar, and drew the draft of the Constitution adopted at Halifax, 1776. Eobert Smith was an Attorney. He was also the mercantile partner of Mr. Joseph Hewes. He was appointed a Lieutenant in Col. Howe's Eegiment in 1775 — Captain in the fourth, 1776. He represented Edenton in the Commons, 1780 and 1781. He never married. At his death he left a large portion of his means to trustees to found an Academy. Charles Johnston, an EngUshman, Uved on the Chowan at Bandon. He was member of the State Senate in 1781-84 and 1790-92, and member of Congress in 1801. His courage, his patriotism and intelUgence were universally admitted.§ * One of these young ladies married Gov. S. Johnston, and was the mother of Mr. Tas. C. Johnston, of Hayes, near Edenton. f Wheeler. X Avery, Jones. '§ The grandfather of Dr. C, E. Johnston, of Raleigh. l'^69.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 85 Sir Nathaniel Dukinfield, of Dukinfield, in the county of Chester, G. B. owned large tracts of land in Bertie and either parts of the Province.* He was a member of Gov. Martin's Council : was gay, good-humored, and popular ; and was soon to be to Mr. IredeU a dangerous rival for the hand of the lady who was afterwards the latter's wife. In 1772 he went to Great Britain, where his friends prevailed on him to purchase a commission in the British Army. When the war broke out he could not be induced to serve against Ameri ca; and when his Eegiment was sent out, he contrived to remain behind, though he hazarded his reputation as a soldier and gentle man. His property was confiscated by act of Assembly in 1779. Stephen Cabarrus, a native of France, was a man of active mind, generous feeUngs and liberal sentiments.f He was a mer chant. He was member of the Commons 1783-87, from the town ; from 1788-93 for the county ; and again 1801-1804. He frequently presided over the deliberations of the House. In consequence of Mr. Iredell's connection with the Johnston famUy, it is indispensable that a more extended account of them should be given. If I go more into details than is, apparently, essential, I trust I may be pardoned ; as otherwise, the narrative and accom panying letters cannot be weU understood. J The Johnstons are an ancient family, and derive their sur name from the Barony of Johnston, in Annandale, Scotland. By successive creations from 1420 to 1701, the head of the race at tained the dignity of a Marquis. Gabriel Johnston was a native of Scotland, and had received his education in the University of St Andrews.§ After spending a few years in the acquisition of medical knowledge, he was ap pointed Professor of Oriental Languages in the Seminary in which he had been reared ; but his office, which was a sinecure, not suiting one of his practical and enterprising genius, he removed to London, and became a political writer. His contributions ap peared in the " Craftsman," a periodical opposed to the Ministry, and very ably conducted. Among its writers were BoUngbroke and Pulteney, afterwards Earl of Bath.|| Pulteney's true name was WiUiam Johnston. He married the heiress of the Earl of Bath, assumed the latter's name, and succeeded to his estates and title. He was the brother of Sir James Johnston, and Com modore Johnston, prominent and influential members of Parlia ment during the latter quarter of the eighteenth century. Sir James, the elder brother, was the proprietor of immense estates in the counties of Westmoreland and Cumberland, and returned * Mrs. Pearson's Memorial to Gen. Ass. f Wheeler. i New Peerage, 1784. SC. H. Wiley, Wheeler. Preface to Eev. Stat. IredeE een. Just before I hh Eng- 80 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1771. land I went on a little party of pleasure for twenty miles about London. As you have never seen the seat of Mr. HamUton, of Eayner-HUl, (Cobham,) a slight description may afford you some entertainment. Such as it appeared to me, wiU I, if possible, give you an idea of it. The house is not worth mentioning, but the improvements are deUghtful. The first view is from a shrub bery in an octagon form, in which is the tulip tree, aud many others that come from your part of the worid, and which are seldom met with in England ; from this you come into a fine lawn on which he intended building. The river Mole winds round the greatest part of his estate, and serves as a boundary to it ; in this river he has cut little islands and planted them with the most beautiful flowering shrubs. Cobham Church is a very pretty object from this place. The second view is from the vine yard, which of course lies to the south ; from this vineyard he makes excellent champagne. The third view is from a Gothic Temple ; from this place you see an excellent Chinese bridge over an extensive piece of water that Mr. H. has thrown into his garden by a simple piece of mechanism, which is a wheel in the form of a cork-screw that raises sixty-three hogsheads of water in a minute, — you, who have gone through a course of lectures, will easily comprehend the manner it works in — a tower just rising out of a thick wood ; a marquee, or tent, in the most elegant form, made of white canvas, done round with blue fringe and tassels, and drawn up in festoons ; a distant view of the ruins of a Eoman gateway. There is also a beautiful Grotto, not quite finished ; from this we walked up a wood, as wild as any you have described in America, to a Hermitage that was formed of old pines. We entered the room and found every thing within answer the out ward appearance ; an oakwood table, a couple of chairs, a straw- mattress on a couch, by way of bed, and a wooden candlestick. The place seemed formed for contemplation. From this we went into another room furnished in the same rustic manner. The beauty of the prospect cannot be described — the ripe corn waving in some places, while the different shades of green from the ad joining hiUs and meadows variegated the scene. On this excur sion we spent three days very agreeably ; went to the Duke of Newcastle's and to Woodburn-farm, the seat of Mrs. Southcote ; but it would only be a repetition were I to say any thing particu lar on them. Your cousin Harry was of the party ; but you are not acquainted with any of the rest, therefore it is needless to mention them. The 20th of July I left London. You need not be told that the company of my dear Lizzy Kerr made the journey agreeable to me. We travelled to Holyhead, and, thank God, had a safe though not quick passage. I went immediately ^'''''¦1 OF Ml{. IREDELL. 81 to your cousin Wells' but staid there only two days, till I went to tho Black-rock to Mrs. Paumier's. It's unnecessary to tell you that I have experienced the greatest affection and civUity, much the greatest share of which I must attribute to the love they bore my father. It must be to that, joined to the natural generosity and hospitality for which they are famed, as many of them I had never seen, scarce heard of About five weeks after I came here I had the pleasure of being bridesmaid to my dear Eliza, who was married to your old school-fellow, Isaac Weld. I know it will give you pleasure to hear George Kerr goes on so well. Please God to spare his life, I dare say he wUl make a great figure. He sent his sister Weld last year £500. After the marriage, we went a little tour of three and twenty miles round Dublin. The first day's journey was to Drogheda ; the next morning we went on to Slane, where there is the complet est flour-mills in Europe. They are really very curious ; the mechanism Mr. Weld explained to us ; and at the same time there is such an elegant neatness reigns through the whole that it must give pleasure to any person to behold. We walked through Lord Cunningham's improvements, dined at Slane, and went on to Navan, and finding ourselves not tired with .all the exercise we had taken, called in a blind harper and danced till sui)per. Next morning breakfasted at Trim, and afterwards went to see an old ruined castle at that place. We went to the top of it, though with some difficulty. When we were there, though we had a most extensive prospect, I wished myself down again, as it really looked dreadful standing on the broken battlements at such a distance from the ground. From this we went to Lord Morn- ington's at Dangan. Here we saw a most elegant little chapel, the windows, painted glass ; that over the altar was John bap tizing our Saviour, the heavens opening and the dove descending ; the next was Moses delivering the law to the children of Israel, a most venerable, striking figure ; the next St. John Evangelist, sitting on a spread eagle, a scroll in one hand and a pen in the other ; the last Paul preaching. The expression in the faces, the due proportion, each figure being the natural size, together with the richness of the colors, made them strikingly beautiful. The branch, that hung from the ceiling, was of burnished gold, as were, also, the tall candlesticks that stood on each side of the altar, and those that stood on the communion-table. We went through his improvement,?, which are really exceedingly pretty. Prom this we went to Summer-hiU, Mr. Eowley's. The house is magnificent, and esteemed a highly finished piece of architec ture. In one of the rooms, over the chimney-piece is a beautiful piece of carved work in white marble, the Judgment of Hercules. Vol, I.— 6 82 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1771, It's reckoned quite a masterly performance. After seeing the house, stroUed above two hours round the domain, and it was with regret we left it then, though the moon was up and we had eight miles to go to the place where we had to sleep. Here, while supper was getting ready, we danced. The next day we went to Caston, the Duke of Leinster's. Here, indeed, elegance and taste were displayed. This nobleman lives in a truly princely magnificence. He has every thing within himself This day ended our tour. We returned to Harold's Cross in the eve. The next week was entirely taken up with receiving visits, and the fortnight after in paying them, at the end of which time I went to pay a visit to the Fews. Here I staid five weeks, and thence went to pay Sir Archibald and Lady Acheson a visit, thence to Carmeen, Mrs. Langs, where having staid some time, I returned to Dublin, after being absent three months. Here I have gone through all the ceremonies, been presented at the Castle, and been at grand assemblies of Lady Jane Macartney, Lady Strangford, etc., etc. Now I think I have been as good as my word in giving you an account of my time. I must now take notice of some parts of your letter. First, as to — it's not Mr. Barry, but Baddely. Mrs. Farr, of Clifton, I hear is dead ; but I must leave Bristol news for your brother and mother. You ask me what Mr. and Mrs. Smith it is that make so many inquiries. It's Mr. Smith, whom you may remember at our house, and the Gresleys. Joe Smith, and his wife, I am not much acquainted with. Mrs. MaUard (Miss Beaton) has a son. Your friends here make many inquiries after you ; and it gives them, and aU of us, great pleasure to think you are so happily settled. I am afraid, James, the fine young ladies you are so often in company with will render you inconstant to me ; but, seriously speaking, guard your heart with watchful caution till you are better able to maintain a wife and family. I should be extremely sorry to hear you had an entanglement on your hand, as the very wisest in that case are apt to act a foolish part ; but remember I expect to be your second wife. Your friend Joseph Whitechurch is a father ; but whether it is a boy or girl, I protest I don't remember. You tax me with telling, only, the lady is a fortune, without pointing out any other accomplishment. You'll allow in this expensive age, that that is one at least, and a necessary one ; but the cause of my silence was entirely owing to my not being acquainted with the lady. I never saw her but once, therefore cannot say any thing on the subject of her being — extremely sensible — very agreeable — " et toute la chose necessaire" on these occasions. What's the reason you write such short letters of late ? If you grow so polite, I must certainly get small gilt-paper instead of ^'''''•1 OF MR. IREDELL. 83 these monstrous sheets, to be on equal terms. I fancy the Ion"' letters I write frighten my correspondents. Let me not omit mentioning a circumstance concerning your brother Frank. He has at present an offer of going out to Africa as a writer in the African Com])any's service. All his friends here think it's the best thing he can do. Sir Geo. Macartney was with me yesterday, and I find it is his opinion also. He is to get Charles a midship man's place, aboard a man-of-war. Your cousin. Jemmy McCul loh, of Antrim, saUs in the packet this morning for London, from whence he is to proceed to the East Indies as a surgeon in the Company's service. I believe you were acquainted with him when you were here. His mother is lately dead. Cousin Wil Uam McCulloh is just recovered out of a dangerous fever. The girls are well. Willy is still at Drogheda school ; they fear he will have a disagreeable operation soon to go through, as they have some cause to think he has a polypus growing in his nose. My cousin James (at the Fews) has not been very well lately, but is now pretty well again. As to politics, I suppose you would not thank me for any account I could send you. You, no doubt, have intelligence of what passes here. The Speaker's resigna tion of the chair surprised some peojile. His friends, they say, are displeased at his leaving them in the lurch, however, all par ties seem to agree in saying, the man that has it is much fitter for the emiiloyment. Mr. Perry was bred to the bar, and is reckoned a most eloquent speaker in the House. How goes on your law study ? I expect to see you make a shining figure some day or other. I have now almost filled my paper, therefore must think of making a conclusion. Is the ball-room almost finished, and every thing in readiness for our reception ? I think you ought to build a house and get a little land around it. a couple of cows, etc., and if you made it comfortable, in all likeli hood we might be tempted to stay. This is not the first time I have amused myself with imaginary schemes, but in serious ear nest be assured I should be happy in serving you, and be assured that I am with the truest afl'ection, my dear James, most sin cerely your friend and kinswoman, MAEG'T MACAETNEY. The following verses are without signature or date. I sup pose them to be original because of the personal allusions. I assign them, perhaps arbitrarily, to this year, because it is m youth that the bubbling fountains of the heart are most apt to gush into the tinkling melody of song ; and, further, because the only verses known to be Mr. IredeU's were written ere yet the bright visions of hope had faded into the duU realities of life, as 84 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE t^"^' the golden-shower of the Eoman-candle turns, i^ .t|^« "J^^^^ hand, to blackened cinders. He did not often ^^^0 ^he ly but sometimes in his joyous moods his fingers P^^f "^ wffh its strings, and awakened notes pleasant and musical, ff not strictly artistic. Cease ye party jangling swains. Leave your flocks, and quit your plains, Friends to country, or to court There's nothing here shall spoilyonr sport, Ever welcome to our feast, Welcome ev'ry friendly guest. Be it peace, or be it war. Both or either, I don't care. Prithee Colin what have yon, Or I, with peace or war to do ? Ever weicorae, &c. Let the Nymphs with voice and hand, Hearts and ears at once command ; Goodall smile, and Charlton sing. And Davis touch the trembling string. Ever welcome, &c. All the rip'ning sun can bring. Beauteous summer, beauteous spring, In one varied scene we show The ripe, the fair, the bud, the blow. Ever welcome, &o. Comus jesting, wine inspiring. Beauty warming, Bacclius firing, Rage and party-malice flies. Peace returns, and discord dies. Ever welcome, &c. I propose now to let Mr. Iredell speak for himself awhile. The amiable graces of his character, and the excellence of style displayed in his letters, cannot, I trust, fail to prepossess the reader in his favor. The following letter to his brother, while exhibiting a generous warmth that wins our sympathies, is an earnest of that vigor of thought and expression, which in after years was to render him the ablest Judge in the highest tribunal known to the American Law. Edenton, 15th June, 1771. Mt dear Frank : — I have been lately obUged with a long letter from you, which, though it increases my regard for you, adds to my concern for your situation. Your- account of the un kind treatment you met with in Ireland exceeds any thing I could have expected. To be in a manner turned out of a near tela- 1771.] OF MR. IREDELL. 85 tion's house, to be refused the loan of half a guinea in a case of so extravagant necessity, with equal haughtiness and ill-nature, and to have your most innocent, and best-intentioned actions censoriously misrepresented, — oh! my dear Frank, this is too much — under such a load of indignity you must have been very unhappy. I feel for you, and the only consolation I can offer is, that you could never be so treated but by people who know nothing of the tender sensations of humanity, and who must for this behavior incur the hatred and contempt of the worthy part of mankind. Let your conduct be always guided by the princi ples of virtue, and you need not doubt acquiring the esteem of the wise and good. The capricious or evil tempers of mankind are out of our power ; those who are not under their influence despise them, and pity, without condemning, those who are. But, my dear Frank, it is over now, and if possible, bury it in oblivion. Avoid despondency as a great evil, and seek, when in your power, to shake it off by an unremitting habit of applica tion and industry. I think Sir George Macartney appears to have acted kindly ; and I believe it was not his fiiult that you have not yet obtained some place worth your acceptance ; as none would be that did not immediately procure j'ou the conveniences of life, and point to future advantages. It is possible before this letter reaches you something may be concluded on. I am all anxiety on your account, and often am uneasy for you. I know not what to think of the proposal of your going to Africa ; it is an unhealthy, disagreeable country, I believe, and would remove you far from us all. And yet Gov. Dwayner seems to be a man of great good ness, and would deal candidly. At this distance I can judge of nothing ; but recommend you to the fatherly goodness of God. May a happy way of disposal be found for you, and when found, may your conduct insure the happiest success. What would you say, Frank, to a pair of Colors ? Sir George would readily procure them for you ; and it is a very genteel provision. It might be a very comfortable one, provided you did not give into the extravagance and gayety of the army. As it is probable you may very soon be introduced into life as your own master, allow me to give you a little advice, dic tated by experience and prompted by afl'ection. On every occa sion then associate with the genteelest company that are not too much above you ; for with thera you will receive neither pleasure nor instruction. But be cautious of giving into any expense inad equate to your income ; to which purpose, spend nothing incon siderately. Let your dress be always neat, but plain ma poor man dressed richlv will never command respect. Circu stances 86 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1771. that might otherwise be concealed, wUl then be remembered ; and he wUl only be an object of ridicule. At the same time consider decency as a virtue, and recollect the anecdote of Swift, who refused alms to a poor man because his hands were dirty, dismissing him with this reproof, that the poorest man might procure water. At first you may be inclined to spend money in trifles, but many trifles will require a large sum, and therefore, before you lay out any thing, seriously consider whether you can afford it. I am the more particular on this head, because for want of using this caution, I have not kept within bounds, though : I Lave never been wilfully extravagant. Do not, however, learn to be a miser. Be generous where you can ; and charitable Where you ought — but first, you are to take care of necessaries ; when these are secure you may then think of other things. With respect to the rules of conduct and behavior, I hope you want little direction. You have had a virtuous education, which, I flatter myself, will influence you through life. Be assured a good man knows more real pleasure than the most refined voluptuary ; and will ever be treated with more respect. Vice has always for its attendants misery and repentance — had not these be better exchanged for joy ajjd satisfaction ? I need not, I beUeve, be very particular here. \ You have given me agreeable proofs of a disposition inclined to my wish ; and will readily perceive the r strength of my observations — but let me desire you to let no false flashes of wit, or impertinent raillery of religion, shock your principles, or stagger your belief Men of this cast laugh ^at Religion, either because they know nothing of it, or care nothing for it. Men of shallow understandings, or bad hearts, are those who generally rank themselves in the list of Free-think ers. Can any have credit for their judgment, in a case where they are entirely ignorant, or materially interested ? And you know it is the interest of bad men, that there should be no fu ture state. But there are two very dangerous vices, against which I must very particularly caution you — gaming and drinking. The incitement to the first is the hope of gain ; what incitement the other has God knows, I know not. Now how many men have made fortunes by gaming .? or have any .? — and how many have been ruined by it .? Millions ! God forbid, any friend of mine should add to the number. Between two persons of equal skill, the chance is equal, and one must infallibly lose ; and when we again consider the innumerable sharpers to be met with in aU disguises, I would point at a gaming-house as a place of utter destruction. Private gaming is almost as bad ; avoid it, and to doit effectually, learn no game, and then you can withstand soUcitation. This is my method, and I never play cards at aU, nil-] OF MR. IREDELL. 87 but to make one among particular friends, by way of amusement They are cursed things, and the four knaves of cards have done as much mischief as all the knaves in the world besides. Drink ing I hope you have a natural aversion to ; it is not only unjus tifiable, but criminal, I mean when taken to excess. How it first happened that men drank more than was necessary for their support is astonishing. I will only say, it disorders the under standing, debilitates the constitution, ruins an estate, and is a prelude to every other misfortune. I have but just room to desire that you will think favorably of my design in writing this letter, which was dictated by a ten der regard to your best interest. God grant, you may pass hon orably and happily through life, and this will be a means of making our dear parents, myself, and all your friends happy. I am ever, dear Frank, Your very affectionate brother, JA. IEEDELL. Edehton, 15th June, 1771. My dear Charles: — I take up my pen to write you with much pleasure, more especiaUy as I am told you wish to receive a letter from me. I am much obliged to you for your honorable and affectionate thoughts of me, and can truly assure you of mine in return. I am happy in hearing you are about being provided for, and hope it will be to your wishes and advantage. I should be very glad to see you in blue and white, and flatter myself your dress alone will not be suited to your profession. Be very industrious in learning every branch of naval knowledge, and whatever else may be of use to you. You will engage, my dear Charles, in no soft, effeminate employment ; and the rugged paths of honor are difficult and craggy. This you must be sen sible of, and therefore not be disappointed by scenes entirely new, perhaps not thought of by you. The greater the difficulty, the more glory in surmounting it, is a soldier's maxim, and_ should be ever present with him. There does not appear any improb ability of war, and you may soon be caUed into action ; here wiU be the trying scene, and though aU your friends will wish and pray for your safety (and none wiU, I am sure, more fervent ly than myself), we shall have your honor very much at heart, and would even rather that you should die with glory, than live with infamy. God forbid, my dear Charles, that I should ever see the day when you wUl be no more. I can hardly refrain from tears whUe I write. I love you with the most affectionate sin cerity, and hope to enjoy many happy years of friendship with you. My regard for you only induced me to hint at an unhap py incident which migJit happen, though it is not probable that LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1771. it will. The officers of the Navy who are kiUed are compara tively few to those who survive ; but as it is uncertain to whom the chance may happen, and all are liable to it, all ought to be prepared for it. This may teach you how peculiariy necessary it is, that your behavior be very circumspect, as you may so sud denly be snatched out of life. From the moment you enter on board a Man of War, consider your Ufe as devoted to the public service ; and though, at flrst, there may be something shocking in the thought, if properly improved it may be productive of much advantage to you. Your thinking so will not accelerate danger, and will better fortify you against it. In an engagement (which I suppose you would not wish always to avoid) suffer no womanish fears to unman, and if you feel any apprehensions sometimes, let a senae of honor, duty, and reputation, prevail with you to disre-- gard them. Never give way to them ; for that will be to purchase infamy, perhaps to forfeit life. Eemember the truest courage does not arise from animal insensibility, but by the superiority of the mind over the weakness of the body. Do not therefore mistake timidity for cowardice, but as giving you an opportu nity for the more honorable exertions to suppress it. I have not time, my dear Charles, to write so particularly as I could wish, and hope you will consider what I have wrote as proceeding from a kind intention. Your welfare is an object of much concern to me ; and God grant my wishes and prayers for your hajipiness may be perfectly answered ! I will conclude with desiring the favor of you to write me, and with assuring you that I am ever Your very affectionate brother, JA. IEEDELL. N. B. I forgot, as an incitement to your good conduct, to lay before you the prospect of advancement, which generally in the Navy is the reward of merit. Once more, my dear Charles, adieu ! God help you. 15th Jime, 1771. My DEAR Father: — I returned yesterday from a distant County Court, and my time to write is very limited. I have just finished two letters to my brothers Frank and Charles which [ wUl enclose to you. Since my last I have been favored with a letter from my mother, dated the 15th March, which gave me much pleasure, and for which she has my sincerest thanks. A day or two after, I received a Uttle box, which you were so obliging as to send me. I am much obliged by so many instan ces of your goodness, and hope it will be rewarded with many years of happiness. ^'''^^-l OF MR. IREDELL. 89 You must excuse, sir, my writing a long letter now, indeed I have no subject for one. But there have happened some scenes lately that you must be made acquainted with (and then follows an account of the Battle of Alamance*). We know nothing of a certainty since ; there are various reports, but none to be de pended upon. God knows how it wiU end ; it is a matter of some doubt ; at worst, a Eegiment must be sent for from New York, but much mischief may be done in the mean time. How horrid are the miseries of civil war, but how much more horrid to have property insecure, and lives held at the will of a parcel of ban ditti 1 I can acquaint you, with pleasure, that I am extremely well, and hope to continue so through the summer. T beg that I may hear very often, and particularly from you, as I am always anx ious. Tell Atty that I have not time to write him now, but will by some other opportunity — that I am much obliged to him for his pretty letter, which has not above two or three faults, and those trifling ones ; and that I trust he is not wanting in appli cation to his learning, since he took all my books from me, pasted the leaves where my name was written, and inserted his own on another. I beg you to remember me to him with great affec tion. I should be sorry if I have deprived him of any books he wanted. I have only to desire my very affectionate remembrance to my mother, and my love to my dear little brothers Tommy and Billy. Can Billy write ? If he can, wUl you let me see some of his handwriting .? I am, dear father. Your very dutiful and affectionate son, JA. IEEDELL, Dear Sir : — I have lately been favored with your letter by Capt. Dayly of the 12th March, and have since had good oppor tunities of forwarding the letters enclosed. Though your letter was short, it gave me much pleasure as it was kind and friendly ; and for some months past I have been very unhappy in the thought of having incurred your displeasure. I trust, however, two or three late letters have undeceived you, and taken off any impressions to my disadvantage. I will only add now, that I have never intentionally acted wrong ; and have kept myself entirely free from vices. Under these circumstances, I flatter myself you will be inclined to overlook the imprudences of youth, which have been occasioned for want of acquaintance with man- * The above letter is copied from Judge IredeU's letter-book ; the omission of the account of the battle is greatly to be regretted. 90 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [^''''l- kind ; and this, I think, is the hardest censure any part of my conduct has deserved. I have not much to add — nothing new has occurred in your affairs here — those in the back country must necessarily be in confusion. I saw your son George about two months ago. He is really a fine little fellow, and grows more like you every day. He is in breeches and looks very well. I will observe your directions about having him sent to school. I believe he is taken great care of Col. Harvey is still very unwell. I have not seen him lately, having been prevented at a time when I intended it. Mr. Johnston is very well ; about three months ago he had a very fine daughter. He always inquires very kindly after you, and proposes soon to write to you. Mr. Hewes is very well, so, indeed, are all your friends here. Mr. Lowther is going to live in New York. He will not be here, I believe, more than a month longer. The partnership is dissolved, and it is not certainly known whether any of the parties will ever renew the connection. I will take leave now, sir, to conclude, but first desire my most dutiful respects to my uncle, and express my best wishes for his and your happiness. H. E. McCulloh. Edenton, 31st July, 1771. My dear Father : — I just, very fortunately, hear that a ship is lying at the Bar bound for Bristol, and that she is not to sail for eight or ten days ; so that I have it in my power to convey this letter to her. Since my last, I have not been fa vored with any from you ; but expect Capt. Todd in every day, by whom I expect to hear from you very particularly. I should be very happy if I knew you have all been as well as myself ; for I have not had the least complaint the whole summer. It is a happiness I cannot be too thankful for, as I am almost the only exception to a general Ulness. We have not had any dangerous disorders ; but agues and intermitting fevers have been very com mon. I am on the point of flying from them, as I shall go in a day or two to Col. McCuUoh's, and perhaps thence into the back country : but that is rather doubtful. You will have heard long ago that all affairs there are effectually accommodated ; and however disagreeable the means were, they were justified by the necessity, and have had the most happy influence. Eegulation is a name scarcely remembered, and all busy spirits are at peace. Six Eegulators were hanged as traitors, among whom was a man of some consequence ; and these examples of deliberate justice, with others before of Governmental rigor, will intimidate the ^''I'^-'l OF MR. IREDELL. 91 thoughts of any future sedition. The ringleaders have all ab sconded ; most of them fled at the first fire. I am at present a good deal engaged ; and have not much to add on any subject. I wish impatiently to receive matter for future letters from some of yours. Be assured you shall always find me a regular and faithful correspondent ; and I trust in your goodness and affection. I am too often troubling you, but I will hope for your excuse of this last request, as it will be of particular, perhaps necessary, service to me. It is that you will be so obliging as to procure Dr. Blackstone's Commentaries on the Laws of England for me, and send them by the first opportunity. I have indeed read them through by the favor of Mr. Johnston who lent them to me ; but it is proper I should read them frequently, and with great attention. They are books admirably calculated for a young student, and indeed, may interest the most learned.* The Law there is not merely considered as a profession, but as a sci ence. The principles are deduced from their source, and we are not only taught in the clearest manner the general rules of law, but the reasons upon which they are founded. By this means we can more satisfactorily study, and more easily remember them, than when they are only laid down in a dictatorial, often an obscure manner. Pleasure and instruction go hand in hand, and we apply to a science, difficult indeed at best, with less re luctance, when by a well-directed application we may hope to understand it with method and satisfaction. I would take leave to add one more desire, that you would be pleased to send me the Tatlers and Guardians, the Spectators I have, and these with the others, will often afford me agreeable desultory reading. They are inimitable writings, and I can never be tired of perusing them, And now, sir, I beUeve I must take my leave of you. But first desire you to present my most respectful and affectionate duty to my mother, and- to remember me very tenderly to all my brothers. Pray, likewise, give my best compliments to Mrs. Aldworth. Will you do me the same favor by Dr. Harwood ; assure him of my most respectful remembrance, and that nothing could give me greater pleasure than a letter from him. If I am thus favored, I will take the Uberty of requesting a continuance of our correspondence ; and wiU observe it very faithfuUy on my part. God grant you may all be happy ; my thoughts and wishes are ever with you. I am, dear father Your most dutiful and affectionate son, JA. IREDELL. * Blackstone's Commentaries had but recently been published : they did not, at '.f'J LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1111. Samuel Muncklet, Esq., Sir : — My father has mentioned to me the obliging readiness with which you undertook tonego- tiate my salary for him, in a manner at once expressive of his own gratitude, and engaging mine. Be assured, sir, I shall ever have the most tender sense of the many obligations you have con ferred on my father and myself I do not forget, at the same time, the great kindness of other gentlemen, who assisted my father and his famUy in distress ; and I would beg the favor of making my particular acknowledgments to them through you, sir, — more particularly to the Collector to whom I am best known, and from whom I have received personal obligations. Mr. Nat. Coffin, my agent at Boston, has desired me to request that you would be so obliging as to acquaint him with the receipt of his remittances to you ; as his doubts of their safety often make him uneasy. I have only to add, sir, that I hope you will excuse this additional request, and believe that I am ever with very great respect, Sir, your most obliged and obedient servant, JA. IEEDELL. Extract from a Letter, dated i.9thAug., Spanishtown, from Mr. Thomas Iredell. " I am glad to hear your brother Frank is to be provided for in the African service. You do not say what part of the coast he is going to. The Gold Coast is by no means unhealthy. Pru dence and temperance will preserve a man in any climate, whose occupation does not too much expose him to its inclemency : and there is this advantage attending the prudent, temperate man, that as these virtues do not fall to the common lot of men, so they are the source of advantage to those who possess them ; especially in a bad climate, where proujotion is, of course, quick in favor of such men. The scheme for your brother Charles, con sidering his turn for it, is a very good one. Should there be war, as he has friends, he will stand no bad chance of being advanced. I have received the remittance for Spencer, and am well satisfied with what you have clone in that business. The freight is enor mous, but there is no help for it. I observe you are attending the Courts. I wish you much success in that pursuit ; but ob serve to you that it is a profession dangerous to virtue in all countries, but more especially in your Colony, where persons can with so much ease, qualify themselves for its practice. I think first, meet with the general approval accorded them subsequently. Mr. Iredell's early- appreciation of their great merit was creditable to his sagacity and taste. mi.] OF MR. IREDELL. 93 you must have a great many of those people vulgarly called pet- ty-foggers ; indeed no free country, where the laws are generally intricate, is without them ; they are very pickpockets, aud their company and example carry contagion along with thera. I ])rom- ise myself the good principles instUled into you wiU preserve you from infection, for what is gained by the loss of integrity and honor cannot enrich, but makes a man poor indeed." Edehton, Oct 3d, 1771. My dear Mother : — I am indebted to you for a very long letter, and sit down now with an intention of paying you. It is now more than a month since I had the very great pleasure of hearing from you by Capt. Todd, who likewise did me the favor to bring from you my valuable presents. I thank you, ray dear parents, most kindly for them all ; but should receive them ^\•ith great reluctance, if I thought the purchase of them put you to any difficulty. Every thing was just as I could have wished, except the shoes, which were most of them too large, and all the pumps were ; which was the greatest loss of the two, because aU that are made iu this country spoil the silk stockings. My foot has not grown much, neither do I suppose that it -will, although I hope to be a little taller than I am. The hat is very pretty, but the silver band is rather too showy for me. However, I do not like to take it oft^ as it came from you ; but I must reserve it for very particular occasions. And now, madam, it is time I should take some particular notice of your letter. After passing by your expressions of joy on hearing from me, for which I give you ten thousand thanks, you recommend to me one of Lady Huntingdon's *¦'' Chaplains for a Carolina Parsonage. To say the truth, this country is not very fond of pai-sons. Most parishes ai-e full, and those that arc not are very indifferent about it. It is a proposal that would never take, and might be the means of injuring a worthy man by a cruel disappointment, for we never take men upon trust. They generally have twelve months' trial before they ai-e admitted to induction. So much, my dear moth er, for this matter ; and I have too good an opinion of your un- dei-standing to suppose you are turned Methodist. Be not afraid of the pistols you have' sent me. They may be necessary imple ments of self-defence, though I dare say I shall have no occasion to use them. All mobbing is at an end here, and we are once more at peace. It is a satisfaction to have the means of security • SeliuB, Countess of Huutingdou. -was distingnished for her enthnsiastio piety ; she was the patroness of WhitBeld, who often preached ia the drawmg-ioom of her man sion in Park Street 94 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [^'^''l' at hand, if we are in danger, as I never expect to be. Confide in my prudence and self-regard, for a proper use of them, and you need have no apprehension. They are extremely neat, and I thank you, madam, for the trouble you have had about them. When I went lately to Col. McCuUoh's * I had then no in tention of going further, as Captain Todd had not come in, whom I was impatient to see, and I returned a very few days after he arrived. Ben McCulloh did not go into the back country tUl the 22d of last month. Every thing there is in quiet and order. Mr. McCulloh and you I observe have very little connection with each other. I am sorry for it, and am afraid you each of you misunderstand situations. Believe me, my dear madam, when I say that I think the present circumstances of my uncle and cousin are difficult and distressing. This may account for many things, when added to it you make allowance for a particular temper fretted by disappointments. Were it in their power, I do believe they would assist you ; but as it is not, they wish, per haps, to avoid thinking of distress they cannot alleviate. Their not writing to you may, I dare say it does, appear to you un kind ; and yet the motive may be a desire not to appear osten tatious of friendship without being able to give essential proofs of it. I wish this may be the case, and should be sorry to think their hearts were alienated from you because you are unhappy enough to be in the shade of adversity. You desire I will be explicit with regard to the collection. I will be so, and am sorry your advice came so late ; but hope what I have done is not very censurable. You knew, from the first, I had a distant promise of that office ; and about a year and an half ago I had much more sanguine hopes of it than I have now. Lately Mr. McCulloh has mentioned danger in offering at a transfer, and has therefore declined it. In the mean time I am pressed by the narrowness of my income, which occasions very disagreeable diffi culties in my situation. His office he could at any time part with for a considerable sum, and this I dreaded he might be tempted to do, in his present distressed state. These things urged me to press him for a change in my favor, and I told him I would only reserve £200 proc (about £130 st.) to myself, and remit the rest (nearly as much more) to him. This may ap pear to you a disadvantageous proposal, but it is far otherwise. By this means I secure myself a genteel provision, upon which I can live comfortably ; and my salary then will be £40 st. which wUl be yours. The purchase money wUl be little, and Mr. Mc- * Alexander McCuUoh was a member of Gov. Dobbs' Council in 1765. The wife of the venerable Mr. Wm. Boylan, of Ealeigh, is one of his descendants. l''''!-] OF JAMES IREDELL. 95 CuUoh is not rich enough to make presents ; besides you remem ber he always mentioned terms. Offices are not now to be had untaxed, and he has the best bargain who has the least incum brance. I cannot expect every thing at once — shall be only twen ty Saturday ; and all I wish for, at present, is enough to live upon independently. I can never hope to make a fortune here, and all the prospect I have is to live with ease and comfort. This is the case with all who come here. They are generally pris oners for life. As my dear Frank is, I suppose, in Africa, I wUl answer the materia] part of his letter in this. The first question is, what relation Sir Nat. Dukinfield is to Mrs. Eichards ? I can only answer by saying his father and the late Sir Samuel's father were half brothers, and Mrs. Eichards was sister to Sir Samuel, I be lieve. Mrs. AUce Macartney has behaved with admirable good ness. I thank her with my whole soul. Pray is that the lady whom I once saw in Bristol a day or two ? She used to live in Granby Eow, Dublin. Capt. Todd seemed much pleased with the civility he received from you, and gave me very agreeable ac counts. I most heartUy wish my brother Frank may realize the flattering prospects in his view. I must endeavor to keep up a regular correspondence with him, and pray your direction for that purpose ; though I beUeve I shall have no other way than to send my letters to you. The only repugnance I have to this method is that it can happen so seldom, I write now by chance to Virginia, and know not how the letter will be forwarded. So poor Charles, it seems, is gone a voyage to Jamaica ! * I can not conceive why his appointment to be a Midshipman is post poned. I am well assured he wiU meet a most affectionate re ception from my uncle, the kindness of whose letters to me gives me a great idea of the goodness of his heart ; and his delay in giving any eftectual assistance to my father has been occasioned, I am afraid, by difficulties of which we know little. I have not heard from him lately, but hope to do so in a few days. If Charles is at home, remember me to him very affectionately. How much am I obUged by his wish to come with Capt. Todd, which he might, perhaps, have been permitted to do, had there been a cer tainty of his return. In case he takes another trip, suppose it was to James Eiver, I think that would do as well as any other, and I should be inexpressibly happy in seeing him. He might be able to teU you something too about Edenton, and my situa- * Charles Iredell afterward entered the Xavj'. He was in several engagements in the Fleet under Sir Edward Hughes, in the East Indies, in 1782. He -was killed in action in 1783. At the time of his death, he had attained, it is believed, the rank of Lieutenant. 96 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE l^'''^'' tion here. Tell Atty I love him dearly, and wish for an oppor tunity of answering his letter ; but that I beg in the mean time, as he has not so much difficulty in this respect as myself, that he will favor me with long, and particular letters. Can my dear little Tommy write me a letter ? Mention me to him and Billy in the most affectionate manner. The season has been sickly. Most people have been affected by it. I have myself more severely than I ever was before ; but I thank God I am now as well as ever. I have but just recovered, but think I never was better in my life than at this moment. I was the more particularly concerned, that I had been prevented writing, because it was a time of the year that I thought would make you uneasy. My first wish is to remove every thing of that kind from you. I wish I could make you as easy in every thing else as about myself I do not think of any thing to add to what I have written, but my most affectionate respects to my father, from whom I wish to hear more particularly than I usually do. Adieu, my dear mother. Believe me ever your very dutiful and affectionate son, JAMES IEEDELL. During the course of this year, with healthy but vehement ambition, Mr. Iredell prosecuted his studies, and regularly attend ed the Courts, The latter was no easy task, but environed with perils from which a carpet-knight would have shrunk aghast. Upon horseback, often alone, through the dense forests, and across the almost trackless savannahs, now struggling with the rage of the suddenly swollen stream, and now fevered by a burning sun, the lawyer of that day travelled his weary circuit. Accommoda tions, by the way, were generally despicably vile ; inns or taverns, in the true sense, had no existence. After the fatigue of a long day's journey, the wayworn traveller was often content with a bench by the hearth of some primitive log- cabin. With frame invigorated by manly exercises, and untainted by the vices of more cultivated climes, our young lawyer bore every discourage ment and annoyance, not only with an elasticity of spirits that threw a gleam of sunshine upon the gloomiest scenes, but with a vivacity and good humor that enabled him to extract from them even amusement. Books he had not, save a volume or two stuffed into his saddle-bags with a scanty supply of apparel. At this period too, in what was then called the " back country," now the interior of North CaroUna, the gentlemen of the Bar were objects of obloquy and denunciation to a generally poor and Ulit- erate people, and frequently experienced at their hands the gross- ^''"^^•] OF JAMES IREDELL. 97 est outrages. It not only required, on their part, prudence, but also a courage equal to any emergency, to avoid indignity. The people justly complained of the burden of their taxes— a burden augmented by the extortion of illegal fees by the officers of the Courts j but, with a" blind prejudice, many of them only saw in the profession, those who defended their oppressors, and who prose cuted them when their opposition broke out into acts of violence. Uncultivated settlers, who subdue the wilderness, are apt to look with suspicion upon the proprietor of the soU, when he demands rent for his land, or its value. UnfamUiar with those principles by which civUized communities can only be bound together, and with a wild sense of what they style natural justice, they insist that the first occupant has an indefeasible right to property that his labor has rendered productive ; grants from Crown or State they regard as frauds, and the attorneys employed to bring eject ments or sue for use, as the venal instruments of tyranny, ban dits, hired by gold to despoil them of the fruits of their honest industry.* With the feeling of independence fostered by the peculiarity of their life in a new country, they are little disposed to render tribute where tribute is due. The same causes that disturbed the peace of society then, still animate the same class of people to resistance to law, and urge them to violence and bloodshed. The squatter on the frontiers of the Union, looks rather to his rifle than authenticated parchment for a title to his home ; and is more prompt to pay the demand of a legitimate owner in bullets than in the current coin of the realm. Anti- Eent disturbances, even in the State, proudly termed by its citi zens the Empire State, have hut recently shaken society to its centre, and polluted the altars of Justice with the blood of her ministers. The Ufe of a briefless barrister is sad and melancholy. Years ordinarily must elapse before he can participate in the profits of his seniors ; meanwhile, he encounters an expense under which he staggers. The discouragement, the hope deferred, often drive to despair, and many a bright intellect has disappeared for ever beneath the wave of a reckless, mad debauchery. Mr. IredeU early fixed his eye upon the glittering heights of his pro fession, and so self-assured was he of his capacity and industry that he never faltered in his purpose — he was resolute to win ; and with * Many large landed proprietors cared only to secure their titles, having no expec tation of present gain, and looking to the future, solely, for profit. " I have known a person possest of 100,000 acres of land, which since my memory would not have paid a debt of £1,000 upon an 'Elegit' of fifty years; and yet the annual quit rent of those lands to the Crown amounted to X2,000 proc, and that gentleman has since made many thousands by the sale of those lauds, which were then £2,000 worse than nothing." — Mr. Johnston's argument on the Act for the more speedy recoven/ of debts in the Plantations. Vol. L— 7 98 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1111. such men, to resolve is to compel success. If unemployed in the Court House, he peopled his chamber with Judge, Jury, and spec tators ; he argued causes before his imaginary court, and reported his own arguments. Of these forensic displays, the foUowing is a specimen. A question was agitated in the Superior Court of Edenton whether a sheriff's sale might be pleaded in bar to an action of detinue brought against a vendee for property purchased there, and which the plaintiff alleged at the time of the sale be longed to him, and not to the person as whose goods they were sold by the sheriff, in virtue of a writ of execution. Mr. IredeU was not employed in the cause, and indeed had not then received his Superior Court license ; but here is the argument— curious, and interesting, at least, as the earliest recorded effort of one, who in a very few years became the brightest ornament of the Caro lina Bar. The question whether a sheriff's sale shaU be absolutely conclusive against every other, is confessedly of great importance, as the decision will, one way or other, affect all the property in this Province ; although I can by no means think it a question of such difficulty as it has been represented. Viewing it in the light of reason, and by way of analogy to other similar cases, there cannot be a doubt about its determination ; and it must be viewed in this light, unless some cases expressly in point, with a judicial decision after a solemn argument on this point only, can be produced to silence us. I am confident no such cases can be shown ; if any should, I will desire to speak to them. But I rest secure in this confidence, and as it is a circumstance which could not naturally happen often, I think we have no fixed decision to follow, nor any other light to guide us than what our reason can point to, in referring to general maxims of law and cases somewhat analogous to this, and even I can meet the gen tlemen on their favorite ground, — the security of private prop erty, and the protection which the law wUl certainly afford to titles purchased under its sanction. Now it is a maxim in law which cannot be denied me, and which is the firm foundation on which I wUl rest my arguments, that every man who is legally possessed of any property has a right to the enjoyment of it, tUl it is taken from him in a legal man ner. The premises are not denied, but the conclusion that I mean to draw. It is my business, therefore, to estabUsh my conclusion, which seems to me as clearly to follow from the premises as any proposition in EucUd is capable of mathemat ical demonstration. ^'''^•1 OF JAMES IREDELL. 99 It is needless to enumerate before so learned an audience the several ways of acquiring property, and the rules of determinino- m general, doubtful cases. But it is a known principle, that the title of a purchaser is only that of a vendor. This brino-s me to the ultimate question, what right a sheriff has to attach the property of one man, under color of an execution against the property of another. It is immaterial, it would be unworthy the dignity of this Court to mention that the sheriff may do so under a mistake, and therefore some line should be drawn be tween designed and inadvertent error. The right must be con sidered in the whole, and not with a view to the propriety of its exercise, which can never come within legal restrictions ; and it would be absurd to make the security of any man's property dependent on the degree of a sheriff's capacity or care. Every act of a sheriff must be either derived from his general or special power. I beg this may be attended to. It -will not surely be asserted that a sheriff's sale is in virtue of his general power, because without a writ it would be an act of open violence, and he might, perhaps, be punished as a felon ; he certainly would as a trespasser. His power then being only derived from a writ directed to him, is a special one, and therefore is strictly, absolutely confined within the terms of its direction. The mo ment he does or attempts any thing the writ has not directed him to do, he acts without any authority ; he departs from the power he was legally possessed of, when obeying the terms ofthe writ, and assuming one which that did not give him, and which he could no otherwise be entitled to, his acts are not warrantable because they are not legal : for he could not justify himself under a special power against a charge for departing from it, and hav ing no other sanction to protect him, he falls for having done contrary to his duty. The cases cited out of Dr. Blackstone do not contravene the doctrine we contend for. The particular circumstances he mentions, in which the wisdom of the law has made purchasers absolutely secure, required such a regulation ; but he himself treats it as a practice only justified by the neces sity. Now the instances cited from Dr. Blackstone are partic ular exceptions (whichcannot judicially be extended farther) and a case of a sheriff's sale is not within them. It therefore stands upon general principles of justice, it not being necessary that these should be in this case sacrificed to motives of conveniency, which Dr. Blackstone gives as the only reason for what the law determines about the others. In the one case, that of a sale in a market overt, the amazing concourse of people unknown mostly to each other, and the great variety of sellers and purchasers which the necessities of mankind call together at such a place. 100 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1111. render it necessary that fair purchases, there, should be validat ed. A man who buys, knows nothing of him who sells ; but as his being in possession is an evidence of his being the owner, it would be hard that he should be Uable to have what he fairiy bought taken from him, when he could have no redress against the seller. Is this any way similar to the case of a sheriff, an officer of the greatest notoriety to every body, and who has given security for the faithful discharge of his trust ? Is a man injured in a sale from him ? he cannot be at a loss to find the person or recover damages. He then is absolutely restored " in statu quo," and aU the injury he suffers is the not being per mitted to enjoy property which another has a legal right to. There is no kind of similarity that I can conceive between a market overt and a sherifl''s sale, which is always on the spot where the goods are taken ; and a fluctuating market overt would be a strange idea. So that he is neither within the nu7n- ber or reason of Dr. Blackstone's exceptions. I come now to consider the terrible consequences they affect to draw, if a sheriff's sale should be in the least impeachable, and if property, purchased as they say, under a public ponfidence, should be shaken. Now I boldly deny the probability of all these consequences, and I engage to represent their doctrine as teeming with most calamitous mischief, and as strongly arbi trary in its nature. There is no such thing as dealing in any possible circumstance without some kind of confidence. Human wisdom may make us as cautious as we can be, but will never put us upon a certainty. Why should sheriff's sales be preclud ed from the general predicament ? Is it because there a pur chaser can usually be more confident than at any other sale ? The notoriety of an execution, the neighbors' acquaintance with the property, and the great concourse of people generally attending it (many of whom, if there is mistake or fraud, can probably correct it), seem to render a purchaser absolutely safe : besides, too, the honor and interest of a sheriff being at stake, and which in any doubtful case he may legally secure by sum moning a jury. But there is a possibility that a sheriff may mis take, and innocent, unwary purchasers ought not to suffer. True, but how will you remedy the possibility ? Is there any situation in which the best and most cautious man may be absolutely secure ? But is the possibility of this evil (which I am sure is a very remote and very improbable one) to be avoided by in trusting to the sheriff the absolute control over every man's prop erty ? For I aver (and no man can deny) that if their doctrine is established, a sheriff may do as he pleases with any property in his county. For if his sale (independent of the legality of it) is 177L] OF JAMES IKEDELL. 101 to confer an unquestionable title, it may be as well without as with it ; for it is no part of our inquiry now how the sale arose ; you are satisfied with finding it was done by a sheriff. This is an evil unknown to any other part of our law. This is a power vested in no other subject, nor even in a king, for all his acts must be either justified under his prerogative or acts of Parlia ment. ShaU we then allow a power of this kind to a sheriff ? I am so ashamed of the idea, I will not offer to confute it. Be sides, does the law, or will you, pay no regard to legal titles, un less they are derived from a sheriff's sale ? Is the property which I have to-day to be rendered precarious, in order to insure a title to another to-morrow ? I have a right to all my property specifically, until I am legally deprived of it. I may have some kind which to me, from an accidental circumstance, is more val uable than to another, and am I to lose it at the caprice of a sheriff ? A satisfaction in damages may not be adequate to me. To a man who purchases, it is : for having at first no right to the property, he cannot be injured by its being restored to the right owner. And surely it is much more natural that a pur chaser, so deceived, should have a remedy against the sherifl', between whom and himself there was a privity of connection, than that a person who had nothing to do with either of them, should have an executive and inadequate remedy only to have recourse to. Most of these considerations are so extremely obvious, and their consequence as to the determination of this cause is so im portant, that it has amazed me, they should either be overlooked, or not sufficiently regarded, by the gentlemen on the other side. But they have continually had a phantom before them that has dazzled, if not blinded their understanding. A sheriff's sale was of too sacred a nature to be profaned by the impious claim of any other title. His judgment must be supposed infal lible, or at least the possibility of its having any defect was of too slight a nature to be guarded against. His mistake or his crime (for they make no exception) can be equally valid to con vey a title with a legal writ of execution. All men must bow to his sovereign authority, and humbly request that he would not dispose of their family pictures, jewels, rings, &c., which no sum of money, much less the mere pecuniary value, which was all that would be allowed, could ever compensate for. It will at the same time behoove others, who may have a longing desire to any specific part of another man's property, to make interest with a sheriff to help him to it. And not one legal title upon earth can exempt it from his rapacity. Are not all these ab surdities evidently deducible from the doctrine on the other side. 102 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1111. and which needs only to be seen in its naked and real aspect to be hated for the most hideous deformity ? On our side, reason, propriety, and the nature of the thing, concur with the principles of law, to assert and vindicate our claim ; and I trust in your Honor's wisdom and integrity, a cause so supported cannot fail of success." This argument has the ring of the right metal ; it is free from the redundant verbiage in which young gentlemen are wont to indulge : it is closely reasoned, and its style is terse and clear, possessing much of the neatness and perspicuity of the maturer efforts of the future judge. On the 26th Nov. 1771, Mr. IredeU was licensed by Gov. Martin to practise in the Superior Courts. He took the oath prescribed by law before Samuel Johnston, Clerk at AprU Term, 1772. " ~^ Extracts from, a letter of H.E. McCulloh, dated Nov. 5th, 1771. London. " I have of this date wrote fully to Mr. Coffin, at Boston, on the subject of my office, incidents, and attempt of the Curri tuck officers. I also enclosed the Commissioners a Warrant from the Lords of the Treasury for my leave of absence for two years from my former term. I have too good a friend in my Lord North to fear any attempts against my office. Eespect- ingthe attempts of the Currituck officers, you on the spot must judge and act on such circumstances as happen, advising always with Mr. Johnston. Should they act within my district, their acts and papers are void and a nothing, and you must seize any vessel that may break bulk within the district under such au thority. Mr. Brownrlgg had also an Italian chair of mine to dispose of, and Mr. Campbell a very good fiddle. My father's health continuing, I have very serious thoughts of crossing the Atlantic next suminer, for a trip of five or six months. I proposed spending a couide of months this winter at Bath, but there is a " hiatus valde deflendus " in the pocket which pre vents. My affairs at present " sent beaucoup derange^s," but I hope for good things." ^712.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 103 CHAPTEE V. HISTORICAL SUMMARY, COURTSHIP, LETTERS FROM SIR N. DUKIN FIELD, LETTER FROM MR. IREDELL, LETTERS FROM ENGLAND, LETTER FROM MR. IREDELL, JOURNAL, &C. iET. 20-21. The destruction of the Gaspe,* an armed schooner, on the 10th of June, led to an act of parliament for sending to England for trial, all persons concerned in destroying His Majesty's ships, dockyards, or miUtary stores. This act but added fuel to the flame of colonial resentment ; and the Boston committee pub lished " the boldest and most comprehensive exposition as yet set forth of Colonial rights and grievances." In North Carolina there was no meeting of the Assembly, but at an election for merabers of the Assembly, the Whigs were triumphantly success- ful.f In defiance of the express prohibition of the popular House, the Governor appointed commissioners to run the south ern boundary line of the province. The feud between the ex ecutive and the people was fast becoming irreconcilable. A very strong intimacy subsisted between Mr. Iredell and Sir Nat. Dukinfield ; they were rivals for the hand of the same lady ; but the contest was so generously conducted, and the de portment of each so marked by magnanimity, that, so far from their friendship being shaken, their mutual esteem was increased. Sir Nat's proposal met with a courteous, but prompt refusal, for Mr. Iredell had already won the young lady's heart, who strik ingly manifested her good sense by preferring talent and virtue to the more briUiant offer of her titled suitor. The future fully vindicated the wisdom of her choice. The baronet's disappoint ment so affected him, that he deserted the province, to which he never returned : subsequently, when his estate was confiscated, most ably and eloquently did Mr. Iredell plead his cause. They reo'ularly corresponded untU the close of 1791. Wingfield, 13th Feb., 1772. ... Oh ! my dear friend, how terrible is love, when pure and sincere, and free from lust and passion ! I find myself greatly * Hildreth. t Jones. 104 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE l^''''^- to have been mistaken when I have sometimes formerly thought myself in love. Never, I'm sure, did I discover any thing like the present. I have wrote to her, inclosed to my mother, and told her I hoped for permis-sion to renew my addresses if she should be disengaged on my return. Though she did not yester day really say that her affections were engaged, yet I suspected that to be the case. But, if upon your discovery of your pas sion for her, she should even (but I cannot suppose it) object to you, I hope you wiU let me know ; or what reception you meet with. Indeed, she has shown her good sense if she has chosen you to be the happy man. You are much more deserving of her than myself 1 can never expect so much happiness, 'tis too much for any mortal. How unfortunate is this. I can scarce support my existence. But I must endeavor to remove as much as possible the great grief which at present overwhelms me. Berry, thank God, suspects nothing of the real cause of my misery. He supposes it arises from leaving my mother and friends ; but that is nothing in comparison to the real cause.* I must dispel this additional curse, and totally insupportable. Ex cuse, my dear friend, the overflowings of my heart in this uncon nected manner ; 'tis some alleviation to me while I am unbosom ing myself to you. BeUeve me, my dear Iredell, Your sincere, NAT. DUKINFIELD. Edenton, 19th Feb., 1772. My Dear Friend : — My time has passed very unhappily ever since I saw you. It can only be equalled by the severity of your distress. I feel for you with all the warmth of friendship, and anxiety of fear ; and how to act in the very critical scene before me, is an afflicting thought. I did not know, my dear Sir Nathaniel, how sincerely I loved the dear girl who has engrossed both our hearts, until the night before your declaration to her. Heaven knew how miserably I passed it, and with what uneasy doubt I awaited the event. The unhappiness of your situation took off all thoughts of my own, tiU I became a prey to my re flections — then I felt what you only can imagine. Your letters from Mrs. Brownrigg's and Norfolk affect me extremely. I am nearly as unhappy as you can be. I know not how I will act, for I cannot answer for myself My conduct to you shall be guided by the nicest sense of honor, and by as tender a regard for your happiness as is consistent with my own, and that of one much dearer to me. I have not seen her since you. They are m^-"] OF JAMES IREDELL. 105 still at Mrs. Dawson's, but are to be here, I am told, on Friday. I wish to God you were here too, that our fates might be decided. The most dreadful certainty is preferable to doubt. Whatever I do, and every circumstance relating to her, I will faithfuUy and regularly acquaint you with. And yet. Sir Na thaniel, if I can coraraand myself so far as to withhold a declara tion until your return, my conduct must suffer greatly in her opinion. I have for a long time past behaved to her with a par ticularity of attention that has engaged the eyes of the world, and which the delicacy of her sentiments must construe, as I in tended it, into an indirect address. Such an application would have with me all the force of an express one, and now, when I have reason to beUeve she has loved me so far as to refuse you — to withdraw my attention, to become or appear more cool as her goodness advances upon me, and suddenly to change my beha viour on the first appearance of competition, would be a disgrace and meanness my heart revolts at. Suft'er me to add, it would bring on me an insupportable affliction, without materiaUy serv ing you. I know, and you must believe the greatness of her mind to be such, that she wUl not marry any man to whom she does not give an exclusive preference over all others, much less give her hand to one man when her heart is possessed by another. You and I both conclude her affections are engaged, and a thou sand agreeable circumstances which crowd upon my memory convince me I am the happy owner of them, Oh ! ecstatic would be the thought, could you be happy. To her, disguise and affectation are crimes, and I knew, I assured you so, that from her flrst answer you would have a final one. This, my dear friend, I wish you would consider such, and try whUe you are in England to dissipate your thoughts of what^ I think I must call a 'forbidden good. There is nothing in the repulse you have received at which to be chagrined or piqued. Here pride can require no sacrifices to appease it. I know few women who would at first have refused Sir Nathaniel Dukinfield, — per haps none whose affections were not absolutely pre-engaged. And though the answer you received from Miss Hannah Johnston gave you so high an idea of her exalted sentiments as to justify your passion, it was such as to convince you a pursuit cannot be suc cessful. There is a consistency and delicacy in her whole con duct which assures me that the man who is once happy enough to be beloved by her, will always be so, unless any part of his subsequent character should be different from his former. AU the merit I can plead is a sincerity of heart and innocence of in tention which never yet deserted me, and I trust never will. I have never sought, nor perhaps could have put on any disguise. 106 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1112. and such as I am, with all my faults and follies, I am fully known to her. If under these circumstances the agreeableness of your understanding and the goodness of your mind were not sufiBcient to overbalance her tenderness for me, (the vanity of egotism is here extorted by candor,) I cannot think they ever wiU. It is an happiness for me that I was first acquainted with her, and have loved her longest. I have indirectly paid my addresses to her these two years, and should long since have made a declaration, would my circumstances have permitted me to marry. I dare say she never thought of your doing it, for it was generaUy imag ined you loved her sister best. The faithfulness of my attention and a kind of negative merit (all I can flatter myself with being possessed of) perhaps inspired her with some esteem for me, which may have improved into tenderness, and now seems to be ripened into love. Oh I happy, happy Iredell, could I say, did not your afflictions interpose to grieve me. What shall I do, my dear Baronet ? I am utterly at a loss. My friendship for you is perfectly sincere, and will dictate every thing possible for your quiet. But I cannot think of giving up my love to it. Had it indeed happened, as I assured you, that your addresses had been favorably received, I would have offered no interruption to your happiness, and great as the resignation would have been, should have humbly kissed the rod and acquiesced. But when I think as I now do, that she will not, cannot accept of your affection, because hers is engaged to me, love, honor, (every thing but friend ship, and that, in this instance, is not compatible with the other two,) urge me to a declaration, at least compel me to an attach ment. You will judge, by this letter, my mind is not at ease, that I will do every thing for you that is possible, or can be ex pected from me ; but I cannot promise that I will make no decla ration. I dare not do it, lest I should either be tempted to violate it, or make myself more miserable than I am already, and more I cannot well be. I wiU write to you by all opportunities, and beg, entreat, you will endeavor to conquer as passion (I am sorry for your sake to say, my dear friend) I think cannot be returned. God bless you, and grant you every felicity you ought to, and can have. I will add no more than that poor Tom Hodgson paid the last debt to nature between 12 and 1 o'clock this mornino-. His disorder was a kind of fever, which reduced him to a state of weakness, in which he died. My mind is greatly disturbed. Adieu I my excellent friend ! believe me to be, with the most tender respect. Your very affectionate JA. IEEDELL. Sir N. Dukinfield. ^''''2.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 107 NoKFOLK, March 5, 1772. Dear Iredell : — My impatience on account of Capt. Law- ton is now relieved by his coming here to day. He intends going to the vessel, which lies in Hampton Eoads, to-morrow, to be ready to saU, so that I shall not be detained much longer, I hope. I believe I should not have written to you again till in England, had it not been to have acquainted you that I have repeated my letters to Miss Hannah Johnston through my mother, who is the only person besides yourself who knows of it ; and I have desired her to deUver my letters with the greatest caution and privacy. She will be a most valuable acquisition to any one who can obtain her ; and I cannot think of relinquishing her upon a single refusal. But if I find that her affections and yours are engaged to each other, I shall then desist my own iraportunities, in hopes, never theless, of being continued as a friend. I shall endeavor all in my power to make you both happy. But till that time I can't entertain an idea of quitting my pursuit. I am, my dear friend, Yours sincerely. NAT. DUKINFIELD. I hope Mr. Jones keeps the secret. Manchester, 2d June, 1772. My dear Friend : — I have now been upwards of three weeks in England, and on Sunday last came down to Manchester, when I received your favor as well as several others. I will immedi ately relieve you from the state of uneasiness which you must be in, by resigning to you Miss Hannah Johnston, and then give you ray reasons for it. I received a letter from ray mother and Mrs. Dawson. I told you in my former letters that I had wrote to Miss Johnston through my mother's care. My mother tells me she offered the letters, which were not accepted ; that Miss H. said she could not accept them ; that it was entirely out of her power ; and when my mother jiressed her to receive them, she said it was useless ; that she was quite determined. Both from my mother's and Mrs. Dawson's letters I find that 'tis in vain for me to think any more of this matter. Mrs. Dawson gives me much pleasure in assuring me of Miss Hannah's friend ship, and that nothing will add more to her happiness than that I should never think of, or hope for more. Now, my dear IredeU, as I am fully convinced of what I had too great reason to expect, and that I may be no hindrance to such an happiness as you must in all probability enjoy, I promise you that henceforth I wUl not entertain a thought which may lead to a greater regard for Miss H. than friendship ; for as her happiness was my con- 108 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1772. stant view, I am determined to do nothing which may in any degree prevent it. It will give rae great pleasure to hear of your declaration and success ; and I hope to be of the company when your happiness is completed. Give me leave to offer myself for your valet when that time is fixed ; it wUl, I do assure you, afford me great satisfaction, for though I cannot be a principal, I should be glad to be in some manner concerned. I own to you that I am much more easy since I received the letters, for a state of uncertainty is a most unhappy one. How coiUd I, my dear friend, ever think of desiring you not to declare your passion till I should return — was ever any thing so unreasonable ? But I ask your pardon, and hope to God you may have done it before this time and with success. Miss H. was sufficiently acquainted with our friendship to think that we have comraunicated our thoughts to each other, especially as I told her that I had asked you if you had made any protestations of regard for her. There fore I could not but think (if I could at that time have thought at all) that it would be slighting her in a very great degree to neglect it after the discovery of her inclinations. What other woman would have refused to receive my letters ? — the curiosity to read them would have been a sufficient inducement to most. But she showed her usual greatness, as she was well convinced she could give no other answer than she had already done. But I acquiesce, in hopes of being witness to the happiness of two, for whom I have the greatest regard. I am sorry to have been the cause of so much uneasiness to you both ; but let my sincere wish for your mutual felicity be a sufficient atonement. Mr. and Mrs. Eichards and Mrs. Hale were in London with Lady Dukinfield when I arrived. I sent your letters to your father and Mr. Maskelyn by the post. I have, however, promised to visit Bristol this summer, and wUl then see your relations. I expedite my business here as much as possible, and I hope to return by November. Mr. McCulloh will be in Carolina before me, he intends to sail in July. Present my compliments when they wUl be acceptable. I am, dear Iredell, Your sincere friend, NAT. DUKINFIELD. P. S. What success had Berry ? Friday, 19th April. My dear Hannah : — I promised you I would write to-day, and I luckily find an idle moment for that purpose. Upon what must I write ? I know not. I did, I believe, say something of a dissertation upon letter-writing. But that was too great a pre sumption for me to be serious in. I wanted an excuse to pass an m2.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 109 occasional half hour happily, and you were kind enough to in dulge me. Oh ! that you would go still further. Do let me earnestly beg it. I leave it to your goodness only. Come, my dear madam, I will tell you how I write letters, by way of show that I have not dropt my design. I just sit down and carelessly let my thoughts flow from my pen without too much anxiety about the expression, though taking care to keep that equally free from meanness and bombast — this is all the art I know. Practise it yourself, and let me have the happy sight of your performances. Those write letters best who have an habitual justness and propriety of thinking ; and, my dear Hannah, you must excuse my saying, that I think (from judgment not passion) you are unequalled in these particulars. There is in most ladies a re markably easy flow of expression, and in all yours I discover the most exact propriety. I therefore know what to expect in a let ter from you. I have this morning had a letter from Sir Nathan iel, a pleasing one it would have been, had it not acquainted me that he is to live in England, and this I regret for my own sake, not for his. Forgive my transcribing a short paragraph from it. " I am extremely glad you have such a prospect of happiness. I don't know any couple so deserving of each other as yourselves, and as it was not my good fortune to be the happy possessor of Miss Johnston's affections, I rejoice exceedingly that such felicity was destined for you. Happy may you long continue to be to gether ! " He desires me too to let him know what you thought of his persisting to write to you. I am sure I cannot tell him now. This letter, my dear, is sadly blotted and written. But the case was this with me : I was obliged either to write in this man ner or not at all. Which would you be best pleased with ? WeU, God bless you. I must now leave off. Once again, oblige me as I wish. Ever most affectionately yours, JAMES IEEDELL. Miss Hannah Johnston. Wednesday afternoon. My dearest Hannah : — Being greatly disappointed in my wishes and intentions of seeing you this afternoon, I snatch a moment to commune with you in this manner, as a kind of sec ondary pleasure to that of being personaUy with you. You can easily, I hope, conceive the severe feelings I have in being de prived of this happiness. It is indeed stUl more severe to me, as you do not know the cause why I have not gone over this after- 110 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1712. noon ; for the badness of the weather yesterday and to-day seem ed to preclude the propriety of a visit, though I should not have regarded it, had I been at liberty to consult my own inclinations merely. My cousin Betsy McCulloh is now with us, and I make it a point to' stay with her, not only out of a proper complaisance, but from a very affectionate regard her merit, yet more than her relationship, claims from me. Her situation has been difficult and trying, and yet notwithstanding this circumstance, and every disadvantage attending the method of her education, she is really a very fine, as well as a very good girl. I should abhor myself was my attention only directed to those of my relations who are in affluent circumstances, and did I aggravate unhappy and una voidable misfortunes by a cruel slight of the innocent objects of them. How strange is it, my dear Hannah, that the regards of the generality of the world are chiefly attracted by adventitious advantages, which are often both gained and lost independently of either merit or demerit, and which at best only relate to ap pearances ; and not to any influence of principles which either fix the mark of a good or ill mind I God knows what would have been my own situation, had misfortune appeared a crime to all ; and had that very circumstance, which laid a claim to pro tection, been the bar to my receiving it ! What would become of some of the sweetest feelings of the heart, should the principle of contemning distress become general ? To relieve or alleviate distress is surely the most deligbtful pleasure in the world, and next to it is that fine sentiment of tenderness and compassion, which none but generous minds can feel, and which is fully com pensated for the little pain often attending it by a thousand trivial circumstances, which nature certainly intended not only to mitigate, but to reward it. I know perfectly and pleasingly well how experimentally you can decide upon the truth of this obser vation, which you will read, I doubt not, not only without cen sure, but with great satisfaction, since it comes from a heart you honor with a kind preference. But, my dear girl, I must break off. The ladies are in the piazza. I don't expect to get a peep at you, but shall indulge a hope that you may be looking at me, and by that means at once oblige me with some kind thoughts, and discover the reason of my not being with you this afternoon. Adieu ! God bless you, my dear Hannah ! So prays Your ever affectionate JAMES IEEDELL. 1''72.] OF JAMES IREDELL. Ill Thoughts on the death of Mr. Blair. " Let the melancholy train of ray thoughts have vent. Let me unburthen, as to a kind of second self, the great grief which over whelms my heart. Let me regret for others, ill-deserving such affliction, if it was to be uncompensated, the loss of a husband and a father — a man who not only held those ties by nature, but by the tenderest affection, and most anxious solicitude for the welfare of those who were so connected with him. Let me en deavor to conceive their distress, the afflicting misery of their sit uation, bereaved at once, and suddenly, of a dear, how dear a friend, and of a most tender guardian. From the thought, though but for a moment, of distress like this, I can the more readily pass to consider the condition of those amiable friends who sym pathize in their affliction, and feel for their own loss but as for a secondary one. How amiable, but how unhappy, a sight was it for me to see the dear Miss Johnstons — a continual succession of tears and sighs — the tender effusions of grief for themselves, their sisters, and their young relations. Admirable girls ! lovely women I may your lives be happy as you deserve. You cannot wish them happier. Mrs. Dawson will have a complicated share of distress to struggle with. When the sympathetic goodness of her heart has time to subside into reflection, how cruel will be the remembrance, how cutting the thought, that she has once passed in her own person a scene like that which Mrs. Blair suf fers. For two such women to have occasion for grief like theirs, would be (would it not ?) an unprovidential allotment, was this world to terminate our existence. No ! a hereafter will reconcile aU. Then the best will be the most happy. Upon that future state to which we are all hastening, must our thoughts direct themselves. Nothing is more uncertain than a life here, nothing more transitory than the enjoyment of it. One day happy in conversing with a friend, in all appearance promising to Uve many years, — another, viewing him on the bed of sickness, — a third on a death-bed. Gracious God ! This is affliction in the extreme. Yet thou ordainest it, and we submit. Thou canst not, thou dost not, forbid the tear of sorrow, or the heart of grief Otherwise it would not be that the best people have usually the most sensibiUty. Humanity requires, and religion does not for bid, that we should mourn for the loss of valuable friends. This even adds an increased motive to be good and virtuous — to direct our steps according to thy precepts. To reflect, and to feel, how fleeting are aU our joys here, and how Uable we are at all times, even when we think ourselves most secure, to be deprived of the comforts and blessing of life, must (it is the only consolation 112 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [^^''2 left) lead us to consider, that soon, perhaps very soon, we may pass the verge of this world, and enter (if we be not wanting to ourselves) into immortal happiness in another. We are too apt to think our stay here momentous to our welfare. There cannot be a more mistaken notion, as every day's experience testifles. Here one sorrow quickly succeeds another, and the happiest days are not without alloy. Yet even these would have less, did we possess a philosophic indifference for the shadowy advantages of this world, and look forward, with the confldence of a good con science, to the blissful prospects of another. Young as I am, I have seen much affliction, — have been witness to much unhappi ness, — and in some, a personal, an immediate sufferer — in all I trust (I should despise myself if I was not) a distressed sympa thizer. I have passed through a school of misery, which I can not, however, now regret for myself, as it has given my mind a turn of sobriety and reflection. May I daily endeavor to im prove its disposition, and cultivate it with virtuous resolutions, and may I be enabled to carry these resolutions into practice, and by an uniform intention of doing my duty, make the tenor of my conduct here, deserving of happiness." Mr, Blair was the husband of Miss Hannah Johnston's sister, and these consolatory lines, were, I presume, designed for that lady's eye. Extract from a Letter from, Mr. Iredell to H. E. McCulloh, dated March 5th, 1772. " In answer to our crave upon the subject of our extraordi nary incidents, we are now told by the Commissioners, in a letter equaUy strange and sophistical, that they do not approve of those seizures having been made, and that, as the amount of the sales was insufficient to reimburse the expenses, they would not allow any part of them to be incurred by the Crown. No reasons of disapprobation are given, and though the Coramissioners are made, by an act of ParUament, judges of the propriety of grant ing, they cannot decently, I apprehend, altogether defend the justice of its intention. To you, sir, I need only add, that I am conscious of the rectitude of my conduct in this instance, and that I wiU not very patiently submit to be ill-treated. I could have, I had no lucrative view in seizing them, and think cases similar to mine clearly within the meaning and expression of the act. I wUl repeat my appUcation to them, and if it should be unsuccessful, will ask the favor of your advice whether I shaU not send a memorial to the Lords of the Treasury. " The conduct ofthe Currituck Officers has been very flagitious, and a great injury to your office. It has been wanton in encroach- mi] OF MR. IREDELL. 113 ment. Severely as I felt the insult, what could I do ? The Commissioners had deserted me in similar instances, and in the face of their disapproving letter, to seize would have been impru dent. I never will again, willingly, risk such a pecuniary enthral- raent. I advised with Mr. Johnston as you desired, and he thought, for the reasons above, and as complaints had then been re ferred to the Governor upon this subject, supported by affidavits which raised his indignation, and had obtained his interference, seizure would be improper. Mr. Johnston had at that time a letter from the Governor* which spoke very indignantly of their conduct, and enclosed a letter to Pierce, supposed to contain an order for him to give a personal account of himself to his Excel lency, and to produce the powers under which he acted. Proba bly too it had a rod for Malcolm. A current and received re port that they had very extraordinary powers from the Commis sioners, was the only reason, I beUeve, which prevented a sus pension. I have very little doubt that it will follow, or that the measures adopted wUl have the effect to prevent any material repetition of their insolence. The Governor is a man of too much spirit to suffer any usurpation by those over whom he has con trol." " I have written to you very lately by Sir N. Dukinfield, and since by a letter to Liverpool at the express request of Mr. Hardy, who was at that time very ill, and in consequence of many severe fits of sickness is determined to leave this country in the summer. He therefore desires that you will appoint another Deputy imme diately, and Mr. Johnston advises you to appoint Mr. Charles Bonfield, who has a long time acted as his clerk, with an unex ceptionable capacity and integrity. I am sure you could not have a more faithful or diligent agent, and hope he will succeed Mr. Hardy. I have written more fully on this in the letter to which I refer. It gives me much concern to find, by sorae parts of your letter, that you stUl had difficulties. I hope in God they will soon be all reraoved. You have earned an easy and happy provision, and might, without unreasonableness, expect it. How ever I may have trifled hitherto, I wUl do so no more. I feel the satisfaction of doing business, and am determined to apply to it. Necessity, I hope, wiU be no greater spur than inclination. Young men must be active, industrious, and modest in expecta tion. They have no right to look for the advantages and com forts of life by easier methods than their friends before them ; happy, if they can obtain them by the same." * Martin. Vol. 1—8 114 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1112. Edenton, 20th July, 1772. My DEAR Father : — I wrote to you a hasty letter lately, and therein promised you to write again soon, and very particu larly. I mean now to do so, and that I might be the more ac curate, have reviewed some of the last letters I received from you, and minuted down such particulars, in the order they occurred, as I had not either before taken notice of, or might deserve a more full explanation. I must take notice, however, sir, that there is a very long lapse of time between September and Febru ary, during which there were no letters written to me ; a circum stance which long gave me uneasiness, and prepared me for some heavy blow, though I had no idea of any so severe as my dear Billy's death. Lovely angel ! such I now believe you to be ; but such indeed I thought you upon earth. Oh ! unhappy separa tion ! what a dreadful loss ! do I not daily feel it ? I never can, I never shall think but with the greatest affliction on a misfortune by which I lost the dearest of brothers, and one of the finest boys in the world. He was all I could have wished him, and would have been, in all human probability, an honor and a bless ing to us all. But the stroke of fate is not ours. My tears and ten derness cannot recall him, neither would it be now desirable that he should, if he could, return. He is, I trust, exceedingly, inex pressibly happy. This is all my consolation ; no other could alleviate a weight of grief which oppresses my heart every moment I think of hira. An accidental recollection of any pleasing cir cumstance in his behavior stings me cruelly, because I know (too certainly I know) such never will return. May we, his afflicted, surviving brothers (my eyes swim with tears while I write) strive as much as possible to make our dear parents, and one another, amends (but how inadequate with all our endeavors will they be) for this severe distress, by being still more solicitous to approve ourselves worthy and good men ; and as much as we can, such men as my dear Billy would have probably taught us to be. My mind is not now fit to talk on matters of business, such as many parts in those letters which are yet unanswered, are. But I will endeavor to go through them as well as I can. There will be, perhaps, an incoherency in my manner of answering them ; but I was afraid, by modelling the form, of losing the substance. My debt to Mr. McCuUoh is about £200 proc, not sterling, by any means. I have occasionally acquainted you how this arose ; and if it be candidly considered for a moment, that when I came here, a stranger to every rule of purchasing for myself, that I stood in need of many things, and that my income was Uttle more than £60 sterling to provide me with every thing, I shall meet with some 1772. OF MR. IREDELL. 115 compassionate allowances for falling a little in debt. To you, my dear sir, as it becomes me, I will be more particular. My board and lodging only cost me £15 proc, my washing £10, the maintenance of a horse, which I must either keep or occasionally hire one, which will be near as expensive, because I attend some County Courts (where by the by I have always hitherto lost money, for that, as well as any other business, must be succeeded in by time only), £15, a barber (without whom I cannot do, though I almost always wear my hair without dressing) £4, and other necessary expenses occasionally arise, besides the expen,se of clothes, which in this country are immoderately dear, and of which we must have a good deal, on account of the great heat in the summer. To give you an idea from this article of the rest, I will mention, that a suit of clothes which in England would be made up for £5 sterling will here cost £15 proc at least, and our exchange is only at 60. A reflection on these things will satisfy you I am not so culpably to blame. The business of Mr. McCuUoh's office, by multiplied and teasing directions, is rendered a most laborious one. For three years past my whole time has been devoted to it without recom pense, with a rigidity of attention that has left nothing to bs found fault with. My mother desires to know who are my greatest favorites. Without reserve or hesitation, I declare, Mr. Johnston's family and some near connections of his here. They are all united by the tenderest ties of affection, and ever preserve an uninter rupted harmony of agreement, which is maintained by a general share of good sense, cultivated understandings, and engaging manners, that I have never seen excelled, if equalled. They are truly families of love, and are known to be so by all their ac quaintance. At another time, when I am more at leisure, I will be more particular. At present I will just say that the families I speak of, are Mr. Johnston's, in which are himself, Mrs. J., a fine little girl of theirs, and two of his sisters, who are the most amiable and agreeable women I know. Mr. Johnston's eldest sister, Mrs. Blair, a few months ago lost her husband. She has five remarkably fine chUdren, and is herself a most valuable and respected woman. Mrs. Dawson Uves over the Sound, which is just before us, and is the daughter of Gov. Johnston ; she has been a widow upwards of two years, and has three charming children, two girls and a boy. This lady is about 28, and in point of excellence of understanding, goodness of heart, and a most polite, attractive behavior, she is generally aUowed to be above all kind of competition. She is indeed out of the circle of her relations. I could mention some others, but will only name 116 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1772. Mrs. Brownrigg, who is now too unhappily a widow. Her hus band will be long regretted by her and all who knew him. The sweetness of her temper, and amiability of her disposition, surpass all praise ; you would greatly love, did you know her. She too has five children. Though I seem to have restricted myself to the mention of the above, I must say there is a gentleman in this town who is a very particular favorite of mine, as indeed he is of every body, for he is one of the best and most agreeable men in the world. His name is Hewes. He is a merchant here, aud our member for the town : the patron and greatest honor of it. About six or seven years ago, he was within a very few days of being married to one of Mr. Johnston's sisters (elder than the two young ladies now living) who died rather suddenly ; and this unhappy circumstance for a long time embittered every satisfac tion in life to him. He has continued ever since unmarried, which I believe he will always do. His connection with Mr. Johnston's family is just such as if he had been really a brother- in-law, a circumstance that rautually does honor to them both. But I must go to my minutes, otherwise I shall run away with my paper on one subject. I am very sorry you have not had regular remittances ; my directions to that purpose have always been very express, and I lately renewed them with much ener gy. I never for a moment thought of taking the least part of my salary, which shall be yours, whatever difficulties I myself contend with. I had much rather have such, than know you to have any. God knows you have had your share. I hope I may prophetically say, in the words of Horace, " non, si male nunc et olim, sic erit." Now for a word or two on the sub ject of the Collection : you much mistake the value of it, it is barely that value in Proc, which you suppose it iu SterUng, 4 or 5001. I have made no express agreement with Mr M. I only offered terms in a letter ; but, I believe, there is no good rea son to expect they will be complied with ; his letters evade the notice of them. I have lately given him leave to do as he pleased with the ofiice, without supposing himself under any restraint from having given me hopes to expect it. I wiU engage to give him any security he can require ; for indeed (though I would not distress him) it would be an object of much consideration to me, as I might probably hold it for a great many years. However, be it as it may, I am content, and think, without it, I shall be able in a little time to have a suffi cient income. I have not, upon my honor, now, with the utmost frugality. And yet, sir, your very obliging intimation of pro viding for me in England (although of all things it would be my fondest wish) seems liable to strong objections. In England I 1''''2] OF MR. IREDELL. 117 must in any way be some years in a dependent and consequently an insecure situation. Here, I have a tolerable certainty of some thing, though a mean one, and a probable expectation, by the fruits of my own industry (all I depend upon with assurance), of procuring in the course of a few years a genteel independency — what I mean by which is, a moral certainty of acquiring such an income every year as will maintain me genteelly. A young country is the fittest for a young man without a fortune ; and however unpromising or disagreeable it may be at first, a steady attentive perseverance will in all likelihood be at last successful. These, sir, are seriously my thoughts ; they have often been di rected to this object, and I think must have had great weight to oppose the almost irresistible temptations I have, to wish a return home ; but it is a matter of too much importance to have with in my consideration any thing but the great end itself, a means of competent support. How much have my wishes yielded to my reason in this point, and how great is my regret that what you and I so much desire cannot, with propriety, be sought for. Mr. Kempe's goodness to Atty is admirable. I enclose a let ter to him, such as you desired. My thoughts there you will, perhaps, think clash with what I have said here : but pray con sider, sir, I have been here between three and four years, waiting for something I have not got yet ; that without my little place I could not have lived here ; and that now I have reason to ex pect success in some way or another. I cannot on this occasion resist the seeming vanity (though real pleasure) I feel, in relat ing what Mr. Johnston said to me about this near three years ago. He very obligingly told me he thought it would be an in jury to me to have Mr. McCuUoh's office upon terms as (they not being known to all my friends) I should be in appearance greatly provided for, and they would think there was no occasion to do any more for me ; and if any thing fell in this country, that it would be worth my while to apply for, my having that office might be an obstacle to my success : he told me at the same time (and from him praise is sweet indeed ; for no man is more averse to flattery, though in that instance he certainly judged too par- tiaUy) he would not give up my prospect of making money in the law for any place less than such a one as the Chief Justice's, or one of the first offices in the country. You wiU not suspect me of vanity in mentioning this to you. It may, perhaps, give you pleasure, especially when I say Mr. Johnston is remarkably sparing of praise, even in the absence of any one, and much more so in one's presence. His thoughts are wise and secret, his words few and faithful ; in these particulars I mean, for he is a most agreeable man, as weU as he is equal to any in the country in 118 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE l^'^''^- solidity of understanding, and superior to most (his equal can hardly be found) in the integrity of his heart and conduct. I most heartily rejoice at Atty's happy situation. I very sincerely congratulate him on it, and if I have not time, or may, perhaps, think it will swell the packet too much to write him, acquaint him of my dearest, tenderest affection. Assure him of my most friendly wishes, and beg that he will write to me often, and I will to him sometimes, for it is much easier to write to me than for me to write to him. My declining to write often, arises only from the infrequency of a good opportunity ; for if I send a large packet, it wUl pay heavy postage, unless the opportunity be a very choice one. I have not had any letters from my uncle or Charles, but lately wrote to them both. It is a long time since I heard /rom my uncle, but this, I know, is because he knew of no opportunity ; for I have many letters by me which show him to be the kindest, best of men, and I love him with great excess of affection and respect. Do you and he correspond together now, sir ? I hope in God you do ; and am sure his delay in giving any effectual assistance to you was occasioned by difficul ties we know Uttle of : an encumbered West India estate, with the tax of high living, is no nabobship ; and an unfortunate crop is a very severe shock to such a one. My uncle has had many such from continual droughts. Where is Miss Macartney now ? — going to be married — to whom ? If it be to her advantage and happiness, I greatly wish to hear it is so. — I have had no letter from her a long time. Pray write as much as you know about her. To Mrs. Aldworth I cannot be mentioned with too much warmth of regard. I am infinitely obliged by the kindness of her remembrance, and ever shall be happy to hear of her being well. I beg it as a very par ticular favor, you will always let me know how she is. I wish too you would tell me something about the Miss Bagwells that were. Mrs. Aldworth will be obliging enough to acquaint you. I am a good deal shocked to hear of Jemmy Agnew's death ; he was a very fine boy and his death must have affected his father greatly. I beg you to mention to me the cause. Tell my grandmother and aunt my heart feels the most respectful and afiectionate attachment to them ; that I owe them a thousand obUgations for the kindness of their thoughts towards me ; and that nothing prevents my writing to them but my never having an opportunity. I have been often greatly obliged, my dear sir, by your goodness in sending political information to me. The last paper parcel you sent I have not yet received, neither can I find where it is ; Mr. Granberry has it not. I am sorry I troubled you with a request about books not so easy to procure. I hope you have l''"?2-] OF MR. IREDELL. 119 not sent them, and beg, entreat, you will not in that case do it. You will oblige me very much though, by sending me the pam phlet of Junius' Letters. It gives me a pleasure I cannot ex press to hear you are well. God grant you may long continue so. I hope long before now you have got that place you had in expectation. I think, my dear father, you have some right to solicit, or at least expect a better one. I wish the interest you proposed to stir for me would be exerted for yourself Sir George Macartney I think might, and I believe would, look out for a place of 2 or 3001. a year, the duty of which would be easy or might be executed by a clerk or deputy. That lady who so obligingly gave money to Frank, and would have procured a pair of colors for Arthur, would befriend you too. Lord Clare might be ap plied to ; and it seems to me a matter easily practicable. Sup pose it even in London, j-ou could live more agreeably there than in your present way ; or indeed any where in England. Greatly happy should I be, if you might succeed in this. If I could see you and my mother with an easy genteel provision, it would be a satisfaction that would enliven every joy and alleviate every care of my own. I thank my mother with my whole soul for the tenderness of her letters to me. I hope I shall not intrude on her goodness by desiring her to repeat them. I beg you to remember rae in a proper raanner to my mother and Tommy, though they may be assured themselves (as they wUl read this letter) that ray beart yearns greatly towards them. With a very heavy heart I am obliged now to think of my dear dead (oh ! what horror in that word, dead) brother. The rest all away too : but I hope God in his mercy will preserve and protect them all. To his goodness I likewise commend your happiness which, as it is either increased or abated, gives proportional joy or sorrow to, my dear father. Your very dutiful and affectionate son, JA. IEEDELL. Manchesteu, 6th Sept,, 1772, My DEAR Friend: — Your letter dated 16th AprU I received in June, which I believe I answered the same month when at Liverpool. The lesson which you learnt from me, and are pleased to do me the honor to call it an useful one, I have entirely neg lected since I came into England — the copying of letters. Last week I returned from the assizes, at Lancaster, where I attended upon the Grand Jury — (here follow amusing accounts of a trial for defamation. Miss Dawson vs. Miss Kennedy, two young ladies of Liverpool ; and also a similar case between two apothe- 120 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [^'''^2, caries. Judge WUles presided. The report is full of humor, but of so coarse a character as to be unfit for a page that may, perchance, meet the eye of some fair countrywoman.) I can almost fancy that I can see you laugh, stamp, a,nd rap out at reading my letter, and that Mr,. Jones is enjoying it with arms akimbo. I hope at least it will have that effect. Jo Hewes wiU, I dare say, damn over it. I hope you are all well. I beg you will present my respectful compliments where you know they will be acceptable. When or how you will receive this scrawl I can't tell. I shall send it in a few days by a gentle man to Liverpool. I have a great deal of pleasure from your letters, and for want of new ones, I often read over those I al ready have. I shall be very glad to receive more. 1 hope to see you well and happy ; till when, or tUl you hear from me again, beUeve me, my dear Iredell, Your very sincere friend, NAT. DUKINFIELD. Bristol, Sept. 10th, 1772. My dear Jemmy : — I did not hear till late last night that there was a ship to saU this morning for Edenton, otherwise you should have had a long letter from me, in return for two very agreeable epistles of yours that remain unanswered. My reason for not writing sooner was, that there are so few oppor tunities of forwarding letters from Ireland, and not from want of inclination or affection. My life has, during my residence in that kingdom, been quite a rambling one, continually from one place to another. I have been in England three months, and purpose staying the winter. Be assured I shall neglect no op portunity of letting you hear from me, and hope you will act by me in the same manner. You have no doubt heard of the death of I oor George Kerr — a charming character has he left behind him ; it was a great shock, you may be sure, to my dear EUza, who, I thank God, is well and happy. She has one beautiful little girl, and is now near the time when we expect another addition to the family. You have also, without doubt, heard of the very great accession to Mrs. Book's fortune, about a year and a half ago — above 4000^. a year. There has been another change in the family. Mrs. Eock is now a widow. She has just received an account of her husband's death in Jamaica. I have been on a visit to her ever since the news came, as I thought my company at this tirae, as she is confined, would be more useful to her, than when she can again have all her friends about her. You desired me to send you some account of Irish poUtics. It is a ^''''^-l OF MR. IREDELL. 121 task I am totally unfit for, yet wiU I, with pleasure, undertake it, if it can conduce to your entertainment. The greatest part of last winter party ran very high. Mr. Ponsonby, you know, had resigned the chair, which I apprehend he did rather too has tily, and that he would not have been sorry to have resumed it again. The House of Commons was more like a Bear Garden than a Senate : and the Patriots, instead of being of service, prevented the business of the nation from going on, while they employed their time in disputing about trifles. The Court, with out doubt, struggled hard for a majority ; but Lord Shannon, coming about to their side, weakened the opposite party so much, that they were no longer of consequence. My Lord Townshend still remains there, though the people have been continually ex pecting a new Lord Lieutenant. Sir George also continues, but " entre nous " tired of his place. Three thousand a year, how ever, is not to be thrown away, because we have a little trouble. Now we speak of Sir George, I must take sorae notice of the par agraph in your letter relating to Lady Jane. How such a report could rise I can't imagine. She is one of the prudentest, best of women, universally esteemed, and behaves with the greatest pro priety. And now for a word concerning poor Mrs. Barry, who has paid her debt to nature. If her name was inserted in the Mag azine, in the way you mention, it was a mistake of the printer, as she, during her life, acted with so much discretion and propriety, that even envy and malice itself could not advance any thing against her. In sorae theatrical strictures lately come out, wherein the author is very severe in criticising the merits and characters, they totally acquit her of any fault in private life, and give her some degree of merit as an actress. Our set this year are tolerable for comedy. Mrs. Buckley, whom you may re member, carries away the Bays ; indeed she well deserves it, as she has great merit. Will you not be surprised when I tell you that Miss Cheston was married last Tuesday to Mr. Bensley, who purchased Holland's share of the Bristol Play House. He is, without doubt, a good actor, and, I have heard, a man of sense. Their acquaintance began last summer, by her being thrown from her horse by the carelessness of a postchaise-driver. So gratitude, I suppose, for saving her life, was the cause of her falling in love with him. They are at present at Mr. Ste venson's, but next week go to London as the Playhouse opens there the 21st. My uncle McCulloh is at Bath. Cousin Harry, without doubt, you will have heard from before this reaches your hands, as I hope, he is by this time safely landed^in Amer ica. If I have time I will write him by this conveyance although I know it will not reach him till Xmas — as he is not, I find, to 122 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1''''2- be with you till the meeting of the Council. I have scribbled this so fast that I cannot be certain whether it will be legible. Your father and mother will send you an account of all domestic concerns ; and have no doubt acquainted you with the whole affair concerning Doct. Harwood. I shall then only add that he has returned to Bristol. Miss Gresleys and all friends here well, and desire to be remembered to you. I am, my dear Jemmy, Your truly affectionate cousin, and sincere friend, M. MACAETNEY. P. S. How goes on the Law study ? Write to me soon, and let it be a long letter. The first ship that sails shall bring you one — Adieu. Bristol, 12th September, 1772. Dear Sir : — It is with particular pleasure I embrace this opportunity of acknowledging the safe receipt of, and thanking you for the sundry letters you have been so kind as to favor me with since your residence in Carolina. How I came to be so very remiss as not to make this acknowledgment sooner, I can hardly account, or at least not to my own satisfaction. Sometimes when modes of conveyance have offered, an unremitting hurry in busi ness has prevented me from writing , and for these twelve months past my mind, from various melancholy causes, has generally been too much out of tune to think of almost any thing. Within the short space of ten fleeting months, I most unfortunately lost a father, an only sister, and an only brother ! all most deservedly endeared by nature's tenderest, strongest ties ; and these, dear Jem, in my opinion, are the severest trials a mind of sensibility and feeling can possibly experience. Let those unhappy advo cates, then, care and sorrow, plead my excuse with you for my past seeming inattention, and accept my promise of being a bet ter correspondent iu future. It has given me the greatest satis faction to have heard, from time to time, by your friends, that all has been well with you. I rejoice in your happiness, and shall always be glad to promote your prosperity. I make no doubt but your conduct will invariably be such as will lead you to paths of honor and profit ; for a wise man wUl endeavor to excel, as well as to succeed in every thing he undertakes, and most partic ularly so when he stands in any degree connected with the public business of his country. Most good men in this kingdom sincerely rejoice at the peace and tranquillity that seem again to reign throughout the whole British empire in America, and most sen sible men wonder how the devil himself could ever raise and fo- 1'''72.] OF MR. IREDELL. 123 ment the sad and discordant tumults that not long since so dis gracefully triumphed over reason, truth, and justice. As Posthu mus says, " politician I am none, nor like to be," but plain com mon-sense alone will clearly show every man who calmly listens to her dictates, the wide, very wide difference between right and wrong. That modern patriotism by which modern popularity is acquired I very sincerely despise, and happy for the public tran- quUlity, it seems (notwithstanding all the newspapers say) to be held almost universally, in pretty nearly the same degree of con tempt. The letters which you intended I should have received by Sir N. Dukinfield came to me by post from London, whence I conclude Sir Nathaniel changed his plan of operations, and left Bristol quite out of the question, otherwise I should have been happy to have paid him all the respect and attention due to my friend's friend, and I thank you for the introduction. This city is much improved since you left it, our streets are all new paved after the London method, and a new street is now buUding in a line from the lower end of Corn-street to the draw-bridge, in con sequence whereof St. Leonard's church, and a considerable part of Marsh-street have been taken down ; but of these and such like particulars, you have, perhaps, been before informed by others of your correspondents, therefore I need not enlarge. I have the pleasure to enclose you a letter from our dear and most amiable friend. Miss Macartney, who is now in this part of the world, and with warmest wishes for your health and happiness I remain most truly and sincerely, dear sir. Your assured friend, G. MASKELYN. Edenton, 22d October, 1772. My dear Father : — About three weeks ago I had the agree able satisfaction of receiving my mother's letter of the 26th of June, which gave me the pleasing intelUgence that you were all well, and that you, sir, were in possession of the place you had in expectation. Nothing could have made me more happy than these circumstances, but that the advance in your interest had been something ; however, you have been unhappy enough to require that, I devoutly thank a kind Providence for the mercies he has already extended to us. May every day of your future life be easy and happy, and may it be the constant (I hope too it will be the successful) study of myself and all my brothers to add to the happiness of you and my mother by regulating our conduct according to the strictest principles of honor and virtue, which you took such affectionate pains to instil into us, and 124 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1772. which is the only certain, I am sure, sir, it is the only laudable way to acquire success and reputation. Pray give me always the fullest inteUigence you have about Frank, and I could wish by good opportunities you would enclose me copies of his letters, which 'Tommy will oblige me by transcribing. I feel much anx iety for his situation, and hope you wUl always mention me to him in the warmest terms of affection. I likewise desire you to assure Atty of my unabated, most affectionate attachment to him. I received a letter from Charles a few days ago dated Feb ruary. It came here frora Florida. He has wrote you since, so I can give you no new particulars of him. His letter evinces the great goodness of his heart, and I love hira dearly. I was sur prised though he did not write more correctly. Mr. McCulloh was obliged to go immediately into the back country, so was not at Edenton. I went to Halifax, and spent five most happy days with him. I had the great pleasure of seeing him in perfect health, and with the most lively flow of spirits. He gave me the most endearing proofs of great kindness and affection ; spoke to the Governor (who happened to be there) of me in the kindest terms, mentioned my relation to him and Sir George Macartney, and said he should think himself particularly obliged by any notice or favor shown to me, aud that he was confident, no part of my conduct would ever discredit the strength of his recom mendation. To all his friends he most affectionately mentioned me, and in about two months I am to go with him to the As sembly, in order to have the same kindness and attention shown me. Indeed I owe him all the affection and gratitude my heart can feel. He went from Halifax into the back country near a fortnight ago, and is to be here about Christmas. He intends this winter to transfer his office to me if possible. He attempted it without success last winter, an order of the Treasury interfer ing, by which the Lords restrict themselves from admitting any transfer of an office from any one to another, except they are the nearest relations, such as father and son and one of the same name ; but I am to write to Sir G. M., and by his interest Mr. McCulloh thinks it can be effected. When becomes here at Christmas the letter for that purpose will go home. The terms are not yet precisely adjusted, but they will be very easy. I will write you more fully of this soon. I hasten now to relate to you a circumstance of the utmost moment to my happiness, and which I can now do with equal joy and confidence, as it meets with the entire and pleased approbation of Mr. McCulloh. Startle not, my dear father ; think of what I have just mentioned, and do me the justice, for once, of supposing I have a tolerable regard for myself I have then, sir, presumed to offer my addresses to Miss 1772.] OF MR. IREDELL. 125 Hannah Johnston, Mr. Johnston's youngest sister, and I add with unspeakable happiness, they have been successful. My mother was always for my having an EngUsh wife. My mother does not know in England such a young lady as this. I cannot be par ticular about every thing now, but just take this short sketch of her, which I am able to draw with the greatest truth, after an intimate acquaintance with her of three years. Her person is a very agreeable one ; she is a little taller than myself, and though her face is not what is generally called handsome, there is an ex pression of goodness and benignity in it that is infinitely charm ing. Her understanding is uncommonly exceUent, and it has been improved by much useful and elegant reading, of which she is fond to a degree that does her honor. Her heart is the best that I ever knew, and her temper the most mild and amiable. Her conversation (of which, however, she is very sparing among all but her intimate friends, and even with them too diffident to be properly coraraunicative) such as you would suppose to flow from a young lady whose mind is disposed to every good and be nevolent action ; whose thoughts are the results of the truest wisdom, and who is neither capable of thinking or expressing an ill-natured or detracting thing. And, sir, to show you that in this instance, greatly as my passions are affected, they have not had entire sway, I add, she is possessed of a prudence and econo my which is as pleasing in itself as it will be useful and necessary to me ; she perfectly understands the use of her needle, and is a professed enemy to the feminine weakness of attachment to fine clothes and gaudy appearances, the want of which she supplies with the more desirable caution always to wear a dress of decency, neatness and propriety. I have at ail hours and times, with the most unreserved intimacy, gone to Mr. Johnston's, and never saw her habited than with the most perfect decorum — a circum stance not universal with her sex, nor even so general as to make me think this unworthy of mention. There is a reverence for one's self which all of the least dignity of mind would ever study to preserve, and this disposition in her leads to an undeviating regard to all the lesser rules of life as well as the greater. I de clare, upon my honor, I never recollect once to have observed the minutest departure from decorum in her conduct, or a single im propriety in her sentiments since I have known her, but all is indeed, without any exaggeration, excellence itself In short, sir, she is a young woman whom I fondly, passionately love, and whom my cooler reason tells me is every thing I could wish. I present her to you as a daughter. Oh ! did you know her, how rapturously would you congratulate yourself and me. Mr. Mc Culloh honors me because I have had the good fortune to be 126 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE ["'72 approved by her, and indeed this is the best recommendation I could possibly have. Her family is, without exception, the first in this country in every respect, and in none more distinguish- ingly than in possessing an uncommon share of good sense, and the most admired rules of conduct. Her brother is a man the most universally and justly respected of any in this Province, and with pleasure and pride I say it, very intimately and gener ously my friend. As to you, sir, it is my duty to mention every "thing, I believe her fortune too is a very genteel one, though I do not exactly know how much. Mr. McCulloh spoke to me of it in the warmest terms of admiration, and added that in this coun try, provided he had a competent income, the sooner a young man married the better ; and it is now certain that if the change can be effected (of which there is little doubt) I shall be in a few months in possession of his office, when I am sure I can marry with propriety. But now, my dear and most honored father, it is incumbent on me to give you my reason why I proceeded so far in this matter without your knowledge or approbation, and I confess I should have thought it criminal to do so, could you thoroughly have known all the circumstances ; but this was im possible, and I could think of no way so satisfactory to you as that it should be approved of by Mr. McCulloh. For I know of no objection you could possibly suggest, after it was determined I should live in this country, but that I was too young, and you doubted the prudence of my choice. The first, Mr. M.'s senti ments will satisfy you about, and I hope some favorable ones of your own as to me. The second it was impossible for you to know but from me or him, and he approves it highly, and I flat ter myself the particular description I have given will make you easy if not happy. When I mentioned to her lately the friendly and afiectionate reception I had from Mr. M., and the warm ap probation he gave to my hopes of an union with her, she in the sweetest manner expressed her doubts lest you and my mother should be displeased, as my marrying so young might appear a disadvantage to me. I told her I knew it would be quite the contrary, and that I believed I should now be able to convince you so too, as my opinion had the sanction of Mr. M.'s concur rence, whose thoughts upon this subject I believed would conclude yours, as he was intimately acquainted with the country, and knew better than any one else the prudential advantages of it in which my friends were chiefly concerned, though I knew full well how fondly you and my dear mother would participate of my private happiness, and I trusted you would depend on the pro priety of my expectations for the certainty of success. I likewise expressed to her, as I now do to you, my anxious wish that you m2.] OF MR. IREDELL. 127 could but know her, in order to judge properly of my happiness. She said, with a modesty and diffidence of herself, that appears in all her sentiments, it was fortunate for her you could not, as she had a high opinion of you and my mother, and she was sure she should suffer greatly by a near acquaintance. Oh ! could that be put to a trial how happy I should be, and I may really add, how happy would you be, to see me married to a lady of a most excellent understanding, great goodness of heart, a most mild and amiable temper, admirable prudence, and who in every action shows an unerring desire to do her duty in all the occur rences of life ; at the same time unconscious of any uncomraon merit, although it is almost unequalled — excelled it cannot be. If you beUeve the account 1 now send you, you must deem me very happy ; and I hope you do me the justice to believe I have sorae discernraent and delicacy of choice. Young, very young, it is true I am, but I have had the advantage of a very early introduction into life, and think I can now be careful to avoid the commission of any great error. I assure you, my dear sir, that in this country, a - young man without the joys of a private family has a very duU, and I may add a less improving life. Were it not for my tender connexions in England I could Uve in this country with perfect happiness, blessed with such a partner as I have chosen ; and I flatter myself from what I have written (which again I assure you is not the least exaggerated) you will approve and sanctify my choice with equal readiness and pleasure. You cannot judge of things at this distance but as I represent them to you, and my heart is not capable of deceit. Make me happy then by your warmest approbation. I am sure, unless it be my own fault, you will have increasing reason always to bless the dear girl who will make me completely so. These hopes are formed on no visionary basis, and the reasons why I expect to be always happy with her are, because she is possessed of an uncom mon share of good sense, to give me the delight of most rational and agreeable conversation ; of a goodness which will be ever di rected to please and make me happy, (and this I hope to repay with the same kind of attention on ray part) ; of a teraper the most excellent that I ever knew, and a prudence and discretion which will guide her with the most perfect propriety as to aU the lesser rules of life. I need add no more but that your approba tion can alone make me more happy, and this I think' you now will not for a moment withhold. Oh 1 give me the earUest intel ligence of it. Your dutiful and affectionate son, J. ieedell. 128 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCK [1112. MR. IREDELL'S JOURNAL. Wednesday, llth Nov., 1772.— After a long intermission of my Journal, first occasioned by sickness, and since by indolence, I enter upon the task again, with the same faithful intention to be perfectly honest, and set down my conduct such as it is, good or bad, or more probably both. And certainly I may propose much satisfaction from this procedure, as it wUl be a means of check ing any improper purpose the hope of secrecy might otherwise tempt me to. And, however the weakness of human nature may lead our thoughts astray, it is the duty, as it will be found not only the greatest advantage, but highest pleasure, of us all to regulate our actions so strictly as that they may bear the test of the most minute observation, and if we find inclinations begin ning to rebel against the law of reason and virtue, the means I now adopt may serve to compel one to act rightly as far as he is able. But I must exercise myself strictly at first, or I may be induced to relax.* Thursday, 12th Nov., 7 o'clock in the morning. — Just look ing over the foregoing part of my Journal, I ara not much pleased with it. I pay a compliment to myself when I speak of my dear Hannah's discernment of merit. And yet does she not possess it in a great degree ? To deny it would be impossible — it is uni versally allowed — and yet to acknowledge it would be indirectly to praise myself, who am blest with her particular preference. I own I stagger. I know, I feel my own imperfections, and won der at the fact, though devoutly grateful for the blessing. But, perhaps, her great and condescending goodness is pleased with my uprightness of intention, and from habitual, indulgent thoughts of me has acquired some tender feelings. Oh I may I study to deserve a continuance of this happiness, may I (gracious God, can I) be a tender promoter of hers ? My will is all I can trust to. I greatly fear my power does not equal it. And yet she is kind now. May I not therefore hope, a constant series of atten tive, affectionate conduct will have the chance to succeed ? I hope it will. But I must now account for the passing my time this day. It is no new thing for me to remark that I rose but a Uttle before breakfast, which being early with us is less inexcusable, though^ perhaps not entirely so. I believe I ought to rise earlier, and ernploy my time till then a little usefully. However, I let ' Certain passages relative to Miss Johnston, though alike honorable to that lady and Mr. Iredell's gallantry, are suppressed from deference to the wish of the family! In other respects the journal is transcribed with fidelity. "72.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 129 it pass without a censure now. After breakfast went up town ¦; nd going to do business in my office could not find my penknife ; supposed I left it in my desk, and returned to look for it there, when in searching my pockets' for the key I found my knife. — Haste spoils many things. Better to take two minutes and do a thing right, than risk the doing it wrong by taking only one. Eeturning up town, met Col. Little and talked with him about half an hour, then went and did business in my office. Hearing Mr. Johnston in the street, went to speak to him, — had the plea sure to find hira well, and that Penny had lost her ague, — obliged to leave him and clear a Captain out. Soon after came home to dinner, — afterwards went with the Doctor to read a Bristol paper ofthe 12th September. A remarkable revolution in Sweden. The people have had the infatuation to make their Prince absolute. Strange ! that though their present King is a very great and very good man, that they should give up their freedom, in exchange for which they only receive a certainty (or perhaps a probability, for power is very intoxicating) of a wise and just administration during the present reign ; and unhappily the example of all absolute govern ments shows too strongly the weak guarantee their subjects have for happiness, or even for a miserable existence. Nine out of ten of all the absolute monarchs of the world have been tyrants, and at least nineteen out of twenty have done as much mischief by their folly and weakness as the others by their wickedness. The happiness of millions is of too much consequence to be trifled with, and that it should depend upon the caprice of one man, — at best a faUible one, probably a weak, and perhaps a wicked one, — is even in idea shocking and absurd. That a whole people should acquiesce in such a state, though it may be unhappily born to it, is wonderful; but that it should be solicited with eagerness, and adopted with satisfaction by men asking to be slaves, though living, and in a capacity of continuing, free, is a procedure I cannot account for. That free and generous Swedes should do so too ! Oh ! human nature, how art thou degraded. Suppose your Nobles were tyrannical and oppressive, could not your King together with the Orders of the State, which represent the people, keep them in order .? Yes ; the very act which you have com mitted, and which you must forever blush at, shows it. If you could new-model your Constitution frora a free to an absolute government, could not you change it from an unequal one, if it was such, to a more equal one ? Could not you, in short, with the same ease have lessened that you have entirely destroyed, the power of the Nobles ? Good God ! how are thy good gifts de spised ! — a large share of freedom voluntarUy resigned for the Vol. L— 9 180 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1112. comfortable situation of having life, liberty, and property depen dent on the will of a single man ! I will only add one thing more on a subject which affects me greatly as a member of society in general. I am sorry that a man of such generous virtues, such patriotic intentions as the great Gustavus (for great the present one indeed is,) should be induced, for the temporary op portunity of doing his subjects more extensive good, to risk their future happiness on the most precarious tenure in the world. 'Happy, happy Englishmen, who have a constitution that might Jast to eternity, were not the seeds of its decay in the vices and luxury of mankind, which, alas ! begin already to have too melan- _choly and conspicuous an influence. Nothing can destroy the liberties of Great Britain but the corruption of its inhabitants, but that is too general. However, its fall must be gradual. The Crown may influence in small things, but I trust that period is at a great, a very great distance, when it can find temptations for any prostitution. Temporary ills, not immediately affecting the liberty of the subject, may be suffered, but it is not supposable that men of large estates and endearing ties of relation will risk the loss of the one, or the servitude of the other, for a paltry place or pension ! or prefer the glitter of a day to the solid, cer tain possession of happiness and wealth for themselves for life, and their posterity for ever. It is truly said, England can never be undone but by its ParUament, and even on the low scale of self-interest this must be a work of difficulty and time. Though I flatter myself, aU the English exalted principles of Uberty have not entirely lost their influence. I have been reading Millott's History, a pretty little compact one, comprising a detail of the great facts, interspersed with many just observations, and delivered in elegant, perspicuous language. The rest of my time, this afternoon and evening, has been employed in thinking of my dear Hannah, and now and then pleasing myself with a look at the smoke from the chimney of the room where she stays. How greatly do I long to see, to talk to her ! I fear the little accident which has conflned her to her room so long has been very painful. I hope it is now nearly re covered from. I greatly flatter myself with the hope of going with her to Mrs. Dawson's, Saturday.* * Lines prepared by Mrs. Dawson to be inscribed on the tomb of her son, who died January 16, 1796, at the age of 31. She herself has since unfortunately died July 16, 1797. Behold around this hallow'd gloom His trees belov'd their boughs entwine, "With duteous shade to guard his tomb. And grateful form a sylvan shrine ! There shall my pensive steps repair. At morning dawn and twilight grey, 1772.] OF JAMES IREDELI 131 Friday, 13th, three o'clock. — Not up, this morning, till near breakfast, but my rest being broken in the night by thoughts which kept me for hours awake, and the morning being a bad one, I forgive myself. After breakfast employed myself constant ly in doing business in ray office till dinner, which I came to with great satisfaction, resulting frora the reflection that I eraployed my morning properly. How pleasing is it to be approved by one's own heart 1 I hope it will always be my endeavor to deserve and procure this pleasure. I must not omit one trifle : Dinner not being ready immediately as I came in, I was going to walk in the piazza, and Charles Ackley said I might as well look out of the window as from there. How easily is my attachment per ceived 1 I should abhor myself if I was capable of disguise. Monday, three o'clock. — I have been prevented writing in my Journal since Friday, by Mr. Jones' having my pen and ink. Now for an account of the intermediate time : All Saturday morning employed in writing Mr. Jones' catalogue of books. In the afternoon had the pleasure of seeing Mr. Johnston, who very obligingly took notice I never came over to see his family, and asked me to dine with him next day. Cleared a Captain out and came home with Mr. Jones, and spent the evening with him. Yesterday morning went up town, had my hair dressed, returned with Mr. Jones, and afterwards went with him to see Mr. Charl ton. I ought to have read something instructive, but improperly And bending o'er his earthy bed, Sad rites of love and pity pay. But what avails the tender tear. The pensive sigh, the heart-felt moan, "With fond regret why seek thee here, To brighter scenes for ever flown ! From pain and death for ever freed. From darkness dire and ills severe Escap'd ; and sure some glorious meed For patient sufferance waits thee there, ¦While kindred bands around thee throng, A seraph fair, in life belov'd, With strains harmonious as thy own. By heavenlj' melody improved. Shall joyful hail, and point the way. To where her own blest mansion shines,| To the same orb thy soul convey. And raptur'd say, this seat is thine 1 And may no traces of our grief Obtrude to damp thy well-earn'd peace. And those fond hopes afford relief, And bid our selfish sorrow cease! Yet shall remembrance haunt the shores And groves, thy lov'd retreat on earlh, And every friendly scene restore Thy form, thy tenderness, and worth. 132 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1772. neglected it. Came from Mr. Charlton's, thinking to overtake Mrs. Clarke, but missed. Soon after I was at home saw a lady coming over the creek, — went to the bateau and found that it was Miss Anne ; walked up town with her to Mrs. Blair's, who was just come over. Some time after went with them to Mr. Johnston's to dinner. Spent a most happy day, and came over between 9 and 10. Mr. Hewes, Mr. Smith and myself were in tercepted by Mr. Jones, who was then up. Staid with him tUl 11 o'clock. ' Heard in the evening many discharges of guns on account of Horniblow's being married to Nancy Eainbough. Was told she was averse to the match, forced to it by her father and mother. Is it true ? Can such cruel parents exist ? and a too easy, too compliant daughter with the desires of pa rents, in a point they have no right to command. But I hope it is not so. I please myself with thinking I have reason to be lieve it is not. Otherwise her lot mu.st be miserable. The mar ried state, to parties whose minds are in unison, and whose hearts are connected by the ties of affection, is the most blissful situa tion the mind of man can conceive ; when otherwise, how dreadful ! This morning after breakfast went up town, and finding Mr. Jones at a loss for somebody to copy his catalogue, undertook and did it. Coraing out of the Court House saw Mr. Johnston and Hannah — went to them with pleasure, — stayed some time in Lit- tlejohn's store, and left them at Mrs. Blair's. Entered Capt. Walton and did business in my office till between one and two. Drank two congratulating glasses of wine and bitters with Horni- blow, — received a kind invitation to dine with him to-morrow, which I gladly accepted, although I had entertained some hope of going with Hannah and Mrs. Clarke to Eden-house ; had not certainly determined it, but wished greatly it might so happen. Came down to Mr. Jones' — had the mortification to find the ladies were gone over — drank glaass of Mr. Jones' raspberry which gave me rather too much spirits. Quite sober now, Mr. Jones and Worth gone to Hertford Court. I have eaten my dinner and now go up town. Monday, half past six. — All this morning have been with Mr. Johnston. We drank tea with Mr. Charlton and afterwards came down town together. Mr. Johnston's boat not being come over, invited him to go and stay at Mr. Bondfield's, and as we were going there met Mrs. Littlejohn and Miss Mary Blount going from Mr. Jones'. Mrs. Jones asking Mr. Johnston to walk in, I too abruptly left him to accompany the ladies, as ff -vvas late. Eeturned in haste, fearing my hurry in leaving him might have appeared disrespectful ; found Mr. Johnston still at Mr. lones', but he seemed with his usual goodness to expect no apol- 1772.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 133 ogy. I had not, therefore, the prudence to make it ; not con sidering that though Mr. Johnston might be too kind to take it amiss, I should have showed myself concerned that 1 might have given him cause. I frequently act contrary to my judg ment through irresolution. God knows, no man living can more highly venerate another than I do Mr. Johnston, who deserves all the respect and attention that can be shown him. But he knew my motive and will excuse it. What is the reason that most men in this country are so unobservant of those little offices of attention to a sex immediately under our protection ? The trouble at least is very little, the pleasure often very great, and the reward so agreeable as to make it really a piece of self-inter est for a gentleman to show respect to the ladies. Thursday morning, half past nine. — My journal is two days behindhand, various circumstances having contributed to cause this intermission. I will try to recollect the material passages of my conduct on them. Thursday morning had a good deal of conversation with Mr. Monfort, which broke the morning in such a manner I could do no business ; so went to see Mr. Charlton, and staid with him till dinner time, then went to Horniblow's, where there were many gentlemen to eat a wedding dinner with him. Not much like one though, as there was no bride at table. Heartily tired of very insipid, disgusting con versation, I took a walk with Mr. Hewes to his wharf, and spent a happy afternoon with him afterwards at his own house. This gentleman I greatly love and respect ; and I feel much concern that he has imbibed some prejudices which cannot stand the test of a fair inquiry, and which, if justly founded, would destroy the strongest ties of moral and social virtue, and would leave un conquerable difficulties in the room of those which only seem such, for want of a due attention or a competent knowledge of the subject. As a man and gentleman, possessed of an excellent understanding, and blest with a good heart, Mr. Hewes is deserv ing the honor and respect universally shown him. How happy am I in being intimately connected with that family, which is admired by all the world, for their improved minds, exemplary conduct, and agreeable deportment ; happy in themselves and their friends, and in being beloved and respected by aU man kind. In the evening of that day alternately read in Black stone's Commentaries, and conversed with Charles Bonfield, whom I love for his honest, upright mind, though he sometimes plagues me with doubts that he wants apprehension often to have cleared up to him. By the by, my positiveness and heat in argument is generally misconstrued. If I know any thing of my own heart, it is oftener occasioned by a surprise and concern that 134 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1772. other people's apprehension should not equal mine, than from any other cause. I think a truth or maxim self-evident to me ought to be so to others. Yesterday employed myself all the morning in waiting to see Miss Hannah Johnston, who was going to Mil ler's. About eleven had the happiness of seeing her in the street; went with her to Mrs. Blair's and staid until Mrs. Clarke came ; afterwards rode with them to MiUer's, and there had the morti fication to be obliged to part with them, which cost me a very severe pang ; flatter myself Miss Hannah felt a Uttle reluctance too. Found, when I returned, no business to do but what I could have done to-day — wished I could have known it when at the ferry ; but this was impossible, and I erred on the right side. My first object I hope wiU always be to do my duty, and then, as far as is consistent with that, I may indulge myself in inno cent satisfaction. Was all the afternoon in my office — came home, where I found Mrs. Hutton ; after walking to Mrs. Hardy's with her, I returned and read a great deal in Blackstone, which I have been doing this morning ; will endeavor to continue with an assiduity, which, I am sure, will be rewarded with equal pleasure aud improvement. Let rae try what steady application will accoraplish. Saturday, half past one. — Just came home to dinner, which not being ready, I eraployed my intermediate time in bringing up my Journal. Thursday was all the morning in my office ; in coming home overtook Mr. Johnston, and had a Uttle conver sation with him about the Currituck office ; interrupted by Mrs. Hutton, trudging along to go and seize Mrs. Johnston. In the afternoon, willing to pursue the subject I was upon with Mr. Johnston, went to his house, but found him just gone on horse back. As I knew not how to overtake him, staid in the parlor, till his return, and afterward spent the evening with him. A happy one it indeed was. How greatly do I love and venerate this excellent man. Came home and went to bed. The next morning read Blackstone till breakfast ; afterwards went up town for a little while, and soon after returned to accompany Mrs. Johnston to Mr. Hewes', where she went to see Mrs. Harnett, who with her husband* had come here the evening before in their way home from the northward. Staid there most of the morn ing, — snatched half an hour to myself about noon, dined at Mr. Hewes', then went to Mr. Charlton, who had sent for me ; was * Cornelius Harnett of Wilmington, a patriot and scholar. After the flight of tbe Royal Governor, as President of the Revolutionary Council, he was -virtual Governor of the Province. Mr. Quincy styles him the " Samuel Adams of N. C." He was Mr. Adams' equal in ability : in polite learning, and elegance of taste, and refinement of manners he was his superior. He compared with Adams as Falkland did with Pymm. ^"^3 OF JAMES IRKDSI.I.. 135 made very happy in seeing him and his wife so much so, havino- jnst heard from his brother Ben. Drank tea with Mr. and Mra Harnett at Mr. Jones', and spent the rest of the evening at Mr. Jolinston'& Went up tovm this moming before breakfest, hoping to do some budness, but Ned had neglected to make me a fire as he promi^ ; a rashne^ in promising and an indifference about performing, is too common among ourselves, and therefore no wonder negroes so often are guilty of it ; but either in white people or negroes, it is a fiiult deserving of severe censure. Had the intelligence of Mr. Granberry's death ; a man who very in dustriously, and with a feir reputation, has raised a veiy hand some fortune for his family, and just when he might b^in to enjoy it with them, is snatched away. How many repeated in stances have we of the uncertainty of life, and the instability of aU worldly treasures, and yet we act as if this world was certainly to be our home : and God knows we have not a sure moment to ^oy any thing in it. This being the case, would it not be wiser to be properly carefid about the Goods of Fortune, with a mind rightly dispc^ed for the probable or even possible events of it, hoping for the best, prepared for the worst, and resigned to aU, than to have an anxious soUcitnde to obtain unbounded wealth and dignity ; advantages few can even liope to possess, and when possessed, incapable of themselves giving any substantial satis- &ction, and when added to other ingredients of happiness, giving no more than what a smaU degree of either may as well Grant me, gracious God, but enough to live comfortably myself, and if I am blest with a femily, to provide happUy and honorably for them, and I wUl bow down with reverence and gratitude to thy goodness ! Oh ! may I seek to deserve the happiness I flat ter myself is before me, by enjoying it with reason, and making this an additional motive to be good and benevolent in aU my actions. This morning the whole time in my office, except about fi^ve minute I went to look if the Miss Johnstons were coming over. Afterwards came home to dinner. Sunday, eleven o'dock. — Yesterday afternoon in my office, and finished all my business there. Coming home, Mr. Jones and Corrie took me into Smith's to drink punch with them, — staid a very little time, stole away, and read Blackstone all the evening. This momiag, been doing very Uttle, mostly walking with Corrie, and looking for the Miss Johnstons ; just met Tom, who told me they came yesterday by Miller's ferry. In doubt whether to go and dine there. My own inclinations strongly solicit me, and I know no reason why I should decline it. Monday, one o'cfocfe.— -Going to the wharf yesterday, under stood Mr. Johnston was just going over the Sound, and suppos- 136 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1772. ing therefore they had dined at his house, deferred ray going tiU the afternoon. Talking with our folks in the piazza tiU dinner. Sometime after went and spent a very happy afternoon and evening with the Miss Johnstons ; would have been entirely hap py, but that my dear Hannah seemed unwell. Came home about ten, and went immediately to bed. This morning read a good deal in Blackstone's Commentaries before breakfast ; after, went and spoke some time to Mr. Hewes ; came home and transcribed some observations from Dr. B. on the subject of our conversation,— carried them to him, and we went together to see Mr. Charlton, from whom I am just come. Having nothing to do in my office I don't much condemn the manner of spending my time this morning. I forgot one thing, — I had the happiness of hearing Mr. Granberry was alive Saturday, so that there is reason to hope lor his recovery. Monday afternoon and evening spent at Mr. Johnston's. Tuesday morning employed partly in doing the business of my office, and partly in writing letters home. In the afternoon pursued the same business, — went to Mr. Charlton's to give to a little boy there, just going to Ireland, a letter to my grandmother. Afterwards inquiring very anxiously for Mr. Blount who was just come from Newbury, and I understood had letters for Mr. Johnston, and I hoped for me. Late in the evening met him, received the letters he had for Mr. Johnston and me — mine were from Miss Macartney and Mr. Maskelyn, two very kind agreeable ones. Carried Mr. J. his, believing them to be impor tant, though they did not happen to be so. It being very rainy staid at his house all night. In the morning I rose very early, impatiently wishing for a long time to see some of the famUy, and at last when we went to breakfast, piy dear Hannah did not appear, being unwell. My spirits greatly affected by this circum stance. Some time after came over, and till dinner employed myself in my office. In the afternoon, after being about ten min utes with Charles Bondfield at the wharf, came home and read in Blackstone till interrupted by a captain who wanted to enter. Obliged, very reluctantly, to go up town with him, whence I am but just come. It pleases me very much though, that I can be displeased with an intrusion when I am reading a dry subject of law. Go on thus and you will do very well. Mem. — To-day I have written two short answers to my letters that I received yesterday, and then promised to write very soon more particu larly. Wed. 25th Nov., 5 o'clock, Thursday morning. Till break fast, reading Blackstone. Went immediately after to my office, where I had not been above half an hour before I saw Mrs. Brown rigg's Sampson pass by. Heard by him his mistress was at Mr. Hardy's, where 1 went and staid upwards of two hours. Com- 1772] OF JAMES IREDELL. 1^7 ing into town met Mrs. Johnston, Miss Annie and Mistress Kis- biss in Littlejohn's store ; went with thera to see Mrs. Brownrigg, where -having been near an hour, I attended them to the boat^ and was obligingly expected to go over, but a very unlucky pre- engagement to Mrs. Hardy prevented. Dined at Mrs. Hardy's, drank tea at Mrs. Barker's, and spent an idle evening at home. Friday, 27fA.-In the morning at my office tiU between twelve and one, when I waited on Mrs. Brownrigg, thinking and wish ing that she would go immediately over the creek, but she went first to Mrs. Hutton, who returned with her to Mrs. Hardy's, where I waited very anxiously for a long time before they were ready. ^ At last we went over. At first, my dear Hannah not appearing, I was afraid she was unwell, and that I should not see her ; tantalized with hearing her speak, — the room-door open, every body going in, and I, out of a proper sense of decorum, dared not go too. As we were sitting at dinner she had the good ness to come in, which made me very happy. But I was under a cruel restraint the whole day. I am always much happier at Mr. Johnston's with none but his own family, than with a crowd of company. In the evening we all carae over, and I spent a most agreeable time at Littlejohn's till near ten ; his wife and he are very happy, and behave kindly to themselves and others. How did the sight of them, with their little girls, fire my wishes. Came home about ten, staid up near an hour, chatting with our family at horae, and then went to bed. Saturday, 28^^.— Yesterday morning mostly engaged in send ing a canoe to Mr. and Mrs. Jones ; the next partly employed in reading, but chiefly with Mrs. Brownrigg, who, in a very ten der conversation I had with her, made my heart bleed for the cru elty of her situation. A woman of the greatest goodness and best heart in the world, to be vilely calumniated by her unnatu ral father and brother — monsters that ought to be banished so ciety for such infamy. Had from her a perfect and pleasing as surance that a report circulated with equal cruelty and confldence had not the least foundation in truth. My heart was greatly affected with her distress. I had not the folly to offer consolation, but sympathy, and assured her in the most tender and respect ful manner I could, that she might at any time freely depend on any services I could render her. She is a woman I have always esteemed, and I revere her husband's memory with all that fondness of attachment he so well merited. Soon after parted with Mrs. Brownrigg, who should not have gone with a servant only, but I had business to do in the afternoon that could not be postponed. All the afternoon my spirits greatly depressed in thinking of that dear injured lady. 138 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1772. Sunday,, 29th.-Done nothing this morning but write my Jour nal from Wednesday. Went to church, dined with Mr. Hewes: Soon after dinner there came in a very agreeable young gentle man, Mr. Blair, who lives in Jamaica, and gave me very agree able accounts of my uncle. Went and staid an hour in the after noon with Mrs. Blair, and afterwards spent the evenuig with that gentleman at Green's. Monday, 30th. — This morning wrote letters to Sir N. D. and my uncle ; did a little business (all I had to do) in my office ; came home and dined, and this moment go to spend a happy af ternoon at Mrs. Blair's, with her own and all Mr. Johnston's family. Dec. 1st, two o'clock. — After spending a very agreeable after noon at Mrs. Blair's yesterday, attended Mrs. Johnston, Miss Annie and Nancy West to the boat, and then returned to Mrs. Blair's, where I staid the rest of the evening in a most happy manner with herself and her sister Hannah, Mr. Pearson being there part of the time. Just called to dinner. In the afternoon went to Mrs. Blair's and drank tea. Mrs. Johnston, hearing her father and sister were come, went over the creek. After wards went with Mr, Hewes to Horniblow's, where I did not wish to stay five minutes, but Corrie being there, out of complaisance to him, staid until nine o'clock. Before breakfast reading Black stone. Afterwards saw Dr. Cathcart, — had the pleasure to find him very well, and to hear that Miss Peggy and all the rest of the young ladies were at Mrs. Blair's ; went there, thence at tended them to the boat, came in the evening to town with Miss Annie, and staid the rest of it with her at Mrs. Blair's together with Mr. Hewes. Thursday. — All the morning doing business in my office. In the afternoon went with Mr. Jones to Mr. Charlton's ; went about sunset to Mrs. Blair's, where I had the happiness to find my dear Hannah, — staid and spent a most happy evening there. Friday. — Most of the morning in my office, the rest with Eobert Smith. Went with him in the afternoon to Mr. John ston's, and staid tUl ten o'clock at night. Came over to town, went to the court-house, and danced with the children there till one o'clock. Saturday. — All the morning after breakfast in my office read ing Blackstone. In the afternoon cleared out Capt. Dunlap for Scotland, and spent the evening with Mr. Jones. Sunday, 6th. — After breakfast went to Geo. Gray and had my hair combed, — returned and dressed myself, which when I had done, I saw my dear Hannah coming over. Went with her to Mrs. Blair's, where I staid all the day in company with her and the other ladies from Hayes. 1772.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 139 Monday, *7th. — ^From breakfast went immediately to my of fice, where after having done what little business I had to do, went to Mrs. Blair's, and soon after accompanied them to the boat. Eeceived an invitation to dine, which I gladly accepted. Eeturned to my office, and am now waiting for the boat, to be a few hours happy. Dined at Mr. Johnston's, and spent a rnost happy time there till seven o'clock, when I thought myself under a kind of necessity to come to town, and spend the evening with Mr. Buchanan, a gentleman frora Philadelphia, who had asked me to dine with him after I was engaged over the creek. Could not find him, so came to Mr. Jones', and was drawn in to play cards, which I hate, and wish always to avoid. Lost nine shil lings ; came home between ten and eleven, and soon after went to bed. Tuesday, Sth Dec. — Most of the morning employed in my office. Went to Mr. Charlton's about twelve and staid an hour with him. Came home, aud just as I was sitting down to dinner received an invitation to go over the creek. Went there soon after with Mr. Buchanan and Mr. Smith. As we were at tea, received an express from the Governor, which obliged rae to come over to town for about two hours. Eeturned and spent a very happy evening at Mr. Johnston's, where we danced enough to tire me ; much less agreeable, as I could not have Miss Hannah for my partner. Came home between twelve and one, and went to bed very much out of order. Wednesday. — Awoke in the morning and found myself in capable of doing business with any satisfaction. Walked about very dully till about eleven, when I went to Mrs. Blair's, where I staid above an hour. Came home, — felt very unwell, — ate little dinner. Just after it, was applied to by a sailor to recover his wages for him. This obliged me to be a little active, and I found myself greatly refreshed, as I always do after doing business. Drank tea at Mr. Jones' — walked home with Mrs. Wilson Blount and Polly Blount. On my return caUed at Mrs. Blair's, and staid very agreeably there till nine, when I came home and went to bed. Thursday, 10th, Dec. — Up a little after seven, reading Black stone tUl breakfast and some tirae after. Almost aU the morn ing in the office. After dinner read a Uttle and went up town. Spent a very agreeable afternoon at Mrs. Blair's, where I found the Miss Johnstons and Miss Cathcart, with whom I went to see Mr. and Mrs. Pollock, who were just come from the northward ; found them very well. Friday, llth.— After breakfast met the ladies at Mrs. Blair's as I was going to Andrew Little's ; obliged very reluctantly to 140 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE] [1772. leave thera, the rest of the morning employed in my ofiice chiefly. Came home, and employed myself tiU dinner in copying part of my letter to my father on the subject of my connection with my dear Hannah. In the afternoon mostly loitering about, called at Geo. Gray's, and had my hair cut. Came home early and drank tea. Walked with Mrs. Hurst home, and immediately returned, and was reading Lawson's Oratory till I went to bed. Intended to have read Blackstone, but took the other book up by accident, and could not persuade myself to put it down. It is a book I must read attentively. Saturday, 12th Z>ec,— Eose late. After breakfast, went up town and wrote constantly in my office till it was past one : pass ing by Horniblow's to go home, Mr. Charlton, who was there, tapped to me at the window, aud very kindly told me when I went in, he only wanted to take me by the hand. These kind of attentions are pleasing, and make Ufe pass more agreeably. He and I had some conversation about Blackstone, whom he greatly admires. No one can possibly read him without inflnite pleasure and improvement. I was more pleased with the manner Mr. Charlton spoke of him, as upon a superficial view he had formerly mentioned him with indifference. I staid and dined with Mr. Buchanan at Horniblow's, with whom I after dinner went to Mr. Johnston's, whom I had the pleasure to see returned. AU the famUy well, which made me happy. Mr. and Mrs, PoUeck and Mrs. Hutton came over soon after, and obUged Mr. Buchanan and me, very reluctantly, to come over earUer than we otherwise should have done. Walked home with them, and on my return went to Mrs. Blair's and staid there till nine, when 1 came home and read Blackstone till between ten and eleven. Sunday, 13th. — Awoke early, and soon after hearing Mr. Hardy was come, got up and went to his house ; found him very well and his famUy very happy. Just called to have my hair combed, came home and dressed myself, and afterwards went t© see Mr. Hewes, who I had the concern to find very unweU. Came home and read about an hour in Mr. Burgh's Dignity of Human Na ture, a book which does him much honor, and is flnely calculat ed for the iraproveraent and happiness of mankind. I was inter rupted in reading it, by hearing the very mournful and affecting news of poor MUner's death, an event caused by a fall from a horse, which fractured his skuU. His loss will be greatly lament ed, and severely felt by aU. I am much affected by it, for I loved the man. Of late we had grown intimate, and but for this unhappy circumstance, should have been perhaps much more so. He was a young man of many valuable qualities, and I believe had a very good heart. As a member of society he was really 1772] OF JAMES IREDELL. 141 respectable. All who knew him liked him, and the love and re spect which I beUeve will generally be shown to his memory will be a noble monument of his worth. We seldom properly esti mate a blessing till we are deprived of it, and I now feel in greater force than I could have supposed possible, his untimely fate. May this be a caution to me how short, how uncertain the period of life is, and may I prepare in every respect as far as I can, for an event which may happen to-morrow for aught I know, the danger of which I am continually exposed to. Five weeks ago Mr. Granberry and Mr. Milner were here as well as I am. They now lie in the silent grave. In five weeks more I may be there too. To the good Providence of God I submit myself in every thing. Let it be my care to secure His favor hereafter, by an undeviating regard to his laws here. May I Uve to-day as cautiously as if I were sure of dying to-morrow. I need not repine at the thought. I should so Uve every day. I begin to consider that my principles and practice of religion grow rather more loose than formerly. Let me consider them attentively and abide by them firmly, under a confidence that if I can obtain the approbation and forgiveness of God, I have done my duty, whether I have the good fortune to be approved by men or not. A slavish acquiescence in any man's opinion in temporal things, is reckoned weak and unmanly. How much more is it so in the important point of religion, the best guard of virtue, and the best consolation in affiiction. Let me adopt the noble sentiment I have somewhere read — I fear God and have no other fear. No pleasures do I feel more delightfully than when my attention is rationally eraployed upon religion. I am tempt ed to employ this attention often, from an interested desire of pleasure, and I know I am caUed to it by principles of duty. Natural and moral philosophy — a view such as imper fect beings like us can have of the government of God, in the natural and moral world — how infinitely superior in point of dignity, excellence, and as conferring pleasure, is the contempla tion of these themes, to scenes of debauchery, and intemperance, the debaser of our nature, and the destruction of whatever is amiable and lovely, of that inward self-possession, and pleasing consciousness of doing weU, which alone can make us truly hap py. After dinner went to Mr. Jones' and spent the whole after noon and evening with him. Monday, lAth. — Eose late, having had a very uneasy night. After breakfast just caUed for three minutes at Mrs, Blair's, and left a note there from Mrs. Dawson. Went immediately to my office, whence I am but just come (near two), greatly pleased with having spent my morning so well, and determining to im- 142 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1773. prove the habit of industry I have lately acquired, finding it not only very useful, but very agreeable. In the afternoon met with Dr. Cathcart and Mr. Johnston, drank tea with them at Mrs. Blair's, and in the evening came home, where I found my self unwell, which I at first supposed to arise from my disap pointment in not seeing my dear Hannah ; but attempting to read, and not being able to do so, or to walk with the least satis faction, I believed I must be sick, and soon after felt a very se vere fever, which obliged me to go to bed at six o'clock, where I in a little time was very much refreshed, and got some very com fortable rest. Awoke in the morning perfectly well. Tuesday, 15th. — After breakfast went up town, and while I thought a fire was making in my office called at rs. Blair's. Found Mrs. Clarke and the Miss Johnstons were going over to Pembroke. Obliged to return to my office — no fire yet made, — walked alternately to the court-house and the wharf, hoping to see the Miss Johnstons — was disappointed — went and staid about half an hour with Mr. Hewes. Did business in my office till near one — joined Mrs. Johnston and Miss Peggy, and went with them to Mrs. Blair's, where I had the happiness to see the Miss John stons. Some time after attended them and Mrs. Clarke to the boat, and was under the cruel necessity of declining to go over with them, having business to do in the afternoon which could not be neglected. A severe sigh at parting : went to my office, and was writing there till Mrs. Blair's girl came to call me to dinner, having promised to dine there. Soon after dinner was obliged to leave Mrs. Blair alone, which I greatly regretted. Went to my office, expecting Mr. Hardy and I were to examine the account. This business deferred till the next day, as that (which we did not know) would be time enough. Continued in the office till between four and five, when I went to drink tea with Mrs. Blair. Had some very agreeable conversation with her ; my mind a good deal dejected, not expecting the Miss John stons. But some time after sunset, had the happiness to hear they were come. Ean with rapture to meet them, and felt the most pleasing satisfaction. Staid and spent the evening there, together with Mr. Hewes, who came in. For some time we were all reading Shandy, the production of an author whose sensibil ity of heart and brilliancy of understanding are uncommonly en tertaining and instructive. His Sentimental Journey I am delight ed with, and know perfectly. His Shandy I must take some opportunity of reading, for the specimen I had of it gave me the most agreeable idea of it. In the course of the evening had oc casion to admire the excellence of my dear girl's understanding, the uncomraon justness of her sentiments, and her unequalled 1772.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 148 elegance of expression. Annie and she looked and spoke charm ingly. Had a little private opportunity of conversation with Hannah, which I was obliged at last cruelly to snatch myself from. Between ten and eleven Mr. Hewes and I carae away. Wednesday, 16th Dec. — Up between eight and nine, reading Blackstone till breakfast. AU this raorning very busy in my office, except an interval of a quarter of an hour, during which I went to the court-house, and finding nothing doing there returned towards my office, when I met Mrs. Dawson and Miss Annie, with whom I walked to the wharf, and then went iramediately to my office, after just calling to speak to Mr. Parson at Horni blow's. I feel unspeakable satisfaction in being able to reflect I have passed this morning well. The afternoon I hope to do so too, and in the evening to be rewarded for all with my dear Hannah's company at Mrs. Blair's. Two o'clock. — All the afternoon busy in my office. Towards the evening Cumming and I got together at Horniblow's, and I staid with him about half an hour. Came home for two minutes and then went immediately to Mrs. Blair's, where I had the pleasure to flnd only herself, Mrs. Dawson and Hannah. Spent a very happy evening with them, in the course of which I had my dear Hannah's lovely and endearing company to myself for near an hour. Thursday, Vlth. — In the morning after breakfast went and staid at Mrs. Blair's about ten minutes. Eeturned into town and was all the morning in court. Dined with Mr. Hewes in company with Dr. Cathcart and Mr. Johnston. After dinner went to court, and was there alternately tUl six o'clock, when I carae home, being somehow or other prevented from going to Mrs. Blair's, and took up Blackstone's Commentaries, intending to read in them all the evening, but an invitation came from Mrs. Jones to go and dance there. Mrs. Bondfield, Miss Nancy and I went, but found it was a trap to get us there. I was as much pleased with sitting still as with dancing, which I never much like without my dear Hannah. After supper though, we danced a little, Mrs. Jones joining us, and being very merry. Came home between eleven and twelve, and soon after went to bed. Friday, ISth. — Not up till past nine, and since breakfast I have wrote my Journal from two o'clock Wednesday. Two o'clock. — Just came from my office where I have been all the raorning, entering eight New-England men, after doing other business. Greatly pleased with having been so busy, which has likewise given me a good appetite for my dinner. In the afternoon I propose putting the eight vessels on the Collector's and my books, and then going to Mrs. Blair's. Oh! that Hannah 144 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1772. may be there ! In the afternoon went to my office and staid there a little time, Cumming and Hardy being there._ Could not refrain from going to Mrs. Blair's earlier than I intended. Staid there aU the afternoon and evening. A most delightful t6te-^-tete with Hannah. Came home about eleven and went iramediately to bed. Saturday, 19fA.— Not up tiU breakfast. As soon as I could get a fire in my office went to it, and employed myself weU._ I have this morning had the happiness to receive a most pleasing, friendly letter from Sir N. D., wherein he discovers a most noble soul, generously extolling in terms of the highest admiration a conduct severely killing to his hopes, and congratulating me on a happiness raised on the ruin of his. Excellent young man ! may your lot still be a happy one, though indeed it will be very difficult to fix your affections on one so likely to insure it. He has the goodness too to offer himself as my valet on the dear oc casion, wishing, as he expresses it, though he cannot be a prin cipal, to be in some manner concerned. Oh ! how I long to see him, to thank, thank him kindly for it all. In the afternoon en tered two vessels and then went to Mrs. Blair's, where I spent a most happy evening, indeed, till past ten ; my dear Hannah be having like an angel. Sunday, 20th Dec. — At home all the morning (except when I went to have my hair combed) writing a copy of my letter to my father about my dear Hannah. After dinner went to Mrs. Blair's, and spent a very happy afternoon and evening with Mrs. B., Mrs. Dawson, Mrs. Clarke, Miss Grace and Miss Hannah Johnston, with whom I had a little tender conversation for about five minutes, and to whom I gave my letter to my father. Monday, 21st. — Busy in ray office tiU near one, when, as I was crossing from Mr. Hardy's store with a book I wanted, I met the Miss Johnstons and Miss Cathcart, with whom and the Dr. I afterwards walked down town and saw them into the boat ; we having waited some time at our house and then at Mr. Jones' tor Mr. Johnston. In the afternoon some time in my office, after wards coming horae with an intention to read Blackstone, met with Grainger, who wished to go to Mr. Jones', where I went with him and staid till about nine, when I came home, and meet ing with a volume of Carapbell's Lives of the Admirals, read in it till ten, and then went to bed. Tuesday, 22d. — Not up till breakfast ; afterwards went up town, — could not get a fire made, Ned being out of the way, so loitered about a little, much contrary to my inclination. Heard from Littlejohn, of Mr. McCulloh, who was at the Marsh, just going into Suffolk, from whence he is to come immediately here. •772,] OF JAMES IREDELL. 145 Asked to dine with Mr. Littlejohn, Buchanan going there too. Just come home for a moment, and now I go up town again.' All the afternoon at Mr. Littlejohn's except a little while when we carae into town, and I went to Mrs. Blair's The rest of the evening with Littlejohn. Wednesday, 23d. — Not up tUl breakfast. Just after called in at Horniblow's to order a fire made in my office, — met with Cumming with whom I had some conversation. Afterwards I went to my office, and employed myself there chiefly in reading Blackstone till twelve, when I came home, finding myself rather unwell, at least not with my usual flow of spirits. After dinner purchasing two or three trifles, some cambric and handkerchiefs, which I took to Mrs. Allen. Talked a little with Cumming, — did some business in my office ; drank tea with Mrs. Blair ; came home, read an hour or two in Blackstone, and then went and danced a little with the children, who had a dance at the courts house, and went to bed very comfortably at ten. Thursday, Dec. 2Ath. — Not up till breakfast, as usual, I may say, of late, though it is not very inexcusable, having for some time gone to bed very late ; the mornings now being short and cold. Very busy in my office from ten to two. Eeceived an in vitation from Horniblow to dine with him to-morrow, which I ac cepted, though I had hoped to have been asked to Mr. Johnston's, where, however, I intend going in the afternoon. This afternoon busy in my office till four, when I went to see Tommy Blount, whom I had the concern to find still very unwell. I greatly fear he is in a consumption. Came home, having received a letter from the Governor, and wrote an answer which I am not, however, sure that I shall send, as Mr. McCulloh will be here so soon, whose advice I shall abide by. Employed myself all the rest of the even^ ' ing in reading Blackstone till I went to bed. Friday, Dec. 25th. — Serenaded before I got up by a band of music, the sound of which soon raised me. Tom gave me an in vitation from his master, which I was obliged to decline, being before engaged to Horniblow. Went up town, returned and drest myself Ha-ving breakfasted, I repaired to my journal. Let me for a moment address myself to my great Creator with humble adoration and gratitude for the blessings communicated to mankind on that heavenly day (such it most assuredly was)- which this is designed to comraemorate. May my mind ever be impressed with feelings suited to the grand and happy occasion, and may it be my constant endeavor so to discharge my duty, as hereafter to be entitled (by the mercy of God and my Eedeemer) to the rewards which are promised to every one who, with sincer"- ity and truth, shall to the best of his understanding and ability. Vol. I.— 10 146 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1772. practise the duties of moraUty — those laws of virtuous, or at least of innocent conduct which all ought to conform to, and which aU who do conform to wiU certainly meet with the approbation of the Divine Being. Went up town — staid some time with Mr. Cathcart, a gentle man of Jamaica, who is here on his way to the Northward, and is intimately acquainted with my uncle, who, I had the pleasure to hear by him, was well in Sept. last. Went to Mr. Hewes', thence to Mr. Hardy's, upon the subject of the Governor's letter. Afterwards to Mrs. Blair's, where I found Mrs. Dawson and Mrs. Clarke going to Church. Just as we set off from Mrs. Blair's, I had the unexpected happiness of seeing the Miss Johnstons, Miss Cathcart and Miss West coming up street. V/e waited for them, and all went together to Church. Walked with the Miss John stons thence to their sister's, where they waited some time for Mr. Dawson and Miss Cathcart, who had gone to Mr. Pollocks. After attending them to the boat, where I was under the cruel necessity of leaving them, went and dined at Horniblow's. Soon after I hastened over the creek, where I spent a very agreeable hour, when I was obliged to tear myself away, as Mrs, Dawson was going to town. My dear Hannah just gave rae my father's letter, which I had lent her to read, and said some thing I did not distinctly hear. Wishing her to repeat it, I could not prevail on her. My heart has been a good deal de pressed lest she may be somehow or other displeased with my let ter. After staying some tirae with Mrs. Blair,* went and spent the evening at Horniblow's, and am just corae home. It being near ten I will go to bed. Saturday, Dec. 26th. — Not up till breakfast. From then tUl near two very busy in my office and Mr. Johnston's, who asked me to dine with him. Went over with him, Mr. Buchanan, and Mr. Smith. Just as we got on the other side had the cruel mor tification of seeing the Miss Johnstons and Miss Cathcart coming down to go to Mr. Pollock's. For a moment, it being very late, entertained the flattering hope that they would wait till after dinner, which, however, was not the case. Came frora Mr. John ston's a little after sunset, and going up town met them coming down. No negroes being at the wharf, I proposed to Mr. Smith that we should row them over ; hoping and intending then to have had an excuse from that cause for going to the house. But when I got over, Mr. Smith seeming to decline it, though I knew he wished to go, and I, fearing (though in that instance much too foolishly) that my motive might seem much too partial, too fond to myself, unhappily, miserably declined. I flatter myself Han- * Mr*. Blair's granddaughter, years afterwards, married Judge Iredell's only son. 1772.] OF JAMES IKEDliLL. 147 nah looked kindly at me, and, I hope, had some reluctance at parting. Oh ! how I curse my silly timidity. AU the rest of the evening reading Blackstone. ' Sunday, 21th. — Not up till breakfast, having slept very indif ferently in the night, my mind being still very much dejected for having so foolishly given up four hours of delight. After break fast went up town to be shaved and have my hair dressed, when I returned home, and soon after sat half an hour with Mr. Jones, whence I am just come. Going up town with an intention of vis iting Mi-s. Buncombe, I met Mr. B. and Pollock, with many other gentlemen at Horniblow's. The former soon left us, being to dine with Mr. Johnston. I staid with Mr. Cathcart and Corrie and Smith (who were to dine with me at Mr. Hardy's) till near two o'clock. Dined with Hardy and staid there till after sunset, when I went and spent the rest of the evening at Mrs. Blair's, where, though I was very happy, I every now and then was obliged to suppress a sigh for the absence of my dear Hannah. Monday, December 2Sth. — ^From breakfast till dinner very busy. Had the happiness to receive a kind and affectionate letter from Mr. McCulloh. Dined with Mr. Pollock.* A Uttle mortified, when dinner was upon the table, to find all of Mr. Johnston's family there except the young ladies. After dinner being obliged to return into town, I was called to by Mr. and Mrs. Pearson, with whom I walked to Mrs. Blair's, where I found all the young ladies, and in imitation of Mr. Pearson's pleasing example had a dear salute of them all in com- pUment of the season. Obliged to run from them and be busy, which I could not be in the degree I expected, as I wanted some papers which Mr. Little could not prepare tUl morning. Went in the evening to Mr. PoUock's, where we had a little dance, during the greater part of which my spirits were greatly depressed, as I thought myself obliged, out of a cursed complaisance, which sometimes thwarts our inclinations, to dance with Miss Julius, fearing if I did not, she might have been without a partner ; and as aU the world knows the nature of my connection with Miss Johnston, in a private little hop to have taken her to dance, and left a strange lady without a partner, would have seemed selfish. Came from Mr. Pollock's between ten and eleven to Mrs, Blair's, where we staid tUl between eleven and twelve, and then came home. Tuesday, Dec. 29th. — This morning up at eight, being obUged to expedite my express to the Governor. My business * One of Mr. Pollock's ancestors had twice acted as Colonial Governor. He, himself, was a man of note and wealtli. The last representative of the name was, at his death, the most opulent planter in North Carolina. His slaves e.xceeded 1000 in number. His large estate was inherited by the Devereuxes of Raleigh and the Bnrgwynns of New Berne. 148 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1772. aU done, but I must wait a Uttle longer for Andrew. Busy all the morning, — then I dined with Mrs. Blair. Dec. 30^A.— After breakfast, went up town and did a little business in my office till about eleven, when I went to Mrs. Blair's and saw all the ladies. Mrs. Pearson being expected to go over the Creek with them, I went to Mr. Charlton's for her. We called at Mr. Pollock's, and then came to Mrs. Blair's. About one I attended them all to the boat, and returned up town. Went for a short time to my office, when Mr. Johnston very kindly came and asked me to dine with him, which I did, and in the afternoon came over ^ith Mrs. Blair and to her house, and staid there about half an hour. I then immediately came home and finished the second volume of Blackstone. Since then I have been reading till now, 10 o'clock, Fordyce's Sermons, which I admire and love above all things. How elegant, how just, how noble his sentiments ! Excellent man ! May your writings be productive of the universal good they are calculated to occasion ; and oh ! what rapture do I feel in reading him, when I compare my Hannah with his standard of female excellence. Dec. 31st. — Busy in my office all the morning and part of the afternoon. Went and drank tea with Mrs. Blair, and staid there till about eight, when, hearing Mrs. Howe was come, I ran with pleasure to Mr. Jones's to see her — staid and spent the evening there." The Journal seems an unstudied record, and was, clearly, never designed for publication. From this very cause it possesses a charming freshness of feeling, and " naivet6 " of expression. Never was sketch drawn of a purer or more innocent individual life : or of a more social, genial community. Verily it might well have been said of the little city of Edenton, that if no God had descended into her lap in a shower of gold, the Deity she worshipped had transferred his laurel to her brow, and had caused her heart to reverberate, with perpetual iteration,, the music of his cithern.. 1773.] OF JAMES IREDELL, 149 CHAPTEE VL MR. IREDELL AT 21 ; JOURNAL ; LETTER FROM MISS MACART NEY ; JOURNAL ; LETTERS ; MARRIAGE, &C. MT. 21-22. At the period at which we have arrived, Mr. IredeU had at tained the full stature of a man, physical and moral. His ap proaching marriage gave stability to his purpose, and determined that his future destiny was to be that of a citizen of North Car olina^ If, as was natura], his thoughts sometimes reverted to England, and his heart yearned to the distant home of his child hood, the thoughts and yearnings were repressed. Soon, as young scions grow into verdure about a decaying trunk, new af fections sprang up, and budded, and blossomed. The society of Edenton, though refined, intelligent and hos pitable, was not well calculated to strengthen or develope a young man's piety. Many of its most prominent citizens were professed Deists, while a sense of religion was vivid in but few.* There were not, at that day, many ministers of the Gospel in the pro vince. The majority of them belonged to the jovial, fox-hunting race of English parsons ; and were, probably, banished from home by the irregularities of their lives. If on Sunday they performed with decency the services of the Church, on festive occasions they participated, without scruple, in the dance, or took a seat at the card-table. So degraded were many of them become, that a drunken priest was sometimes sent for by the planter to make his guests meiry.f The faith of Christendom had but recently been shaken by the wit and sarcasm of Voltaire ; and Hume, Smith, Gibbon, D'Alembert, Diderot, and their dis ciples, constituted the most intellectual circle of the world. The intellectual, rather than the moral nature, was exalted and wor shipped : and what should ever be united, were rudely severed. It was regarded as an honor to wear the badge of the school of the Philosophers, an evidence of independence and manliness, * Hewes, Cummings, Charlton, &c. f Avery's Diary. 150 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1773, The blameless lives and amiability of many of these skeptics, lent a witchery and charm to their persuasions. Mr. IredeU's religion was too deeply rooted to be torn up by the blast, too hardy to be kUled by the frost : it was not simply one of faith, or one of passion : it was compounded of both. Approved by his judg ment and his heart, it was ever present with him, an active prin ciple. His was an impulsive nature ; he ever had hope for this world as for the next. His emotions were easily susceptible of excitement. An exception to the general rule of men consti tuted like himself, he was not subject to violent reactions. He never desponded, he was always cheerful. When fatigued with study, or the labors of his office, he found a pleasant relaxation in conversation, and discussion with gentlemen ; and a delight ful recreation in the society of ladies : he could even condescend to the sports of children, and share in their mirth. He would sometimes stroll by the sparkling waters of the Albemarle ; or where, through the wood, lazily floating upon the stagnant pool, the lily unmasked its beauty to the sun. The play of the clouds, the flash of the lightning, even the vine that clambered about his dwelling, — all taught him adoration of God ; penetrated his bosom with a sense of gratitude, and exalted his imagination. He had fortitude to encounter, in his own person, toil and trials without repining or murmur ; yet did not his manhood disdaia the tribute of a tear to misery. He was guileless himself, yet no other had so tender a forbearance for a neighbor's errors. He was universally and deservedly popular. His practice increased. He was fast becoming a man of mark. It was already known that he wielded a ready pen ; and could address himseff to the most difficult task. A gentleman of the bar, of whom it might have been literally said, that such law as he had, was " at his fingers' ends,' on a certain occasion exclaimed, — " Sir, I deny the statement, I have •the law in my hand ; " the opposite counsel,* with impudent wit, promptly retorted, — " May it please the court, I have the law in my head — that is the difference between the gentleman and myseff." The lawyers of the period of which I treat, were constrained to carry the law in their heads. Books multiply now with such rapidity as to induce the belief, that by the close of the present century, a lawyer's library must consist chiefiy of digests. Not only does the American press produce original (?) treatises with marvellous fecundity, but every volume from the courts at Westminster is promptly seized by some briefiess bar rister, and reprinted with some few notes that authorize him to ¦* Hon. Warren Winslow. 1773-] OF JAMES IREDELL. 151 attach his name, and render it a species of business card. Then books were costly and rare. No libraries were to be found save in the towns, and these were limited to a few standard volumes.* Such books, however, as the lawyer had were read frequently and closely. As a lawyer, Mr. Iredell was indefatigable ; none ex celled him in the mastery of his cases. He was always thor oughly prepared. When engaged in a cause, his glance swept the field of debate, and seemed to fix, as by intuition, upon the key to his antagonist's position. Points of law were not, in his style, as pebbles borne along in the rush of a troubled stream ; but, as gems set by a Benvenuto, they shone with such brilliancy as, by engrossing the attention, to hide the art of him who se lected and combined. With unrivalled astuteness he examined conflicting decisions, and liberated from obscurity and embarrass ment the current of the law. He never paused to glean straws — diverting the attention from the main points of his argument by trivial particularities. Disdaining meretricious ornament, he so condensed, that he generally said more in five minutes than others would in fifteen. f Disputes peculiar to North Carolina, agitated the public mind. The new Assembly]: convened on the 25th of January, attempted, unsuccessfully, to restrict the power of the Executive, who had the right of an absolute veto on their acts, as well aa that of proroguing or dissolving them at pleasure ; they also in dignantly declined paying the claim presented by Thomas Polk for running the dividing line between North and South Carolina, assigning as a reason that they had hitherto refused their assent to the measure, believing the proposed line detrimental to the interest of their province. The official term of the chief justice and his two associates expir ed at the close ofthe session, by limitation of the Act of creation. The Assembly promptly passed a new act for the organization of the courts ; but added to it a clause insisting on the right of attaching the property of foreign debtors. Under express in structions from the British ministry the Governor refused his assent. The Assembly being soon dissolved, the province for a. long period was in a most anomalous condition, only five provin cial laws being in existence, and no courts other than those held by single magistrates. The Governor and his obsequious councU endeavored to supply the place of the courts of justice by com missioners of Oyer and Terminer, but thus step only strengthened *' Mr. Johnston's library was, probably, the most complete in the province. ¦)• Williamson, Martin, Quincy, Wiley. X The copy of Williamson, from which I quote, has the following inscription on one of the fly-leaves: "To James Iredell, Esq.: in pleasing remembrance of the friendship, and splendid virtues of his father, by the Author." 152 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [177S. the opposition ; and a subsequent Assembly peremptorily denied his right to issue commissions without their consent, and with held the necessary appropriations. An unseen destiny -was fast urging on the progress of events. The colonists recognized the signs of the coming storm, though they did not perceive the sun hid behind the clouds. The chords of private friendship were more closely drawn, and a common danger promoted a more inti mate intercourse and correspondence, between the popular lead ers, whUe the tie that bound them to England was becoming weaker, strand by strand fretted away and rudely snapped. A new-born thought stirred in the minds of men : vague and of in definite form, at first, — it was with them by day and visited them in visions by night ; and slowly but steadily grew to the form and substance of Independence. The English people could not understand that crossing the Atlantic could not change the es sential relations of Englishmen to Government ; and looked for a relief for themselves from onerous taxation to revenue from America. The Parliament, that, in 1667, had in its articles of impeachment against Lord Clarendon preferred, as a distinct charge, the introduction of arbitrary government into the Amer ican plantations, was now bent upon the exercise of despotic au thority in America. The coming revolution cast its shadow be fore, but the Whig leaders in North Carolina, instead of with drawing for shelter, looked forward to action for an increased cir culation and more comfortable warmth. They were as obstinately determined upon the maintenance of^ their rights, as was the king upon sustaining his prerogative. Though the practice of the lawyers was sensibly affected by the non-existence of courts, stiU they were not entirely without professional income. An intel ligent people soon devise a remedy for pressing ills. Points in dispute were referred to the gentlemen of the bar for adjudica tion ; and many suits were thus cheaply and finally settled, the costs of the courts being saved. JOURNAL. Friday, Jan. 1st. — Went up town before breakfast, and drank a glass of raspberry with the doctor and some other gen tlemen at the doctor's apartment. Met Hatch, who gave me some letters for Mr. Pearson and myself, and by a mistake (as I afterwards found) told me Sir Nathaniel would dine with me on Tuesday. Went immediately to give Mr. and Mrs. Pearson the pleasing intelligence. Came home to breakfast, and saw Hatch, who came to tell me it was Mr. McCulloh, and not Sir Nathan- 1778.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 153 iel, he saw. Obliged to go and undeceive Mrs. Pearson, who was kind enough to excuse my having so much alarmed her. Sorae tirae after went to see a little race between a horse of Bu chanan's, and a mare of Webb's — the latter beat. Had the hap piness to see the young ladies frora over the creek at Mr. Jones', and went to thera, and afterwards accompanied thera, Mrs. Daw son and sorae other ladies up town. After staying some time at Mrs. Blair's, went with Mrs. Buncombe, and to Mr. Pollock's, and immediately came back to Mrs. Blair's, where I staid some time, and then came home, finding myself very unwell. Afraid I could not go to the ball ; but after dinner I found myseff bet ter, and went to Mrs. Blair's, where I found the Miss Johnstons waiting for Miss Cathcart, and attended them all to the boat. Came home, dressed myself about sunset, and went to Mrs. Blair's, and soon after went with them all to the ball. ObUged to return and get my hair dressed, and then went there again. Very happy all this evening, having my dear Hannah for a part ner. This day received letters from my father and mother, and from Sir N. Dukinfield, dated in Sept., which made me very happy. I had also a letter from my brother Charles, which damp ed my spirits greatly. Saturday, Jan. 2d. — Busy in my office till between twelve and one, and then went to Mrs. Blair's, and found the ladies all pretty well. Had the great pleasure of being alone with Han nah more than half an hour. They were all going to Mi; Jones' to dinner, where I might have expected to have been asked too, but it was not so. As I was engaged to dine with Mr. Hodg son, I, however, accompanied them there, and came away with a sigh. Went immediately to Mrs. Barker's, and spent an agree able day there with Mrs. Clarke, and Mr. and Mrs. Pearson, who went away though early in the evening. About ten I attended Mrs. Clarke to Mrs. Blair's, where to my unspeakable and almost unexpected satisfaction, 1 found my dear Hannah, with whom, the greatest part of the tirae alone, I was unutterably happy tiU past one. Sunday, 3d. — Nothing to remark this morning save that I went up town to Mrs. Blair's, whence I walked with the young ladies to the boat, which was lying at the wharf Came home, spoke to Mr. Jones in his piazza, walked with hira in his garden, but loas not asked into his house. This is very different frora former times, and I know I have done nothing to deserve this shyness. Hira I do not blame, but pity ; he is under a govern ment that is very capricious, though it might be very good and agreeable, and some silly, supposed offence I take to be the cause of it. Oh ! how pride and beggary are to be pitied. I feel with 154 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1^73 pain and commiseration what that passion with this situation will one day come to. Moderation, diffidence and reason are becom ing in all,— of the best birth, and the greatest fortunes. But for aU these to be absent, without either of these advantages, must be productive of distress (and my heart bleeds while I write it) to those who have such little prudence, where so much is wanting. Do I mean that poverty is a crime, or a reason why people should be sHghted ? God forbid— I should be in that case badly off ray- self. But I must and do think that modesty ought ever to ac company it in an especial manner. And no sight can be more disagreeable to others, or more unhappy for the party, than the contrary appearance. After dinner went to Mr. Hewes' and staid, together with many other gentlemen, there, till towards evening, when we walked to Horniblow's, which I soon left, and went to Mrs. Blair's, whence I am but just come, near ten, and now to bed. January 3d, 1773. It's a long time, my dear Jemmy, since I had the pleasure of hearing from you ; perhaps you may say, that's my own fault ; but you should consider, that while I was in Ireland I had not such frequent opportunities of sending letters as you have, there fore you should not stand on the punctilio of waiting for an swers to all your letters. By acquainting your friends of 3'our health, and that you go on prosperously, will ever give them real satisfaction ; and you may be assured that no one has your interest more at heart than myseff. In my last letter, I believe, I told you of the death of your friend Geo. Kerr ; and that his sister, who raarried Mr. Weld, had got a daughter, and was again in the increasing way. I have just received a letter that informs me she is safely deUvered of another. Poor Mrs. Paumier con tinues very indifferent, and has lost the use of her lirabs totally : it's really melancholy to see her carried up and down stairs, and in and out of the coach. She often inquires after you, as do all the Lang family, and the McCuUohs. WilUe, I hope, is a little better, but still continues under Dr. Clehghorne's care. He is to be entered this year into College. I spent a little time at Bath before I came here. Your father is grown very fat, but not much better in other respects. I received a letter from Charles the other day, in which he complains money runs short. I fear he is no economist. He says he has wrote twice to his uncle for clothes, and he has taken no notice of his letters. When you write to him it may not be improper to give him a caution, as from yourself, and to endeavor to make him sensi ble he should spend as little as he can help ; otherwise he will 1773,] OF JAMES IREDELL. 155 greatly distress his father and mother. I had a letter from Ar thur the other day, in answer to a note I sent hira to corae and dine with me, which was forwarded to him at South MaUing, where he was gone to spend Christmas. He seems quite happy, and in high spirits : hopes to see me on his return to town. It gave me great pleasure to hear from my uncle McCulloh, that yon were going on so well in your law practice. So I find I am to " wear the willow," as I hear you are going to be married. You might have had the civility to give me a little notice to have provided for myself ; but, seriously speaking, my dear Jeraray, I hope whenever you change your condition, you will do it pru dently and happily. You have my best wishes for your success in whatever you undertake ; and I hope we shall some time or other meet, and talk over all the things that have befallen us in our excursions by sea and land ; the former indeed is an element I am not passionately fond of. I was fifteen days coming from Dublin to Bristol ; a most disagreeable time I spent — deadly sick. Mr. and Mrs. Spann were of the party. Nothing but the inducement of their company would have prevailed on me to go by Long Sea, and I think nothing ever will again. When I return to Ireland, which I purpose doing next May or June, I shall go by the Head. As to Bristol, it is so altered you would scarce know it again. They have thrown down narrow lanes, and are building fine streets. It is this winter, I hear, the gayest place in the world ; concerts twice a week, balls as usual, and plays three times. It is really astonishing the alteration a little time makes. I intend going down there in a few days, to see what they are about. Mrs. Eock has lost her husband, and Mr. Griffith his wife, and so the town, without further trouble, has given them to each other, but I apprehend there's no ground for such a rijport. Direct to the care of Mr. Maskelynn. I will write you a long letter by the first opportunity. Miss none of letting me hear from you. My dear Jemmy, most affectionately yours, M. MACAETNEY. JOURNAL. Monday^ Jan. Ath. — Very busy in my office till dinner, which I ate at Mr Johnston's ; obliged to come over just after, expecting to clear a captain out, and when I was in town, he was not ready. This disappointment made me spend a very dull after noon and evening, during which I staid at home, unable to ap ply myself to any thing, my uneasiness about Mr. Jones' family giving me great pain. 156 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1778. Sth. — In my office till near one, soon after which Mr. McCul loh came, and we had a very happy, coidial meeting. Dined with him at Horniblow's, and spent the evening at Mr. Hewes". 6iA.— Breakfasted with Mr. McCulloh, and afterwaids was busy with him in the office till dinner, chiefly in writing letters to Sir George Macartney and my uncle, relative to his change of office in my favor, for which I owe him all the gratitude and affection my heart can feel. In the afternoon and evening again mostly with Mr. Hewes, except for a little time I was at Mrs. Blair's. 7th. — Busy in the morning with Mr. M. till one, when we went over the Sound and slept at Halsey's that night, and break fasted there, whence we went to Col. Buncombe's, where Mr. M. staid about an hour, and then set off, at which time I felt some pain at parting from so dear a friend. 9th. — With Col. B. all that day and till breakfast the next, when I came to town. In the afternoon, after despatching two or three little commissions, I went over to Mr. Johnston's with Miss Cathcart, and — in the evening came to town with Miss Hannah and her brother John, aud staid very happUy at Mrs. Blair's tUl near eleven. 10th. — Not going to church, the weather being rainy, and no ladies going from Mrs. Blair's, I went with Mr. Johnston whom I found there to Mr. Jones', and staid there with him till one, when I went to Mrs. Blair's, where I continued very happy till past eleven, my dear Hannah unspeakably kind. llth. — Most of this morning in my office, the rest (occasioned by accident) at Mr. Hardy's, and at horae reading newspapers. In the afternoon went to Mrs. Blair's, where I spent the rest of the evening. 12th. — Morning and afternoon busy in my office, and at home. Poor Tommy Blount died last night suddenly, after be ing in a weak, low way for nearly two years past. He died hap py in the love and respect of all who knew him, and I doubt not is now in the mansions of the blest. This evening spent at Mrs. Blair's, where I had again the happiness of my dear Han nah's company, and sometimes hers only. 13th. — Went up town immediately after dinner, being en gaged to go on board Capt. Barter with Mr. Johnston and Mr. Jones, and having beforehand to see that Eccleston mended one of ray office windows. While I was in the piazza, had the hap piness to see Hannah at her sister's, but ray time was too lim ited to admit my going to her. Mr. Johnston and Mr. Jones came up soon after, and as I was talking with the former, her sister came down street with his little daughter, and being 1778-] OF JAMES IREDELL. 157 afraid she would see and cry for him, he walked on, and I met my dear Hannah, whom I was crueUy obliged to leave in the middle of the street. Spent the afternoon on board of Barter, and the evening at Mr. Jones' (a little unusual of late) — part of the time we had Mr. Johnston with us. 14th. — In the morning busy in the office. In the afternoon attending poor Tommy Blount's funeral, I had the mortifica tion of seeing an unnatural father — a man unaffected with the loss of a most worthy son. Oh ! Nature ! Nature ! In the evening, after walking home with Mr. Johnston, I went and staid an hour or two with Mrs. Blair, and then returned home, and read in the London Magazine I lately had from my father, till ten, when I went to bed. Friday, 15th. — Busy in my office in the morning. At din ner I heard ray dear Hannah was come over to town. Went immediately to her, and, except the little interruption of about half an hour, that 1 was called out by an express from Faill and Jones' agent in Va., I was ineffably happy at Mrs. Blair's till the clock, striking twelve, warned me to depart. 16th. — This morning busy in my office and Mr. Johnston's till near two, when I came horae to dinner. In the afternoon went to Mrs. Blair's, where I staid till between ten and twelve, greatly happy indeed. Sunday, 17th. — In the morning after breakfast, went to Mr. Johnston's office about some business I had to do for him, ex pecting him over. We were there till one, when I came bome to dinner, Corrie dining with us ; in the afternoon at Mr. John ston's office again with him. I should not much approve of these transgressions, were they to be frequently repeated. One great end of the institution of the Sabbath was to remind us that there is a God who will one day call us to account, and this reflection, properly entertained, is a great guard to virtue ; improperly neglected, we grow less averse to the thoughts, and in time, to the practice of vice. But my heart does not much condemn me in the present instance. The business was necessary to be done ; and the gentleman with whom I did it an unerring ob server of all the moral and social duties of life. Spent the even ing at Mr. Jones' — the women foolishly shy, I think. 18th. — Morning in my office. At dinner was told that Ham let, a negro I had sent to work in Col. Buncombe's garden, had been a few days ago where the small-pox was ; thought it my duty to acquaint him instantly with it, which I did by the oppor tunity of a little vessel of Mrs. Blair's, which was just going over. Then went to tell his mistress of it. On my return met Miss Annie and Miss Betsy West, going to Mrs. Blair's ; drank tea 158 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [177 3' with them there. Walked with Miss Annie to the boat._ Ee turned to Mrs. Blair's — in the course of the evening was desired to read in Sir Charles Grandison, which I did with the highest pleasure ; for I admire that book as perfect in its kind. There is present to the imagination a living example of the dignity of human nature, and such an example as it is in the power of any with such accomplishments to exhibit ; for herein consists the difference between a pleasing novel and a romance, — the latter is wholly out of nature, and is composed of fictions scarcely credible, or even scarcely possible ; the former, if it does not show human nature as it is (which indeed would not be the most likely way to complete its view of instruction), yet shows it, as it m,ay or ought to be ; and in all Sir Charles Grandison, and indeed in all the works of that inimitable author, there is a true, a possible picture of virtue, and such as it is the duty of all to aspire to deserve at an humble distance, and of those possessed of such accomplishments and advantages as are there described, to deserve in all. And surely it is no objection to the excellence or propriety of the pattern that it is almost impossible for any to copy it perfectly. Is it any objection against moral or revealed religion, that we are directed to the practice of all virtues in a perfect degree, though we know human nature is not equal to it, free from foibles and faults, and faults without number ? Mr. Eichardson wrote to the heart and the understanding, and meant to show (as he has done with the most perfect beauty) by a series of adventures plain and practical, and such as happen often in the occurrences of life, what ought to be the conduct of a man in an exalted station, with an immense fortune and most elegant accomplishments, and who, having so largely the power, ought, therefore, to have the will, to do good. And I repeat, it is very possible for a man, such in accoraplishraents as Sir Charles Gran dison, with a heart so good (and I trust there are many with the latter, if not the former) to do as he did in all the occurrences related of him. I only now speak from idea, for I have never had the honor of even seeing him, but I think (bating the ele gance of his person, and for a private gentleman, the richness of his fortune) Lord Lyttleton comes very near that excellent stand ard. This nobleman's character (I know no raore of him but frora that, and what I can collect from his writings, which will do him immortal honor as a learned scholar, an accomplished nobleman, and a good man) I revere, I love, I almost adore. So indeed do all mankind. Long, long may he Uve, for the happi ness of the world he is connected with ; and God grant that his hours may be easy and happy. When I read a book that pleases me I do not inquire, is this what I can do, but is it what I ought 1778.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 159 to do ? We can all do (no, I will not say all, — but we can most of us do) more than we are willing to do. Let it be our care to bring our conduct as nearly as possible to the highest standard, instead of wishing to level that with ours. The powers of the human mind are scarcely conceivable by the indolent and un thinking, One exertion prepares the way for another ; and as this has frequently been known with respect to learning and the sci ences, so I am convinced it may with respect to the moral virtues. These reflections I have been led to make frora recollecting that I have often had with raen more captious than wise — and who had neither strength of mind enough to aim at this admirable pattern, or candor enough to suppose a degree of virtue attain able above their own, — with such men I have had a contest of this nature. One young man of this kind I remejnber, who is now no more. He might have lived happier and more respected, had his education been superintended with greater care. He was warm on this subject, so was I ; and it is not possible for me to forget how warmly my heart glowed, and was animated by the reflection that I spoke on the side of virtue, and the honor of human nature. God grant I may ever do so. Tuesday, 19th. — Busy in my office till one ; was asked to dine with Mr. Johnston ; did so ; came over in the evening, and being obliged to go up town to shut my windows, I was tempted to go and spend the evening with Mr. Hewes ; repented it when I went, as they were playing cards all the time. Came home between ten and eleven. 20th. — Just up to breakfast. Since which I have wrote my journal since Saturday ; now go up town. Very busy till two, when I came to dinner. In the afternoon about an hour in my office, when I went to Mr. Hewes', and staid another hour with him ; thence to Mrs. Blair's, where I staid with her and Mrs. Clarke (though I had the concern to find them unwell) till nine, when I came home, and read in Blackstone till between eleven and twelve. 21st. — In the morning before breakfast reading one of my new magazines. Afterwards till dinner very busy in my office. In the afternoon there for about half an hour, and then I gave myself a kind of holiday, playing a game at bUUards with Bu chanan (the first for many months), walked with him and Worth, and on our return into town, we met all the ladies fi:om Mr. J ones' whora we joined, and walked with round the town to their house, where we spent the evening. Friday, 22d. — This morning before and after breakfast read ing Blackstone. Eeceived third volume from Mr. Johnston only two or three days ago. Very busy tUl dinner ; after, reading 160 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1773. Blackstone for half an hour, and then I went up town, — met Mrs. Barker walking to Mrs. Blair's, and went with her there ; thence to Mr. Hewes', with whom I returned soon after and drank tea at Mrs. Blair's. Came home about sunset, and spent the even ing with Mrs. Bondfield, most of t'ne time reading Blackstone, and a little of the Annual Eegister for 1771 ; went to bed be tween ten and eleven. 2'Sd. — Not up till breakfast. Very busy till past two, when I came to dinner. After dinner tUl sunset writing in ray office, then came home and drank tea. Being by accident in the piazza I heard Mrs. Jones in hers, and called to her. She answered me very kindly, and I went over and staid an hour with them very agreeably. Oh ! how I hate coldness, and love a cordiality of ac quaintance. Eeturned and wrote a letter to Mr. McCulloh ; af terwards read Blackstone till past ten. Sunday, 24:th. — Breakfasted with Mr. and Mrs. Hardy, and went with them afterwards to Mrs. Brownrigg's, a house as neat and elegant as ever. Oh ! that the hospitable and friendly builder of it were alive ! often did I think of him yesterday. Spent the day and evening there ; during sorae part of which I fear I was a little rude, for happening to take up Clarissa Harlowe, I could not quit it ; I read a little of the third volume, and a great deal of the seventh, which oft(3n obliged me to shed tears. The story itself so very moving, and the relation of it inimitable. No man sure ly was ever a greater master of the passions than Mr. Eichardson, and none, in my opinion, ever knew better to describe his feel ings. Nature indeed speaks so powerfully, and with such lively and affecting eloquence, I can hardly persuade myself it is a work of imagination only. Nor, I am told, is it altogether ; although the real story had not quite so melancholy a catastrophe. I knew a gentleman, who said he had seen the lady, the original of Clarissa, but he could never be induced to mention her. And that gentleman's word I could in any thing rely on. 25th. — Being delayed for my horse some tirae, at Mrs. Brown rigg's, I did not get to town till past ten, when after getting a little breakfast, I went up town, and since have been mostly employed in my office till past one, when I came home to din ner. After dinner went over with Mr. Hewes to Mr. Johnston's, where I had the pleasure of seeing my dear Hannah (after near a week's painful absence) though no opportunity of saying much to her. Mrs. Johnston and the child tolerably well. We came over about sunset, and as I was coming up town met a girl of Mrs. Blair's with her fine little boy George, who asked me to go and drink tea there. Stept into my office and wrote a letter to Col. McCuUoh, which I carried to Mr. Hewes, and then went to ms.'] OF JA.MES IREDELL. 161 Mrs. Blair's, who, together with Mrs. Clarke, gave me a very kind reception, wondering, as they were obliging enough to say, what had become of me for two or three days past. Staid an hour or two with them, then came home, and alternately read in Black stone and chatted with Mrs, Bondfield till bed-time— the for mer chiefly. Tuesday, 26th. — After breakfast employed constantly in my office till dinner. Barter came and brought me the eight vol umes of Clarissa, which I bought of him for 50s. If I read them as I ought and hope to do, they will be a very cheap purchase. After dinner doing business till sunset, and mostly in my office. The day before Mis, Clarke had told me she should go at this day to Mr, Johnston's, and that Miss Hannah was then to come to her sister's. Now, though 1 ara always extremely happy in Mrs. Blair's company, even without her sister, yet I confess I should not have gone this evening, but with the fond hope of seeing her (although I had little expectation of it, having seen Mrs. Clarke in the beginning of the afternoon at Mrs. Blair's), for Mrs, Bondfield was entirely alone, and I the rather wished to show her kindness and attention (such as it was) iu giving her my company, as she was always so good as not to seem to ex pect it. And they were so kindly pressing at Mi-s, Blair's for me to stay the evening, I could not decline it, and felt no other reluctance in so doing, but lest Mrs. B. should think herself slighted, — a circumstance which would give me much pain. At the desire ui the ladies I read a good deal to them in Fielding's " Journey frora this World to the Next," which is agreeably hu morous and entertaining. There was one thing though in which he greatly displeased me, and that is where ho casts a sneer at Mr. Addison and Sir Eichard Steele, both confessedly his superi ors, even in his own talent, humor. The former — a man who Mm'iedZ?/ possessed all those elegant endowments which are thought singly to constitute a great character. His genius, his learning, the incomparable grandeur and sublimity of his sentiments on the highest subjects, and the most perfectly pleasing talent of de Ughtful humor, with respect to the common affairs of life, added to an unerring attention to the interests of virtue, both in his writings and his conduct, certainly declare him to all unprejudiced minds, to have been one of the raost respectable, amiable and endearing characters that ever lived. May all who have his tal ents imitate his example ! and may all who have them not, at least imbibe his reverence for virtue and religion (a reverence formed on the most noble conviction), and, as far as they are able, carry these sacred and honorable principles into their prac tice. The other gentleman, Mr. Steele, though not Mr. Addi- VOL. I.— 11 & 162 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [HIS. son's equal, was far Mr. Fielding's superior, in every thing. Has the latter wiitten any thing that can compare with many of the former's papers in the Spectator ? At the same time, I have a great regard for Mr. Fielding's character, and some of his writ ings : but I cannot bear his presumption in censuring two gen tlemen deserving so much praise and gratitude from all, and at least not persons proper objects of his satire. Wednesday, •27th. — Not up till breakfast, being a good deal awake in the night. Till dinner very busy in my office, which I could not, however, go to till near eleven, for want of a fire ; but I was not altogether idle till then, doing a little business at differ ent places which I had to do. In the afternoon went early to my office, and could not resist tbe temptation of reading a little in Clarissa, having the first volume in my pocket ; began it yes terday at home, and read a little in it this morning in my office. I greatly admire Mr. Eichardson's excellent talent in this way. In my opinion it has not been nearly equalled by any other. To attempt to describe one or many beauties, when all is excel lent, would be a difficult and unattainable task. I shall therefore only say, I am at a loss which most to admire, — the goodness of the author's heart, the fineness of his imagination, his elegant and admirable sentiments, or the uncommon strength and eloquence with which he expresses them, — and each character most excel lently supported throughout. Met with Mr. Johnston, whc> [ found was going over the Sound, though the weather was rainy. Went with hira to his sister's, and sat some time with Mrs. Clarke. Had the pleasure to find Mrs. Blair was over the creek, so that I flattered myself her sister Hannah might possibly come over in the evening with her ; indeed I greatly flattered myself with the hope. Staid with Mr. Johnston till he set off, which was about four o'clock. The Sound was quite calm, and as he ihad on his large cloak, I hoped he would not get cold, though it rained a little when he went, and a great deal some time after wards. Went from the wharf to my office and read in Clarissa till sunset (with an inteiTuption now and then to see if Mrs. Blair, and as I hoped, Hannah were coming up street.) Went to Mrs. Blair's, and finding her not come home, I walked to the water side to meet her. Saw Mr. J.'s boat returning from Mr. Jones' wharf, and met only Mrs. Blair and Dr. Cathcai't. My heart much oppressed by this disappointment, though my dear girl might have, perhaps, caught cold. How selfish am I, that I only tal^fe this as a consolatory circumstance, now she has not come, and did not before think it a proper reason why she should not come. But I hope I shall certainly see her to-morrow. Mrs. Clarke says she wUl go over. Drank tea at Mrs. Blair's, 1773.] OF JAMES IREDELL. I(i3 then came home, — attempted to read in Blackstone, but the Dr. and Charles going to play cards, I came to my journal, -Chatted the rest of the evening with Mr, and Mrs. Bondfield till I went to bed. Would have read Clari-sa, but did not care to show the book lest it might have been borrowed from me, and I do not always get back the books I lend. Thursday, 2Sth. — In the morning, before breakfast, reading Clarissa, Afterwards till dinner busy in my office. Till a fire was made, which was not till past ten, I held myself excused in reading that book, and parted frora it with reluctance. Have the happiness to hear tiie Miss Johnstons are at Mrs. Blair's. I'll go by-and-by to see them. Busy in my office till after din ner. Afterwards, after doing a little business with John Hodg son, went to Mrs. Blair's, and staid very happily till near ten. Saturday, 30th. — Up pretty early, and reading Blackstone till breakfast. Afterwards all day, except at dinner time, very busy in my office. In the evening attended a meeting of the gen tlemen in town, on a rumor of the small-pox being here. They wishing a place to be looked for in the country, where they might be removed to, I agreed to go with Mich. Payne in the morn ing, though I had had thoughts of taking physic. But all the rest were silently reluctant. Went to Mrs. Blair's and drank tea ; hoped to find Hannah there, but was mistaken, and this made me very low-spirited. Came horae and read Clarissa till 1 went to bed. 31st. — After breakfast rode out with Mich. Payne, but we were unsuccessful. Eeturned and went to church, unexpect edly finding that Tomray Blount's pall-bearers (all but my self) were going to church Drest as soon as I could and went there. Obliged to come home quickly and divest myself of my habiliments, so that I had not the happiness to speak to the Miss Johnstons. Buchanan and I were to dine at Mr. Pollock's, and went together there. Seeing, when I came in, two more plates than I could account for, I flattered myself with the hope that the Miss Johnstons dined there, but it was not so. All the af ternoon there, and after tea just had tirae to catch the dear girls, and walked down to the boat with them, and when there, upon their kind invitation went over the creek. Mrs. Johnston was taken very ill while I staid. I had some happy minutes with the Miss Johnstons, whose company is inexpressibly dear to me. Came over between nine and ten, and wrote a letter to Mr. Johnston about the small-pox, which I was going to carry to the post-office, when luckUy I met Mr. Jones, who told me, it was generaUy thought the public apprehension about that disorder was groundless. 1H4 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1778- Monday, 1st Feb. — Dr. Ferguson went to see the persons supposed to have the small-pox, and agreeably informed the town he did not think it that disorder. Busy in my office all the fore noon and most of the afternoon. In the evening went to Mrs. lUair's, where I had the happiness to flnd my dear Miss Hannah, and spent a very happy evening. 2d. — AU the morning very busy. In the afternoon a little time in my office, and found a steady incUnation to business, but having time enough before rae, would not miss the opportu nity of seeing my dear girl. Went to Mrs. Blair's and staid with them both till after tea, when I was obliged to go home, having promised Mrs. Bondfield to come to a Uttle dance she was to have here. Met Mrs. Clarke ; joined her and walked back again with Miss Hannah to the boat. Carae home and spent a very so so evening with very so so company. Mrs. Bond- field the only one very agreeable. 3d. — Busy all the morning. Came home and found Mich. Payne here. Cards being proposed I unwillingly joined. When he went away I read in Clarissa till I went to bed. Ath. — This morning up before breakfast, not long enough though to read. Afterwards very busy in my office till one (I for get — only a little so). Went to Mrs. Blair's for a moment, and soon after had the happiness of seeing the Miss Johnstons come in. Betsey West being with them, and going to Mrs. Anderson's, I walked with her. Mrs. Blair kindly asked me to dine with her, but I was obliged reluctantly to decline. Soon after dinner went there, and came home about nine o'clock, having sorae Uttle things to do, as I hoped to set off next day or Saturday at farthest. Friday, 5th. — All the morning and most of the afternoon busy in my office. When I had done I went to Mrs. Blair's, but found the Miss Johnstons just gone. After calling at two or three places, as I had promised to go to Mr. Johnston's this afternoon or evening, I went to the wharf and staid sorae time, but had no opportunity of getting over. Came home in the even ing and very uneasUy waited in momentary expectation of Bob's coming from Virginia ; reading Clarissa ; at last went to bed, but could not sleep for a long time. 6ih. — This morning going up tov?n to prepare for my journey, expecting Bob every minute, I called to speak to Mr. Pearson, at Eobert Blair's. Found there many gentlemen assembled, and had the melancholy inteUigence that the disorder suspected to be the smaU-pox was certainly it. All day doing very little, being on the point, as I expected, of going to New Berne. In compliance with Dr. Lenox's* and Dr. Cathcart's desire I agreed * Dr. Lenox was first cousin to Mr. Robert Lenox of New York, The Doctor's 1778.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 165 to wait till Monday, that I might acquaint Mr. Johnston truly. I may not indeed be able to go there, for I must wait Bob's re turn. But he will certainly be here to-morrow, if not to-night. Just after dinner met Cumming and received from him a letter from Mr. Johnston and the Chief Justice. Went to carry a let ter from the former to Dr. Cathcart. My dear Hannah came out to me, but seemed quite unwell. She complained of a head ache, and had been lying down. Business I had to do for the Chief Justice obUged me to come away suddenly, and I am afraid my dear Hannah thought me cool. Oh ! could she have seen my heart ! Came over very sorrowfully, ray heart greatly affected with the smaU-pox being here ; and after loitering about at different places, went to Mrs. Blair's and staid, very agreeably, with her and Mrs. Clarke till nine. We had a good deal of conversation about the disorder in town. - I see no other alternative for ray near and dear friends but either to go to Mount Gallant with Mrs. Pearson, or be inoculated. The former will be a killing deprivation of their company to me ; the other may produce dreadful consequences. But as I should abhor myself, did I think of my own situation, when they are in so much danger, I heartily wish the former scheme may be adopted ; though at their return they may still be in danger. God grant a happy termination of this evil. I fear it will be a most unhappy one. LoNnoN, 20th January, 1773, My dear Iredell : — On the 6th inst. I was very agreeably entertained with the reception of your favor of the 4th Sept. I am much surprised that you should not have received any let ters from me at the time you wrote as I have written several, and some I thought must have arrived before the date of your letter. Sorae were forwarded to the care of Bolden and Lawrence in Norfolk by Mr. Alderman Sparling of Liverpool, others to Gilson, Granberry and Co. Since I came from Lancashire I have paid a visit to my relations in Bristol, and you will naturally conclude that I should not miss the opportunity of seeing Bath at such an agreeable season. I saw your father and mother several times, though I was not much in Bath, and one evening played a very agreeable Pool at QuadrUle with them. Your father told me Mr. McCuUoh had been lately at Bath, and informed him of daughter Frances was the second vvife of Mr. Samuel Tredwell of Edenton. She so well discharged the duties of a mother to his orphan childien, as to merit and re ceive from them the fullest mensiii-e of grateful affeotion; slie was intelligent, sprightly and amiable, and especially remarkable for her neatness. She retained her vivacity to the last, and died in 1848, at the advanced age of 85. 166 LIFB AND CORBESPONDENCE P'^*- your matrimonial intentions. How he became acquainted with them is quite unknown to me. I am extremely glad that yon have such a prospect of happiness. I don't know any couple so deserving of each other as yonrselves, and as it was not my good fortune to be the happy possessor of Miss H. Johnston's affections, I rejoice exceedingly that such felicity was destined for you. Happy may you long continue to be together I I, pei^ haps, may never be an eye-witness of it. My intentions of set tling in America are now at an end, and I am in hopes some time or other to acquaint you with the fulfilling of yom* wish that I may select some lady here for my own. I bog you will accept my thsmks for your kindly communicating to my mother the account of my arrival here. She mentions the pains yon took on a very rainy night to give her that satisfaction, in a very particular manner. My mother writes me that our friend Berry i-s addressing Miss Jones with a prospect of success, but Colonel Palmer (whom I sometimes see) tells me that, by a letter he has received from New York, he is informed that the Comptroller Greneral is gone from Boston to visit her, with equal expectations. My mother has all the letters I informed you I had wi itten to Miss Hannah, but I desired she would burn them. It was not a very easy matter to overcome my affection even after I was very well convinced that 'twould be iu vain to «herish it ; but with a. good deal of the philosophy we have often joked at together, I did get the betterof it. If I should again visit Carolina, I pledge you my assurance that the increase of happiness to youi-soU' shall not, in the least, abate the aixJor of my friendship for you and your partner. You wUl, I am sure, permit me to hold her in that virtuous esteem, which I can never remove, — though lovo faiv- will. That passion, though now disengaged, will not, I hope, continue so long. At present I think to aiiuiso myself a little while in the army, and have a promise from Major Gen. Burgoyne of the next vacancy which shidl happen in his Iiight Dragoons, if I shaU not satisfy myself sooner, Willie Jones* I hear is de sirous to marry Miss Sukey CorneU,f but whether he is likely to succeed, I'm not informed. If he does, I wish him happy, I beg you wiU present my compliments to my friends in Edenton. I am, my dear friend. Your very affectionate NAT. DUKINFIELD. ' Mr. Jones was distinguished ns ii patriot during tho Ruvolution, and snbsc- qnently ns the leader of the «nli-federnl party. f Mr. Cornall of Kew Berue was a meroliant aud mombei' iEconomy is a virtue that they have left too far behind to return to it. _ Adieu, my dear sir. I have only time to assure you that, amidst the distresses of this country, nothing can tend raore to lessen the melancholy share I take in them — than to hear frequently from you. I am Yours, with sincere esteem, WM. HOOPEE. The foUowing is the first of a series of letters, in my posses sion, to Miss Heien Blair. Nelly Blair, the niece of Mrs. Iredell, passed much of her time in her aunt's house. She had vivacity, quickness of apprehension, and brilliant beauty. Much petted and indulged, she was not without faults : was somewhat petu lant, somewhat wayward. Weeds will grow apace in rich soils ; and if not sedulously exterminated by the hancl of industry, will hinder the germination and growth of the seed sown by virtue. For many years childless, Mr. Iredell cherished for Nelly an at tachment almost parental : she seems to have supplied to him a spiritual want, and he lavished upon her all the bounty of a fa ther's love. He spared no pains in her culture ; and, though fond, corrected with firmness the errors of her education. He often had occasion for rebuke, yet the little girl so wound herself round his heart, that she received no little share of his care and attention. When away from home, in attendance upon legisla tive assemblies or upon courts, the man of business would ever contrive an opportunity to write his favorite. His letters were sometimes playful, and sometimes serious : at times, they pos sessed the finish of elaborate compositions. He was amply re warded by Nelly's improvement, for she so ripened, that, in after years, it was no flattery to say of her, "There dwells sweet love and constant chastity, Unspotted faith, and comely womanhood. Regard of honor, and mild "modesty." EnENTON, July l7th, 1774. Dear Nelly : — I' had the pleasure to receive your letter this morning, and am much obliged to you for it. I hope you and 1774.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 199 Georgy will be now quite well : either of your indispositions I hope has been but slight. . The reason the poor man's execution is delayed, is that the Governor may in the mean time inform him self of the Judge's sentiments, as he thinks it would be inconsist ent with the deference due to them, to grant a pardon without their rccoraraendation, and consulting them on the circumstances ofthe case. Be pleased to tell Mr. Pearson this particularly, and that I have heard nobody here find fault with it, and that the Governor's coudn.ct on this occasion is such as in my opinion does him honor, and was most exactly proper. I send you some pens : you ought by no means to write with ray hard-nibbed ones ; if you continue so to do, your handwriting will be good for nothing. You cannot conceive how happy your mamma's good re port of you makes your aunt and me. Be assured, your conduct at all times will have great effect, one way or other, on the satis- fiiction of our minds. I forgot to tell you of a word that you spelt wrong in your other letter — the for they — and aint should not be used in a letter : are not is more proper. Adieu 1 my dear Nelly ! God bless you I Continue to be good, and conse quently to bo beloved, and to make us happy. I am, ever, Your most affectionate uncle, JAMES ieedell. WlLMINOTON, August 6tl), 1774. Dkar Sir : — I cannot better assure you ofthe pleasure I had from the receipt of your ^'o letters by the express, than by tak ing iqi ray pen to answer thera by the return of it. I cannot, in justice to myself, omit any opportunity to])roinote a correspond ence by which I am so much the gainer in intellectual improve ment and amusement. As I know of no acquaintance- wliich I began witli more pleasure, so I shall endeavor earnestly to culti vate, and in some measure I hope to deserve it. My letters often wiU only be a dry detail of facts without embellishments, when you will be obliged to call forth all your strength of patience to wade through them, and all your charity to forgive the writer. You raust seek part of my atonement in yourself, and skim lightly over my faults when you have in some degree tempted me to commit them. Had you not by your approbation sanctified my past scribbling, you had not been troubled again. The share you take in the present distress of the town of Boston, bespeaks a heart that feels exquisitely for the calamities of youn fellow-beings, and for the insulted rights of British sub jects, (jt is an observation that has had the experience of ages to confihn the truth of it, that every human system degenerates, 200 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1774. and that the political, like the natural body, is in a continual de cay.- The former has the advantage of the latter in this, that while the latter can only be patched and repaired, the other msy become as pure and perfect as in its original. Government, by a variety of abuses, which insensibly introduce themselves into it, at length attains to the highest depravity that it can bear, and then a change necessarily ensues. I think it is Machiavel who says that no governraent can long enjoy liberty unless it be*frequently brought back to its firsj; principles. That era to me does not appear to be far remote. \The independence of Parliament is now no more, and the constitution, of which that is a necessary basis, must fall with it^ I can realize no distinction betwixt the sub jects of a British sovereign on this or the other side of the Atlan tic. Is the air of America less genial to freedom than that of Britain .? " Coelum non animum mutant qui trans mare cur- runt." Have the Colonies been a dead weight on the shoulders of Britain ? A drain for all its wealth without making any returns, or have the advantages been reciprocal 7 if the latter, surely she acts with the severity of a step-mother. But if we view her con duct upon the scale of right, its injustice exceeds the powers of language. Condemnation without trial, taxation without repre sentation, infringement of charters sanctified by age and the au thority of kings, confiscation, or what amounts to the same thing, a denial of the use of a man's own property, without a conviction to incur a forfeiture — the spirit of a trial by jury sunk in the pit iful pretext, that a Middlesex freeholder is a peer of the vicinity, impartial and acquainted with an inhabitant of Boston, and com petent for his trial, and add to all, that all this is the gift of his Majesty's most gracious bounty. 'Tis inhuman to add insult to injury. ^ "A much greater man than I am once gloried that he was \ born a Briton ; with as much pride I boast myself an American.-' I cannot enough approve of your wishes to be perfectly independent ofthe srailes and frowns of Government, — ^like those of Fortune, they are always capricious, and often misplaced. Offices are not made the reward of merit, honorable distinctions for services that are meritorious ; but are made instruments to purchase integrity^ and to reward the exertions of men who labor for the subversiaii of our blessed constitution. The removal of Governor Franklin for the offence of his father, will ever be recorded as a monument ofthe share which private prejudices have taken in the movement of the poUtical springs of administration in the present reign, and transmit to an impartial posterity the authors of it with marks of the blackest infamy. ^ hope that there is a tribunal, where the present age will have an opportunity to resent such a 1774.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 201 \/ prostitution of power, and do themselves justice. The people of Cape Fear have sent a vessel loaded with provisions for the sup port of Boston. The subscriptions in a few days amounted to £800, and in other respects they discover a very proper resent ment for the injustice done to that people. I thank you for your account of your Court of Oyer. Ours met an untimely end — four days had elapsed of the Court — sev eral offenders been tried — one branded for larceny, and one con victed of murder. On the fifth day M. Moore excepted to the Commission for these reasons : — That the Province law which creates the Court gives to the Chief Justice the powers of Oyer and Terminer and General Gaol Delivery, but the clause which impowers the Associates to act in his absence, gives them only the powers of Judges of Oyer and Terminer (the words Gaol De livery being omitted in the law), and therefore the Commission exceeded the Governor's power. 2d. The Commission was to try for the District of Wil mington, when no such district was raade by the law ; but, that mention should have been made of all the counties. M. Moore very indecently reflected upon the legislature, happy in the weakness of his Judge. The Court took an Adversari, and adjourned. Mr. Moore has furnished me with many materials for yourself and friends, which I shall communicate'to you some day or other : they are truly picturesque of the man and highly laugbable.* Be that as it will, the Commission was so truly defective that it seemed to be so intentionally. The word Felonies omitted, and the jurisdiction given to both Associates, but not to each ; this I have observed without mentioning it but to you. It is replete with blunders of a smaUer kind, and Atticus charges all on the Asserably. I have exhausted your patience. Forgive me only till I say that I am, Dear Iredell, with sincere esteem. Your friend and servant, WILLIAM HOOPEE. Mention to ray friend S. J. the state of our Court of Oyer. I have not yet received answers to your letters to the Attorney General. Should I, before I set off for Newbern, I will carry them with me. Yours, W. HOOPEE. The following letter is from the pen of Archibald NeUson. * Maurice Moore, lately a judge. 202 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1774- He was the intimate and confidential friend of Governor Martin. On 7th Oct., 1775, he was appointed Naval Officer in the place of Samuel Johnston, superseded. He sailed from the Province in the Ship George, from Brunswick, in Nov., 1775, intending to return. The success of the Eevolution prevented. He died some years after the war, in Dundee, Scotland. He never mar ried. He was, undoubtedly, one of the most highly cultivated men of his day and region ; and, though an adherent of Govern ment, highly esteemed by Iredell and Johnston. New Been, 20th August, 1774. Dear Sir : — I esteem myself much favored by yours of the 15-20th ult., which I received on my arrival here two days ago. I hope you did not seriously think that it was necessary to make any excuse to me, or to any one pretending to humanity and feelings, for the generous warmth of your application for the unfortunate convict. I thank my God, dear sir, that I have a heart, in so much like your own, as at once to have seized the worthiness of your motive ; and well knew that both motive and manner would both do you honor with the Governor, in like man ner as it endeared you to me. I thoroughly conceive and feel (I may say truly) from sore experience, the temper you mention, " trembingly alive all o'er." Alas! it must be blunted, what perhaps is more to be desired than expected. I know that eight years' severe correction and resolutions forced by writhing agony, have not yet made a philosopher of me ; the quivering heart strings oft yet refusing to receive the tone of stoic reason. How ever, let us content us ; the poet says, " The sweetest virtues from the passions flow." I don't apprehend that I can write you any thing new of the political kind ; as you have an opportunity of receiving the news from the northward, earlier than we receive any public intelli gence. The Council many of them are here, and I fancy their meet ing will be full on the 25th. The Governor is gone down to the Bar with his famUy, on their way to New York ; but is expected up to-day. The political Phalanx at home seem to be changing ground, I mean the writers. You have no doubt seen Dr. Tucker's plan, ¦ — which has many advocates. Another gentleman comments upon it, wishing to retain the King's sovereignty, and put some few restraints on the American foreign trade, taken from the Act of Navigation. Others again contend that the King could grant no charters but as one of the merabers of the great whole of Gov- ¦ ernraent — Majesty holding no political authority but as head of 1^74.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 203 the nation — that all acquisitions of new lands, though vested in the King, are belonging to the kingdom ; that to suppose a char ter granted by the King in his private capacity, is inconsistent and absurd ; that, therefore, the colonists in holding their lands and civil government of the King by charters, hold both from the nation collectively in the supreme legislative body — and with regard to representation, that that want is more in words than idea ; the subjects in the American part of the dominion, being as much represented in parliament as seven millions and a half or more of the subjects in Great Britain — the constituents there who send the members not exceeding 2 or 300,000. Others again (whom I style latitudinarians in poUtics) take a larger range, talk of politics as a worldly science, in which pru dence and expediency must have the same rule as in private life ; that no great governments ever were or ever can be, in all circum stances, conducted after the restrictive idea of abstract and par tial rights ; that, so long as mankind are mankind, the particu lar interest of the parts must, in some instances, yield to the general advantage of the whole, whence what they lose for a time will flow back in multiplied value ; that the protectors must always be superior to the protected, nor can colonists ever have a political right to all the advantages and immunities of the state emigrated from and holden of; that many regulations may appear wrong and unjust on a hasty view, in a partial light, which, when traced through political combinations and contem plated in the general and literal view, may appear perfectly right and just, &c., &c., &c. — for I am tired of it. I take the liberty of sending for your perusal some plays, &c. The plays are new ones, and may perhaps amuse the ladies, — the Comedy is the performance of a Major Addington in Bur goyne's light-horse, — and the Prince of Tunis is the work of an old schoolfellow of mine, Mr. McKenzie, an attorney of Edinburgh. The magazine contains a remarkable account of the parliamen tary representation. I also send Lord Egmont's True Histor-y ; pray read it with due philosophy. You will please to observe, that I am by no means an enemy to Lord Chatham and his pro per fame. I allow him great talents, which he has often exerted to the essential beneflting of his country ; but he has been too passionate, too desultory, too vehement, too violently attached to popular fame, too impatient and overbearing, to attain the idea I have formed of a truly great man, — the " Semper Simplex, Fortis, Idem et Unus ; " — I shall note to you a Uttle anecdote of the D. of Ormond as a kind of commentary on my meaning. The county meeting here is this day, and wUl be very much thronged ; I hope to see Mr. Johnston, Mr. Hewes, and against the 25 th I wish you may come with them, if you find it proper. 204 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1774. Present my respects if you please to Mrs. Blair, Mrs. IredeU, and the family over the creek — every occasion of hearing from you will give me pleasure. I am with real esteem, dear sir, Yours truly, AECHIBALD NEILSON. P. S. — I have also sent you a magazine containing Lord Camden and Lord Mansfield's speeches, in the Douglas cause ; which, when perused, I beg you will send, first opportunity, to Archie Corrie with my compliraents. Before returning it, if you would get any young lad to copy thera, I would willingly pay any expense. Your fast friend, A. N. The first Provincial Congress asserabled in North Carolina, at New Berne, August 25th, 1774, in despite of the threats and proclamation of the Eoyal Governor, and in illustration of its de fiance, held its session almost in his very presence.* Of this body, Iredell's friends, — JohnstomHewes, Thomas Jones and Hooper, — were conspicuous members.COn the 27th, they passed resolutions claiming the rights of Englishkien without abridgment, and that no subject should be taxed without his consen^ of that of his legal representative ; they condemned the several acts of Parliament imposing duties on the Colonies ; censured the Boston Port Bill, and approved the conduct of the people of Massachusetts-J* they insisted on the right of trial by juries of the vicinage, ana denoun ced the sending of Araericans, in certain criminal cases, to Eng land for trial ; they declared they would not, after January 1st, 1775, import any East India goods or British raanufactures, and that, unless grievances were redressed before October 1st, 1775, they would not export any tobacco, pitch, tar, turpentine, or any other articles whatever, to Great Britain ; they resolved not to use any East India tea after September 10th, and to hold no in tercourse with any persons refusing to comply with such general plan as might be adopted by the Continental Congress ; they ap proved ofthe proposed ContinentalCpngress ; appointed Hooper, Hewes and Caswell deputies, and invested them with the amplest powers. The execution ofthe Eesolves ofthe Congress was intrust- ¦'ed to committees to be elected by the peopleTn each county. These committees were soon formed, and proved raOst useful instruments. It was agreed that the Moderator, John Harvey, or in case of his death, Samuel Johnston, might at any time call them together, at such place as he might deem proper. The issue was thus fairly * Jones, Wheeler, Martin, Wiley. 1774.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 205 stated, and fairly joined. Iredell fought the battle on paper. The first of his political efforts preserved, on the subject, is the following Address. It is dated one month before the " universally admired" Address to the People of Great Britain, drafted by IredeU's future colleague on the Bench, John Jay, was adojited by the Continental Congress.* To the Inhabitants of Great Britain : Friends and Fellow-Subjects : — United as we are by the strongest ties of affection and interest, descended from the samej revered ancestors, and possessed equally of the blessings of a most happy Constitution, it is greatly to be lamented that differences should arise between us, which too fatally tend to disturb the harmony of a connection highly beneficial and honorable to both:' Yet such, I have the concern to say, have heretofore arisen, and are now again occasion ed,<^y an attempt in your Parliament to exercise a supreme authority over us, to which we cannot possibly conceive they are at all entitled upon any view of policy, justice, or the real nature of our ConstitutioriTX It has been our misfortune to sufl'er in this contest by the base ttusrepresentations of wicked and designing men, and to have the desperate doings of a factious and tumultuous mob, (from which your own country is not more free,) imputed to the turbulent and unruly dispositions of the in habitants in general. How cruel and unjust such a construction is, your nation is an example — for none can deny that, at times, very dangerous and destructive mobs have done mischief among yourselves ; and you would think it very hard that, for this reason, you should be considered in a state of rebellion, have the founda tion of your civil liberties utterly destroyed, and be subject, not only to all the horrid expectations of a military government, but even iramediately to some few of the effects of one. This, I take it, is exactly the case with America — Colonies planted originally by men emigrating from their own country, where they unhappily feared freedom was near losing its existence, in search of this desired blessing among woods and deserts, which they thought preferable to all kinds of ease and luxury enjoyed by a humiliating tenure ; increased by the surprising industry of the first settlers, and by the blessing of Providence, to an amazing degree, and come at length to enjoy a pretty comfortable state of maintenance, secured to them, as they fondly hoped, by sanctions of a most sacred and inviolable nature. In these possessions they long lived easy and happy, flattering themselves that they should be permitted to en joy freely property procured for them by the severe labor and vir tue of their ancestors, and that the valuable blessings ofthe British • Hildreth. 206 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1774: Constitution, bestowed on them by their charters, would never be infringed. In this state of confidential security and hope, these Colonies continued at the commencement of the late war, when disputes arose between our sovereign and the French king about the limits of a part of this Continent. It was an object of great importance to both countries : yours had long discovered and felt the great advantages reaped from a connection with us, and was naturally jealous of having any part of so useful a country unjustly encroached upon ; — ours was eminently endangered by so near and formidable an enemy being invested with the great power which so large an extent of territory as he claimed gave him. Thus situated, the war was on this account of great advantage to both ; both en gaged in it, therefore, with great cheerfulness and alacrity, and the success was answerable to our most sanguine wishes. America showed an uncommon ardor of exertion ; the heart and hand of every man were at the public service, and no endeavors were spared on our part to co-operate in all your plans and regulations. Duty and affection prompted us with unsolicited zeal to prove ourselves worthy of a connection with the greatest (because the freest and most virtuous) state on earth ; and to give unlimited proofs of attachment to that noble spirit which then delighted in seeing their friends as free and happy as themselves. At this time, I venture to say, America would voluntarily have gone any lengths to serve you, so much did she admire the generous turn of your minds, and your exemption from that arbitrary and capri cious temper most free nations, arrived at happiness themselves, too often, unreasonably and unaccountably, discover towards others. You, yourselves, witnessed to the honorable exertion of our abilities ; you thought we spent more than could be expected from us, or was properly our due proportion, and you ordered each of the Provinces to be refunded the surplus of its real share. Here was a period for good offices, and mutual obligations, to be gin upon new terms of confidence, and to increase from year to year with added fervor and affection. Here was a gloiious dis position to cultivate ; and it might easily have been cultivated, to the mutual honor and happiness of us both. But, alas ! this delightful prospect was but ideal : our happiness was soon to be blasted ; Freedom was to be banished from our soil, endeared to us because it was laboriously tilled by our fathers ; and we were cruelly and infamously told that we were, for the future, to be in absolute subjection to the British Parliament. It is an obvious and sufficient answer to this extraordinary claim — of a sovereign dominion in your Parliament over us — that, ff it in truth exists, we are possessed of no liberty; we have no thing we can call our own. The charters granted by our Sove- 1774.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 207 reigns, instead of being considered as pledges of the honor and sacred faith of kings, were a mere snare and delusion to induce our forefathers to come abroad, with the utmost difficulty, expense, and hazard, and for many years almost entirely at their own risk, to make out of the wilderness, by their own and their children's labor, a fine country for you to spoil in. You are the real pro prietors, we only the tenants at loill, of these possessions. For this is exactly the case, if any part of our property is at your com mand. Wliat part shall be received must be according to your judgment, if you can tax us constitutionally ; for if we had a right to refuse any imposition, because ice thought it was arbitrary and profuse, we could at any time defeat your power. You, therefore, (if your opinion be right,) can at any time require, and be entitled to receive, whatever part of our property you choose to order. Of course, that property we thought our own is not ours but yours, if the gracious, tender mercies you formerly showed us, should con tinue to be violated with as little scruple and decency as they have lately been. I mean, it would then be yours in fact; it is ours now only by indulgence. And upon your own principles, it was so at first. Onr ancestors, therefore, had no real security ; the charters conveyed onl}' the temporary good-will of the Prince, and it was at any time in his and his Parliament's power to anni hilate the rights which they guarantied, to destroy the property which they granted, and to deprive Englishmen of all those advantages, for the sake of which they left their native soil, and by the fond hopes of their securely enjoying which, they could only be induced to leave it. yOur property at your disposal, our Uves and Uberties at your discretion, we subject at any time to whatever arbitrary laws .your ParUament may thmk fit to send us ; in the name of God, what is our conditionp how are the hopes and expectations of our ancestors fulfilled ? 'vVhat becomes of confidence in Government, of reliance on the most sacred con tracts of the state ? Butj^our Parliament, I suppose, can do no wrong_: they are immaculateT^nd none of their proceedings' canf ever cause any real injury as to us; though you sometimes com plain of them yourselves. Our complaints, you will say, are evi dently founded in faction and injustice, in heated and erroneous ideas ofthe Constitution, and in endeavors to form a new system of government, destructive of that beautiful theory in political discourses — the necessity of an absolute power residing someivhere in every state. As to faction, that has nothing to do with the speculative point in question. But you are much mistaken about the factions in America. They were originally caused by yourselves. Till you talked to us in arbitrary and haughty language, we loved, we 208 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE fl'Tt. revered, we did every thing in our power to assist you. We would voluntarUy, so long as you treated us as freemen, have sus tained any hardships, and, if necessary, laid down our Uves in your support. This was, tiU the fatal period I have mentioned, the general, almost the universal, disposition of America. We looked up to you as our fathers and protectors, and we thought of the soU with reverence which had so long been the nurse of Freedom, Honor, Generosity, and Science. Things are indeed greatly changed. The same spirit of attachment which formerly devoted us to your service, now, upon a superior call, and as you have de serted your former noble principles, devotes us to the preservation of our country : for that word, that object, would be no longer dear to us, when liberty, its greatest and almost its only, certainly its indispensable ornament, was fied. With respect to the injustice we are charged with, — by this I suppose is meant our unwillingness to contribute our proportion to the exigencies of the state. But if it be believed that our complnints are any way affected by this motive, it is a great mis apprehension. We have hitherto been forward and zealous in the grant of our money, to a degree your Parliament thought to be extraordinary and profuse ; and we should always, I am sure, be readier to give too much than too little, if you would allow us the merit of offering it ourselves. (But we contend for an exclusive right of the disposal of our own property, because it is one of the most essential privileges of the British Constitution, and that which is the principal guard and protection of all the others?) When the people have the grant of their own money, and a share , in making the laws by which they are to be governed ; unless they are either blind to their own interest, or wicked and despica ble enougn to betray it, they have every possible human tie for their own welfare and happiness. If they had the latter, without ihe former, and this resided in the Crown, their liberties might be easily taken frora thera ; because the Crown, by raising money ad libitum upon the subject, could easily provide the means of effecting and maintaining encroachments upon the people's rights ; and might also ruin them by wanton depredations on their proper ty. But when the people have in their hands the only means of supporting Government, by the absolute disposition of their pro perty, they can take care that the administration of their affairs is faithfully and wisely conducted ; or, as an elegant writer of yours expresses it, by withholding supplies, peaceably admonish their Sovereign of his duty. It is needless to add, they have then something they can call their own. These principles you like very well, when applied to yourselves, but you would wUUngly deprive us of the benefit of them. You 1774.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 209 4hink that your Parliament ought to have absolute authority over us, in order to secure our dependence, and to make the share we ought to take in your burdens certain, and not subject to our ca price. That harsh word, dependence, seems to me greatly to have misled your ideas. It is meant usually by it, I believe, that you should have an absolute security for our submission in all cases, and that we should have none at all for your faithful gov ernment of us. But this is not the condition of freemen, but of slaves. It is the very definition of slavery. That dependence, which is erected by affection and interest, — by a reverence for your and our common ancestors, — by an attachment to your ex cellent Constitution, and by gratitude for many past favors, and which may still, for a long tirae, be preserved by rautual good offices, and by a kind and generous conduct towards us, — has always been the delight of our hearts, and we used to think the highest honor of our condition. NBut if you mean that we are to be the subjects of sw/yecii^and believe that we shall patiently bear whatever hardships you may choose to lay upon us, you will be fatally deceived : you will find that upon these terms dependence will be a hated word to us ; — we shall scorn your impositions, we will defy your power. But suppose our assemblies should be re fractory ; should withhold supplies ? I answer ; Suppose your House of Commons should do so ? Is there any remedy ? I know of none. The danger is equal. No possible cause but two can be assigned for either. They must be tools, or they must be greatly oppressed. The first is an impossible supposition, and God grant that neither of us may ever lose this remedy for the latter. \A free government can only subsist by the general confidence of the people. Aaj other support is arbitrary and unreasonable, because where the whole legislative power of the State abides in any particular man or set of men, independent of the rest of the community, there is no sufficient security that the ends of govern ment will be properly answered"^) for the interests of the few (at least their immediate and apparent interests) may be formed on the destruction of those of the many: consequently, the public have not that security for the just administration of their affairs which a genuine share of freedom demands. Whether you at present enjoy this security is a question of some delicacy and im portance. The principles ot your Constitution, however, intended, and at first provided, that you should. By giving the people a share of the legislative power, and allowing such of them as could be supposed exempt from influence, to choose persons to execute ' this trust on their behalf, it is evident that their interests were effectually secured, as far as human regulations could extend. If Vol. I.— 14 210 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [177*- your representation is now extremely unequal (as it undoubtedly is), this is owing to the change in property, and in the scene of your transactions, that many ages have occasioned. It is a neces sary e-vU that could not have been originaUy avoided. Its reme dy, indeed, is a very desperate one, as none but the ParUament themselves can amend it, and there seems something unhaUowed, as weU as unsafe, in touching fundamentals. But what may best be conceived on this subject I leave to a fit time for a discussion of it. It has nothing to do with my present object — an endeavor to show the unreasonableness of your claim in taxing us, and to ex pose the futiUty of the suggestion that it is necessary you should hold it. For I hope it does not follow that ff any of your rights are in danger, those of all others of the king's subjects must fall ¦with them, and because you have not an entirely sufficient securi ty for your ParUament's good conduct, therefore out of compU- ment to you we should reduce ourselves to a total dependence on their honor and integrity; and in proportion as the decrease of these, or of the security for them (which is nearly the same thing), brings us into more danger, so it should into a more humble sub mission. You ought rather, for your own interest, to reverse the desire ; and, thank Heaven, there are a body of men in your em pire who know no distinction between different parts of their duty, and are equally ready, upon the terms of their Constitution, to assist and protect the king, or to assist and protect each other from the hands of arbitrary violence, and the cruel exactions of usurped power. You wiU observe, in your elections we have no interference ; you have as much as the terms of a very free Constitution, and the great changes in your situation, can aUow. Some think every man ought to have an individual vote for a representative. If every man was a good one, and had a tolerable understanding, this rule would be proper ; but when poverty leads to temptation, and folly is ever capable of deceit, there must be some restriction as to the right of voting : otherwise the lowest and most ignorant of mankind must associate in this important business with those who it is to be presumed, from their property and other circumstances, are free from influence, and have some knowledge of the great consequence of their trust. It is, therefore, a capital object so to regulate the right of election, as that it may be presumed the choice of the voter is free and able. It is impossible that this care can always be successful : the provisions of State cannot reach the purposes of the human heart, nor guard against the continual fluctuation of all human afiairs. But I doubt not the regulations which now govern you were wise at the time they were established. , The corruption of national manners, and the causes I 1774.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 211 before enumerated, render them very inadequate now. But, as the representation stands, if you would preserve your virtue, you could do great things for your country. It is not possible for any regulation to guard against the corruption both of the electors and the elected. You have another very strong security against very atrocious designs in your Parliament ; that their own freedom and happiness, and that of their posterity, are inseparably connected with yours, and that they can make no partial regulations from i ivhich themselves are exempted. But how does the case stand as ' to us ? We have no connection with them that secures their affection; we have no interest so attached to theirs as to secure their caution; they have no such merit as to obtain our confidence; and they may have an inseparably strong temptation to ease their oiun burdens by throwing them upon us. Let , Eeason and Justice attend to these things, and then let some narrow-minded advocate for Power and Oppression talk of virtual representation. If the Equity and Justice of the British Parliament are men tioned, and that they are men of such discernment and wisdom, that, for their own sakes, they will not afflict us unreasonably ; and that our first objections reached the poiver only, not the ex pediency, of their regulations ; I answer, in the first place, that the fact is not so, — and, secondly, that if it was, it would be of no great moment. The Stamp Act was, I think, strongly proved to be as burdensome and oppressive in fact, as it was arbitrary and dangerous in principle. It would be tedious, as it is unnecessa ry, to mention all the regulations since that time we think griev ous. It is sufficient, as a full and fatal proof of the wisdom and equity of Parliament, to refer only to the arbitrary laws of their last session ; — laws which will stigmatize the British annals with a disgrace every honest subject will blush for. But had your Par Uament to this day, in every instance, appeared the wisest and most virtuous body on earth, and had behaved with particular con descension to us, and they had passed a law enacting that every man in America should pay a shilling sterling per annum, in lieu of all other taxes, and that they would, in that case, be themselves at the expense of supporting our civil establishments ; I would as strenuously have exerted myself against that small demand as I now do, and hope I ever shall do against the accumulated evils of taxes, arbitrary laws, and cruel orders of power, which we now feel, and which are but the natural consequence of the other. Your admired Junius, in his letter to Dr. Blackstone, has the following passage, which I may very well apply here : — " To say that they will not make use of this power, would be a language unfit for a man so learned in the law as you are. By your doc trine, they have the power, ,and laws, you know, are intend- 212 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1774. ed to guard against what men may do, not to trust to what they will do." The last-mentioned gentleman. Dr. Blackstone, (who, if I may judge of the man by the author, is the ornament of the age and country,) is remarkably careful that the distinction of the possession of a power and the abuse of it should not lead us into any fatal acquiescence, and in many admirable passage sstrongly urges and enforces a jealousy on this point. One I perfectly well remember. " Surely," says he, " the true liberty of the subject consists, not so much in the gracious behavior, as in the limited poiuer of the Sovereign." In an excellent speech, ascribed to Sir William Meredith, it is said : "Not the man alone who/eefe, but he who is exposed to tyranny, is without freedom."* Again, then, let me repeat that it is the principle of your regulations more than the matter of them, against which we so strongly pro test ; though the latter, in raany instances, we think is not alto gether free frora objection. I think I have now sufficiently shown the unreasonableness of this claim in taxing us ; inasmuch as we are slaves, if such a right truly exists : and also the futiUty of the plea of necessity that your Parliament should be possessed of it, for the sake of securing our dependence ; because this dependence must be ultimately se cured, as that of all free subjects, by their confidence in the good administration of Government, which in that case necessarily causes it ; and also because we should, upon your terms, have no protection, nor any means of defending ourselves from an arbitrary and oppressive use of your power. I shall now proceed to exam ine this subject upon the principles of the Constitution, and the particular rights we derive under it. You all know, and glory in it, that your Constitution^ is, and has been (in the opinion of your most ap^!TFVEd"authors) a free one from the earliest ages. You cannot also but know, (though I tear you do not sufficient-ly reflect on it,) that the chief essen tial of this freedom is,Khat share which the people have in the * In the year 1771, a bill to regulate the prices of com, &c., together with a bill inflicting penalties for killing game had been transmitted from the Commons to the Lords, and were returned hy these with some alterations. The Commons were extreme- Ij offended that the Lords had altered these bills, because, in some degree, tliey were money bills. In the debate it was urged, that money levied by way of penalty could not be properly looked on in that light ; to which the Solicitor General replied, it was not the sum to be levied, nor the maimer of levying it, but the precedent which it might estab lish, and the doctrines and principles it might hereafter maintain ; and concluded by remark ing, that it was not for twenty shillings, the glorious Hampden contended, but for the properties, liberties, and privileges of his countrymen. The Speaker also, in the heio-ht of Ms zeal, threw both bills over the table. Since ideas of these gentlemen are so refined upon trifles, I should be glad to hear their opinions seriously delivered, upon principles of law, reason, and political maxims, whether in consistence with the British Parliament's claims (of which they are strong advocates), we are not tkdr slaves. They cannot deny it, if truth and reason have the same efifeot, when applied to our case, as to others. 1774.] OF JAMES IREDELL. ' 213 legislative power ; for it would signify Uttle to be possessed of an exceUent code of laws, if there was an authority in the State, whose interest might be distinct from yours, that could at any time alter them. You are also justly jealous that the right of 'granting money shall not only be peculiarly your own, but the very proposal of it, and the manner in which it shall be levied : and the chief reason of this, the learned Blackstone tells you, is, not, as is commonly supposed, because the supplies are raised upon the body of the people (the Lords being taxed as well as thera), but because the Lords being a perraanent, hereditary body, created at pleasure by the King, are supposed to be raore under the influence of the Crown, and when once influenced more apt to continue so, than the Coramons, who are a temporary elective body, i-freely nominated by the people. (Thus admirably does this regu lation guard against any invasion of the principle, as well as secure an observance of the form.) These are your great privileges, and they are certainly the cornerstone and prop of all the others. It only remains for me to show, what is the nature of our claim to the enjoyment of them, under the authority of our charters, inde pendent of the rational claim which we otherwise make to them as men, as freemen, and as Britons. It is a fact sufficient for our purpose, that at the time these charters were granted, it was universally acknowledged, that the king had a right to all uninhabited countries that should be dis covered and possessed by any of his subjects, and also to all others that they should be able, by means of conquest or otherwise, to acquire. Of course he had a right to stipulate the conditions upon which his subjects might be encouraged to venture risks for the purpose of such acquisition. Had he not possessed this right, and possessed it without limitation, the other would have been of little consequence. No Sir Walter Ealeighs would have been found to traverse unknown seas : no American empire would have been now the object of contention. Could our ancestors have foreseen the latent claims of a British Parliament lurking under all the fair promises and encouragements of a smiling king, would they have been deluded by the specious bait, to the destruction of their and their posterity's hopes.'' No. They would certainly have preferred a life of ease and security, though of indolence, at home : they would not have torn themselves from their friends and country to seek misery and slavery in a barbarous and hos- tile land. King James, and King Charles the First, it is well known, both prohibited Parliament from interfering in our concerns, upon the express principle that they had no business with them. In any contract can the nature of it be better ascertained than by eer- 214 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1774. tainly discovering the sense of the parties ? It may be said, those kings perhaps thought that they, in the plenitude of their power, had authority to revoke the charters, if necessary, or to make any other regulations for us they might think proper. They were indeed sufficiently arbitrary in their tempers to form an idea of that sort ; but it does not appear that they did, and our ances tors were certainly not fools enough to consider the only founda tion of their security as alterable at pleasure by one of the con tracting parties. It is said by some specious characters, that the king cannot be possessed of a right to allow his subjects to emigrate, because he might, by this means, depopulate the kingdom. Eidiculous rea son ! as if any laws could provide for every possible contingent evil, or as if, for fear of so imaginary, so improbable a circumstance, no useful projects of colonization ought ever to have been formed. For the same reason, the king should be denied the privilege of making war and peace, because he may make enemies of all mankind, or purchase peace by dismembering his principal do minions. If they choose to deny the king the constitutional right over this country (for such I should apprehend to be the consequence of their opinion), who is to possess it ? Are the Lords and Com mons to share it between then ? or the present possessors to hold it by the right of possession ? or are we to seek for the descend ants of the original proprietors and resign it to them ? Let us hear no more of such paltry trifling. We respect and reverence the rights of the king ; we owe, and we pay him allegiance, and we will sacredly abide by the terms of our charters. These were pur chased by the hard and severe labor of our ancestors, which pro cured for our Sovereign this fine country. But we will not submit to any alteration of the original terms of the contract, because they were the price for which the service was engaged, and in the pleasing consideration of which it was alone performed. If Heaven has blessed the enterprise with greater success than could be hoped for, let not its favors be solely confined to the party who had so little a share in the exertions that were used to forward it. We mean not to depart from his rights ; but we will sacredly preserve our own. If the British Parliament are not satisfied with the ad vantages which our situation alone affords (an exclusive regulation of a lucrative trade), they are welcome, if they please, to recur to their former prosperous condition, before these colonies were set tled. But let them not churlishly refuse some advantages, be cause they cannot be aUowed all. To put men upon a hazardous service, offer them wages ; accept the service, and refuse the wages. Where, in the name of Heaven, is the justice, is the 1774,] OF JAMES IREDELL. 215 common decency, of such conduct ? Be assured, we will not be deluded, — we will not be oppressed by it. There are a few cases in the law books on the subject of the Plantations, but none of them, I think, rationally favor the arbi trary claim I am considering. They all regard questions concerning the incidental operations of the laws of England in general, and principaUy refer to the effect of acts of Parliament passed before the Conquest. In none of them is particularly set forth any settlement of the country after the Conquest, in consequence of charters from the Croiun; without which the Judges could not with propriety have determined on them. It is upon the authority of these charters that our liber ties are chiefly founded. If, in a conquered or ceded country, the king has a right to make what laws he pleases, we contend that this right has been already exercised, by a compact that these countries shall be governed only after the particular mode men tioned in our charters. To conceive that no such establishment by the Sovereign, under whose auspices these countries were ac quired, can be binding on his successors, but that the king for the time being may make in them any regulations he thinks proper, would be sporting with the happiness of mankind ; and therefore I cannot believe such a notion was ever seriously entertained. Can it be conceived, for instance, that our present Sovereign has s.^11 Ireland at his mercy ? The points decided in the law books upon the different effect which would take place as to the laws of England, in case of the settlement of English subjects in an uninhabited country, or in one which they conquered, or obtained by cession, are now of no great moment. The laws of England, as they stood at the time of our charters, wherever they can be carried into execution, have been so generally received in America on some principle or other (either by adoption of their legislatures, or from a tacit rev erence for their worth, and, as was conceived, their authority also,) that I believe, at present, either in England or America, the justice of such a practice would be little contested. And very probably had any of the charters been pleaded in some of the above cases they might have received a different adjudication. But, however, the circumstances to be considered in determining that question are far different from those which must influence the decision of the present one. It certainly is an injury of which we have a right to complain, that maxiras which are calculated only for a people conquered, should be applied to us, who are descendants of the conquerors, and who never intermixed with the original inhabitants. For the reasons I have given in the law cases spoken of, perhaps the 216 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1774. Judges might not be at liberty to take notice of our particular situ ation in the conquered countries, and the rights under which we settled them : but I cannot but think it very extraordinary that the learned Judge, whose commentaries in general are so extreme ly accurate and do him so much honor, should faU into the error (if I may presume to call it one) of representing our legal condi tion to be that of conquered subjects, or subjects of a country ceded (whose rights, it is alleged, stand upon the same basis). It is evident that he has transcribed from the judicial decisions all that was said of such subjects, and applied it in fact to us. But if any man can make common sense of such an application, I confess he has more discernment than I have. '^ Sorae think that by the conquest of a country all its laws in stantly cease ; others, that only those in an infidel country do, if conquered by a Christian prince ; others, again, that of these only such cease as are contrary to the law of God. The last opinion is the latest and seems the most favored. It is said, that the laws of the country from which the conquerors came cannot im mediately take effect, becauFC there would be wanted the neces sary officers, &c. But I should be glad to know whether it is not easier to appoint officers than to learn a barbarous language, and a system of uncouth laws. In the mean time it would be very curious to see the victors soliciting the vanquished to appoint judges, and these latter perhaps immediately trying the former as robbers and murderers for the desolation they had brought upon their country. Do not these circumstances plainly prove, that all that is said about contjiuered countries in the law books can ra tionally have no other reference than to t}^p^.nnq7j.ere,d pp.npl.p. ? Tt is plainly from this title of conquest that in all the cases where the power of Parliament is extra-judicially recognized (as it is said that, though general laws do not take effect in the Plantations, because they are not supposed to be within the ordinary contem plation of the legislature, yet all wherein they are particularly named have authority there), that power is derived : of course, this source failing, it has from those cases no other support. But another formidable (and, by many, thought unanswer able) one has been fouud, and to this source, rather than the other, I think, all our calamities may be traced. I shall endeavor to state the argument in as strong terms as I can use. " The British empire consists of many distinct states. Each of these has a separate, as well as a joint interest, to pursue ; and as present and immediate feelings are usually most powerful, it is probable that very often the former object may be preferred to the latter, if entire liberty of choice is left. These several states must, therefore, be subordinate to some power that shall superin- 1774.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 217 tend and regulate the whole, to make every thing conducive to the general good on the great imperial scale." Hence it is con cluded that the British ParUament, being most ancient, and re siding in the original kingdom, must be possessed of thisfsovereign authority.^ With respect to this argument, it is first to be considered that the object of all government is, or ought to be, the happiness of the people governed. What is understood by policy, as I can conceive, is, the art of advancing their interest and welfare, con sidered as a people, not a set of individuals. Where an empire is divided into several different and distinct states, the aggregate good of all these ought to be consulted. For where would be the justice to regard only one or two of these as worthy of the care and tender provision of laws, and expose the rest to chance, or the very uncertain, whimsical caprice, or mean rapacity of the others ? It is evident, therefore, that in such an empire, tJiat cannot be just and true policy which provides for the happiness of one part of it, and neglects entirely that of the others. This truth neither admits, nor requires, any proof : the heart which is so callous and insensilDle as not to feel the force of it, would reject stubbornly every speculative proof that could ever be offered in its support. Liberty, in some degree, is the right of every human creature. It is of infinitely more moment than the establishment of any speculative rule whatever ; and no rule, in every possible applica tion, can be a just one that is totally destructive of this universal right. God did not make men to be unhappy. Had he fitted any particular set of men to be the slaves of others, he would surely have distinguished them with some mark suited to the ab ject character. This mark we are not sensible we possess. We bless God, we are of the same make, and we flatter ourselves we have souls equal to those who proudly think themselves the lords of the creation. We shall endeavor also to show, by our proper jealousy of this liberty, that we are not unworthy, because we are not negligent, of so great a blessing. The rule whence the above argument is taken (the neces sity of one supreme power residing somewhere in every state), applied universally, is a narrow and pedantic one. It is calcula ted to sacrifice to a point of speculation the happiness of millions.. But that same rule, applied justly, and to the objects the authors had in contemplation, is right and proper. It is a long time since it was originally established, and at that time almost all the forms of government subsisting were simple ones. A monar chy, an aristocracy, a democracy, were the only common objects presented to the eyes of politicians. And though the British Government, in its principles, was extremely complicated, yet 218 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [171 i. unquestionably, for many ages, those principles were so little at tended to, that even that happy form of government, to persons at a distance frora it, would scarcely seem an exception. For I do contend, upon the principles which now support it, that govern ment is an exception to the very rule they lay hold of for our de struction. What is the chief object of this simplifying rule, as it affects us ? Cleariy, that there shaU always be a power in motion to regulate the concerns of the commonwealth, that they may never suffer by inaction or delay. A monarch, an assembly of nobles, a collection of representatives, can determine instantly, when it is laid before them, upon any subject which it is neces sary for them to consider. A result is formed; some scheme is exe cuted for the public relief But suppose some very trying exigence of affairs in the British state. It is submitted to Parliament. The House of Lords thinks one way, the Commons another, the king, perhaps, differs from both. Neither will accede to the other ; each continues obstinate ; the public suffers, and the grievance proceeds, even perhaps to the destruction of the king dom. What becomes of the boasted rule ? It will be said, this is not probable. I admit it. But it is possible, and this shows that rule has not its effect even in England, so necessary is it found to complicate the machine of a free government. One ex ception, once allowed, changes the controversy from the point of strict adherence to the principle, to the propriety of forming limitations of it. I am aware of the objection that the British Parliament are, constitutionally, one body, though composed of different distinct members. But this removes not the difficulty. It is very possi ble that those three members may, separately, disagree upon any one plan of conduct that may be proposed. The public then suffers by a collision of counsels, which is the principal evil the rule in question is calculated to avoid. It may be said, indeed, that this will be attended with only a negative disadvantage, for they cannot, either of them, form any distinct plan. But there are many exigencies wherein this negative disadvantage may be equal to any positive one. Suppose, in the various circumstances of the late war, they could have come to no agreement : suppose they had differed upon their American policy. In the one case, a successful invasion might, perhaps, have been formed ; in the other, we should not have been cursed with so many fieets and armies, to the great mortification of our haughty oppressors. Unless, therefore, names, not things, are regardeii, this beautiful theory of one supreme power, applied to the British government, does not exist in such a manner as to answer the purposes with a view to which it was formed. Of course, they cannot, with a good 1774.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 219 grace, apply that rule for the accomplishment of our slavery, and absolute subjection to them. It may be added, that as the king is suprerae head of every legislature in the British dorainions, his negative can prevent the actual injury to the whole of any positive law in any part of the erapire. I have hitherto considered the above rule upon the princi ples which generally support it in this controversy, though I am not ignorant that it has another basis, and that which I believe was the first suggestion of its political necessity ; — I mean, the great solecism of an imperium in imperio. And this point being sometimes confounded with the other, has occasioned a good deal of plausible and perplexing sophistry. The danger arising from this is, lest two independent legisla tures should clash by different regulations about the same objects. Here neither can be executed, or distress and confusion must en sue. This is a real evil, certainly worth all the anxious care old authors have bestowed upon it. But what application does this make to the case of several distinct and independent legisla-i' tures, each engaged within a separate scale, and employed about different objects. The imperium in imperio argument is, there-'' fore, not at all applicable to our case, though it has been so vain ly and confidently relied on. The principal inconvenience attend ing our situation we readily admit ; that it may not be always practicable to bring so many differentjegislatures^ to concur hear tily in the prosecution and support of one common object. Judg ing ofthe future by the past, I do not think this would be found in practice so difficult as in speculation it may appear, but surely any remedy for the evil ought to be conducted on the basis of a general negotiation, and not violently sought by an unjust usurpa tion of power. To conclude : If our charters had not been so express as they are, if there had been some clerical defect, or any Jesuitical craft in the penning of them, the confessed intention of the parties, and the original rights of mankind, should correct and alter them. We would not be cheated out of our liberties by a few artful syllables. Our ancestors looked for freedom in this country, and thought they possessed it. They fondly flattered themselves that they had trans mitted this blessing to their posterity, and they no doubt hoped that their posterity would not be base enough to resign it. God forbid we should disappoint this reasonable expectation. We de sire to stand upon manly ground ; not upon scholastic and trifling reflnement. Such a power as you long continued to exercise, for your and our mutual benefit (though our particular interests were often made subservient to yours), we will cheerfully and readUy 220 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1774. submit to. Without critically inquiring whether you may not, constitutionally, be possessed of this power, as properly resulting from the relation between us, we are ready to offer our obedience to it as a proof of our regard and attachment, and our desire to ce ment a lasting union with you. This alone will put millions in your power. A power of taxing, and of harassing us with cruel, oppressive, and inconvenient laws, we will not give you ; because it is a novel claim, and can never be exercised but to our destruc tion ; any instance to the contrary, however, we think would only form exceptions to a general system of weakness and injustice. V/e cannot divest ourselves of every vestige of freedom to please you, nor even to remove some inconveniences with which the situ ation we contend for is certainly accompanied. But we are ready, "at any time, to enter into a fair negotiation, by which means to concert a plan of cementing the general interest of the erapire upon a broad basis, at once securing a proper union of counsel and authority, and the individual freedom of each member ofthe _^empire, so far as is consistent with the general welfare^A But this object must not be secured by any partial and contracted plan of ruining whole societies to make the business of government go on more smoothly. This is your plan, which you are now proceeding to enforce with fire and sword. Which of the two is the most equitable, let Heaven and the world judge. Sepibmber, 1774. Letter from Archibald Neilson to Iredell. Newbeen, 14th, Oct., 1774. • Dear Sir : — I am much indebted to you for yours of the 19th ult,, and two ofthe 7th current, which I have never had an opportunity to answer since they were received. Your interesting yourself so kindly and warmly in my welfare, and your punctuality in correspondence, are sincerely and feel ingly agreeable to me, and bind my niost grateful returns ; I hope I may be able still to deserve the continuation of those marks of your regard. I yield in point of piety to you, perhaps I have too little of it ; but in the matter you refer to, I beUeve we are agreed. I remember Hippocrates, in his Book de Acre locis et aquis, has this observation : It is true this disorder carae frora God, but it came in the same manner as all others do, no one more particularly frora the Oranipotent than another ; be cause, they are all a necessary sequel to the laws of nature which rule all things. I embrace with keen avidity the really friendly ofi'er you make, of a liberal, flowing, unrestrained correspondence ; 1774] OF JAMES IREDELL. 221 it wUl be both infinitely pleasing to my heart, and improving to my mind, and, although, in the last instance, it may not produce an equal effect to you directly (I speak without affectation), yet the canvass of your own thoughts, in answering me, may produce it indirectly. I think well enough of both of us to dread not the usual interruptions of intercourse ; we shall write always either for information or amusement, neither, I hope, to display our own parts or contend for victory ; guarding always against misappre hensions, or taking any offence at such matters, as, although so despicably, yet too commonly corrode and eat away some of the purest friendships. Betwixt us nothing can be ill meant, so I am sure nothing will be ill taken. If haply, however, any thing should be misunderstood, or unkindly felt, let us attend to the advice of the preacher : " Admonish thy friend, perhaps he has not done it, and if he has done it, that he do it not again." Let us reciprocally give and take the license of an urbane friendship. Both of us, I dare say, lay our accounts with often differing in opinion ; as that can be no surprise, neither must it give any of fence ; when an object may be seen from innumerable stations, it is natural that we should often contemplate them frora different views and under varying appearances, nor is it reasonable that any sincere opinion should excite anger. It is recorded of the Emperor Charles Fifth, that after he had retired to sigh down his days at St. Just, he sometimes amu.sed himself in regulating and comparing watches and clocks, but finding, after repeated trials, that he could bring no two of them to go alike ; he reflected, with astonishment and regret, how unfortunately and unprofitably he had been employed in vainly attempting to bring the more complicated mind of man to a similarity of thinking, notwithstanding the delicacy and intri cacy of its movements, and subject as it is to be acted upon by so many various circumstances. I think that with respect to certain writings, your conduct has been praiseworthy ; it instan ces a warmness of heart, and a regard for the interests of society which they would be unfeeling churls indeed who could blame. I think, however, you was prudent in dropping Atticus ; he would have wrote till the day of judgment : the dispute was by degrees becoming warm and personal, and the authors were too well known. You were generally looked to here as being . People who read the letters, and many who did not, spoke as they were affected ; in general, I think you was allowed to have the advan tage. The old hackneyed politicians sometimes smiled at your solicitude and anxious warmth, and talked with an air of sagacious significancy of the easily agitated feelings of youth ; which they allowed, however, were proper enongh at a certain time of Ufe, 222 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1774. as age would mellow them down. As to myself, I did, from the beginning, think that these courts were unconstitutional, and,^ so far as I could judge from the authorities, Ulegal ; but, politi cally considering the case, the necessity was urgent, and I could have wished that the discussion had been managed with a Uttle more fineness and delicacy ; (you wUl conceive that I mean only a certain prudence, not a disingenuous or culpable duplicity.)* You remeraber the manner the Parliament acted with respect to the embargo on corn. Is it not somewhat remarkable, that several of the best lawyers in the other provinces have given their opinion clearly for the legality of those courts ? four or five of them to my knowledge. In the main, I am apprehensive that polemic political wri tings are, at certain times and in particular circumstances, rather a specious amusement than a solid advantage. It may not be so here, but at home I have remarked, that they very rarely con vince any but those of the same principles and party with the au thors. I observe what you say with regard to the principles of the constitution, and the probable want of support frora the body of the people. Ay ! there is the rub ! All would be well, could they be preserved moral and public spirited. The connection of cause and effect is so complicated, and the action and reaction of cause so strong and overpowering, that it can hardly be expected ; but, were it possible to preserve the great body of the people to a certain degree incorrupt, the constitution might survive for ages. As things are at present, I feel incUned to the same appre hensions that you are ; yet, perhaps, we are too much alarmed, much may arise from favorable and fortunate events. I see Dr. Campbell (whose character you know) in his Political Survey is of opinion, that the constitution is not only at present strong enough to resist all possible attacks, but, in all speculative probability, will continue invincible for many ages ; that our measure of luxury is by no means full or overflowing, nor are we yet nearly arrived to the ultimatum of national elegance, riches or strength ; and, that our corruption is only the thermometer of our growing con sequence, not the index of our decline. What you mention as to the character of rainisters, and the designs which actuate them, I believe in general to be very just, yet I cannot tell how it is, it may be simple, but I feel myself * Was, not Atticus Maurice Moore ! Moore lost his office as Judge by the ac tion of the Legislature. Out of wounded pride did he wish to prevent the organ ization of any courts ! Iredell, it seems, was anxious to preserve the province from the anarchy that must inevitably attend the want of courts; but, the whole mat ter is involved in such obscurity that I may not express a confident opinion. It is known that Moore on one oocasionused the signature "Atticus." 1774.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 223 biassed to think that Lord N — th rather labors under political error, than any consumraate depravity of intention. The acci dent befallen Mr. OUver he ought to have expected.* As I readily allow, and am pleased to flnd that the people have, in general, behaved more orderly than was to be dreaded ; so I do think, the mUitary have observed a propriety of conduct and strictness of discipUne which does both them and their com mander much honor. I see you wUl make me sing my PaUnode, with regard to Mr. Pitt : let me see after it then ! Think not, I beg you (and I know you will do me this jus tice), that I allow any nationality to influence me from his oppo sition to Lord B — te ; or the remarkable distinction in compar ing their administrations : the latter's character as a politician I heartUy despise and disesteem. I readily confess to you (candidly, but at the same time ashamed of it), that I have never given due serious attention to the examination of Mr. Pitt's character ; nor am I sufficiently informed, of myself, to determine upon his merits. The truth is, my ideas have been biassed by habitudes with people indisposed to him, more than formed upon any regular and minute investi gation. At the same time that I allow that / have been influ enced by a Scott, a Smollet and a Gordon, permit me just to think it possible that your passions may have carried you a little into extremes. Once thoroughly warmed with gratitude and admiration (in such case the prompt and generous propensities of a noble mind), you may, in some degree, have yielded to the general voice, with out a thorough and cool examination ; and, is not the name of Mr. Johnston's place Hayes ? Eh ! I cannot help remarking that every sentiment of him, or every speech of his that consists with your idea of his character, you immediately conclude genuine ; and every thing that is inconsis tent with it is deemed false, forged and malicious. I won't say that the speech in the Carolina paper is certainly, or even proba bly, his : yet I think there is no exterior proof against it ; the manner is well hit off, and the circumstance of the statue is so much one of his peculiarities (to my deeming), that it rather makes for its genuineness ; besides, he has all along condemned the mode, though approved the principle of the present American opposition. The speech of Mr. P. which you have favored me with, is indeed a pretty rhetorical defence ; how far a just one Li a different question. It may, perhaps, be quite consistent that * Peter Oliver, brother in-law to Governor Hutchinson — Chief Justice of Maes- Impeached by Assembly iu 1774. He soon after went to England, were he died, 1791. 224 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE 1774. the same man should enter upon the guidance of measures essen tially restricted in the modus operandi — in a manner the most contrary to his principles and the happiness of his country ; that he should undertake the guidance of pubUc measures, clogged with what he had so often harangued against ; as the most absurd, depraved and irapolitic principle; "a millstone which would sink whatever ventured burdened with it into the ocean of af fairs, &c. ;" and that the same man should decline his office, because not implicitly obeyed, when demanding, with arbitrary hauteur, that his almost exhausted country should be headlong plunged into a new war with a powerful nation, and that that war should be begun by such a measure, an example of which would to God had never disgraced the British annals ; the taking their ships before a declaration of war. The review you mention, I have heard to be a panegyric wrote by a partisan ; what the author gives as a character of Mr. Pitt, is only an eulogy, a kind of apotheosis. Were I to enter into the investigation of this (Mr. P.'s) character, I would first consider his whole political conduct, in the extent of his career, and see if one continued line of well- marked, generous and constant patriotic virtue contoured the whole of it ; and, then decomposing it, and viewing it in parts, I would examine if he has never exchanged parties but when parties changed principles ; if his steps have been eagerly and devoutly directed after fame, or, if he has only endeavored so to act that fame might follow him. I would carefully distinguish his cha racteristic ; if a great man as well as a great minister, or great politician only, or only a great rhetor of popular parts, success ful rather from the fateful turn of events, than from the wisdom of his designs. I would particularly exaraine, if his plan were wise and probable, and the determinations proper deductions from the causes ; how the means were proportioned to the end, and calculated for their expected effects ; if the probabUity of gaining that end was, in general, greater than the risk of misfortune ; if probabilities were properly balanced, and the advantages proba bly to be reaped proportional (in as far as prudence might judge) to the losses which might possibly accrue. To his colleagues, to the successful admirals, generals, &c., I would assign their parts of the fame, and attempt to discern how much was solely his own ; and, if the raost approved servants of their country, in his minis try, were the election of his penetrating genius, or owing their employmeats to the recommendation or protection of others ; first discovered and called forth under him, or by former minis ters. I shall weigh, also, if the advantages obtained, or possible (considering the political system of Europe), to have been ob- 1774,] OF JAMES IREDELL. 225 tained by a peace, were, or could have been, any compensative retribution ofthe expenses and losses of the war. 100,000 citi zens destroyed, and 70 miUions of expense or debt incurred mostly under his ministry, was of high account. It is said a man's real character is best learned from his pri vate life ; in some degree this may be applicable to the point in question ; in so far, especially, as regards his title to be esteemed a great man ; perhaps too in distinguishing the grand springs of his poUtics. I would not, therefore, entirely neglect examining into his private Ufe, (through the conversation of those who have had best occasion to know it, and from such anecdotes as are well authenticated as the nature of the thing will permit,) if, on the one hand his deportment has been solid, equal, generous, prudent, cool, unambitious, and uniformly honest ; or, on the contrary, superficial, inconsistent, interested, capricious, fiery, ambitious, or doubtful. I would strenuously endeavor to draw all my de ductions and determinations from the simplest and plainest ac count of facts, and the most impartial history of his administra tion, not from impassioned and partial representations, and by no means, from party writings on either side. Throughout the whole of the examination, I would sedulously guard against my passions, prejudices and prepossessions, and con sider the matter naked and unadorned ; reflecting that the best minds are often most subject to be biassed in favor of a charac ter ; our passions, particularly in youth, being warmly irapeUed from their own generous complexion, to the belief and admira tion of virtue ; and once favorably affected, our imagination tinges every thing with its own color, and bodies forth every ac tion in its most virtuous appgarance. This influence, though often unattended to or unperceived by ourselves, acts upon us in proportion to the warmth, openness, and good affection of our tempers. Having by the above, or similar methods, (which your con ception will readily point out,) and with such or such like cau tion, analyzed the whole, I would carefully combine the results into one general character, — compare that with what I had before conceived, and, at length, finally determine upon the merit of it. It is not to every one's judgment I would, confide, even after all this has been done ; but, I pay no other than a sincere com pliment to yours, when I assure you, that if you have so deUbe- rated to your own satisfaction, I wiU readily acquiesce in your determination. I must repeat it again ; what you signify to me as to an openness of communication, is perfectly agreeable and flattering to me. My silence on political matters has not proceeded from any Vol. L— 18 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1774. close interested prudence ; for where it could possibly offend or prejudice me, perhaps I have been more open than my friend might have wished, (but, therein I have only paid a just consid eration to my own character, and that with which I was connected. Friendships which are not founded on reason, as well as affection, can never be steady or permanent,) but the cause has been, that, as my sentiments have all along coincided with the general voice, at first from the general constitution of ray political prin ciples and turn of mind, and now from the determination of cool, ample and deliberate inquiry, confirming and exalting the former conceptions, I was afraid that, in the circumstances I stand, unnecessarily exposing ray sentiments might be deemed impru dent, and by the many who know me not, might be considered as an act of insinuation ; an illiberal and ungenerous court paid to popularity. However, I have scribbled something on the great object of contest, which, if I remember, I will bring in with me. I have a good deal more to say, but I am tired, and— confess it, you are too. So, good night. A. NEILSON. The first Congress of delegates, chosen and appointed by the several colonies and provinces in North America,* to take into consideration the actual situation of the same, and the differences subsisting between them and Great Britain, was held at Carpen ter's HaU, Philadelphia, Sept. Sth, 1774. The delegates from North CaroUna, took their seats on the 14th. The following is so much of a letter from one of them, as is now legible. Mr. Ire deU, during the whole course of his Ufe, not only preserved copies of aU letters, of any consequence, written by himself, but aU that he received ; these were assorted into various bundles, neatly made up and tied with red tape, each letter endorsed by him with the proper date and the name of the writer, so as to facilitate re ferences. His son, the late Governor Iredell, permitted many persons, ma,king historical or biographical researches, to examine the papers in his office. In this way, doubtless, many valuable documents have been purloined or mutilated. One individual so far abused his unsuspecting confidence, as to take a great many out of the State, even after an application to take a/ezw from Ea leigh had met with a decided denial. Among those thus taken were letters of a purely domestic interest, some of modern date and others written by young ladies. A motive for their selection' other than the gratification of an impertinent curiosity, cannot be conceived ; a gentleman would have respected them as sacred Of the papers referred to, enough to fiU a smaU trunk are now • Elliott's Debates, Vol. I. 1774,] OF JAMES IREDELL. 227 in my possession, through the courtesy of a friend, as a loan. They have never been restored to their rightful owners. Philadelphia, 31st Oct., 1774. I had a very disagreeable time of it till I arrived here, since which, I have had but little health and less spirits. The Congress broke, up on Thursday last, their proceedings are now in the press, part of which is published, and which I now send directed to myself as postmaster at Edenton. I have the pleasure to inform you that they are generally approved of here by all ranks of people ; the Germans who compose a large part of the inhabitants of this province are all on our side ; the sweets of liberty little known in their own country are here enjoyed by thera in its utmost latitude. Our friends are under apprehension that administration wUl endeavor to lay hold of as many dele gates as possible, and have them carried to England and tried as rebels ; this induced the Congress to enter into a resolve in such cases to make a reprisal. I have no fears on that head, but^ should it be my lot, no man on earth could be better spared. Were I to suffer in the cause of American liberty, should I not be transj^ lated immediately to heaven as Enoch was of old ? I consider myself extremely happy in the good opinion my friends at Edenton have of me. I wish I had merit to entitle me to it. They have my grateful acknowledgment. I am much pleased with Miss Nelly's* letter, and am ^sorry I have trifled away so much time as not to be able to answer it by this post. Dear sir. Your obedient friend and servant, JOSEPH HEWES. • Miss Nelly Blair. 228 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1775. CHAPTEE VIIL LETTERS FROM T. IREDELL, NEILSON, A. IREDELL, SIR N. DU KINFIELD ; IREDELL AND POLITICAL SUMMARY ; LETTER FROM IREDELL ; LAST SPEECH AND FLIGHT OF THE GOVERNOR ; LETTER FROM A. IREDELL ; " PRINCIPLES OF AN AMERICAN WHIG ; " LETTERS FROM HEWES AND MRS. IREDELL ; POLITICAL EVENTS ; LETTERS FROM HEWES AND NEILSON; PROCLAMATION; LETTERS FROM JOHNSTON ; CONGRESS AT HILLSBORO; LETTERS FROM JOHNSTON, NEILSON, AND HEWES. MT. 23-24. St. Dorothy's, Sth Jan., 1775. Dear Nephew : — I received your favors of the 31st Oct. and I7th Nov. by Capt. Dunlop, whom I will endeavor to see before he leaves the Island, and wUl be glad to have it in my power to be of use to him. I am concerned to find you so full of politics. I am sure they can be of no use to you as a king's officer, at the head of the Customs in the province you Uve in. The people of America are certainly mad — do they expect protection from the monarchy of Great Britain, and wUl they not yield obedience ? Must there not be a sovereign power lodged somewhere to make laws for the good of the whole, and would you have that power lodged with Great Britain or her Colonies ? But the truth is, Liberty is only the pretence, and unlimited trade, though destructive to the Mother Country, is what the North Americans drive at. The manufacturers of France and Holland are to be supported, and not those of our own country — the former are also to be your gro cers, &c., &c. — and why ? because your merchants can make more by trafficking with them than with Great Britain. In short, the whole continent seems to me to be under the direction of merce nary men in trade, — and worse hands it cannot be in, for they iudge of every measure by their account of profit and loss, and it matters not to them how destructive their schemes are to the general good, provided the balance is in their favor. I protest to God I would rather Uve in Turkey than in North America, where a man is obliged to give up his free agency — must think with the mob or have his person or property tom to pieces. The 1776.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 229 Mother Country has hitherto treated the North Americans with lenient tneasures, considering they are in a state of absolute re bellion. She will never give up the Eight of Taxing Trade — the ports and havens belong to the monarchy, and a British Act of Parliament will and must determine on what conditions imports and exports shaU be permitted. The late Lord Littleton you speak so highly of was for enforcing the Stamp Act, and so were many of the most sensible men in England — not that they approv ed the measure, but they foresaw what has since happened. Let me desire you will keep yourself perfectly neuter in these dis putes, both in words and actions, unless you choose to see your self adrift with it — may be a family at your heels. I received from you sorae former letters relative to Charles which I an swered. My last letter to you was dated Sept. 10th, by the Martin, Eobt. Lennis, Master. I shipped two puncheons of rum, and in closed you a bill of lading for them. A copy of that letter in closing a second bUl was sent by the Sch. Neptune, Capt. Hai- ney. The arrival of which letter I think I ought to have had an account of by this time, or indeed sooner, if the Captain is not turned patriot and gone a coloneling with your two puncheons of rum. I am glad to hear you and my niece are weU ; pray make her my most affectionate compliments. I had a letter from your mother some time ago. I observe ^vith pleasure you allow her £40 a year. I will endeavor to send her something in the sumraer to enable her to Uve with decent frugality, which the situation of my own affairs has hitherto prevented. They are now something better than they were, and every year I think must mend. I am, with much truth, dear James, Your most affectionate uncle, THOMAS ieedell. New Berne, 17th Jan., 1775. Dear Sir : — I have been obliged to -jvi-ite you very curt of late. Nash now only waits for the letter. The Governor arrived here last Sunday all in good health.* I suspect there will be an assembly, so you and Mr. Johnston may be greasing your boots by next month — ^liowever, mark, I speak with caution on state affairs, and pretend to no particular information. I hope that by this time I may give Mr. J. joy of a son and heir. "What shall I tell you ! Lord Camden said on hearing of the American Congress, that he would have given half his fortune to * Gov. Martin had gone on a visit to the North, Sept 1774, perhaps, to confer with tlie late Gov. Tryon on public affairs — possibly to watch the Continental Congress. 230 life AND CORRESPONDENCE [1776, have been a member of that which he believed to be the most vir tuous public body of men which ever had or ever would meet to gether in this world. And so adieu, in haste, &c., A. NEILSON. Mr. Jas. Iredell. liONPON, Queen Square, Jan. Slst, 1775. Dear Brother : — Not having as yet heard that the Amer ican Congress have prohibited the correspondence of an EngUsh man, I am now sat down to extort from you, by a long letter, an acquittal from that opinion which, I doubt not, you have long since entertained of my remissness and negligence. Though un fortunately for me, at the time I wish to triumph over such an accusation, the inclosed letter bears evidence against rae ; for by the date of that you will at first blush discover that it should by this tirae, that I am writing a cover for it, have been in your pocket at Edenton. Yet as I doubt not, though you are coun sel against me, your candor will permit me to lay those facts be fore the court which will, I flatter myself, fully assert my inno cence ; so I don't despair of proving myself undeserving of the appellation of negligent. Know then (and though what I am going to say has not undergone the solemnity of an affidavit, I trust you will believe it nevertheless) that the letter from my mother came to MaUing whUst I was there during the holidays ; it was impossible for me to send it, till I came to town, and when I arrived in London I was willing to take the opportunity of a cover to ask you, my sister, and Charles how you all do. I have now taken the first opportunity, and to do you all the honor in my power, have taken a sheet of foolscap, a new pen, and (though I say it who should not say it) the ink is not much amiss. Gilt pa per, perhaps you may exclaim, would have been more respectful ! Perhaps so, dear brother, but as it would not contain enough to tire you, and as it is not stout enough to travel a journey so long as that to you, I thought if I gave you my cap it would an swer the purpose better. What do you think ? Pray are you become patriotic ? I see by the newspapers the Edenton ladies have signalized themselves by their protest against tea-drinking.^^ The name of Johnston I see among others ; are any of my sis ter's relations patriotic heroines ? Is there a female Congress at -* On the 25th Feb., 1774, fifty -six ladies of Edenton subscribed a paper pledg ing themselves to sustain the resolves of the Provincial Congress, &c,, &c. Am. Arch. 4th Series, VoL 1, p. 891. — 'WTieeler. Many years ago there was found at Gibraltar, enamelled on glass, a picture representing the ladies of Edenton destroy ing their tea. The picture was sent to Edenton by an oflicer of the U. S. Navy ; its execution was so good that many portraits were recognized. — Wheeler. 1775.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 281 Edenton too ? I hope not, for we Englishmen are afraid of the male Congress, but if the ladies, who have ever, since the Amazo nian Era, been esteemed the most formidable enemies, if they, I say, should attack us, the most fatal consequence is to be dreaded. So dexterous in the handling of a dart, each wound they give is mortal ; whUst we, so unhappily formed by nature, the more we strive to conquer them, the more are conquered ! The Edenton ladies, conscious, I suppose, of this superiority on their side, by former experience, are wiUing, I imagine, to crush us into atoms, by their omnipotency ; the only security on our side, to prevent the impending ruin, that I can perceive, is the probabUity that there are but few places in America which possess so much fe male artillery as Edenton. Pray let me know all the particu lars when you favor me with a letter. By a letter I received yesterday from my mother she informs me that she received a let ter from you about three weeks ago, wrote the day after you re turned fi'om the county courts. How d'ye succeed as a counsel lor ? I dare say extremely well. By your attending them, I suppose, the office of Collector requires but slight attendance. Pray inform me, when you are so good as to answer this, of every thing respecting Charles. Is he to settle in Carolina ? or what prospect has he of succeeding in life ? I am most mate rially interested in aU his concerns, and feel myself anxiously so licitous of his being comfortably established in some employment. I am much indebted to him on the score of correspondence, and wish to pay him his demand upon me, but at present I am bank rupt in all epistolary subjects, and therefore unable to pay his debt, without which, I frankly confess, I have no right to expect a receipt in full of all demands. I sincerely hope my sister is as well as I wish her, which is that she enjoys her health as weU as I do. From the lively picture you drew of her in one of your let ters, I am often enabled to converse with her, and even the ideal conversations between her and me, have afforded me so much satisfaction that I can't help wishing it was in my power to en joy real ones. Sometimes I make Charles and you of the party, and as I wish to do every thing completely, desire to know wheth er I may make more additions to the party. My mother informs me you and my sister have been kind enough to invite her to Car olina. You wiU receive her answer from herself Though to be at such a distance from all those for whom I have so tender a re gard, is not what I could wish, considering merely myself, yet as I am confident she would be considerably more happy and easy, in North Carolina, than she is in England ; sensible, too, of the mutual pleasure it would afford both you and her, I cannot but express my hopes that she will embrace the opportunity you 232 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE have offered her. What wiU become of Tommy .? I don't know — my mother has not said any thing about him. My most ar dent wishes are directed equally towards you all, and 1 enjoy as much satisfaction from the recoUection of your happiness, as I should had it happened to me. You may perhaps wish to know what legal books I now study. I have read Blackstone's Com mentaries over' once, and then went over a Uttle book, the title of which is Doctor and Student — a very old, but at the same time a very inteUigent book ; and some of its doctrines are now ex ploded. Yet it is by no means even now out of repute, as it lays down with great judgment the principles of the Common Law. I am now reading Blackstone's Commentaries over again, and, by the Sergeant's direction, shall peruse as I proceed in him the authorities which he cites, so that in them I shall be in formed at large of what he has only abridged. I am summoned by the little remains of paper now left, to conclude this tedious epistle. My most affectionate respects and love wait on my sis ter and Charles, both of whora, and also yourself, I hope enjoy a happy series of health. Beg you would excuse the many blun ders and inaccuracies of this letter. I wrote it without care, and have therefore the more occasion to ask pardon. My mother and Tommy are well, as is also, dear brother, Your most affectionate friend and brother, AETHUE ieedell. P. S. — You asked me in your last to acquaint you with my opinion of those who are now at the top of the profession. The first opportunity I shall do all in my power to satisfy you on that head. Till then adieu. New Bern, 4th February, 1775. Dear Sir : — I have yours dated the 27th ult. I really could not say a word with the Chronicle, having happened just to stroll into Tomlinson's store, as the Postboy was going off. I am exceeding sorry to hear of Mrs. IredeU having been so much indis posed, and sympathize with your sufferings on that account. I flatter myself that by this time she is quite re-established in her usual health. You ask me if I think Lord Camden did indeed say as I wrote. Upon my word I don't doubt it. The human mind strains to it every instance which can cherish a confidence of pub lic and generous virtue in mankind, and finding few such at home it naturally seeks them from abroad — adopting and believing in them with a sort of energetic impassioned sentiment. 1775.] JAMES IREDELL. 233 You say nothing of the news from the northward — indeed you scarcely need. I fancy all Uberal minds alike deplore the unhappy, the impolitic, the inhuman -violences of the people. The ground is now entirely changed. From argument it is ap pealed to the most Ulegal and unconstitutional conduct — contrary- to natural justice — the first great principle of aU politics, and in the highest degree iri'itative of the essential characteristic na tional spirit of that people with whom it ought to be the general wish to be again cordially united. Such measures give great ad ditional strength to the enemies and opponents of the real American cause ; it enables them to represent the Colonies as unjust, Ucentious and ungovernable — indisposes or even drives from among their advocates many good and moderate men as well as those who have keen and deUcate sensations of political subordination and decorum, and those who are vehemently actu ated by whatever seemeth to their high spirits affecting the nation al " Punto d'honore." I need not raention to you the transactions fi'ora which I dissent ; you wiU have seen the grand articles in the newspapers — ^indeed I Avish I could send you a number of New England papers which I have lately been reading, and which show a spirit to the north ward I formerly had no belief in, aud such as in my humble thought no true friend of Uberty and just government professing aUegiance to the sovereign and attachment to the mother coun try can vindicate on j^rinciple. Such there are — and can it be believed — who seem to have naught but independency in view, — full natural freedom to form constitutions of thefr own — for which pui"pose and to serve pri vate ambitious ends, discord, dissensions, every horror, civU war, are to be means. Good God ! is there not a poUtical -wisdom as necessary in the conduct of public Iffe as prudence is in private manners ? Because it may not be consistent with the general combination of government to permit us that latitude which the few or even say the many think we should enjoy, shall we therefore reject the essential advantages we reap from such combination ? So long as America is in the situation ot Colonies of Great Brit ain she to be sure wUl not enjoy aU the advantages which mmj and will be enjoyed by her in a different and future situation ; but such considerations I apprehend to be disjoined fi'om the present case. And that ff Americans cannot have the first lot of politi cal freedom and happiness, it notwithstanding would be foolish to reject the second and next best. And that because they cannot pos sibly have aU they claim — that cannot miUtate against their ta king what poUtical necessity may allow and political prudence may prompt them for a period to bear with. 234 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1776. The Postboy is hurrying me, being in the room. I cannot have time to explain me. I throw myself on your liberal con struction — indeed this is a subject on the principles of which I imagine all liberal minds think alike, and all prudent ones the same on the modes and circumstances of it. Adieu, compliments, &c., &c., A. NEILSON. Mr. James Iredell. N. B. Be careful. People here talk of your being very warm. Though thus kindly warned from the Palace, where the Gov ernor was already combining the means of suppressing by military force the rebellious spirit ofthe Province ; and though the voice of monition from that uncle from whom he might expect fortune, sounded in his ears, Mr. Iredell moved steadily onward in what he esteemed the path of duty — not rashly, but deliberately, and with a full knowledge of the probable consequences to himself His personal sacrifices were destined in after times to add lustre to his patriotism : the gloom that soon darkened his path served as a background, to project more prominently his virtues. His course was well known to the Governor. Here, had he been timid, was cause for fear ; but his heart was already beating the march by which heroes rush to combat. New Bern, February 18th, 1776. Dear Sir : — I am favored with yours of the 10th current — which pleases me infinitely ; the sentiments it contains are Ub eral and moderate, decent aid truly spirited. You have done rae the most candid and friendly justice and favor, in the con struction you have put on the expressions in my last. God for bid that I should think public wisdom or policy any more in consistent with the raost liberal and truest regard for liberty than private prudence is (in its proper nature) with the most Uberal, ingenuous and ardent virtue. Though at the same time from the common abuse of both words they are both extremely liable to misconstruction. In short it appears to me that the most zealous friends to government — and such must be friends to liberty and the constitution — must approve of your political principles as contained in your last, and any difference that could arise behoved to respect the idea of the degree of provocation, the necessary combinations of government suitable to the grada tion of empire, the infallible course of political things, and the fitness of measures not only to what should be, but also to what 1775.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 2o5 may be, or in the words of Aristotle, " Non enim solum Eespub- Uca, quse optima sit, considerari debet, sediretiam quae constitui posset, prffiterea quse facUior, et cunctis Civitatibus communior habeatur. (Lib. 4 Pol.) As to myseff I deem it -wiU be sufficient to say that the great part of the sentiments communicated to you at Edenton are (in so far as they are practicable) my reasoned principles. Y'^ou wish to attribute the errors of the popular leaders to the northward to other causes than wickedness. I am loth as you are, my dear sir, to putting the worst constmction on motives, and to introducing the word wickedness into poUtical discussions. But this much I beUeve, (that is so far as I can be con-viuced of such a matter on circumstantial e-vidence,) that many of them are independents in their wishes and republicans in their principles, and more so in their passions. Hah ! you think people at New Bern should not speak of you, and why the deuce should not they speak of the great men at Edenton with Uke freedom that the people at Edenton speak of our great men here ? Say ? Why they say that you are hot as Tybalt in the play, and although some accuse your manner more than your mind, yet upon the whole they agree that you are to command the first troop ofthe Edenton Light Horse. So your servant, Captain — a very pretty travelUng name by my faith. Your most obedient humble servant. Captain Iredell, A. NEILSON. P. S. Mr. Johnston wUl show you a pamphlet I send him. Compliments to the ladies. I ara happy to hear of Mrs. IredeU's recovery, and thereupon congratulate you and her. B. wUl be with you in two or three days. I shall -write Mr. J. by him. As the post calls cannot at present, but send you the pamphlet. It is the last come. Sir N. Dukinfield to Iredell. MLtNCHESTEB, 26th March, 1775. You must conclude, my dear IredeU, that I have been very long in answering yours of the 27th Septeraber, which I re ceived in January. I have frequently intended, and as often been prevented doing it, and indeed tiU this morning, for some weeks, your letter has been lost, and I accidentally found it among some papers where I did not expect ; but now let me dis charge this debt, though I fear not so satisfactorily as you may axpect or I could -wish, for there are few matters in my knowl- 236 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1775- edge which can afford subject for a letter to you. I am not ^.t aU a ministerial man in this great dispute between England and America. Sometimes concUiatory measures seem to be upper most and then forcible ones are resolved on. There is a regiment of Light Dragoons ordered to be ready for embarkation with some regiments of infantry. I sincerely wish some method to restore a reconcUiation could be hit upon. I should be very sorry to have a comraission in a regiment destined against the Americans. It would be to me the most disagreeable service I could be sent on. I have for a long time past been endeavoring to make myseff acquainted with the duty of a commission which I have been wishing for and have at last obtained — that of Adjutant to the regiment. 'Tis the busiest and most active in a regiment when properly attended to and executed, and I shall use my endeavors to go through it with satisfaction to my comraanding officers and honor to myself ; how far I may succeed depends upon uncer tainty. The tirae for our leaving Manchester draws near, though we are not yet ascertained of it, but do not expect to stay more than three weeks ; we shall then go to Worcester. The com mission of Adjutant will confine me very much with the regi ment — ff not entirely so. I'm sure I can't recollect whether I wrote to Mr. Pearson when I did to you, but I think 'tis most likely that I did ; I keep not the least account of those matters, and trust a good deal to memory ; I seldom forget what business I write about. Upon what terms are the Governor and our friend Lancelot ? I expected he would have succeeded me in the council — nor have I had any account but from you respecting that matter ; but where are Palmer and Jones ? are they returned or have they likewise vacated "^ I received a letter a few days ago from Mr. Pearson in which he tells me that Mr. Bodley is dead. I think that compliments of congratulation are more proper than those of condolence to be presented to Mrs. Bodley on the occasion. I have not heard a word in any letter about Mr. Pollock's family. How do they do ? Is Mrs. Hutton alive and unmarried stiU ? As you do not mention it, 1 conclude you have not yet any famUy. If I was married I should not wish to have children soon ; but 'tis all chance I believe. Are you employed by Mr. Dickenson, if so, you may perhaps be engaged against me very soon, for I returned a draft he made on me for £32 for two reasons ; the one because he charged me some years' interest on his account which he might have been paid when I left the prov ince, if he would have complied with my request; and therefore I think it a very improper demand ; and the other reason because I could not spare the money. I wrote to Mr. Pearson to pay it, and if he was obliged to it, he must sell one of the negroes. I 1775.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 237 hope to hear no more of the matter, but that 'tis settled. I'm damned poor I assure you. I wish something could be done with my plantation to bring in some money. I hope Dickenson will not misunderstand the letter I wrote him and abuse me, ff he does I wish you would endeavor to reconcUe him, ff you thmk I deserve to be defended. He cant think that I don't mean to pay him, but I must do it in a manner most convenient to myseff ; if he had written me before, I should have given the same orders for the payment. I have, indeed, desired Mr. Pearson in several letters to settle the account, which he thought was overcharged ; but I would rather pay a Uttle than have a dispute. You'U think I have no incUnation to enrich you lawyers. I'm now in mourn ing for an uncle who died a fortnight ago. I beg my best re spects to Mrs. IredeU, Mr. Johnston's, Mrs. Dawson's, Mr. Jones', Mr. PoUock's and Mr. Buncombe's famiUes, and to my good friend Hewes. I wish I could say famUy to him. I am, my dear sir. Your affectionate (though indolent with respect to letter- writing) and sincere friend, N. DUKINFIELD. Iredell to Mrs. IredeU. New Bees, 31st March, 1775. My deae Hannah : — ^I had the great pleasure of receiving your letter by your brother, and am extremely obUged to you for it. I hope, now you have begun so very kindly, you wiU not dis appoint me by any discontinuation. Mr. Hewes and myseff ar rived here on Tuesday afternoon, after a very agreeable and for tunate journey, for we met with no difficulty at the ferries, though had we made any unncessary delay we certainly should. Your brother, Mr. Jones, &c., came here the next afternoon, perfectly weU, as they stUl continue to be. Mr. John Johnston is not yet come, as indeed are very few members. It is thought OoL Har vey's proclamation wiU raUy them by Monday. It is quite un certain whether any thing, or what, wUl be done. If you should see any of our gentlemen, pray, let them know, they shaU not go uninformed of any thing that is material. My eyes get better, and I am as weU as I ever was in my Iffe. I beg you wiU take very good care of yourseff, and go abroad as soon as possible. You know what Dr. Lenox told you, and I hope, after escaping from so dangerous an illness, you will not risk the being Ul again for want of foUowing his ad-vice. My happiness, I truly assure you, my dear Hannah, is entirely centered in yours, and ff this is in any manner affected mine will be in a very great d^ree. I 238 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1776 am much obliged to Nelly for her intention to write, and hope she will not always neglect it. I have not it in my power to write to her now, but propose it by Harry Montfort, who talks of going to Edenton, Monday or Tuesday next, so that you wUl probably receive that letter before this. But I was determined to avoid all accidents, and leave you in no kind of suspense. It is a mode in which I have most crueUy suffered myseff. Mrs. Berry is extremely well. He looks worse than I have ever seen him, having been sick most of the winter. The boy is a charm ing one, and proraises to be as big as Georgy, and he will certain ly be much handsomer than his father. I have seen Miss How ard ; she has not the least pretensions to handsomeness. She is the very picture of him and is very chatty, and I believe sensible.* I must conclude for the present, my dear Hannah, with every tender wish for the continuance of your health, which I again repeat I beg you wiU take great care of, and with assuring you that almost every moment of my time is employed in anxiously thinking about you, being with unalterable truth, esteem and affection, Ever, most tenderly yours, JAMES ieedell. N. B. Tell Sappho, Andrew says his sister is well, and he is a very good boy.f April of this year was full of stirring events : it witnessed the convocation and dissolution of the last Assembly under the Crown ; the flight of the Governor ; and the downfaU of the royal authority in North Carolina. The Assembly convened on the 3d of the month at New Berne ; and at the same time and place Col. Harvey's revolutionary Provincial Congress commenced its session. Mr. IredeU's brothers-in-law, Messrs. Samuel and John Johnston, were members of both bodies. Mr. IredeU was not a member, yet he promptly repaired to New Berne to watch the course of events ; it was a period of intense excite ment, and he was not the man to fold his arms when interests so grave were to be determined, and stakes so momentous were to be hazarded. That he was esteemed an useful coadjutor by the Whigs is apparent from the foUowing letter : His Excellency if he had smiles for his adherents, had only frowns for those whom he regarded as arch-conspirators. In poUtical contests as in ac tual warfare the hatred or fear a man inspires in his enemies is strong proof of fidelity to his friends, and zeal in the cause he espouses. * Chief J. Howard. f Andrew— negro-boy m attendance on Mr. IredeU. 1'75.] OY JAMES IKEDELL. 239 IredeU to Mrs. Iredell. New Bees, 4tJi April, 177.!;. Mt dear Haknah : — I was extremely disappointed just now in not hiring from you by Mr. Hearing. Mrs. Dawson wrote to your iRother, and kept her letter for any chance opportunity. Why did not you, my dear girl, do the same ? Information from a third person is very unratisfitctory. It does not entirely remove suspicion. I assure you at this moment I am uneasy about you. For heaven's F.ak^ do be watchfriL K yon wUl ask Mr. SmitU to acquaint you of opportunities I am sure he r^dily wfll, and ff vou can only write me one line I heg you won't omit it. I did not know of Mr. Knox's express tiU after he was gone. He was coming bimseff to me, but met Jack and sent him, and by a cursed mistake I did not hear of it in time. I should have wrote by tUe post, but that I did by Mr. Bnmage, who promised to send the letter to Dukinfield, and I knew of this opiiortunity. This made me more indifferent about the post, though I did write to go by it, that I might avoid aU possible accident, but unlacMly missed it. I wrote to you and your sister by Mr. Brim- age, and inclosed the letteis to Mr. Pearson, to whom Brimage promised immediately to send them, AU is uncertain yet about poHtics. The Governor has just made a speech, a copy of which I win endeavor to get and send you. He is the same man as to private shyness, and has extended it to me. I have not yet had the honor of an invitation, nor expect it. If I was entirely at my liberty I would never more go near him. Mr. Hewes and Mj. H(»per went to see him, and have been served in the same manner. Your brother had not even the offer of his hand. The man that made the offers for your and your sister's land is a man of Uttle property at present, and who Uves at a great dis tance. Nothing can be done vrith him, but I mean to go in with your brother John to see about things, and to bear him company. You need not doubt that I shaU return with aU possibly dispatch. It is i^lly imp<»6ible to express my anxiety about yon. I hope you axe not without similar feelings. « » » » But this is the lot of human Ufe. Every blessing has it attendant evQ, and in proportion to the happiness of a nmtrimonial union is the distress even of a temporary separation. But, my dear Hannah, let me again beg, you wiU alleviate it as much as possible by in quiring, and employing others to look out for opportunities, and writing me by them. My eyes have been a Uttle troublesome, but are almost entirely well In other respects I have been as hearty as possible. I will not forget the land Betsy McCuUoh epoke o£ Mr. Kenan is not yet come to town, but is every mo- 240 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE 11775- ment expected. Poor Mr. Worth I am afraid is by this time gone. I can't help writing wide, but think notwithstanding I have wrote a good deal. Private news I have none of Mr. Berry has been quite unweU last night and to-day, but we hope it is only owing to a cold. Everybody else is extremely weU. I augur no good from the business of the Assembly, but am not war ranted in any probable conjecture. I am ever, my dear Hannah, Most truly and affectionatelv yours, JAMES ieedell. On the 4th of April Gov. Martin addressed to the Assembly his last speech, to which the House replied with great dignity and firmness.* The proceedings of the Continental Congress were heartily approved, and the appointment for a second time of Hooper, Hewes and Caswell as delegates to that body by the Convention sanctioned. On the Sth the Asserably was finally dissolved by proclamation. The Provincial Congress gave their assent to the association entered into at Philadelphia, Oct. 20th, 1774, their representa tives being present to make a report to their constituents ; and formally returned their thanks to their delegates for their ser vices. The same delegates being reappointed, and a future meet ing provided for, the Provincial Congress adjourned on the 7th. News ofthe blood shed at Lexington and Concord, on the 19th, added fuel to the popular excitement. Meanwhile the Governor, alarmed for his personal safety, busily endeavored to fortify his palace, and to raise a military force among the Cross Creek High landers, and the Eegulators. On the 24th Alexander Gaston,f Eichard CogdeU,J and other Whigs, while the Governor and Council were in session, surprised his artillery, and bore it off in triumph. The last act of the Council was one of piddling ven geance, striking out of a commission of peace for the County of Pitt the names of six obnoxious individuals. Governor Martin, apprehensive of further violence, attended by his Secretary, and a few of his councillors and friends, fled for refuge to Foit John ston, at the mouth of the Cape Fear, where the guns of the for tress and the presence of the Cruiser sloop- of- war seemed to promise protection : the hope, however, was delusive, for in the subsequent July,§ the harassed and agitated official, hearing that * Jones. f The father of the late Jndge Gaston, who, though retired somewhat from the public gaze, as an orator, scholar and jurist, was not surpassed by any of his contem poraries. X Grandfather of Hon. George E. Badgei-, who since the death of Webster, has not his equal at the Bar of the Supreme Court of the United States. § July 17th. 1775,] OF JAMES IREDELL. 241 " a certain John Ashe, who lately resigned to me his commission of colonel in the militia of the county of New Hanover, has pre- suraed to influence and conduct a body of arraed hien of the said county, and of other adjacent counties, to the most daring and treasonable outrages," and that the said John was on the left bank of the river, in full march for the Fort, incontinently re solved on mischief, hastily reraoved his head-quarters on board the ship-of-war. While the valor of the Governor thus took counsel of prudence. Col. Ashe applied the torch to his Majesty's build ings. ARTHUR IREDELL TO J. IREDELL. April 25th, 1775. Dear Brother : — Your favor of llth Feb., so justly repri manding me for my negligence in not writing oftener, I received three or four days ago, and have made a resolution, as unaltera ble as the laws of the Medes and Persians, never more to offend in the like manner. And as the criminal when at the place of execution said, — " Well, whatever crimes I may have been guilty of, I have this consolation on my side, I never went into a church without pulling my hat off;" so I, whatever misdemeanors I may have committed, have this to console me, as soon as ever I have offended, I have always been sorry. Among many other circuinstances that have concurred to effect this repentance, one, very cogent I'll assure you, I have just now perceived, and that is, my being prevented frora interrogating you in the following man ner, by being a culprit myself, — Pray why do you write so often ? why are your letters so long ? and many other pretty concise questions, which I am determined, by behaving as I should do, to have it in my power to ask you. But perhaps you'U say, I am a man of business. You know I can't spare my tirae as well as you. AU that I'll allow, but I must insist on your acquiescence in one thing which I shall propose, and that is, that though you may have a better excuse to make than me, yet as I ara as ardent ly eager to hear how you are, as you can possibly be to hear how I am, the disappointment is equal, though not the plea. I, about a fortnight ago, was at Bath, where I accompanied Mrs. Kempe, and where we stayed rather better than a fortnight. My mother, I am happy to inform you, is perfectly well, and as sures me is always so. Tom is a charming boy ; remarkably complaisant, and so obliging that every body is delighted with him. He too enjoys a fine cherubimical plurapness in the face, which distinguishes the youthful favorites of Hygea. Thus you see, every body I have seen, has been the picture of health. Be Vol. I.— 16 242 LIFE .A.ND CORRESPONDENCE [1776. assured it gave me much concern to find that my'sister has been an exception to that rule, which I was in hopes was not only uni versal on this, but also on your side of the water. I shall take the Uberty therefore (as nobody is better pleased with things moving in unison with his own wishes than myself) to set Mrs. IredeU down by this time as perfectly iecovered,_wliich I hope you'll confirm in your next letter. Every obstruction to the uni versality of that rule being now removed, I may now contemplate in the manner I wish, the inexpressible happiness I feel at so flattering a circumstance. Long may you all continue so ! Long may I be blessed at so flattering an idea ! As I suppose ray mother acquaints you with all her affairs, it will be needless for me to enter into a minute and tedious detail on that head. Mr. Pettigrew,* to whose care you sometime ago consigned some let ters to rae, I had but once the pleasure of seeing in England, up on which account I am afraid he has conceived but a mean idea of my politeness. During the time I was at Bath he called at the Sergeant's chambers ; but I, being absent, did not see him, he having, as I learned at his lodgings (where I called as soon as I was acquainted with the honor he had done me of a visit), left England. I understood from the porter of the lodge, who saw Mr. P., that he called upon me to know if I had any com mands for you. Perhaps Mr. P. may not have heard that I was out of town, and consequently may have thought it odd my not taking the least notice of it. I beg if you see hira, that you will be kind enough to give my compliments and thanks to him for the trouble he took, that he may not look upon me as totally divest ed of manners. I have made some inquiry, since I received yours concerning Capt. Scott, hitherto ineffectually, but by Mr. McCul- loh's directions, I am in hopes my future search will be more suc cessful. When I see him, you may depend upon it, I shall not let slip so good an opportunity. I yesterday dined at Chelsea with my uncle, who was then tolerably well, but had been com plaining. He seems to take it ill that you don't write oftener to him, and thinks you neglect him. Pray don't be guilty of re missness ; a fault of which I am sure you have great sensibility, by the feeling manner in which you chastised me. My cousin and a Mr. Boyd dined there likewise ; the former of whom mention ed his having received a letter from you, of the same date with mine. That meeting was so fortunately contrived, that it fur nished me with an opportunity to you — for Mr. McCulloh said he *C. I. Pettigrew — subsequently a clergyman ofthe Prot. Epis. Churoli, equal ly distinguished for learning, abiUty and piety. At his death he was bishop elect of North Carolina, being the first ever chosen in that diocese. He was uncle to the eminent lawyer of the same name, who has so long stood at the head of the bar at Charleston, S, 0. 1776.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 243 was going to send a packet on Wednesday, and would convey a letter from me to you ; so that within a short time (if Scott sails soon) you will receive two letters. In neither of them any thing, I can prophesy, interesting or entertaining. But however no evils are so justly showered upon mankind, as those which they them selves pray for. You will see by the enclosed papers I am willing at the same time to obliterate every trace of negligence from my character, by writing my sister (who you tell me thinks me neg ligent) a letter, and by gratifying her wishes with the fee simple of my ode. Though without conveyancing, yet with livery of seizin, which in this case I believe, there being a good considera tion, will be effectually valid. At Bath, who should I see but your old school-fellow and acquaintance, Mr. Skeffington Thomp son, whose person and address were not a Uttle admired there. He has travelled a great deal, and acquired a very poUte and pleasing behavior. Seeing the world, is surely the best kind of suds to wash away the barbarism a man naturally possesses : for though Uving in society he would not cut your throat ; yet it by no means follows, as a consequence, that being trained in a civil state, he should not be rude and unpolished in the highest degree. Like steel, whose polish, when preserved, emulates the diamond, a man who has the happiness of a genteel and numer ous acquaintance, contracts a bewitching politeness, which capti vates, and must ever do so, all who converse with him, and is as superior, in every respect, to one whose behavior is tough, obsti nate and stubborn, as that metal is in its artificial, to what it was in its natural state. But you will be looking about for Skeffing ton, and will suppose you have lost him. I beg your pardon for taking him away, but will call him back again. He has engaged me to correspond with him.* His eldest brother has, as I under stand, lately got an estate — how I can't tell — I believe left him ; but however that may be, he has it, and my mother acquainted me that Mr. S. T. was now adopted by the father, and will suc ceed to his estate, his brother being so amply provided for. He has some thoughts, nay, I think it absolutely determined on, of standing candidate for an Irish borough at the next general elec tion — he expects great opposition. The current talk of Bath was (with some truth I fancy) that he and a Miss Osborn were to be joined in the holy bonds of matrimony. Whether or no any cold water has been thrown on the affair I can't tell, but I have not heard of the celebration, or of any preparation for that happy state. He is now gone over to Ireland to obtain, I suppose, his father's consent. Miss Osborn is extremely handsome, as report tells me, for I have never seen her. Can you require any proof of it, when t * Mr. Thompson, it is thought, waa probably related to the Earl of Massarene. 244 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE ['775. tell you such was the power of her charms over him, that he who came to stay two or three days, was chained there so many months. He surely has not made a bad choice, so fine agirl with several thousands portion. Now to be sure, by this time, you have perceived your error in supposing you had lost sight of Skeffington, and are so tired of him (under ray influence at least) as to wish I had never recovered him again. What are you Americans about ? For God's sake, if you are determined to destroy your own peace, don't break in upon ours too. You may probably retort upon me my own argument, and exclaim, why do you Albions oblige us to proceed to these tumultuous proceedings? Nay, don't ask me ! It is not in my power to resolve you. It is not for rae to enter so deeply into the politics of these times as to be able to give you ray senti ments : sentiments which will either be railed at by Sir Abso lute Tory or Sir Oliver Whig — either of whose resentraents I should wish to avoid, Peihaps you may expect me to deliver my opinions to you. You do ; very well, then I have no objec tion. I profess myself absolutely, without equivocation or men tal reservation, a downright honest whig, though I wear my own hair- — that I hope you wUl not esteem an objection. I can assure you this, if it was one I would immediately cut it off, and not only be a whig in theory, but also in practice. Were you to hear me rail at the Jacobites, to Mr. Orton, who Uves at the Sergeant's, and who is a most vehement one, you would require no farther proof The most opprobrious terms my invention can select, I lard with the bitterest invectives. My principles being of this cast, coincide, I should suppose, in some respects, with your continental sentiments. It is well we agree in some partic ulars, for I can assure you, I differ in many with you Americans, and I do not wish to be a downright enemy. But enough of politics. The most notorious and violent bribery has been proved in the House of Commons, since the last election, that was ever known. The committee appointed to examine the Hindon election, have rejected the sitting merabers upon evidence of the most flagrant violation of the laws against bribery, — as has also the one ap pointed to examine the Shaftsbury Petition. A biU is to pass the House against the former, incapacitating 188 voters — and in the latter it is said 140 odd are to be treated in the same exemplary manner. There is no mention about the candidates who procured their seats so scandalously. In my opinion they should have been the first scourged by the rod of Justice, but as the adage acutely tefls us, " kissing goes by favor." The Shaftsbury com mittee showed the greatest perseverance imaginable, for they sat some weeks — a very considerable time, in the discharge of so disa- '775.] OP JAMES IREDELL. 245 greeable an office, as seeing the most notorious infringement ^of the laws, in the grossest perjury. My mother has as yet received no money from Africa. Poor Frank's effects, she was told, would be fiiithfuUy paid her, but she has never obtained a farthing. One cargo was sent over to Africa, and poor fellow ! he was dead be fore it arrived. All these are great drawbacks upon her. One thing I ara inexpressibly happy in, and that is, through all these misfortunes my mother preserves her spirits. I believe the exer tion she is under a necessity of complying with, conduces in a great measure to effect this. And she seems as well, nay, I think better, than I remember, though she tells me, when she is by herself, a retrospect of past occurrences makes her sad. You never tell me how you are yourself — why don't you .'' Nor whether I may flatter rayself with the appellation of uncle. I ara, dear brother, Yours most affectionately, AETHUE ieedell. On the 20 th of May, many citizens* of the county of Meck lenburg, in convention at Charlotte, made their famous Declara tion of Independence, the boldest step as yet taken in the colo nies. This, though the first public expression of opinion on the part of any considerable portion of the people of North Carolina, was not in advance of, but in true accordance with the general inclination. This was no idle bravado ; it was raade by men, who, subsequently, so maintained their words by deeds, as to win for their region the name of the " Hornet's Nest." The follow ing iraperfect article was written, I presume, about this period, though I cannot determine its date with certainty ; it is frag- mentaiy, mutilated — parts hopelessly lost. It is believed to be original for the same reason that other essays in this work are credited to Mr. Iredell — because in his handwriting ; and be cause of the strong evidence furnished by interlineations and ver bal alterations. The Principles of an American Whig. 1. That mankind were intended to be happy, at least that God Almighty gave thera power of being so, if they would prop erly exert the means He has bestowed upon them. 2. That the affections of the Deity are universally, not par tially extended, and that the purposes of this Divine Providence * Jones, Wheeler, Foote, Caruthers, ieaHSof securing freedom and happiness to the people, whenever it deviates from this end, and their freedom and hap piness are in great danger of being irrevocably lost, the govern ment is no longer entitled to their aUegianco, the only considera tion for which it could be justly claimed or honorably pledged being basely and tyrannicaUy withheld. 6. That in pursuance of this principle, in practice long known, though not in speculation so generaUy acknowledged, in most of the countries in the world there have been continual struggles either to reduce the power in being to a proper and secure boundary, or to oppose the uncovered and open attempts of tyranny. 7. That the true principle of resistance being, ^^a< fJiepublic freedom and Jiappiness are e7nincntly endangered, it is a point of little concern to the public, who feel grievous oppressions, whether they proceed from an enormous abuse of the powers in being, or a flagrant usurpation of new ones, either being contrary to the sacred trust reposed in the government, and if permitted, essentially destructive to the jieople. 8. That there is, however, a difference arising to the subjects" dutj', from the nature ofthe two attempts, that always ought to be attended to, viz., that in the one case, many dutiful applica tions, and much forbearance on their part, ought to be shown before they arrive to the last stage of opposition, because it being an evil incident to the form of government they have acknowl edged, they ought patiently to bear it, until it proceeds so far as to interfere with the great law of common happiness Nat ure has ordained for all mankind, and to which all men have a rio-lit ul timately to refer their political situation. But in the other, it is the duty of the people not to submit a moment to any acknowledgment of the power ; they must take no part actively or passively in its introduction ; they ought in deed to try to convince the governors of their error (as possibly it may arise from their inattention), and not withhold their allegi- 1775,] OF JAMES IREDELL, 247 ance in other constitutional points, unless the one assumed is so pertinaciously retained, or its importance of so critical a nature, that the public welfare renders it indispensably necessary. 9. That the above principles seem not only rational in them selves, but have ever (in practice at least) appeared to influence the people of Britain, who on critical occasions have equally sac rificed any power admitted by the constitution to the masses of sufferers from its unjust exertion, and opposed by the most vig orous (and commonly by the most successful) efforts the intro duction of new and unwarrantable authority. 10. That the ultimate principle of the people's obedience can be no other than mentioned above, arises from the imperfection of our nature, and the necessity of our situation. All power may be abused, and even perverted to ends quite contrary from those which were the purpose of its introduction, yet some power, and large discretion also, is necessary to be invested, for the pubUc benefit, with persons partaking of all the infimiities, and who may be infected with all the vices of humanity. C They are intrusted from a confidence that they will do right ; and in governments that are well modelled, other motives besides nublic virtue are afforded to thera as an encouragement to do so) but the people^ may be deceived ; men's real interest may be neglected, and the wild piirposeSirf^ower and ambition sought to be gratified at any hazard. In this case the people are not to be ruined ; they will not be so. They will say to their oppressors : " We employed you for our good ; you conspire to our destruction. The object of this government is the happiness of the governed, not of those who govern merely. We will in no respect lose sight of this great object. God, nature, honor, duty, our and our children's hap piness, all forbid it. Whatever may be the consequence, we will employ the — ¦ * * * * =¦' * In the case of several different countries, even headed by our common sovereign, it is far otherwise. The internal regulations of each may be so managed as not to interfere with the others (especially when the sovereign has a common control over all by his negative), and it is reasonable to suppose that in all for eign affairs, where there is a common interest, they will gen erally, if not always agree ; and this is the more to be expected, when one country, in a great general concern, such as commerce, has almost an absolute sway. It wUl at least be sufficient, in all probability, to guard against any other spirit, than that of a just resentment against injuries, and no country can be a mo ment free, where such a power is not ultimately to be dreaded. It is to be observed, the jiolitical maxim so strenuously urged is calculated to avoid anarchy and confusion ; as appUed to us, it 248 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1775- can have no other meaning than to cause a general active co-op eration in all mutual concerns, beyond the internal governraent of each (for these, in other respects, have a separate scale to act in, co-ordinate with their power). It is therefore a matter of convenience, not of necessity. If the measure proposed should be good, and evidently useful, it would probably be assented to ; if it should not, where is the justice, that one legislature out of twenty should say to the others : " Yon shall do as we please ; we care not if it is disagreeable or prejudicial to you, it is agree able to us. How dare you dispute the wishes of a people araong whora your fathers once lived ? We wiU corapel you to be more dutiful childen, and you shaU be corrected for your past misbehavior." The people of Britain require that in order to ;nake their government more easy, we should resign all our (rights and powers of acting, to them, through the medium of their corj;upt_jielegation. We have uniformly contended that thpre were some rights of so sacred a nature, we would resign them to no power on earth ; that we were willing to perform our part of the contract, if they performed theirs ; we had experi enced no unhappiness from it, but what was introduced by inno vation, and we rather chose to refer our future prospects to the operation of principles which had already produced nothing but good, than submit every enjoyment of life to their humor and ca price, to guard them against imaginary dangers, and involve us in real ones. How have Ireland and Scotland Uved, together with England, under one common sovereign, and with separate legisla tures ? The principle drawn from necessity is the same, wheth er the inhabitants of the two countries were originally, and at no great distance of time, connected with each other, or whether they had no common ancestors later than the sons of Noah. Ire land indeed is subject to the same haughty claims. But are they ever exercised ? A discourse upon the Unity of Empire there, would be burnt by the common hangman. We admit there were sorae inconveniences attending the situation we contended for, but they formed the alloy of infinitely greater advantages, and surely any remedy for them ought to have been conducted on the basis of a general negotiation, and not violently sought by an unjust usurpation of power. 18. To all the above principles the Americans could dare to add, that they and their ancestors had ever been used to be free ; that custom and continual usage are of a much mufe^nequivocal nature than speculation and refined principles, which are only known to men of superior understanding, and even these frequent ly differ about them ; that the views and intentions of their an cestors were beyond all question,'and during their Uves, and the 1776.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 249 lives of many of their posterity, in practice, at least, honorably respected ; that it was a debt of honor and gratitude they owed to them, to see that their views and intentions were not disap pointed, and they were of such a nature, that their own interest and security were essentially concerned in maintaining them with the most sacred regard ; and that, therefore, upon the land which their ancestors hardly earned for them, and meant to make a Land of Freedom, in support of real views, and to preserve themselves from misery and dishonor, they would, to the utmost, oppose the firm barrier of Liberty and Virtue against all the engines of arbitrary power, and all the subtlety of ministerial craft. 19. That, as in most other countries which have been cursed by the unfeeling rigor of despotism, insidious arts and plausible pretences have been the forerunners of its success, so in America such arts and pretences have been very liberally used. The pre tence for the first great encroachment was to provide for our de fence. Our defence was not so tender an object of Parliament, when we stood in more need of it. It was a long time, and not till the labor and sweat of the day was over, before England inter fered with her powerful assistance. Till tliere was a prospect of being well paid for this defence, and of making it serve to very pretty purposes, we were suffisi'ed, in a great measure, to defend ourselves. I speak of our internal situation ; for as to the other. Great Britain was equally, if not more interested than ourselves. She derived infinitely the greatest advantages from our com merce, and as she reserved the sole manageraent of it to herself, and could make it flow into the channel raost convenient for her, it was but reasonable that she should protect it. And the profits could well bear the expense. But her principal eye was on our situation within. The dangers of the war had made us better known. The Araericans engaged in them with a courage and virtue that were universally admired ; our loyalty to the king ap peared to be of the most ardent kind ; our affection to the pa rent country unsuspicious and unbounded ; our minds endued with the most generous propension. /A great people seemed ris ing from obscurity into dignity and reputation, and who, from the virtues they had already shown, were entitled to honor, respect, and every nscessary indulgence. But these virtues excited the base passions of jealousy and envy. At the time of the Stamp Act a difference had been taken between internal and external taxation. By the former were meant taxes out of the immediate power of commerce ; by the latter such as were within it. The latter was more properly (when the subject was critically examined) called duties ; and it 250 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1775- had ever been considered to have reference to commercial purpo ses. Taxes are the proper name for impositions, where money alone is the object. At the time of the Stamp Act this branch of the subject was not accurately canvassed ; the other was the great object of attention. Afterwards we were obliged to attend closely to it. A new and an artful mode was laid hold on to impose upon us, and it became necessary to dissect it into first principles. We did so. The result of our examination was, that this, in principle, in substance, and neariy in danger, was the same as the one we had been before cursed with. We had always conceded to Great Britain a right of regulating our trade, in order to make the commerce of the whole empire conduce to one great purpose, and as a kind of natural compensation for the advantage of her protection. In order to regulate our trade, the (imposition of duties was on many occasions necessary} otherwise, where one trade had interfered with another, the inconvenience must have continued, or been removed by (perhaps) the intro duction of a greater, a total prohibition ; as for instance, in the case of our West India Islands. Duties were laid on some for eign coraraodities to give a superior advantage in these to the British (as it is stated by me before). But they were not to tally prohibited, because our British Islands could not, it is sup posed, have supplied the whole, or if they could, it would have been a means of hurting our trade to the foreign islands. At the same time had we once admitted, that the power of levying du ties, /or ^Ae^wrposes of commerce, &c., is an incidental one to the right of directing that to flow in proper channels, and might at any time be converted into an indefinite power of laying taxes upon us, through the medium and under the shadow of commercial regulations, we should have been infallibly ruined. The repeal of the Stamp Act need not have been regretted. This mode would have equally answered the ends of that wise law. Our situation was such, that we could not subsist without commerce. The in terest of England required that the commerce should be contin ued, and continued largely (so we were secure against an absolute want of it) ; but what security had we that all our own profits should not be exhausted by taxes, and we dependent on Eng land even for actual subsistence ? The distinction pointed out by such a situation, however delicate or indefinable in express terms, however referring to circumstances of doubtful construc tion, and liable to cavil, in particular applications, is critical and essential. Our being, as freemen, was concerned in it. What other distinction could be thought of than this ? " We will not encroach upon any ancient or acknowledged power. We are sen sible ofthe necessity of your regulating our trade ; we do not re- 1776.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 251 gret the vast advantages it gives you. We admit you may impose duties for this purpose ; it is in some instances necessary to do so ; we have been used to permit it. But, if you deviate from your duty — if you become ambitious or rapacious, and have no feeling for our rights, it may be grossly abused. You may pretend to lay duties for this purpose ; they may be really im posed for another. The duties may be so grievous as to make us miserable ; in all such instances, whether they are light or heavy, it will be a burthen we did not mean to be subjected to. Ex perience teaches us to distinguish between objects. We must do it ; however difficult the task, it is our duty to engage in it. So long as you confine these duties to the purposes of commerce, we will religiously obey them, however unreasonable they may appear : but if you impose duties on this pretence, when they are really calculated for another purpose, if we can detect the criminal intention (and in many instances it may be easily prac ticable), we will refuse obedience to so gross an abuse of pow er. Much more, when you dare to avow a purpose quite con trary to that for which alone so high a power is conceded. In cases that are at all doubtful, we shall think it our duty to sub mit, and this we apprehend is all the guard that can be reasona ble in so dangerous and difficult a situation." Upon this prin ciple duties, /or the express purpose of raising a revenue, werj* objected to. After much solicitation all were taken off except the duty on tea. And this was retained as a badge of the tax^ tive power, and in order to preserve some ground of contention. It afterwards jiroved a fruitful source of it. The East India Company were to be gratified in their desire of becoming mer cantile engrossers of that commodity. Instead of relieving their distress by taking off this duty, before the exportations of the commodity (and no more favorable time, no more plausible pre tence could possibly have ever offered fordoing it, America being at that tirae in tolerable good humor with Great Britain, peace ably obeying every measure of government, and looking out with respect and without using any exceptionable measures, for the re moval of this the only great remaining bar to their happiness), instead of doing this, I say, this new mode had every air of a governmental manoeuvre to give this taxation life. The people were then convinced that this wretched, hankering thirst after power was again to torment thera, and they were to prepare for new evUs. The tea arrived first at Boston, that town so much hated for its unconquerable spirit, and early opposition to every arbitrary measure. Every body knows what was done there, and let people make the worst of that proceeding, it was an act of destruction committed by a mob. Property, not Persons, was 252 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1776. destroyed. The exceptionable commodity alone was injured. Every thing else remained safe and untouched. The East India Company were injured, for their impertinent meddling, to the value of a few thousand pounds. The people concerned disco-v- ered their resentment for the perpetual attacks made upon their freedom. They destroyed a means that might have been fatal to it. They had been perpetually insulted for many years, by being peculiarly marked out with governmental rigor, and on all occasions treated with the most irritating opprobrium. They per haps took this method to try what were the real views of admin istration, being impatient under the continual apprehensions they had of some lurking design, some wicked machinations being formed against them. They did indeed (if this is to be esteemed a crime) discover their rooted enmity to the whole scheraes of min isterial artifice, and every species of unjust oppression. The con sequences that followed these proceedings in England, were such as fully justified every apprehension that had been entertained of their dangerous designs. Millions of mobs have at different times done mischief in England and other parts of the British domin ions ; many, much more mischief than this at Boston, and with equal defiance to government. Ireland is said to be indebted even for its famous Octennial law to a mob ; all these have, with little effort towards punishment, been submitted to as a kind of fine which the iraperfection of huraan nature makes all free coun tries pay for their freedom. But this at Boston, because done at Boston, was much more criminal than all others. Its pun ishment can scarcely be told without horror. Though the act was committed by only 30 or 40, the whole town (consisting of 30,000 or 40,000) was imraediately laid under a commercial interdict. No trade after a limited day (and that a very short one) of any kind, or in any degree, was permitted to the unfor tunate inhabitants of that town. This was to continue till the East India demand (a sura not then noted) was satisfied, till com pensation was granted to revenue officers and others who had suffered [the expression in the act] in particular riots specified, till the town should be adjudged to be in a state of peace, till the governor, &c., should certify these circumstances to the king in Council, and till his Majesty should be pleased in consequence to re store the town to its former privileges. This was the substance of the famous Boston Port Act. The particular provisions to effect these purposes were full of the arbitrary spirit of the prin ciple, and this act is singularly marked by the condescending meanness of Parliament, in making an express clause for the ma licious and unworthy purpose of injuring one obnoxious individ ual. This law, violent as it was, was foUowed by another still 17"?5.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 253 more so ; one calculated to obviate aU future difficulties, and ex tending to the inhabitants of the whole province. This was by proceeding to the radical business of forming a new constitution for them. The old was thought to leave too much power in the people ; the new one was intended to tum the scale in favor of their prerogative. It was not in form very materially different from others on the continent (though there were some very ex ceptionable regulations in it), but it would do well to introduce the precedent till leisure could be found, and men prepared for the estabUshment of one more excellent. The same authority that now gave the prerogative much power, might by and by give it all ; ParUament kindly intending to take the trouble of judg ing always for themselves, and not being biassed by any tender connections with the people from making it severe enough to keep their unruly spirits in order. This was their preventive remedy against tbe necessity of new Boston Port Acts. Next in order and dignity followed the law " for the impar tial administration of justice in the pro\ince of the Massachu setts Bay," an act equally arbitrary with the foregoing ; framed upon a pretence that justice could not be impartially exercised on soldiers, by a people those soldiers were sent to humble, and yet transferring it to the persons by whom the soldiers were em ployed, and who certainly would bs very little inclined to redress any sanguinary excesses in support of a power which blood alone could carry into execution : allowing complaints to be preferred by the obnoxious subjects of a country undergoing every stigma of in famy and persecution, against the favorite executors of the prevail ing measures, in that country, which had unfeelingly and wantonly dictated them, and who were evidently, and would probably always be, inclined to consider any abuses of the power they granted, as proceeding rather from excess of zeal for their sendee, and as such deserving of reward, rather than as a brutal violation of duty, meriting the most exemplary punishment ; aUowing indeed an al ternative to the crown officers to send the accused persons either to Great Britain or one of the other colonies for trial, though no man living can beUeve this last would in any case have been chosen, unless some one colony had been found base enough to desert the interest and protection of the rest, and had carried its meanness so far as to be equal in fiery and unjust resentment against suffering virtue to the people of their MotherCountry ; leav ing the accusers to depend for the transmission of e\idence on the contingency of witnesses being persuaded to leave their coun try, their famUies, their friends, their business, to risk themselves on a great ocean (6000 mUes going and returning), to support an accusation which they might be sure would be heard with 254 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1775- prejudice, and stand very little chance of success ; when they themselves would be pointed at, perhaps insulted by the popu lace, and at once suffer the excruciating torment of having their testimony questioned, their persons reviled, seeing cruelty and guUt triumph over innocence and virtue, and being themselves driven home to inform their countrymen, if they ever again chanced to see them, that they were a miserable, an injured, and a disgraced people. Upon this footing was left the chance of procuring justice against the worst actions of the soldiers to the people of the Massachusetts Bay. These were the restraints on the malicious and tyrannical conduct of the bloody instruments sent to execute the new laws. Thus, in the very instant_ of its forraation, was their new constitution violated ; that constitution whose lenity was so extolled, but whose favorers could not have the common decency to conceal, even for the useful purposes of deception, the infernal spirit of tyranny they possessed. But even here the vindictive spirits of administration could not rest. They dreaded the rising resentment of America ; they feared the powerful efforts of virtue ; they knew they could depend on noth ing but meanness or want of power in America to give their acts success ; and as they could not rely with confidence on the for mer, they hoped by a complete system of tyranny, to astonish and subdue us, without our finding any means of defence. The ad ditional scheme was a little curious. The arrival of all these thundering regulations (which very quickly succeeded one another) caused the greatest alarm in America. Here was a full avowal of tyranny in its most frightful form. We did not view the storm merely at a distance ; it was almost at our very doors. ^ These measures affecting one"^, colony only, made no difference in the general indignation they' caused. They all were interested in the principle. Their rights were nearly the same ; an invasion of one was equivalent to a declaration of war against the rest. Heaven had placed them in the neighborhood of each other, as it were, for their mutual de fence ; such an union was absolutely necessary for their safety ; singly they might be easily crushed ; united ¦¦' '¦' '¦¦' *' The Continental Congress reassembled in Philadelphia, May 10th. HEWES TO IREDELL. PmLADELPHU, 23d May, 1775. Dear Sir : — I know your anxiety to be informed what is do ing in Congress, and wish I was at liberty to gratify it, but the 1775.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 255 secrecy enjoined the members puts it out of my power to give you any inforraation worth your attention. You will see by the papers which I send to Mr. Sraith, the advice that is given to the people of New York relative to their city ; to those papers I must beg leave to refer you for news ; you will find by them the New Yorkers have taken an active share in the opposition ; a tory dare not show his head amongst them ; the cry of liberty is irresistible in most of the colonies ; a military spirit has seized all orders of people ; this city is full of armed men ; they have now 28 companies of foot and two of horse ; each company consists of 68 raen including officers ; they are called out twice every day to learn the military discipUne, and I can assure you some of the companies perform it equal to any regular troops. Capt. GUlis makes so short a stay here that I fear I shall not have it in my power to send any shoes by him. I have urged the shoemakers to get them done, but they had so many orders not completed when I applied, that I fear the ladies and yourself must wait till the next opportunity for them. I received the shell per Capt. GUlis, and shall get it made into a box for Miss Penny as soon as possible. The ladies have always my best wishes, make my compUments acceptable to them. I have wrote to Mr. Johnston, so has Mr. Hooper ; if he is not at horae when GUlis arrives, I desire you will open our letters to him, and read the contents before you send them. I am, very respectfully, dear sir. Your obliged and very humble servant, JOSEPH HEWES. I beg you will excuse haste. I now trespass on Congress hours. On the 14th June, General Washington was appointed Com mander in Chief of the Continental forces. The battle of Bun ker's Hill occurred June I7th.* Col. Harvey having died, Edenton, the residence of Samuel Johnston, becime now the head-quarters of the Whig part}-.^ MRS. IREDELL TO ARTHUR IREDELL. My dear Brother : — You cannot imagine how much plea sure your agreeable letter gave me. I think myself much obliged to you for it. You delayed performing your promise so long that * Mai-shall. f Jones. 256 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1775. I was afraid you were so much of a courtier as never to have thought of it after it was made. All the amends I can make for a supposition so injurious to you, is an assurance that I will have more confidence in your word for the future. I thank you very much for the ode— I think it very pretty, and am highly pleased with it. I am as passionately fond of receiving long_ letters as you or any other Englishman can be, and would, with all my heart, write you one, if I could, on purpose to entitle myself to one in return, but I am such a dull mortal that I can find noth ing to fiU it up with that would be the least entertaining to you. The drum which is now beating while our soldiers exercise, drives every cheerful thought from ray mind, and leaves it oppressed with melancholy reflections on the horrors of a civil war. However, do not be uneasy about your brother. He is too much respected and loved to be in any personal danger. Every body who is ac quainted with him esteems him — his good sense and goodness of heart entitle hira to it. Most of the king's other officers, through their own indiscretion, lead disagreeable lives here at present. I beg, ray dear brother, you will write often to rae, and with all the freedora of a brother, and then you can never be at a loss for a subject, and I promise to be pleased with any you shall choose. I will not trespass much longer on your time, which, I dare say, is seldom so triflingly employed as it will be in reading this. I must desire you to consider me as a sister who has a very great esteem and affection for you, and who would think herself very happy could she flatter herself that you thought but half as favorably of her as she does of you. I often please myself with the hope of one day seeing you and our dear revered mother, but I am afraid these unhappy differences will, for a much longer time than I could wish, suspend that pleasure. Your affectionate sister, HANNAH ieedell. During the whole of the spring and early part of the summer of this year, the Safety Comraittees for districts, counties and towns, were actively employed ; they formed associations to sus tain the Continental Congress, and by persuasion, or the con straint of public opinion, compelled a subscription almost univer sal ; they collected powder and weapons, and enforced by word and example that retrenchment of expenses which was necessary for the crisis. The Comraittee of Wilmington, by their vigilance, confined the Governor closely to the decks of the Cruiser, stop ped his supplies, and very effectually interrupted his communica tions with the interior. North Carolina was not a principal in the quarrel, but simply an accessory : high was the spirit of her '775,] OF JAMICS IREIJELL. 257 people — ardent their enthusiasm. They could be only affected indirectly or remotely by the wrongs done Massachusetts. No selfishness actuated them. Their moral sense revolted at the in justice of the British Ministry. Their indignation was very au dible at Mecklenburgh ; very visible in the planting of flags, the roll of drums, and the rapid organization of military companies. So ready were her citizens to volunteer, so eager to master the drill and tactics of war, that without hesitation they gave per mission to Capt. Charles C, Pinckney, and other officers from South Carolina, to engage recruits for the defence of that pro vince.* It is believed that no people were more forward than those of North Carolina, in the cause of the revolution. If any thing could have added to their excitement, it was supplied about this time by a report, commonly accredited, that Gov. Martin contemplated an appeal to the slaves, and designed to glut his vengeance with the horrors of that raost terrible of all calamities, a servUe rebellion. There is no doubt that such was part of the Governor's projected plan for the subjugation of the province, but even he, subsequently, shrunk from the infamy of its execu tion. His friends spurned at the charge, and treated it as a cal umny. Slaves were regarded by the British, during the whole course of the war in the South, as personal property, and consti tuted a part of the plunder which the retiring wave of invasion, eventually, bore from our shores. At this period what province had a council with greater wisdom to contrive, or more energy to execute, than North Carolina ? Johnston was its undoubted head ; Iredell and Hewes his brethren and constant advisers. Surely much of the success that smiled upon the province, the temper of the people raised just to the right pitch, and the tri umph at Moore's Creek, must be ascribed to the three pa triots who at one time raet in Mr. Johnston's office in Edenton, and at another asserabled in his parlor at Hayes. If either of these three gentlemen had his equal in purity and abUity in oth er sections, what single point could boast a triad so cordially unit ed, and possessed of such moral and intellectual power ? HEWES TO IREDELL. PiiiLADELPHiA, 8th July, 1776, Dear Sir : — I have sent by Capt. Hatch's Sloop ten pairs of shoes for yourself, and six pairs for Mrs. Iredell and Mrs. Daw son. I did intend to have sent double the number for the ladies, but could not prevail with the workraen to get thera ready in * Vid. Proceedings of the Wilmington Safety Committee Vol. I.— 17 258 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE 1776, tune ; the demand for women's shoes is so great that the makers cannot complete half their orders ; when a tradesraan has made a thousand promises and broke them all, he has one answer ready for every charge : sir, I have been under arms in the field. I have sent to the Committee of Correspondence at Edenton a copy of a letter from General Gage to Governor Martin, also a copy of a letter from Governor Martin to Henry White, Esq., in New York; the first was sent to the Congress from the Provincial Conven tion of New York, the latter frora the Committee of this city ; by them you may see what part our Governor intends to take in the present unhappy dispute. The Congress some days ago took into consideration the state of the trade of America ; all the arguments that could be made for and against shutting up the ports on the 20th of July were duly attended to, and after mature deliberation they determined to let the matter rest on the Association Agreement entered into last Congress, so that the ports will remain open till the 10th of September next, unless shut sooner by the people themselves in their separate committees ; a resolution was entered into against the two last restraining Acts of ParUament which you will see in the newspapers. The humble Petition and Eemonstrance frora the New York Assembly has been treated by the King and Parliament with the same contempt and neglect as they treated that from the Con gress, last winter. It is said the Ministry desired the Agent to inform the Petitioners that they might apply to the army and navy at Boston for an answer ; this circumstance has induced many of the tories in that colony to renounce their principles. It is certain that Administration have endeavored to prevail on the Canadians and Indians to fall upon our frontiers, and that they had in contemplation a scheme to set our slaves free, and arm them against us ; by the fishing and restraining acts they meant to destroy our trade and starve us ; they have made mean concessions to all the powers of Europe to prevent our getting a supply of arms and ammunition ; they have sent a formidable fleet and army to seize our vessels and cut our throats ; they then charge us with rebellion, because we will not believe that they have a right to make laws to bind us in all cases whatsoever. Strange that we should be deemed rebels for an article of faith, — after all this, they add insult to injury, and teU us we are all poltroons and cowards. Close attention to business, bad health, and a weakness iu my eyes, all contribute to prevent me from writing so much as I otherwise should do. I write in pain, and can scarcely see to read what I have written. 1775.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 259 I have sent to Mr. Smith a number of newspapers, some mag azines, sermons, articles of war for the Continental Army, and a declaration of war from the Eepresentatives of the United Colo nies of North America ; they are all intended for the amusement of my friends. My warmest good wishes and best compliraents attend you and the ladies of my acquaintance ; desire thera to pray for, dear sir. Your most obt. humble servt. JOSEPH HEWES. July 8, 1775. Dear Sir : — I ara indebted to you for sundry favors. I am sorry that you should make any excuse, and should be more sorry if I imagined you really thought that I could deem any thing a trouble which could serve you. On the present occasion, I am vexed extremely that I cannot return you what you want. When your first letter came, raore than a fortnight ago, an ex press was sent to the Governor with a number of blank registers to be signed — Mr. B. having neglected to have any done before his Excellency's departure. In continual expectation of their being returned, to my utter disappointment and astonishment, they are never yet come to hand. Your express I detained until yesterday morning, as well from my expectation of these papers from the Governor as of Mr. Berry's arrival. Yesterday I de tained him, hoping that the post or some other messenger might bring what was desired from the Governor. But all in vain. I can no other ways account for this than by supposing his Excel lency unwell, or his despatches stopped by the way — as many letters to and from him have been lately. Even the maU, that arrived yesterday from the southward, had been broken open and searched. And I, myself, have received four letters opened, and miss others. I have twice wrote, lately, to the Governor about the registers, and send off another messenger to-morrow, by whom I shall also write on the same subject. So soon as they arrive, an express will be sent you with the number wanted. Berry has none, neither has Palraer any. You desire me to write you our town politics ; they have been of too injurious and contemptible a nature. No gentleman can think of them for a moraent but with the highest indignation. I cannot prevail with myseff to dwell on thera. Now is the time for every man, with his hands upon his heart, to declare his sentiments and take side in the present un happy war. AU nice distinctions, minute objections, useless re flections on the past — all metaphysical wire-drawn theories — 260 life AJfD correspondence [1775. vague general reasoning — must now give way to resolute, active determination on the immediate, real, simple, though essential, crisis of the dispute. Born and educated a Briton, my soul is elated for the glory of my native country — ever honored, ever revered ! For the just rights of that dear country, in support of her honor and constitu tional power and splendid glory, and those of my respected sove reign, I wiU cheerfully risk every thing held dear by man, and with a generous and dutiful ardor, sacrifice life itself, — that life which has been lent me but for their service ! Every advance to pacification, magnanimously and greatly made by B., has now been madly and contemptuously rejected by America. The de signs of the demagogues now stand naked and disclosed in all their real deformity. A friend to liberty, I am also a friend to just authority ; and an enemy to anarchy and all the scheme of unjust ambition. The dissolution of the connection bei;ween Britain and America, which is essential to the true interest of both, I think of with horror. After every patient, proper and possible determination, I am steadily determined. Firmly and resolutely attached to my sovereign, my country, and the true interest of America, I will, by every method honorable, dutiful and requisite, support the Constitution and supreme authority of England against, what appears to me, a violent attempt at inde pendency, and a rebellious opposition in America. As I am sincere in my sentiments, and candid in my declaration, so may the Eternal Euler requite and prosper me ! I beg my thanks to Mr. Smith for his care of my letters, which I have received. To Mrs. Blair, Mr. Johnston, and their famiUes, I request to be par ticularly remembered. jPor Mr. Johnston, I have the truest esteem and regard. In these times, in spite of my opinion of his judgment — in spite of myself — / tremble for him. He is in an arduous situation : the eyes of all — more especially the friends of order — are anxiously fixed on him.'' I am honored and pleased by his letter. I shall answer him soon ; in the mean time, assure hira that, from my own knowledge, nothing is more infamously false than the aspersion some cast on the Governor, as hinted in his letter. If men of any character, who know him, so much as suspect hira capable of harboring such an idea, they, in the party-man, forget the gentleman.f Adieu. Yours, with real and unalterable regard, A. NEILSON. If the gentlemen of the committee at Bath stop this letter, they will please to forward it after perusal. *This passage is not italicized in the original. f The allusion is, I think, to the charge that the Governor intended an iuBur- rection of the sluves. 1775.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 261 The Provincial Congress had requested Mr. Johnston, in the event of Col. Harvey's death, to assemble a new convention.* On the 10th of July, a general order was issued by Mr. Johnston, suraraoning the freeholders of the different counties to elect dele gates to a Congress to be held at Hillsborough, on the 20th day of August. On the 8th of August, from the Cruiser, Governor Martin issued a proclamation, termed by Jones his " dying effort." It was immediately provoked by Mr. Johnston's circular, and violently denounced the " traitorous contrivers and abettors " of the Congress. JOHNSTON TO IREDELL. Halifax, 14th August, 1776, Dear Sir : — I enclosed a line to Mrs. Johnston, under cover to you, this morning, but had not then time to write to you. Mr. Jonesf and myself have had a very agreeable journey this far, and propose leaving on Wednesday morning : he is much better than when he left horae, and I keep ray health very well. Andrew Miller and Col. Jones set off this morning, and have promised to procure us lodgings ; so we shall be very snug there on this occasion. They have chosen a committee in Orange, and every thing is likely to go well, though a report prevails here that Hunter, the Eegulator, threatens to bring a thousand men from Guilford to interrupt the Convention — but I do not apprehend any such thing, and should be perfectly happy could I know every body below was well. I have likewise heard, since I came here, that the Governor had sailed from Cape Fear, Eeraeraber me affectionately to your famUy, Mrs. Dawson and her chUdren, and believe me always. Dear sir. Your affectionate brother, SAM. JOHNSTON. The Congress duly assembled at HiUsboro', on the 21st of August. On motion of Eichard Caswell, Samuel Johnston was elected President. JOHNSTON TO IREDELL. HiLLSBOKo', August 22d, 1775. Dear Sir :— I thank you for your letter by Mr. Charlton, who never reached this place, and, I expect, is on his return * Jones. t Thomas Jones, of Edenton. 262 life and correspondence [1775. home. We have a very full meeting, some from every county in the province, aU extremely well disposed to the common cause. They have done me the honor to appoint me their President — a very troublesome office, I assure you, and one that I would gladly have declined had it been practicable. We are under no appre hensions from the Eegulators, a committee is appointed to treat with them, and we have hopes of making them useful members of society by removing and obviating some scruples which, it is said, they have with regard to an extra-judicial oath imposed on them by Governor Tryon. Colson has surrendered himself, and has made his submission to this Congress (as we now style our selves), with every appearance of humility and contrition — even to the shedding of tears, and has promised for the future to exert himself with as much assiduity in favor of our measures, as he has hitherto in opposition to them. Our principal debates will be about raising troops. I am afraid selfish motives influence some, but hope they will not prevail so as to disgrace our mea sures. I can take no share in the debates, though it will be diffi cult to contain myseff. The delegates are all in good health, and we are tolerably provided with accommodations from the hospitality and obliging dispositions of the inhabitants of this town, and though I think the place for the town ill-chosen, yet I am delighted with the country about it — the face and appearance of it exhibit quite a new scene to me. Make my thankful acknow ledgments to Mr. Smith for his obliging letter, and communicate the contents of this to him. I will write to him next opportuni ty, and then you must not expect a letter from me, for time and paper are too precious to write two letters on the same subject. Give my love to my sisters and the children, and to Mrs. Dawson and her children. Farewell, and believe me ever. Dear Sir, Your raost affectionate brother, SAM. JOHNSTON. P. S. Booth and Duncan are still in South Carolina.* JOHNSTON to IREDELL. HiLLSBOKouoH, 5th September, 1775. Dear Sir : — I thank you for your letter of the 23d of last month, and wish I could gratify your expectations from this place, but though we have a great deal of business before us, there is very little accompUshed. We have more orators than men of business among us, which occasions great delays. It is proposed to raise * Tories. 1775.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 263 a thousand minute men and to put the militia in training — this, it is thought, wUl be a sufficient defence. The ways and means of paying them and the time of their continuance are not yet de termined on, neither is the plan of regulating onr internal policy completed. I am, between ourselves, afraid there will be as ranch hurt as good done — we have not among us a sufficient quantity of virtue and public spirit ; too many are actuated by Uttle, mean, dirty and selfish motives. I have not been allowed to speak ray sentiments, except on a paper, a copy of which I now send you. I was much afraid the plan contained in it would have been adopted, but in a Committee of the Whole House, though they at first seemed inclined to receive it, after hearing the reasons offered against it, it was almost un.animously rejected, and the delegates instructed not to consent to any thing of the kind in the Continental Congress till they had first submitted the plan to the Congress of this province and had their approba tion. Mr. Jones mends slowly — many of the members have been and are now sick — one is dead — we buried him this evening. I hope my brother will be able to travel in a day or two. Please to make my compliments where due, and believe me always. Dear Iredell, Your raost affectionate brother, SAM. JOHNSTON. This Congress placed the province in a state of military or ganization ; provided a civil government ; and issued bills of cred it to defray the necessary charges of the same. Two regiments, of five hundred men each, were ordered ; and, also, in each dis trict a battalion of minute men was directed to be levied. The government was vested in a Council of Twelve, two from each dis trict, at the head of which Mr. Johnston was placed for the pro vince at large. Mr. Johnston seems to have acted in this capacity until October 18th, when Cornelius Harnett was elected. Mr. Johnston being appointed oneof the two Treasurers of the Province, and the department of the finances needing, in a more especial degree than any other, the services of the most laborious and in telligent patriots, I suppose he resigned as President that he might the better co-operate with his colleague, Caswell, in restoring order, where order was so much needed ; and in laying, with sys tem and wisdom, the foundations of a treasury. On the 10th of September, according to Jones, (19th, according to Wheeler. Congress adjourned. 264 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCK [1775- NEILSON TO IREDELL. Excepting, solely, Governor Martin and Judge Howard, Mr. Neilson Was incomparably superior, in every respect, to any loyal ist in North Carolina. WiLMiXGTos, 20th October, 1775. Dear Sir : — I am to thank you for your last letter, which came safe to me through two committees : I have led somewhat of an unsettled life lately, which has prevented me from answer ing it sooner. In all the disturbances, amidst all the vehemence of party-outcry, I continued unthought-of and neglected, very properly safe in my insignificance, until an accident, of a nature so trivia], that I would never have thought it would have weighed with any other than the most contemptible, brought me forth at once, not only an object of popular indignation, but, as I have been informed, inveighed against by those who ought to judge better : — This was nothing else, than my being casually, subor- dinately, and, in a very slight degree, instrumental in forwarding a proclamation of government. Heavens ! and this treatment from the same people whose delegate, a short time before, had re commended to them to pay all respect to civil government. At any other time, a distance betwixt me and my former well-wish ers and acquaintances, in a country wherein I expect to pass many of my days, would sincerely affect me ; at present, I consid er it a necessary consequence of the times. I am little uneasy at any mistaken opinion of the people : I am intimately conscious of having the highest sentiments of regard for their true interests, and the most inviolable attachment to the restrictions of the Constitution, and all the essentials of public liberty. But bounds must be set against that wild enthusiasm which the mind is apt to run into, in this respect ; for the Salus Populi depends, as effectually, in repressing licentiousness, as in fostering firm ideas of genuine freedora. What the thoughtless opine of my political character, I consider of little consequence. Nor, as it is the fate ful, necessary course of things, is it much afflicting to me, that those who act from reflective and investigating principle, differ from me in the ideas of a complex form of government ; of the relation of its parts, their dependence, the necessary form of rule ; or in their opinion of public measures, right administration, or the due mode of subjection or opposition. All that can be ex pected of man, with respect to honor or dishonor, probity or de pravity, is that, after making all possible use of every means of information, we should determine dispassionately, freely and dis- 1775.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 265 interestedly. All this I am conscious I have done, to the utmost of my abUities : I long revolved the subject, before determining ; I allowed every due weight to every argument on every side ; I studied the theory of government in all its progress, especially that combination that exists in the British empire ; I endeavored par ticularly to fix what that has been from the beginning, is, and (so far as that could concern the discussion) might be, as relative to the mother country and her American colonies : On my ideas of this relation, I examined the conduct of administration in Great Britain and of opjiosition in this continent : Then weigh ing the aggregate attentively and deliberately, with all the colla teral and consequent connections, I, in due time, made up the result in one precise, decisive judgment. What more can be ex pected of an honest man ? Only, surely, that, from such judg ment, he should act firmly, still paying strict regard to the grand principles of humanity, and distinguishing between spirited duty and illiberal violence. On occasion, I would draw my sword against the cause of men whose persons I would cherish ; whose friendship I value, and whose private character I highly esteem ! I have much more to write you, but should become prolix, and deviate into effusion ; I must prescribe myself bounds. I beg sincere compliments to Mrs. Iredell, Mr. and Mrs. Johnston and all the family, and to Mrs. Blair and her famUy : I remember all ray friends in Edenton. The last letter I was favored with from Mr. Johnston was about four months ago, which I answered. I ardently wish for the time, when I may be, properly, indulged in a free intercourse with a gentleman whom I do, and have so much reason to, esteem and regard, I am, with real affection and esteem. Dear Sir, Yours, A. NEILSON. The Edenton district began soon to experience something of the consequences of war.* During the month of November, emis saries were discovered in the vicinity of the town, endeavoring to enlist slaves as auxiliaries for the royal governor of Virginia ; but the nefarious attempt was soon arrested by Col. Eobert Howe, at the head of a detachment from his regiment. HEWES TO IREDELL. PniLADELPniA, 9th November, 1775. Dear Sir : — When I came here and had conversed with the Massachusetts delegates, I found it a difficult matter to get a * Jones. 266 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1775 letter sent to the Commissioners in Boston. I was informed no letter was suffered to go in tUl its contents had been examined by a coramittee, and that letters wrote by persons they thought disaffected, were sometimes stopped, though the contents were only business or compliments. Under the circumstances, I thought it prudent to open your letter, and put it under coyer to Gen. Washington, at the same time requesting the favor of hira, after he had read its contents, to send it into Boston, and to per mit an answer to return the sarae way. I have not yet received an answer from him, but am in hopes it wiU not be long before I have that honor. I could think of no better way to get you an answer from the Comraissioneis. If I have done wrong I must rely on your goodness to excuse it. I can say but little on the scoie of politics — the jjresent appearance is much against us and our cause. We have had no accounts from England later than the 26th of August. We are told our Petition will be disregard ed ; that we shall be declared rebels, and our estates confiscated ; we are threatened with ships of war, troops, Eussians, Hanove rians and Hessians. God knows how it will end. Some officers from Gen. Gage's army have been detected in enlisting men in the Province of New York to go to Boston ; some of these re cruits have been examined on oath, and declared that each of them was promised two hundred acres of land, not in the woods, but cleared cultivated land with houses thereon, that they were to be put in possession at the end of the war, when the rebels were subdued, which they were taught to believe would soon happen. We are in daily expectation of further inteUigence from England, several vessels being expected here ; the last ships that have ar rived brought the king's proclamation. You will see it in the newspapers ; it is remarkable those ships brought very few letters from private persons — it would seem as if the proclama tion had deterred our friends from writing on the subject of poli tics. My best compliraents to the ladies, and believe me to be, with much esteem. Dear Sir, Your most obedient humble servant, JOSEPH HEWES. The year closed, as regards events of importance in North Carolina, with the march of Col. Howe to Norfolk, to assist the Virginians in expelling Lord Dunmore from their territory,* Meanwhile, active agents were engaged in her own borders in pre paring an explosion, whose flames could only be quenched iu * Marshall. 1775.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 267 blood. The numerous emigrants frora the Highlands of Scotland, with a terrible conviction of British power impressed upon their memories by the wholesale slaughter of battle-fields, and massa cres such as attach for ever to Glencoe a tragic interest, were fit subjects to be tampered with by craft and fraud — to be moved by the hope of reward and the fear of punishment. 268 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1776- CHAPTEE IX. LETTER FROM HOOPER ; BATTLE OF MOORE'S CREEK ; LETTERS FROM J. JOHNSTON AND HEWES ; PROV. CONGRESS ; LETTERS FROM JOHNSTON AND THOMAS JONES ; CUSTOM HOUSE CLOSED ; LETTERS FROM JOHNSTON AND THOMAS JONES ; BRITISH RE TREAT ; IREDELL's ESSAY ; attack ON FORT SULLIVAN ; LET TERS FROM HEWES ; THEFT OF UNPAID BILLS OF CREDIT ; LET TERS FROM IREDELL, JONES, J. JOHNSTON, AND CHARLTON ; DEFEAT OF MR. JOHNSTON ; " CREED OF A RIOTER ;" STATE CON STITUTION ; LETTERS FROM JOHNSTON. ^T. 24 25. Letter from Wm. Hooper. Philadelphia, January 6th, 1776. My Dear Friend : — So great has been my proportion of scribbling public letters, that I have not had an opportunity to pay that respect to my private connections to which they have so just a claim — to you to whora I owe it as a duty, as well as a testimony of sincere reciprocal esteem. That day, I hope is not at a great distance, when retired from the bustle of public life, I shall enjoy all the sweets of domestic retirement and private friendship. I am weary of politics ; it is a study that corrupts the human heart, degrades the idea of human nature, and drives men to expedients that morality must condemn ; deep stratagems, dark disguise, fiction, falsehood, are but the fair side of the picture of a perfect politician — a Machiavel — a Hobbs — a Eichelieu — fa North. No, my friend ; the science of politics is not to be learned in the principles of the laws of nature and nations ; it is wrote only in the recesses of the minds of princes, and vice assuraes an other name, when it ministers to the strength and importance of the state. The black part of the character is ascribed to this, and virtues, if any there are, are the personal property of the prince.* * This is BO illegible as to admit of doubt as to the true word. 1776.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 269 Hide the picture 1 'tis a horrid one. We have raet with nothing of much importance lately from the continental armies. A scar city, of gunpowder has for some time past kept thera inactive ; that want is now plentifully supplied, and I suppose ere long we shall hear of the happy effects. To what are we reduced that we can hear of bloodshed without reraorse ; and, amidst the horror of this unnatural war, derive consolation from a conquest sealed with the blood of our fellow subjects ? Yes, Britain, it is the criterion of thy existence ; thy greatness totters. Luxury and wealth, with every vice in their train, are hurrying thee down the precipice, and liberty shuddering at thy fate is seeking an asylum westward. Oh heaven ! still check her approaching ruin ; restore her to the affection of her American subjects. May she long flourish the guardian of freedora, and when that change coraes, and come it must, that America must become the seat of empire, may Britain gentlj' verge down the decline of life, and sink away in the arms of American sons. A fleet is begun here at the Continental ex pense. Should its success be great, it will much exceed my expec tations. It has a formidable power to cope with ; the luxury of Britain has not yet enervated its seamen. However, if this war continues, which God forbid, a navy we must have ; that of the united provinces was trifling in the commencement ; its increase and importance showed the propriety of it. Some small armed vessels about Boston have made sorae valuable acquisitions. This city scarce feels the interruption of trade ; the manu facturers, mechanics, and seamen find employment in the public works. And the merchants find means to dispose of their com modities, which are necessary to procure the means of offence and defence. The Eastern Colonies furnish soldiers and the necessa ries for subsisting them, so that much of the Continental money will centre with them ; their poor are employed and none left for clamor. The Southern Colonies will feel it first. The American army raised, and iramediately to be raised, is as follows : In Massa chusetts, twenty-seven battalions (i. e. New England), In New York, four. In Canada, one (Canadians). In Jersey, two. In Philadelphia, six. In Delaware Counties, one. In Virginia, six. In North Carolina, two. In South CaroUna, three. In Georgia, one, besides the Provincial estabUshment in each province. Phila delphia is to be made the seat of action early in the Spring, so say private letters. I am extremely sorry that Pollock has been made the mark of public vengeance. I am told that he was ex amined and acquitted by the Committee of Safety ; is it true ? Oh the licentiousness of the times. Surely persecution never begot converts ; such violence hurts the cause. Eemember me most respectfully to your lady and family. I 270 LIFE and CORRESPONDENCE t'^Te. wrote Mr. Johnston, via Virginia, by an cypress. By a vessel which sails to-morrow for Wilmington, I wish to hear from Wm. Compliments to Mr. Smith, Mr. Jones, Mr. Charlton and- all friends. I have only room to add, what I do with great truth and sincerity, that I am Your sincere friend, WILL. HOOPEE. On the lOth day of January, from on boai-d lus Majesty's Sloop Scorpion,* in Cape Fear River, Governor Martin issued a Proclamation, a copy of which is with Mr. IredeU's papora, de claring a state of rebellion ; that he had erected the Royal Stand ard ; and summoning all good subjects to rally to its support. From the 19th of July, 1775, "all our historians seem to lose sight of him." In Gov. Swain's lecture on the " British invasion in 1776," he very conclusively proves that not only the campaign of 1776 was suggested by him, "but that the entire system of operations for tbe reduction of North Carolina, until the retire ment of Cornwallis, in May, 1781, was prosecuted to some extent under his immediate supervision." The Proclamation, of which the only copy I have ever seen is the one in my possession, is con firmatory of Gov. Swain's argument. On the 5th of February, Donald McDonald, " Brigadier General of his Majesty's foreesfor the time being in North Carolina," issued a manifesto, calling upon all loyal citizens forthwith to repair to tho Royal Banner, in accordance with the Governor's proclamation.f McDonald's troops were to meet the Governor at Brunswick, on the 15th of February.^ Sir Henry Clinton, destined for the chief command, was expected from New York, Lord Wm. Campbell from South Carolina, and Sir Peter Parker at the head of a squadron. The whole, united, were to advance into the interior, and crush the province of. North Carolina ; but, accidents beyond the ken of rnilitary forecast foiled the combinations of the campaign, and, for a time, saved the province from invasion. The Highlanders were soon assembled to the number of two or three tuousond ; they were animated with the hope of retrieving the past ; but a remorseless fate was dogging the steps of these doomed men with a pertinacity surpassing that of their own " sleuth hound." One of their leaders was the husband ofthe celebrated Flora McDonald, whose services to their fallen prince invested her in their eyes with a sacred character ; her presence in their camp, and her counsel, enforced by the charms of beauty and wit, exalted ^ their courage * Gov. Swain and others soy fi'om on board tlie Cruiser j doubtless an error !A cbpy of this manifesto was also preserved by Judge Iredell. Swain. 1776,] OF JAMES IREDELL. 271 into enthusiasm. Though ultimately trodden into the dust by the armed heel of the Briton, yet could they recall occasions, when their impetuous spirit had borne them, a resistless torrent, over the broken hosts of England. They, as soldiers, had been truly baptized in fire and blood ; were renowned by their use of the claymore as the best swordsmen in the world, and now, certainly on the strong side, were flushed with the prestige of victoiy that attached to the meteor flag of St. George. They were marshalled by regular officers, and could not but feel some contempt for the raw, undisciplined mUitia of the Province. Evading the vigilance of General Moore, and crossing to the left bank of the Cape Fear, they moved rapidly down the road to Moore's Creek. About seventeen railes from Wilmington, Moore's Creek was, as now, spanned by a small bridge. The creek is narrow, but deep. About one hundred and fifty yards from the bridge, on the after noon of the 26th of February, Colonels LUlington and Ashe, at the head of a detachment of the WUmington Minute Men and New Hanover Volunteer Eangers, had taken their post, deter mined to contest the passage of the Celts. They hastily threw up an entrenchment at right angles with the road : two smaU field-pieces were placed in the centre, so as to sweep the bridge : their flanks were protected by deflections of the swamp skirting the creek. Subsequently, Col. Caswell came up, and finding the front already occupied, drew up his forces in the rear, in a second Une. The whole American force amounted to about one thou sand men : they were not in mUitary costume, but clad in sim ple homespun : in their hands were no muskets whose bayonets gleamed in the sunshine, but long, single-barreUed shot guns and rifles, whose range had been often proved in the deer hunt. About daybreak, on the 27th, the Highlanders came in sight of their antagonists. They rapidly formed into a storming column, with a forlorn hope of seventy-five picked men in front : their general being sick. Colonel Donald McLeod took the command. The planks of the bridge had been hastUy removed. Their way was effectually barred. Fight they must. They were celebra ted for their dashing onset. At the word of command, they passed the bridge ; and rushed forward with the force of the hurricane. Though shattered by the fire of the cannon, they closed up their broken ranks and pressed onward, as ff to assured victory, while loud cheers accompanied their advance : but now was heard the voice of Lillington, and a sheeted fiame blazed along the American Une, attended with a report as of thunder when it rattles amid the mountain crags. There was a moment of awful silence, in which the wind lifted the smoke, as a curtain, from that stage of death. Seldom has there been disclosed to 272 LIFE .\NU CORRESPONDENCK [1776. human eye a more appalling spectacle of carnage. In front were the dead, the dying, and the wounded — the background crowded with panic-stricken fugitives. Swift was the pursuit — the tri umph was complete. Fffty were Irilled : among whom were Col. McLeod and Capt. Campbell. Fifteen hundred rifles ; three hun dred and fifty gims and shot bags ; one hundred and fifty swords and dirks ; two medicine chests, worth ^1500 ; thu'teen wagons with complete sets of horses, and §75,000 in cash constituted the booty. Eight hundred and fifty common soldiers. General McDonald, and many officers, were captured.* Thus was won in North CaroUna, by North Carolina men, the first great, un doubted triumph of the American arms. This gaUant achieve ment entirely disconcerted the well-organized plan of the intend ed campaign ; and North CaroUna had the honor to be the first of the provinces to repel the foe from her borders. Strange to say, these men of New Hanover, who so distinguished themselves, were content with the performance of their duty, and so indiffer ent to their renown that they took no measures to record their acts and assert their fame. Thanks were voted by the Provin cial Congress to Colonel Caswell, who only participated in the pursuit.f The name of Lillington was omitted, who, modest as brave, submitted to the rape of his laurels. His true position, as the hero of Moore's Creek, was never assigned until, recently, at the first anniversary celebration ofthe battle (1856), by myaccom- pUshed friends, Hon. Wm, S. Ashe, Mr. Geo. Davis and Mr. James Banks : but meanwhile the tradition of the county took charge of his reputation, and the matrons and maidens of New Hanover would often beguile the winter nights by a popiUar song, whose burden was the field •' Where Lillington fought for Caswell's glorj'," I trust my long digression may be pardoned. No son of New Hanover can allude to tho event without kindling with honest pride, and charity, I know, will readily throw her mantle over the faiflt, pardoning garrulity prompted by reverence for the dead, and respect for historic truth. February 2Sth. — The third Provincial Council,:|: assembled in New Berne, appointed Abner Nash and John Kinchen to meet at Charleston other delegates from the southern colonies ; and to consult together as to the means of defence against invasion : * VideSwaiu's Lecture iiud the " Old North State " of the "judicious Caruthers" — Relation of the lale John Lnikins to Dr. James F. MiRee, Seur. Mr. Larkins served under Lillington in the battle. — Statement of the late Col. Samuel Ashe. I Caswell was a member of the Congress, — look his seat a short time after the battle. X Jones. 1776-] OF JAMES IREDELL. 273 at the same time, Mr. Johnston and Mr. Thomas Jones were de signated as representatives of North Carolina to confer with the Comraittee of Safety of Virginia on matters of mutual in terest. JOHN JOHNSTON * TO JAMES IREDELL. March 17th, 1776, Dear Sir : — I set out on Thursday after I left town last, to overtake our men on their march to Crane Creek, and overtook them near Neuse, at the house of one Sausers,t ready prepared for engagement, Col, Bryan having been robbed the night before by a party of one hundred and eighty Eegulators — we were in formed of this when the party of six that I was in company with was about two or three miles off from the main body, and we immediately charged and rode up full speed in order to have a share in the action, but just as we joined them an express arrived from Col. Long to inform them the matter was settled, and di rected them to return ; never were men more desirous to engage — ^when they found there was nothing to be done. However, on our return, to keep up their spirits, we raised a body of Ught-horse and scoured the country about Tarborough, where, we were in formed, there were a great number of Tories, in particular on the Town Creek, where a body of twenty of them had assembled to defend themselves — twenty of us immediately marched in search of them, and, after going through almost impassable swamps, came upon them at a Pass where they might have defended themselves against two hundred, but the most of them, on our riding up full stride to them, quitted their arms and made the best heels they could — we, however, took twelve prisoners that night and next^morning, whom we_left under guard at Tarbo rough. I had marched that day twenty miles on foot, and was on horseback till eleven at night — the swamps were so deep that we aU got wet — my horse, unluckUy, fell into a hole and wet me up to the shoulders, and I remained in that condition till some time next day ; till then I found myseff grow, as to my health, better and better every day ; I got a smaU cold by that night's expedition, but it is almost worn off. * * * * I should have wrote to my brother, but as I shaU soon see him at Halifax, I make no doubt but he wUl excuse it — please to remember me to him and my sisters, and believe me to be. Dear Sir, with the sincerest regard. Your affectionate brother, JOHN JOHNSTON. * Mr, IredeU's brother-in-law. t Probably Sasser. Vol, 1,-17 274 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE 117 '6. HEWES TO IREDELL. Philadelphia, 26th March, 1776. Dear Sir : — By the return of our express, I have been fa vored with your letter of the 2d instant ; I am much obliged to you for it. The letter you gave me for the Commissioners, and which I enclosed to General Washington, was by him sent into Boston, but no answer was ever retumed. As I imagine you wUl be at Halffax, and will there see my friend Hooper, who wUl be able to give you all the news and poUtics, I shall not trouble you with any thing in that way ; as to myseff, I am ashamed to be always complaining, yet I must say I think myseff decUning fast ; such close attention to business every day in Congress tUl three, four and sometimes five o'clock, and on committee almost every eve ning, and frequently in the morning before Congress meets, is too much for my constitution — however, my country is entitled to my services, and I shall not shrink from her cause, even though it should cost me my Ufe. I send you enclosed the locket you desired me to get made for Mrs. Iredell ; the jeweUer was a long time about it, and has not pleased me in the execution ; the letters are not plain enough. In these times, when every me chanic is employed in learning how to kUl EngUshmen, it is im possible to get any thing done right. I send you, also enclosed, a piece of hair-work in a bracelet for Mrs. PoUok — it is done with Mrs. Buncombe's hair, and, I think, pretty well executed, WUl you do me the favor to deliver it to Mrs. PoUok, with my most respectful compUments? I have a favor to beg of Mrs. IredeU — a lock of Miss Annie's hair, if such can be had, and you wUl obUge me by sending it to me by the first opportunity ; if enclosed in a letter by post, I beUeve it vriU come safe. My compUments to Miss NeUy — I am much indebted to her for her letter by the return express ; teU her I cannot write ; ff she knew how much of my time was taken up on the pubUc service and with how much pain I now write, she would excuse me for not doing it ; teU her I am getting my picture drawn in minia ture, and as she may never have an opportunity of seeing the original again, I shaU send her the copy when it is finished.* My compUments to Mrs. Johnston, Mrs. Dawson, Mrs. Blair, Miss Peggy and all friends. Adieu, and beUeve me vrith great truth, Dear Sir, Your most obedient humble servant, JOSEPH HEWES. * The miniature, encased in gold and encircled with garnets, is now in the pos- ¦eesion of Miss Helen Iredell, the grand- daughter of Miss Nelly Blair. 1776.] OF JAMES JREDELL. 275 P. S. I said I had enclosed the locket, but I am so much displeased with it that I have retained it in hopes of getting it altered for the better ; in the mean time, ff Mrs. Iredell chooses to have hair put in it, and will send it me, with orders how it should be wrought in, I will have it done. J. H. At the summons of Mr. Johnston, the Provincial Congress assembled at Halifax, on the 4th day of AprU.* Mr. Johnston was immediately elected President. Halifax, 5th April, 1776. Dear Sir : — I have the pleasure of yours by Capt. Hardy, and am very glad you are all well. We made a House only yes terday, and I am again placed in the chair, very much against my inclination, but there was no such thing as avoiding it. There is little done yet, except an order admitting General McDonald to go at large within the limits of the town of Hali- fax.f I am told he is much dissatisfied with being confined to this town, wishing rather to be at sorae gentleraan's house in the country, and refuses to come out. Though I am told his situation is very far from being agreeable, he is very obnoxious to the people, and it was with difficulty that even this favor could be procured for him. Our wagons arrived yesterday with about 2500 pounds of powder, and drums, and colors, for the troops. I have likewise a letter from Hewes of the 20th of last month, but no news except what you have in the newspapers. He seems to despair of a reconciliation ; no Commissioners were ap pointed the 25th of December, and the Parliament was then prorogued to the 20th of January. All our people here are up for independence. God knows when I shall have the pleasure ol seeing you. There are very few araong us capable of forwarding business — many of retarding it. I shall take care of your let ters. I heard from Mrs. Johnston and the children to-day— they are well. Give my love to my sisters and the chUdren, and beUeve me Your affectionate brother, SAMUEL JOHNSTON. LETTER FROM JOHNSTON. H.4LIFAX, 13th April, 1776. Dear Sir : — I have just received yours, and am very happy * Jones. f After the battle of Long Island, the British General proposed to exchange Gener als Sullivans and StirUng for Generals Prescott and McDonald : Congress assented. — Hildreth. 276 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1116. to find you are aU weU. I heard from Mrs. Johnston this mom ing — she and the children are well ITie House, in consequence of some very important inteUi gence received last night, have agreed to impower their delegates at Philadelphia to concur with the other Colanies in entering into foreign alliances, and declaring an independence on Great Britain. I cannot be more particular — ^this is wrote in Con gress. Mv love and compliments where due. FareweU. SAM. JOHNSTON. " This was the first open declaration for independence, by the proper authority, of any one of the Colonies, on record."* EXTRACT FROM A LETTER FROM SAM. JOHNSTON. " I must confess our prospects are, at this time, very gloomy. Our people are about forming a Constitution. From what I can at present coUect of their plan, it will be impossible for me to take any part in the execution of it. Numbers have started in the race of popularity, and condescend to the usual means of success." The attempt to form a Constitution soon developed radical differences in the poUtical views of its members. The majority incUned to a pure democracy ; the minority, under the lead of Johnston, leaned to representative repubUcanism, with constitu tional guaranties to individuals as well as minorities against ar bitrary legislation ; and, in an especial degree, advocated the independence of the judiciary, secured by the only practicable mode — tenure of office, during good behavior, and election by a select body, rather than by the people directly. LETTER FROM JOHNSTON. Halifax, 20th April, 1776. Dear Sir : — We have not yet been able to agree on a Con stitution. We have a meeting on it every evening, but can conclude on nothing — the great difficulty in our way is how to establish a check on the representatives of the people, to prevent their assuming more power than would be consistent ^vith the Uberties of the people — such as increasing the time of their dura tion, and such Uke. Many projects have been proposed, too te dious for a letter to communicate. Some have proposed that we should take up the plan of the Connecticut constitution, for a * Jones. 1776.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 277 ground-work, but with some amendments — such as that the great officers, instead of being appointed by the people at large, should be appointed by the Assembly — that the judges of our courts should hold their offices during good behavior, &c. After all, it appears to me, that there can be no check on the repre sentatives of the people in a Democracy, but the people them selves ; and, in order that the check may be the more efficient, I would have annual elections. The Congress have raised four new regiments, making in the whole six ; and three companies of light-horse. They are about to strike a large sum of money for paying them. General Lee promises us a visit soon ; I want much to see that original. Mrs. Johnston and the children are well. I am far otherwise, but I make a shift to keep up, though with difficulty. Pray let my sister Blair know that I have not yet seen Mr. PatUlo — as soon as I do she shaU hear from me. Offer my love and compUments where due, and believe me. Dear Sir, Your affectionate brother. SAM.' JOHNSTON. LETTER FROM THOMAS JONES TO IREDELL. Halifax, Sunday Morning, 28th April, 1776. My WORTHY Friend : — You must pardon me for not giving you a line ere this, but if you really knew the amazing fatigue of business several of us have gone through, you would, I am fully assured, most readily forgive me. In my time I have been used to business, both pubUc and private, but never yet experi enced one-fourth part of what I now ara necessarily obUged to undertake — we have no rest, either night or day. The first thing done in the morning is to prepare every matter necessary for the day — after breakfast, to Congress — there, generally, from 9 untU 3 o'clock — no sitting a minute after dinner, but to the different committees ; perhaps one person will be obliged to at tend four of them between 4 o'clock and 9 at night — then to sup per, and this generally brings us to 12 at night. This has been the Ufe I have led since my arrival here — in short, I never was so hurried. I was in great expectation that it would have been in my power to have acquainted you with political affairs of moment, but nothing as yet has been digested, and the most material business secret — can only, therefore, acquaint you that the army affairs have taken up a fortnight of our time. The Constitution goes on but slowly. The outlines of it made their appearance in the House for the first time yesterday, and by the last of thi.« 278 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1776. week it, probably, may be finished. The plan, as it now stands? will be subject to many alterations ; at present, it is in the fol lowing manner : — 1st. A House of the representatives of the people — all free householders of one year standing to vote ; and, 2d. A Legislative CouncU — to consist of one Member from each County in the Province — to sit as an Upper House, and these two Houses are to be a check on each other, as no law can be made without the consent of both, and none but freeholders will have a right to vote for the members of this council. Next, an Execu tive Council, to consist of a President and six CouncUlors ; to be always sitting ; to do all official business of Government — such as managing the army ; issuing commissions, military and civil ; filling up vacancies ; calling the two branches of the legislature together ; receiving foreign ambassadors, &c. &c. The President and Council to be elected annually, as also the Assembly and Legislative Council — but have some reason to believe the President will have a right to be chosen yearly for three years successively, and no more, until the expiration of three years thereafter. So much for the outUnes of the Constitution. We expect Gen. Lee here every moment, on his way to the southward. He has two regiments in Virginia ready to assist this Province, as, we have reason to believe. North Carolina is their first object ; thinking that we are the weakest of the thirteen — in this, perhaps, they may be mistaken. Gen. Lee holds these regiments in readiness at Suffolk to assist, as the case may be, either North Carolina or Virginia. Clinton is at Cape Fear, waiting for Lord Cornwallis and seven regiments — it's probable they may mean this as a feint to draw off forces from Virginia to Carolina, and then sail imme diately and attack Virginia — as circumstances have materially •changed since the date of Lord Germaine's letters to Gov. Eden, and Gen. Clinton having discretionary orders it's impossible to say what they will do ; however, every necessary preparation is making for their reception both here and in Virginia. A Com mittee of Inquiry, or, in other words, an examining court was ap pointed by the Congress to inquire as to the conduct of the pris oners in the jail, on our arrival here ; we have tried 102 of them — this was a troublesome job indeed — and sent off fifty-three of them. Gen. McDonald at their head, out of the country — the place of their destination I am not at liberty to tell you. General Armstrong went through this town the other day, on his way to South Carolina, to head the South CaroUna forces. We have a printed copy of the South Carolina constitution, which is now in full force with the inhabitants of that country. A priva teer from Philadelphia, of sixteen 4-pounders, actually engaged with and took an armed sloop, fitted out by Captain Bellew, and 1776.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 279 commanded by his Ueutenant ; the engagement lasted one hour and twenty minutes. The armed sloop is torn all to pieces, so that it was with difficulty she was carried up to Philadelphia — the lieutenant and thirty-five prisoners arrived safe at that city. Old Goodrich is here a close prisoner, with one Capt. Geo. Blair, and others. Since Goodrich was taken, the pilots and others at the bar have taken another tender by boarding, having on board 1000 pounds of gunpowder and sixteen men — the officers are in New Berne jail, and the men have cheerfully entered into the Continental service. The Province wfll instantly purchase the vessels of the pilots, and send them to the bar as tenders to the King Tarainy and Pennsylvania Farmer. I do expect we shall vote 300,000, to be immediately emitted, for Continental purposes ; and I have the pleasure to tell you that we have the greatest reason to believe that our last expedition against the insurgents will be paid by the united Colonies, and every other expense we may be at in future, as we are considered as an accessory and not a principal in the present disputes ; in that case, our paper money will be upon a footing with the Continental. Mr. Johnston, Mrs. Johnston, and the children, are in high health. Mr. Johnston called at my lodgings this morning, and bid me tell you that he is so hurried he could not write to you by Van- dewater — this I know to be the case. Mr. Charlton has been looked for here every day for these ten days past, or I should have wrote to him. My compliments to Mrs. Iredell, Mrs. Blair, Mrs. Dawson, and all the young ladies of both families. I am, worthy sir. Your friend and most obedient servant, THOMAS JONES. April 27th. — All transactions ceased in the Edenton Custom House ; and Mr. Iredell finally closed his books and terminated his career as collector. His accounts were finally adjusted and settled with the Congress and the " Commissioners of Confiscated Property." JOHNSTON TO IREDELL. Halifax, 2d May, 1776. " Dear Sir : — Affairs have taken a turn within a few days past.* All ideas of forming a permanent Constitution are, at this time, laid aside. It is now proposed, for the present, to establish a Council to sit constantly, and county committees to sit at cer tain fixed periods, but nothing is concluded. We find it neces- * Jones. 280 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1776- sary to emit a very large sum of paper money at the present emergency ; a circumstance which gives me more concern than any thing else, and yet it seems unavoidable. You can easUy see the evils attending this measure. I am pietty well this morn ing, and have leave to be absent from the service of the House in order to prepare my public accounts for a settlement. Allen Jones is Vice President." * The President, Mr. Johnston, had leave of absence, for a few days, granted to enable him to prepare his accounts, as Treasurer, for examination, T. JONES TO IREDELL. Halifax, 7th May, 1776. Dear Sir : — I acknowledge, with great pleasure, the receipt of your very polite and sensible favor by Capt. Payne. We have not, at this time, a moment to spare — therefore you must pardon my not giving you at this time so long a letter as my last. I have only to tell you that the Constitution for the present is laid over and will be taken up again next October, at which time you must be a judge — the matter is finally settled and determined upon — your amiable character and abilities are luell known to many who never had the pleasure of seeing you. Dr. Burke pre sents his best compliments to you — that gentleman and myself lodge in the same house together, and have frequent communion with each other on politics, defence of the country, &c. — our whole time has been taken up here in raising and arming men, and making every necessary military arrangement. The word is war, or, as Virgil expresses it, bella, horrida bella. 2000 Ministe rial troops are in Cape Fear Eiver — 5000 more hourly expected — to oppose the whole will require a large force, but large as it may be amply supplied from this province only — though Gen. Lee has on the frontiers of this province 3000 brave men ready to as sist us — we shall be under the necessity of striking half a million of money to carry on the war — this will perhaps strike you with astonishment, but when I see you, shall have it in my power to make you very easy on that head. I have a glorious magazine of matters of every sort for you — therefore prepare yourself to laugh abundantly. My best compliments to Mrs. IredeU, Mrs. Blair, * Alien Jones was a conservative leader — General of the Halifax District in '76 — Member ofthe Continental Congress in 1779-80 — Seuator in the Assembly, 1787. Though the brother of Willie Jones, he was a warm Federalist in 1788. His daugh ter, Sarah, married Gen. Wm. R. Davie : another daughter raarried Mr. Lunsford Long: from the latter union springs Mrs. Cadwalader Jones, of HiUsboro', who, with her husband, are the finest representatives, as a couple, that I know, of the virtue, dignity, grace and refinement of the " olden time." 1776.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 281 Mrs. Dawson, and the young ladies — shall be at home some time next week. I am almost worn down with business, and my wish is that on my return I may enjoy one week's peace and quietness — longer I do not ask for. I am in great haste. Dear sir. Your friend and ob't humble serv't, THOMAS JONES. On the 14th of May Congress adjourned. Such was the ex asperated state of party feeling that the Eadicals had contrived to exclude Mr. Johnston* from the Council of Safety for tho State : in his place Willie Jones was substituted, the most vio lent of his opponents ; it might well have been supposed that they would have hesitated long before they would have incurred tho hazard of alienating from the common cause its most power ful friend — such would have been their course with an ordinary man : but they well knew the temper of Mr. Johnston ; that he was not the man to desert principio because of neglect or wrong ; or to retire to his tent because denied the load ; that Uke the needle, however agitated, he would settle and point, as ever, true North in politics as in morals. f JOHNSTON TO MRS. IREDELL. Halifax, 31st May, 1776. My dear Hannah : — I have often threatened to write you, and havo taken my seat more than once for that purpose, but somehow or other I never could find matter for a letter — wheth er it was that I thought you cx])ccted something better from me than I was capable of executing, and that faUing short of your ex pectations I should suffer something in your good opinion — and my vanity could not bear a shock of that kind — or wliat else might be the reason I can't tell, but I am now determined, at any rate, to entitle myself to a letter from you. I have seen you so seldom of late that wc shall be as great strangers as if we lived an hundred miles apart, unless I can i)revail on you to correspond with me. I had a tolerably agreeable journey up, considering the heat of the weather. I keep my health pretty woll, and have just busi ness enough to confine mo to tlio town. Instead of politics, the * ,lonos. f At its close Congress returned thanks to Mr. John.slun, ns tlu-ir prosidoiit ; "having in that, as in all other .'slntioua, aiiprovod himself the firm and lilirral patron of liberty, nnd a wise aud zealous friond and ns-iortur of the rights of num- tind," 282 life and correspondence [1776. general topic of conversation in this place is horses, a subject which, though apparently perfectly understood, and repeatedly talked over, seems never to be exhausted. When I first came up Gen. Lee * and his dogs had entirely supplanted the horses ; a number of Uttle anecdotes are told of them — among others, the general wiU not suffer Spado to eat bacon for breakfast (a prac tice very general both with gentlemen and ladies in this part of the country) lest it should make him stupid — this piece of satire, however, has not prejudiced him in their good opinion : he is con sidered as a very polite, well-bred, and sensible gentleman by eve ry one I have heard speak of him,, making allowances for a few oddities, which all great men are indulged in, and which were not so many as they had reason, from report, to expect. Give my love to Mr. IredeU, our sister and the children. I don't write him, but hope he will excuse it, and not neglect writing to me for that reason. It now grows late, and the bearer sets out early in the morning ; I have therefore only to add that I ara most truly, my dear Hannah, Your most affectionate brother, SAM. JOHNSTON. In the latter part of May the British fleet, with Gen. Clinton's troops, withdrew from Cape Fear. Before they retired, their commander fulminated an idle proclamation, whose tone con trasted strikingly with the baffled expectations, the fears, and the disappointed hopes confessed by their retreat. They were gorged with no blood other than that of a few bullocks stolen "from the plantation of Gen. Eobert Howe ; enriched with no plunder but a few slaves torn from the same gallant proprietor. What a commentary upon the chivalry ofthe English Nobleman ! what a conclusion to an invasion to be made good by so powerful an armament ! the shame of a dastardly act of revenge. Had he had the soul of a gentleman, he not only would have respected the property of the American General, but he would have placed a guard over his home to guarantee the safety, and calm the ap prehensions of the ladies of his family. I have claimed for North Carolina the honor of the first vic tory won by American arms ; and the first authoritative instruc tion issued by any colony to its delegates, to declare Independ ence. I now claim for the same province an honor, equally sig nal, — a triumph won in the field of letters. It is true that many wished for independence as desirable in itself; but the great mass of the people were incUned to assent to it solely as a mea- * Gen. Charles Lee, in command of the Southern Department. 1776.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 283 sure dictated by necessity. It was important that needless ap prehensions should be allayed ; that scruples should be quieted ; and confidence, in the justice of their cause, inspired into the people. This work Mr. Iredell performed : and his essay, for simplicity of diction, comprehensiveness, order of arrangement, per spicuity, and force of argument, surpasses not only any similar pro duction ofthe year, but ofthe Eevolution. It is dated June, 1776. This pamphlet was probably never published. Publication. was then almost, if not entirely, impracticable in North Carolina. It is believed, however, that it had a very extended circulation among the prominent men of the province, passing iu manuscript, from hand to hand. . " Having in the foregoing address slightly canvassed the subject ofthe American claims, and proved, as I conceive, to the satisfaction of every reasonable man, that they are founded in the highest jus tice, I shall now proceed to say something as to the mode which '¦ has been since pursued in the assertion of thera, and to rescue us from the arbitrary dominion of an unlimited authority, not only speculatively claimed, but attempted to be carried into the severest and most cruel action. " Much fault has been found with this. It has been repre sented as highly impolitic and unjust ; not well calculated for the purpose we had in view, not to be justified in the abstract upon any footing of necessity. Equal, if not greater, clamor has been raised on this subject, than on the substance of our de mands ; and I am much mistaken if many well-meaning men have not been led away by flowery declamations on this point to take a bitter and severe part against us. " It must, however, be admitted, that there is an essential and eternal difference between the real nature of any claim that is in question, and the manner of resisting a violation of it, and, that however mistaken men may be in the means of redressing an injury, the injury itself must be removed before justice can take place. All men are entitled to justice, but all are not pos sessed of wisdom ; and, therefore, the means of defending a right can never come in competition with a title to the right itself. ' " But I have the satisfaction to hope that I can make it ap pear, the steps which have been taken by America were just and sQ^ecessary, and can be vindicated upon those great and honorable principles which have in a thousand instances prompted a de- f'enc(^of the rights of human nature against the attacks of ty- rants>, and can more especially be vindicated upon those princi ples Tvnich are the only real and solid basis of the very power which oppresses us. 284 LIFE AND CURKKSPONDKNCE 11776. " It is difficult to unravel the complicated and perplexed accu sations we are loaded with. They have been stated without any order, consistency or precision. Sometimes the whole of our claims are rejected ; sometimes part only ; a few think us right in princi]3le, but reprehensible in conduct. There are still others who would grant our present demands, but apprehend further, and conceive we have been all along acting a base, disingenuous, and unnatural part. They wiU not, therefore, let us be on a just footing now, for fear we should afterwards aim at an unjust one. No professions contrary to this favorite epidemical creed ; no past services ; no endeavors (though they have been most earnest) to prove the calumny of the supposition, can have any effect upon a credulous (in this point), unhappy and misguided people. The as sertions of many, whose whole conduct has been one scene of ini quity, are implicitly believed in preference to the solemn assurances of men, who only can know the worst, and who have never yet, considered as a people (notwithstanding every vile insinuation to the conti;^y),\been guilty of any other crime than an ardent love of liberty^ J " Different principles have certainly actuated our enemies. A variety of motives has arisen against us, and found advocates according to the humor, the understanding, and the hearts of men. Many, I doubt not, act from an honest prejudice ; more, -I am obliged to beUeve, from mp^iD__and wicked views. These unhappily have the direction, and conceal the truth from the former, giving them only partial and interested information. Nojjains have been spared to abuse us._ Our intentions have been~\'illainously tradiiced ; our personal characters have been made to appear odious and contemptible, and the unfeeling moulders of every social virtue dare to represent themselves as wise and honest patriots. " The principle of this controversy has undergone the most thorough discussion ; and people who havj not been convinced by the arguments already used, scarcely will by any other. In the preceding performance, I aim at little originality ; I set down thoughts as they arose in my mind, without considering whence I first derived them. That is a point of little consequence to the public, provided they are just ; and my motive of writing is not the hope of /ame, but of doing some good ; the only ground of that hope is, that the arguments are urged with great plainness, and in a manner easily comprehensible. My present subject has not been so fully discussed : it is not indeed of near so much im portance, but yet it is of some. Men would wish to justify the manner of their conduct, as well as the matter of it ; and are naturally ambitious to be thought to have some understanding, 1776.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 285 as well as honesty. I know many think the latter character is as much concerned in this question as the former ; but then this can only be founded on a judgment of the _y?rs^ question. If our rights were really attacked, we were justified in making some de fence ; the nature of that defence our opinion of the necessity must determine ; there can be no other arbiter, without placing the security of our liberties out of the hands of those who are alone capable and interested in defending them. If our preten sions were unjust, it is certain that every step taken in their vin dication is wrong. Thus it is evident that as to our integrity, it has no immediate concernment with the present question ; un less it will be pretended that we have suggested fears, where we really entertained none ; but such an accusation affects our moral not om: political oonduct. This can only be judged of hj politi cal maxims, of which it is impossible there should be one which can have no adequate judgment to direct it. " It will be impossible to treat this subject properly, without having some reference to its history, — but this need not be very minute : it will be sufficient to remark on a few leading circum stances. " It is certain, that until tiie time of the Stamp Act there was no public contest hetwee'Ci (jieSit Britain and America, What ever circumstances or causes of suspicion there might be (as I believe there were some) araong individuals, there seemed to be a happy and harmonious connexion between the two countries. There were indeed some grievances beginning to operate about that time, that might afterwards (even if the Stamp Act had not intervened) have brought on dangerous controversies ; but the magnitude of this swallowed them all up. The consequences of the Stamp Act are well known. It was considered in America with universal and just indignation. They would have been a troop of slaves if they had submitted to it ; and must have been ruined in fortune as well as liberty ; 1 mean indulged fortune ; for as to actual they could have none without liberty. The resent ment and resistance of a brave -people had its efiect. Modeiate measures were pursued ; the Stamp Act was repealed ; and peace every where restored. " It was considered by the then miuistrv. that though the Stamp Act was highly inexpedient, from many considerations, and would be in fact very grievous ; <^et that the right of ParUament to impose the tax was clear and indisputable) vThey believed that, from the principles of the Constitution, and from necessity, they possessed this right, and were, for all purposes, the superin tending legislature ofthe whole empire^ It appeared to them that, as in the delicate situation of such various and extended coun- 286 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1776 tries, a thousand unforeseen exigencies might arise to require an exertion of their controlling power, this power could not be limited in its objects without the utmost danger, and the hazard of general confusion. But at the same time they were of opin ion, that the power ought never to be exercised in interference with subordinate privileges, while these privileges answered the end of their institution, and that nothing but great and urgent necessity would warrant the exertion of such extraordinary au thority. That the people ought not to be alarmed, by seeing a power deemed necessary for them as well as the holders of it (and not justly allowable upon any other footing) abused to pur poses common and unnecessary ; that this would lead them to suspect it would not be reserved for the ends only of a salus po puU, but would be used occasionally and wantonly to their op pression. They thought, if the discretion of Parliament conducted them loisely and moderately, using the power only for evident ends of public utility, it would be submitted to always by a large majority from a sense of its necessity, and the great convenience sucJi a use of the power would afford them. This, I have the charity to believe (and think the construction warranted not only by their repeated professions, but by the whole of their sub sequent conduct) was all that the framers of the famous Declara tory Act intended by it ; and, if it had been possible or allowable to sufjpose that the Parliament could have preserved their virtue in so trying a situation, or even Wisely and with deep foresight re spected their own real^interest, (which would have required a conformity to the above principles,) America might perhaps have remained satisfied with a general exemption from the authority of parliament, and silently submitted to such extraordinary ex ertions as might appear absolutely necessary ; reserving them selves (in practice) to approve and to submit to this authority, as the people of England occasionally submit to stretches of the prero gative, where the public good is the evident object of them : not, however, venturing to call in question so directly the right of ^arZmmew^, but letting it remain- in a discreet silence; hoping that interest and aftection, and mutual confidence, might long re move all occasions of distru^. Thus, perhaps, America might have been willing to compound the matter, if speculative ques tions had not been too nicely agitated, and if no good reasons of suspicion had been afforded. They did not, therefore, partly per haps for this reason, but principally as parliament could not assume to themselves a power they did not before possess, pub licly object to the Declaratory Act, but were willing to let it sleep till some future occasion of discussing it should be unhappUy given to them. This was not long deferred. A new ministry (to 1776.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 287 the misfortune of the nation, and particularly of this country) took the reins of governraent, and a reranant of the Grenville faction being admitted among thera, they were never at rest till they had iutroduced a new subject of controversy, (and given America warning that she was to prepare for a new system of government, in demolition and contempt of that which had been the source of so much happiness and honor?\ Until a very late period, from their first establishment in the country, the Ameri cans had provided, each province in its separate department, for the usual expenses ofthe government, and for such extraordinary\ exigencies as required provision. But the ordinary and extraor^ dinary services had been faithfuUy performed, and there was no pretence for charging them with having neglected either. But Mr. Grenville, in the anxiety of his care for the British revenue, cast an eye towards these colonies, and felt himself strangely tempted to open a mine which all his predecessors had left to the ? care and management of the owners. This project he delib erately embraced, and with so much steadiness, that not all the un- success which attended it, not all the odium and unpopularity it occasioned, nor the most ruinous prospect of civil war, if it was persevered in, could shake him a moment from his purpose. It succeeded for a tirae but too fatally, until the happy event, the ever memorable repeal, gave us a temporary respite. A short time after, however, the event I mentioned above gave an oppor tunity once more to the bigoted American taxers to hazard a re fined experiment. In the arguments occasioned by the Stamp Act, a distinction had been taken between internal and external taxes ; by the forraer were meant taxes on things out of the im mediate power of commerce ; by the latter, taxes on such as were within it. These (being paid at the ports) were raore generally called duties. The former had been denied upon the principle (araong others) that such a power of taxing subjected the whole of every Araerican's property to the power of Parliament ; by which means he could not be said to have any that was absolutely his own. The latter had been considered a necessary incident to the power exercised by Parliament of regulating our trade, and as such had been always submitted to by the Americans ; but as it was conceived that this power, frora the nature of it, could not be limited, and the ministry were still hankering after a revenue from Araerica, they laid hold of this expedient to answer their favorite purpose, without shocking (as they flattered themselves, or seemed to do so) the prejudices and principles that prevailed there. They imposed duties therefore on the importation of British coraraodities, and others, without even the suggestion of regulating our trade, (which indeed would in that case have been 288 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1776. absurd.) but expressly for purposes of revenue, which they asserted in the most strong and unequivocal terms. They either hoped that the Americans would be raore attentive to the form than the spirit of this new regulation, and therefore (to close with their distinction) raade it a port duty ; or they deterrained at all ha zards to enforce and to improve upon this neiv method of ta.va- tion, whether it should be pleasing to the Araericans or not, whom indeed the preamble seemed little calculated to soothe. /file act had a very motley as})ect of indulgence and defiance : demode was condescending, but the matter, if permitted, ruinous. It was become necessary now for the Americans to examine into their situation more closely and critically than they had ever done. The Government, instead of protecting them in their rights, seemed continually devising means to encroach upon them, and to abuse powers, vested in the parent state for their mutual bene fit, to their particular injury and oppression. Such an abuse was discovered in the case before them, and this gave rise to a new distinction not apparently attended to before. "It had always been admitted, that[the British Parliament had a right to regulate the trade of the whole empire, in order that the united interests of the whole might be consulted, and they themselves derive that exclusive trade with their colonies which was thought essential to the nature ofthe connection between them. If this right was not conceded, twelve or thirteen different inde pendent legislatures might form such a discordant set of regula tions as to leave no connection between the diffcent parts of the same empire ; not the general interest, but such as were local ^d partial, would be the object probably of their provision. xhis power therefore seemed necessary to preserve the whole in due order. Now there can scarcely be any otber restrictive regu lation of trade, than an absolute prohibition, or a slight restraint by means of duties. In the course of providing for coraraercial exigencies both these are necessary. The possession of the former without the latter must evidently appear incongruous, because it is a higher degree of the same power. It would be also in raany instances injurious, because it would require, when any particular trade interfered with another, totally to prohibit it, -when perhaps a small check might have removed the inconvenience, and the re medy not been pernicious. As, for instance, in many particulars of our trade with the West India Islands : duties are laid upon some foreign coraraodities, to give a superior advantage in these to the British ; but they are not totally prohibited, because our British Islands could not, I suppose, entirely supply the whole, or if they could it would be a means of hurting our export trade to the foreign Islands. Upon tliis reasonable footing stands. 1776.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 289 as I conceive, the point about duties. But then it is contended, the sole right of laying these consists in the power of regulating our trade ; if any imposition of them has not this circumstance for its object, it is an usurpation of our rights ; it is taking our money from us unconstitutionally. There is, I confess, a good deal of nicety in this matter, but it arises from the peculiar na ture of our situation. It is necessary, for the reasons I have given, that the Parliament should have a power of regulating our trade by duties. But this power is liable to great abuses, if it is vrithout restraint, as under color of regulations of trade may be collected the most heavy and dangerous impositions. Our pro perty by trade would be altogether at their mercy, — and admit ting their other claim to be just, of restraining our manufac tures, by laying duties on the necessaries of life, which we were to receive only from them, every man in America might be de pendent on them for actual subsistence. If that claim, however, was not gained the injury would be equally exceptionable ; the difference could only be in the degree of hardship. These con siderations point out the necessity of considering this power to be merely incidental to the other of regulating, and that it no more implies a right of raising money ad libitum, in this manner, on the subject, than the incidental power which judges pos sess of imposing fines for particular offences would warrant a loose and arbitrary exercise of it, without regard to the objects for which it was estabUshed. The most that can be made of the ar gument for the right of laying duties generally is this, that none can certainly know the intention of the lawgivers (unless it is ex pressed, and this may be deceitfully) but themselves, and that consequently it being a matter which they can at any time dis guise, under the pretence of legal objects, they may annihilate any objection at pleasure. To this it is replied, that as to the duties imposed as above (of which now remains that on tea), the intention is placed out of all doubt ; a regulation of trade is not pretended, revenue only is the confessed object. The power of regulating trade is not Mien here exercised, but plainly another- power, and none else is conceded, or as it is supposed, can be al leged necessary ; or if it can be thought to answer any good pur poses, it must be dangerous to our freedom ; if one penny can be raised a mUlion may, and our liberties may be destroyed by the money extorted from us. But ff it should be said, suppose it is called a regulation of trade, what then ? Will you establish a combat of opinions where there can be no fixed umpire ? To this the answer is, in whatever critical situation a free country stands, it is its duty to guard, by every means necessary, its free dom and its happiness, and it is as much its duty to resist the Vol. I.— 19 290 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1776. palpable abuse of an acknowledged power, as the arrogant usur pation of a new one. The public may be endangered^ either way. Suppose the king should pardon every offence committed ; sup pose he should establish 500 or 600 peers, or at any time when he was at a loss for a majority supply a sufficient number to make one ? This experiment,' I think, was never hazarded but once. Suppose the House of Commons should grant a revenue of a mil lion a year, for the expressed purpose of bribery ? All these, it wUl be said, are very extravagant suppositions, but they prove that no power can be granted which may not be abused, — that sorae kind of confidence must always be understood between the governors and the governed, — and that these last must ultimately judge whether powers, intrusted by the constitution for their be nefit, are really so employed, or prostituted to wicked and con cealed purposes. And in my opinion, as to the case in question, the real object of commercial regulations may be easily under stood ; where they cannot, submission certainly is proper. Let it be added to all these considerations, the objects of these reve nue laws were providing for our civil establishments, thus making them altogether independent of the people, and tending to render our assemblies useless. In this light these laws were viewed soon after they were made, and were consequently complained of In the course of a few years all were taken off but the duty on tea, and this was reserved as a badge of the taxative power. It was supposed to be somehow distinguished from the others by being a foreign com modity ; but this made no real difference in the case, as no com mercial reason could be alleged for the restriction of the impor tation of tea, it being only receivable from Great Britain ; and the exportation of it so much an object of the encouragement ©f Parliament as to be allowed a large drawback. It is contemp tible for the Ministry to say any thing about this drawback, for the very indulgence upon which they plume themselves proves the design of laying the duty on originaUy, and still retaining it. This triffing article has been the cause of all our misery. Eepeated applications for a repeal of this duty were repeatedly disregarded, and even treated with contempt. The most favor able occasions presented themselves of granting it without preju dice to dignity, but no argument could induce our wise rulers to embrace them. It was determined to hazard every thing in asser tion of this indiscriminate power of taxing. There had been for mal associations to defeat the purpose of it, — but they were lan guid, and by no means general. A kind of stagnating quiet pre vailed. There were the seeds of much Ul-humor prevailing, but Wfe.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 291 little shown, and the peaceable exertion of eveiy power of gov ernment left room for tenderness and discretion to operate. In this state of things the East India Company were in great dis tress, and stood in need of immediate and powerful assist^mce. They were taken under the care of Parliament, and one method of giving them relief was by enabling them to ship aU their teas (immense quantities of which they had lying by them) to Amer ica on their own account ; whereas, formerly, they had sold all by auction, and it was shipped by private adventurers. It was well known at this time (or might have been) in England, that we were generally discontented on account of this duty, and that though no steps had been taken to enforce a general oteerv- ance of the non-importation of it ; yet that such a step had by a kind of common consent taken place, and by the :&ilnre of im ports occasioned by it had contributed in a great measure to the distress the Company then s;Qstained. No mobs, no riots, no re sistance of its landing, had. however, been attempted. The"" Americans had surely a rigtt to determine whether they would huy tea ; they exercised no other right : and the exercise of that, iAion^ pretty general, was not universal. This condition of af- fiurs proved sufficiently their dislike of the ditty, to have given warning in time of the consequences of enforcing if, bnt no ex press resistance to it being formed, government was not insulted, nor its l^islative power at stake upon any concession. Could there ever, then, have been a happier time for restoring peace, than that which this afforded ? How plausible would have been the motive of the distress of the East India Company, and the necesmty of their instant reli^! No revenue worth speaking of had been derived from the duty ; none could reasonably, at that time, be in contemplation. The theory of right had proved high ly mischievoos, and there was no immediate question abont it, to render its assertion necessary. These circnmstances, I thint^ y might have greatly alleviated the pride eL^gurnew legisL^xs^ P'-'^ K any were stUl wanting to give their mindspertect content, — and to avoid aU possible sus^picion of undue motives, and not principle, actuating their conduct, they ought to hare considered that they had brought themselves into such a sitnation, that there was no way of obviating this, bnt by expodng themselves to much greater danger. It was necessary to make a choice whether to return to the old and successful method of goveming the colonies, or to persevere in the new, odious, and in aU ap pearance, impracticable one. If men will hazard important in terests to tiy dangerous experiments, they should he propaied for the consequences of adi^ppcuntment, and not calculate their measures so as to make a recesdon difficult or dishonorable. 292 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCK [1776. The only real dishonor there could have been in the present ease, was if they had acted from motives of fear alone, contrary to their notions of just and practicable policy : I say practicable policy, because no theory, however wise or right iu the abstract, ought to be enforced at the utmost risk of a dreadful civil war, unless the poUtical existence of a countiy is endangered by withholding it. Some, I know, wiU say this was the case in the present in stance. Men of liberal and enlarged notions must, howexer, have been persuaded (and the event, if lain not mistaken, wiU plainly show) that three miUions of free and high-spirited men are not to be governed by force and terror. The existence then of thei connection between (.iieat Britain and America, which formerly subsisted, so much to the happiness of both, it must have ap peared, could only depend on a system of go\'ernraent which re conciled and healed the minds of men, and gave them no occasion of jealousy or alarm ; no fear that they were to be treated with ignominy and dishonor. Admitting, therefore, that the repeal had proceeded upon the motives alone of satisfying tho Ameri cans, — that this had been universally known, and even publicly avowed, I can see no dishonor that would have attended such a conduct. Let the language of tho Eepeal have been thus under stood, — " A happy connection has long subsisted between this country and America. Both have flourished under the benign influence of liberty, and we have e\'ery reason to cherish and to bless that fortunate union of circumstances which have produced such happy effects. We were formerly betrayed into a mistaken measure that portended very dangerous consequences, but we stopt short the instant we found \vo had been mistaken in our policy, and that by persisting in it we should err against better information, endanger the peace of our country, and miss our own essential interests. It is singularly lamentable that we should have been mistaken on much the same occasion a second time, but there were circuinstances attending this last afiair which do not leave us altogether without excuse. Wo have mis understood the condition of America ; we have not been jirop- erly sensible of her importance ; we were not well acquainted with the disposition of the people ; we did not think this last conduct would be generaUy ofl'ensive. However, we now find ourselves in a situation which makes it necessary to decide wheth er we will persevere in the unnecessary exercise of an odious claim, or by a prudent and political forbearance of it, bring us all back to our former prosperous circumstances. We cannot hesitate a moment on the choice. The happiness of millions is of too much consequence to be sported with, and we do not think it will be aUowable to set our own pride and reluctance to 1776.] '' OF JAMES IREDELL. 293 make concessions in the opposite scale. Men are Uable to mis takes. Public bodies are as much exposed to these, if not more so, than many individuals. Passion, prejudice, and inattention among such produce fatal effects. These are more likely to ope rate against a people at a distance, with whom they have no im mediate connection. We do not deny but there may be some ground for a suspicion of such effects in the affairs of America. It is a natural infirmity ; and if there may seem any meanness iu the confession, there would be much more in denying or con cealing so important a truth. Our opinion of right, however, we cannot alter ; but we believe the exercise of it hitherto to have been unnecessary and inexpedient. In consideration of these circumstances we yield this unproductive tax, and we think we discharge our duty far better in relinquishing a dangerous er ror, than we could possibly do by enforcing what was originally wrong in itself, as well as painfully afflicting to the parties." "^ This appears to me a language which comprehended no dishon or. And such a language must at one time or other have been adopted, or a determination formed to continue the duty, and preserve that occasion of discord. There could have been no time more proper for relaxation than this I speak of, which was so unhappily neglected. It must therefore have appeared to every one that the Ministry were obstinate in the claim and exer cise of taxing. Indeed it was at the time so much credited that they were bent on violence, that it was generally believed, and not without some plausible reasons, that the provisions in regard to the East India Company had a particular aspect to the en forcement of the duty. In this situation surely the Americans had great cause of alarm. They had a prospect of such an inun dation of tea, and of course of a large American revenue as the result, that they had every reason to fear, if free and unlimited importations of that commodity were admitted, that that revenue would have been unalterably fixed on them. The cargo for Bos ton arrived first. The minds of the people there had been long irritated by its having been a constant station, for some years, of a numerous body of soldiers, sent for the express purpose of sub duing their spirit. This spirit, however, they believed, and many very worthy men in the other provinces believed, \was only a just and genuine spirit of liberty ; carried perhaps, in some instances, too far, but in the main, highly laudable and virtuousA It had long (unhappily with too much reason) been supposed in that province that a formed scheme of subduing the Americans had been regularly concerted, and constantly pursued, and that the utmost vigilance was required on the part of America to prevent its imperceptibly and gradually taking effect. They thought 294 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1776. that this specious East India business had for a very principal object the establishment of this tax, which they considered only i^as a precedent for innumerable burthensome impositions that would be the consequence of any mean submission to it. They dreaded the immediate receipt and sale of such an immense quantity of tea, which would produce somuch money as to tempt a continuance of the favorite plan, and might perhaps be consid ered in general in a more innocent light than it deserved, and abstracted from the dangerous precedent it was meant to estab lish, and which justly made it so extremely obnoxious to them. These, I am persuaded, are the general sentiments of the people. Popular opinions are usually communicated with great fervor, and it is not wonderful if to men actuated by such nice and deli cate feelings, the scheme appeared in the most odious light. The so much dreaded object at last arrived. The people assembled. They resolved to act with moderation, as well as firmness, and applied to the agents for the Company, to return the tea to Great Britain, without landing. These consented. The people were happy iu the prospect of a peaceable riddance of it. But what was their astonishment when they were told that the governor had refused a "let pass," which was a mere official instrument ne cessary to be obtained before the tea could regularly depart out of the harbor. In this, he did not act from any necessity as gov ernor, but officiously, as a friend to every irritating step against America. Government had no right to interfere with the con duct of the East India Company's servants, either in shipping or reshipping the tea. /However respectable, or however numerous, the individuals of that Company may be, they are, in the eye of - the constitution, mere private adventurers, and as such, enti tled to the general, not the particular protection of government, unless where it is specially provided by law? But tbis was not in the nature of protection. Had it proceeded on this principle, it would have been his duty to have told the Agents that if they would retain the tea, he would protect it with all the powers of government ; he might even (if he had conceived this property was refused a landing, merely on account of a measure of gov ernment) have recommended it to them not to reship it, lest it might seem an unworthy acquiescence to the pretensions and violence of the people. But it was to the last degree mean, first to encourage them to agree to reship it ; then after that agree ment (which must have been supposed their own choice, and ou which they had a right to conclude decisively) to refuse a pass which was little more than a mere form, and by which he had no right to refuse a passage to merchandise, exported with the consent of the owners, and rightfully exportable by law, which 1776,] OF JAMES IREDELL. 295 this was ; for though it could not legally be relanded in Great Britain, it might be carried to many other places, and the gov ernor had no right officially to judge of the intention in this re spect entertained by the reshippers. vThe governor's conduct on this occasion, therefore, naturally added to the jealousy and alarm of the people, and confirmed all the apprehensions which had been before suggested to them relative to the injurious and de termined designs of administration^ The consequence was, that seeing all hope of deliverance from this cursed article (with all its ruinous effects) was to be despaired of, the people being in flamed with resentment for past injuries, and dreading the stUl greater increase of thera, — having before their eyes the most fa tal consequences, and not knowing which way to avoid them ; a few, more bold aud desperate than the rest, determined to put the contest at once on an unequivocal footing, and to see the real extent of the indefinite claims our arbitrary rulers made on us. They put themselves in disguise, entered on board the ships and destroyed the tea. The motive I allege for this action may be questioned by those unfavorable to America, and I know a very base one has been assigned ; but still I believe it to have been real, and am persuaded the action arose from a sincere (however extraordinary and mistaken) principle of patriotism. 'There can be no competent proof of the intentions of men, and in order to judge of these, in a rational light, a thousand circum stances are to be taken into consideration ; and even these will not always enable men very partial, or much prejudiced, to judge properly. A great deal must be left to opinion at last. I have not time, and it is not necessary, to offer proofs ia- support of my favorable opinion of that much injured people. \t will be> sufficient just to say that I have long admired their wisdom, steadiness and spirit, and that with respect to most of the vio lences they are accused of, I believe them to have been the conse quence of noble virtues carried to excessy A different opinion has unhappily too generally prevailed, and to this source, among others, perhaps, may many of our misfortunes be ascribed. But let us now attend the reception of this affair in England. It was there represented as a most criminal and daring outrage, which deserved, and called for, the raost severe and exemplary punishment. It was said that that province had long been the firebrand of all North America, the leader in every opposition to the measures of Great Britain, and the promoter of every insult that had a tendency to bring that government into contempt ; that this action evidently, and happily with too much plainness, discovered their extreme factious and seditious spirit, and put it in the power of governraent, with the clearest equity and justice, 296 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1776. to provide curbs for its future insolence ; that it must be apparent to aU mankind, it was now become necessary to take such steps as should secure for the future some obedience to the laws, some respect to the authority of the parent State, in that turbulent and refractory province ; that such a conduct, so evidently dictat ed by necessity, could not, it was supposed, be generally disap proved among wise and thinking men, even in Araerica itself ; if such an event, however, could be imagined, this still more evi dently would justify measures that appeared not only iramedi ately requisite in one colony, but which were required to give warn ing and serve for intimidation to the rest : and that, as these measures were thus immediately become necessary, every mo ment lost would be a moraent of indignity and insecurity to the government, and even the Parliament of Great Britain, which had been so grossly insulted. These were the general and prevailing arguments in defence of harsh measures. Unhappily they were too greedily received. Still, however, .there were a wise and virtuous few who nobly stood forth on this occasion to check the headlong fury of their country, and to advise them in time of the fatal consequences of any exas perating conduct. They desired to recall their attention to the first rise of these unhappy troubles. They said that the circum stances of the two countries were by no means in so decided a situation, that they had an immediate right to consider them selves as persons injured, andt. entitled to revenge ; that the claims of the Americans, if not absolutely just, were yet extremely plausible, and the arguments in refutation of them would not very well become the mouths of Englishmen ; that these last had undergone a thousand struggles in defence of liberty, and had re peatedly declared that life was a burthen without it ; that their American brethren (or children if they pleased) were derived from the same stock, aud had imbibed a great deal of the same spirit, and could not easily be persuaded that liberty was a greater or more necessary blessing on the European than the American continent ; that the ancestors of the Americans had left England with the hope, and in prospect of the enjoyment of this blessing among the deserts they were going to retire to, from the civilized advan tages of a cultivated, but oppressed, and in danger of being an enslaved, people ; that it was scarcely probable any other than such an exalted motive could have induced them to risk the great dangers they were preparing to encounter, and they ac cordingly took care to receive what at the tirae they deemed full security to this happy purpose ; that in full confidence of this security for their freedom, they were animated to contend with innumerable hardships, and such as nothing but the hope of pro- 1776.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 297 curing a noble settlement for their posterity could have prevented their despairing subjection to ; that during the course of these difficulties and dangers (which continued for a great number of years) they felt little of the kindness, and none of the power of Parliament, excepting the single instance of regulating their trade ; that all their internal concerns were regulated with re spect to their charter rights, and with reverence to the rights of freemen ; that they looked up to the king of Great Britain as their sovereign, and paid him the most sincere and faithful alle giance ; even at times when the other dominions of the crown, were convulsed with plots and massacres and civil wars ; that though they entertained a profound respect for Parliament, Jhej- never thought of ajjatogledging in them_an4adi6eriBpinatR power "oTlegislatioHT^which was a notion they had no encouragement to "enfertain, as~until a very late period Parliament never interposed in their concerns, but where the interposition appeared necessary to the due maintenance of the connection between the two coun tries ; the power that was judged necessary for which end they never had denied (considering them throughout), and all the col onies at the present still willingly submitted to ; that in this pleasing situation, their minds attached and friendly to each other, no encroaching arts used, no usurping power thought of, and of course all cause of jealousy reraoved, these colonies flourished in a most astonishing degree, and, in the course of a few years, out of a mere wilderness raised cultivated and happy plantations — now the wonder, and which perhaps shortly will be come the envy of the world : that when war became necessary for the preservation of both countries, both united with one soul and spirit, and the zeal and ardor of the plantations (though their danger or concern in the war was not so great as was generally apprehended) were the subject of continual praises, and were most strongly and gratefully acknowledged from the throne in repeated messages to Parliament for their compensation ; that when peace was restored, the affectionate temper of the two coun tries might have admitted of many admirable plans for preserv ing the concord and happiness of the whole, but unfortunately meanness took place of wisdom, and the colonies had scarcely begun to breathe from the exhausting contributions they had made, before they were fined in a heavy tax to pay back some of the very retributions they had just before received (and which were far from being adequate to their due), and to give in return for the temporary loan of this little money, large retributions of the expenses of Great Britain ; * that this really appeared a lit- * The Stamp Act was indeed nominally calculated for revenue purposes of our own ; but what security had we for the faithful application of the money ? Who was to be judge of the particular purposes it was to serve ? Bribes, and a large standing army might have been judged necessary for our defence. 298 LIFE AXD CORRESPONDENCE [1776. tie whimsical, but so it was, and the colonies found themselves exposed to the danger of ruin in their fortunes by the operation of a grievous tax, as well as to the ignominious condition of a people who have no freedom ; that though this tax was repealed, the policy of the repeal (which had had the most_ happy effects) could not be continued by men who were enemies to that just and necessary indulgence, and were more concerned to establish a favorite and destructive theory than to promote the true honor and interest of their country ; that the same little policy had ac tuated their conduct since, and they had acted on all occasions upon mere temporary principles, not having the spirit to assert their own system with vigor, or the candor to correct an unfortu nate and unhappy mistake ; that this tea duty was a branch of the same system, established not from necessity (as nothing could be more evident), but to insult the colonies, and to awake their perpetual jealousy ; if this last was not intended (though it might have been foreseen) it had, however, taken place, and the colonies had too much sagacity to be cheated out of an impor tant privilege by the pilfering an unjust pretence, any more than they could be brought to submit to the daring assumption of an unconstitutional claim ; that whatever might be the ideas in Eng land, these were theirs ; it was evident to all, who could see dis tinctly, that they were in earnest in their opinion, and would be ready to defend it to the last extremity ; and no experience can justify governing a whole people contrary to their determined principles ; that it was the duty of wise men to consider what was practicable, as well as what was abstractly right ; and that to enforce the latter, with no hope or prospect of the former, was idle and ridiculous ; that on the present occasion the people had had great provocation ; they had repeatedly solicited a repeal of a trifling tax ; a tax that produced nothing, that was established purposely to insult them (for more revenue was given up than established), which appeared only to be upheld as an occasion of discord, and which they had great reason to believe extraordina ry measures had been taken to enforce ; that the anxiety of the people in this situation ought to be considered ; the fear of an unconstitutional power taking place, if the means concerted for effecting it were allowed freely to operate, and the resentment natural to men who see those who ought to be their protectors, take a pleasure in browbeating them ; that if the injury was extraordinary, so was the provocation, and in all ages some in dulgence was afforded to loose and disorderly raen carrying the general principles of their country into too violent and precipi tate action ; that to punish a whole people for the faults of a few, was arbitrary and unjust, contrary to the fundamental prin- 1776,] OF JAMES IREDELL. 299 ciples of natural equity, and agreeable only to a spirit of the meanest despotism ; that, admitting there were strong circum stances of suspicion against the body of the people, as indirectly concerned, or at least tacitly conniving at this outrage, surely proof should be required extremely explicit of this fact, in order to justify an enormous punishment on a whole people ; men, wo men, and children should not thus be. consigned, in the whole sale, to extreme and indiscriminate misery ; that all ivise people had ever been cautious of inflicting such general punish ments ; the humane sentiment that the innocent should not be confounded with the guilty, was deserving of the most sacred re gard, and ought never to be violated but on the greatest provo cation, and in the extremest necessity ; and such a provocation, and such a necessity, could not decently be pretended in this case, by men who had been the too natural causes of the one, and deserved to feel some Uttle punishment from the other ; that the extraordinary measures proposed could not be taken against one colony, without irritating all ; that they would not now, when Great Britain showed herself their enemy, listen to the ridiculous tale of their being only constitutionally connected with her ; Nature would lead them to associate with their friends and fellow-sufferers against their common enemy, and form an union which was able to protect them, but without which they would singly fall a prey (and deserved to do so) to the dividing and de structive policy of their oppressors ; that on this great occasion they would certainly join issue on the new question that would be introduced/not whether they had a power of taxing, but how far they had a right of legislating ; and in judging of this, their sentiments would not be formed (as those in England were) by reasons of policy, but by motives of safety j and how far this would lead an enlightened and determined people was easily per ceivable ; that all measures of force against America would ever be found impracticable ; that nothing could be done with that country but by lenient measures and reconciling conduct ; and if this appeared in a mean light to government, they ought weU to weigh their resources for any contrary plan ; that the connec tion between England and America produced a new scene in the history of mankind, ought to be judged of by its own circumstan ces, and not by narrow pedantic rules which are by no means reg ularly observed in practice, and which a brave people will dis dainfully reject, when they come in competition with their lib erty. The ardor of my feelings has drawn these reasons to a greater length than I intended, I by no means had in view to state all that might be said on this occasion, but to mention the princi- 300 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1776 pal arguments ; and I am not sure that I have confined myself to those only that were actually used in England ; for I suffered the impulse of my mind to carry me as it pleased. I thought it of little consequence whether I stated what was said, or what might have been said ; for the arguments are all obvious, and ought to have been attended to. But the fatal haughty system prevailed. It was determined that Massachusetts Bay should feel all the rigor of Parliament, and that Boston should iramedi ately be laid under a commercial interdict. No trade after a limited day (and that a very short one) of any kind, or in any degree, waste be permitted to the unfortunate inhabitants of that town. <:^bout 30,000 people were deprived„^f their support in a great measure for the riot of about 30 or 40) This was to con tinue till the East India demand (a sum not then stated) was satisfied ; till compensation was made to all revenue officers, and others, who had suffered [the expression in the Act] in particular riots specified ; till the governor, &c., should certify these cir cumstances to the Mng in council ; till the town should be ad judged to be in a state of peace ; and till his Majesty should be pleased in consequence to restore it to its former privileges. This was the substance of the famous Boston Port_^ct. So extremely arbitrary was this Act in its nature, that it was not possible, if the people instantly on its arrival were willing to comply with its conditions, for them to avoid the harsh penal ties it inflicted ; an end to which depended on a thousand trou blesome contingencies, that might postpone it (without any real disobedience to the act in the sufferers) to an indeflnite period of time. Parliament even degraded itself so far as to place the pri vate property of many individuals (the support of many industri ous families) in the power of the crown, for the mean and un worthy purpose of injuring one obnoxious person. In short the particular provisions of the bill entirely partook of the arbitrary spirit of its pirinciple. But this bill, severe as it was, could by no means satisfy the vindictive spirit of the administration. This was considered only as a temporary punishment for a temporary offence. It was de termined to inflict some heavy stigma upon them, that might sufficientlj' resent past disorders, and obviate future ones. There was conceived to be some permanent causes for so continued a refractory spirit^nd it was thought necessary for Parliament to exert all its rigor to tame this colony into obedience. They there fore proceeded upon the radical business of forming a new consti tution for them. The subsisting one, they thought, vested too much power in the people, and by this means contributed in a great measure to the usual turbulence of the Stated The new 1776.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 301 constitution resembled in most respects some of the others on the continent, but there were in this some new and unusual regula tions. I mean not to specify the particulars (I think that sub ject trifling), but to attack the principle. It may however be re marked, that such an Huhappy fatality attended, at this tirae, all the public measures, tthat each was almost equally exceptionable for the mode,of regulation as for the arbitrariness of the regula tion itself jmne instance of despotism in this bill deserves par ticular n(5tice^; that the sheriff was removable at any time at the pleasure of the governor, and that he had a power to make a new returning officer for every special causg]) But these considerations (grievous as they might, and cert^ly would be in any other case) weighed not a feather in their present arguments. They thought the wisest and most equitable temporary regulation would be of little service, and could be of no satisfaction to them, so long as they held these benefits at will, were liable, at any in stant, to be deprived of them, and subjected, if their sovereign and remote fellow-subjects saw proper, to the extremest severity of arbitrary power. The same authority upon the same principle, might have declared the king, by his representative, sole legisla tive as well as executive power, and thus have invested him with. a right (so far as they could bestow it) to hold our lives, liberties, and properties at his mercy. I have considered in another place the arguments urged in support of the Parliament's unlimited power, and of course of their right to annul our charters, if they think necessary. But a particular argument is urged in defence (more particularly it seems to me) of this individual power. It is this : The crown, which granted the charters, is only one branch of the supreme power, and consequently his acts may be controlled by the whole. The executive power is inferior to the legislative, and of course the acts of the former must be subordi nate, and subject to the superintendency of the latter. I shall make a very short reply to this. Was the crown sole agent in the business of these charters ? Did not the people accept thera as a condition for the great risk and innuraerable hardships they were to be exposed to ? Was it not, therefore, in the nature of a mutual compact, and of course not alterable but by the consent of both parties ? In what manner did the people of England re sent the repeated attempts to violate the Great Charter ? Are these charters less precious to the Americans ? Do they not form the only (or at least the principal) security for every thing they enjoy ? Why then should a distinction be made between these two situations, apparently so exactly similar ? Here, how ever, an answer is ready. The two parties concerned in the pass ing Magna Charta, that which conceded those privileges, and 302 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE U776, t'nose to whom the concession \vas made, composed the whole leg islative power of the State, and of course, this charter with re spect to its provisions may be considered partly as a declaratory act (of rights before possessed, but which had been grossly in fringed on), and partly as an enacting one (of such as were deem ed still necessary for the full security of the kingdom). Admit ting this account to be just (which it is in a great measure, though liable to some little objections), then it is to be enquired upon what footing our ancestors -stood when they obtained their char ters. That age, it is well known, was an age of great enterprise and adventure. Projects of settlement in the new world were zealously entertained, and atterapted by many. At first the hope of plunder, and acquiring riches, was the principal inducement to adventurers, and these expeditions were chiefly made to the South Sea. At length, however, some bold and hazardous spirits found their way to North America, and by their representations encouraged numbers to attempt their fortune there. In the course of a few years a great many quitted England either from neces sity, or discontent at the prevailing measures, and sought for a laborious, but more honorable situation in these then desert re gions. As, however, multitudes of these people possessed a true genuine spirit of Uberty, they were determined not to quit their friends, connections, and native soil, without some adequate equiv alent. This equivalent they appUed for to the crown, soliciting that they might be secure of enjoying their freedom in the land they luere going to conquer. This was readily granted. The prospect of possessing these fine countries, and annexing them to the crown of England, and the hope that an honorable condition granted to the settlers would animate them to industry and per severance, were sufficient motives, even to an arbitrary prince, to grant privileges, for the sake of acquiring territory, which other wise he could never have. Let me now ask any man, whose soul is not of the most grovelling kind, could our ancestors, at this time, dream that their-fellow subjects whom they left waUowing in sloth and luxury at home, too many ready to bend their necks to the reigning despotism, would ever afterwards claim a right to rob them of acquisitions their blood and treasure purchased, and by this means derive to themselves the only essential benefits of countries they had no share in acquiring ? I say no share, for as to the trifling assistance which these colonies originally receiv ed from their mother country (an assistance of such a kind as to make their subsequent claims most absurdly arrogant), this was merely the assistance of the crown, without any of her immedi ate participation, and which was sufficiently compensated by the important rights the croion acquired. /^Did the crown entertain 1776.] OP JAMES IREDELL. 303 any notion that Parliament had a right to interfere j/ On the contrary, there is evidence that James and Charles the First both forbabe thera interraeddling in our concerns, and these orders were obeyed) I have already, in another place, remarked upon this circumstance. If it should be enquired what right had the crown to these, exclusively of the supreme power, I answer, that it was the general sentiment of that age, the crown ivas so entitled,'-' and this is sufficient for our purpose. I do not know what extraor- clinarj'' lights the present age has received to justify them in call ing in question the most solemn opinions of their forefathers. /The new opinion upon this subject, I conceive, is derived frora the 'harmonious and convenient connection which of late years has taken place between his Majesty and his Parliament. This has ^introduced raany pretty compliments, and handsome references from his Majesty to his faithful subjects ; and these in their turn have been wonderfully condescending to him. This new system, as I take it, has occasioned this neiv and mighty opinion of all rights being ultimately consolidated in the supreme power. But in the age when these charters were granted, very different was the state of affairs. The crown and the ParUament had contin ual struggles for power, and it was understood they had separate rights, and different objects severally to act upon. All that the latter contended for was, that the laws in being of the kingdom should be observed, and no new ones enacted but with their con sent. They thought themselves sufficiently fortunate if they could secure their own liberties from violation, without seeking for new subjects of their legislative power. Did the Parliament ever (even yet) form a declaration of war, or conclude a treaty of peace ? These are prerogatives of the crown, ever deemed sacred, as many others are, and it may be said that the constitution would be subverted if the ParUament were directly to exercise them. The prerogative in question, as appears from remarkable instances cited, was deemed equally sacred. If this supremacy of Parliament (so loudly talked of) is well founded, how happens it that conquests belonging to the state (as the phrase is) should be altogether at the disposal of the crown in a treaty of peace ? Is the settlement of a colony by useful subjects, for the purposes it has been found to answer, with such privileges as will make ex- * With respect to the ordinance of 1650, quoted by Mr. Barrington, it is to be considered that at that time the regal powers were consolidated in the democrat- ical ; and that this ordinance was passed by the infamous Rump Parliament, 200 of whose members had been forcibly excluded by the army, who respected no rights that interfered with their own despotism ; and who were guilty of such enormous iniquities that it is scandalous for any man to quote any part of their proceedings as a precedent. How many of these would Mr. Barrington wish to have followed in England? 304 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1776. istence tolerable to thera, and give thera some security that their labor and services shaU not be converted to their injury and op pression, and to the sole benefit of those who participated in no part of them, a less useful, a less necessary object of an act of the prerogative to promote such ends, and consequently to grant the only means of securing them ? The one is necessary to restore the country to a state of peace, the other (as is evident, consid ering modern situations) to raise it to a state of prosperity. In order to obtain the former, the necessary means are given ; in or der to secure the latter, means adequate to the end must be also given. And who would settle colonies, to depend on the caprice of their-fellow subjects they left lolUng in indolence at home .'' But I refer for a more particular examination of this subject to what I have written in another place. I know not whether this discourse upon the right may be called a digression, but it offered itself naturally, and may be of use. I now resume the history. It was naturally foreseen that these violent laws would pro duce the strongest opposition in the province they were doomed to subdue, and that nothing but a mUitary force could carry them into execution. But as this state of things would of course cause an enmity between the executors of the scheme, and the suffer ers from it, it was judged necessary to provide against any dan ger that might arise to the soldiers on this account. As juries were stUl indulged to the people (though under a partial nomi nation) by the humane law which violated their charter, it was thought not altogether proper to confide for a proper trial upon their principles, of those who might be accused of crimes, in en forcing the acts, even in juries which the sheriff (named and re movable at pleasure by the governor) had it in his power to se lect. It was rightly judged, that laws so grievous, the exercise of a power so arbitrary, could not be enforced by any ordinary method of conducting business, even assisted by the most partial regulation of it. For this reason a law was prepared, which they entitled, " an act for the impartial administration of justice, &c." By this law a discretionary power was given to the governor, to remove, at his discretion, causes where any should be questioned, for supporting the crown in the execution of the laws, either to Great Britain, or (as I beUeve, for I do not remember this per fectly) to some other part of America, where an impartial trial might be had. The necessary concomitant power of transporting the criminal, witnesses, &c., was given of course. It was the fa vorite argument in support of this bUl, that the criminal would not then be tried hy factious and rebellious subjects, enemies from principle, or at least from passion, to the unhappy prisoner, and 1776.] OP JAMES IREDELL. 305 disaffected to the just authority he was called in question for sup porting, but by an impartial jury of his fellow-subjects, who were in a state of peace, and had minds cool enough to listen to rea son, and decide according to the laws. This reasoning would have been plausible if we could have been sure that the equita ble consequences we were taught to expect from it would really have taken place, and if the admission of the principle of this bill had not had the strongest tendency to endanger our liberties, or I may say, to destroy them. For if we were once to admit an ~ unlimited power in Parliament, or in the king, to establish such courts of justice, and such regulations for their proceedings as they pleased, we should not long have much reason to, boast of liberty. Eights without remedies are a mere chimera. C.The gov- ¦ erning power of every state is continually making encroachments J Ambition is natural to the mind of man, and too often unworthy means are made use of to gratify it. The very possession of pow er is intoxicating, and has been known to corrupt very good men ; and many, without any ill intention, have been industrious to en large their own power, seduced by the prospect of some tempora ry benefit, and inattentive to the fatal consequences of such a precedent, when the abUity to do mischief without the virtue to abstain from it, is lodged in a worthless successor. The history of mankind unhappily justifies the strongest suspicion of men in authority, and proves that there can scarcely be any compensa tion for poivers dangerous to liberty. The English, perhaps, of all nations that ever existed, if the principles of the constitution were in practice inviolably observed, and were it not for some ill effects that have flowed from a radical evil, would be the most free. Many causes, no doubt, have conspired to this honorable distinction, and it may be traced to a variety of sources, but it is universally agreed that no institution they have is more noble, or a stronger guardian of liberty, than the inestimable trial by jury. It is even believed by a celebrated author, that this institution alone may long protract the mournful period of her fall. The excellence of this trial consists in being judged by men who are equally interested with the prisoner in preserving the law from violation, may be placed in a situation to be affected by their oivn precedents, and at the same time that the principles of self- defence will urge them to condemn the guilty, the care of their own preservation (if no higher principle actuates them) will prompt them to acquit the innocent. This jury too, for their further security, must be composed of their neighbors, in order that they may be qualified to take into their consideration those important circumstances, the characters of the criminal and of the witnesses. It is obvious to every man, of ^;how much conse- VoL. I.— 20 306 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1776 quence this regulation is. This last circumstance, I adrnit, the British legislature have sometimes found it necessary to withhold in particular instances, where simUar effects were apprehended in their country, as in ours ; but these are exceptions on solemn and extraordinary occasions to the usual excellent raode, (which is justly esteemed the birthright of an Englishman,) and they are exceptions found necessary by their own legislature. _ It is not my business here to write a full encomium on this admirable institu tion (which I could do with great pleasure), or I could mention a variety of considerations that press upon me in its favor. The above two grand and leading circumstances I mean to make use of in treating the subject of this judicial act. With respect to the first, what benefit do we derive from it ? The trial is to be either in Great Britain or one of the other colo nies, (if this alternative be, as I think it is, provided.) Suppose it to be in the former. The prosecutor has the charge to trans mit, or attend in person, three thousand miles, together with the witnesses to support it. These witnesses (I believe, indeed frora the nature of the thing the contrary is not probable) he has no corapulsive power over ; they raay therefore refuse to go. They may be unable to go. Their families probably subsist by their industry at home ; perhaps by a business which no compensation for the temporary profits can indemnify their absence from. The dangers of the voyage would certainly require recompense beyond that afforded for the loss of time. They may lose their lives by being exposed to this danger ; the witnesses, if they arrive safely, must be subsisted in England, and the same danger attends thera on their return. They must go home under every painful ap prehension, and the fear of brutal insult from mobs, who will be too ready to insult men of another country, and of a different fac tion, exposed to the hand of power. Under all these circum stances (and I am not conscious of any aggravation) what chance has any man of procuring witnesses ? And is it just — can it be equitable — to let the event of a cause be guided by such hazard ous contingencies ? On the other hand, in what condition are the witnesses for the prisoner ? He, from the tenor of the act, must be charged for some offence done in vindicating and assist ing to carry into execution the high measures of the court. This act is held forth as an indemnity (I am loth to say an encour agement) to men who will afford that assistance. They are there fore to be tried in that country, which is interested in acquitting them. For the principle of their conduct must be maintained, at any rate, and when this is of such mighty consequence, we can never suppose they wUl be too scrutinous about the mode. The cause they are suffering for, is one that gratifies the pride. '776.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 307 the resentment, the ambition of their country. They may there fore be assured, not only of the strongest support from the crown, but ofthe highest applause from the people. And in proportion as men's activity in an interesting cause is captivating to the peo ple whom it favors, will be th&-temptation to bad men to distin guish themselves for that quality in its support. And we well know how little parties are apt to condemn too great an activity on their side. Let any man for a moment consider the great in equality with which the cause sets out, and what judgment will he form of the decision ? Judges are but men, and though highly respectable have been for a great number of years the characters of the English judges, they have not all, not even the present judges, escaped censure. A bias (it may be said, I fear, with too much truth) has been seen to influence some. If such a bias can prevail in the affairs of their own country, to the pre judice of their own real interest, what raay we not expect to wards those of another, and where (if they have it at all in con templation) their interest as well as passion will operate to our prejudice. Much, it is known, depends on the characters of the parties, as also of the witnesses. But neither judge nor jury know any thing of either, but what their conduct in the cause questioned can suggest to them. Will they not naturally, there fore, be inclined to think favorably of those of their own side, and unfavorably of their unfortunate opponents ? If they should have received any out-of-door inforraation, of what complexion might we suppose it to be ? Thus far there is every danger to the prosecutor in point of fact. As to the law, he is under still greater disadvantages. This, wherever questions of right litigated between the two countries come into debate, will be decided in stantly and indignantly against him. (For their interpretation of our condition is, that we have no rig/its, we hold every thing at their mercy. What becomes now of the impartial administra tion of justice f) If the supporters of the crown were in danger of suffering from unjust verdicts in the province of the Massachu setts Bay, what chance have the defenders of the people of pro curing justice in England ? It makes no difference, that, admit ting the full latitude of my interpretation, there would only be sustained a negative and not a positive injury ; that the only danger suggested is, that of an acquittal, and not of a condem nation; because the hopes of such an acquittal are held out to authorize, if not encourage murders, the unhappy objects of which might might have saved their lives, if severe justice had been apprehended. I shall say nothing on the supposition that any of the prisoners had been sent to one of the other colonies ; because, as it is left at the discretion of the governor to send 308 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1776. them either here or to Great Britain, there could be no doubt that he would always prefer the latter ; at least he most assuredly would if there was not one colony at the absolute devotion ofthe mother country. I, therefore, can only believe, that this provi sion was held out as a show of equity, and to deceive the rest of the colonies (supposing thera at the same time of very gross un derstandings) with an appearance of confidence. What now is the result of the whole matter ? Odious acts are to be carried into execution by one people against another, in consequence of questions of right about which each party entertained different opinions. These acts are expected to be enforced by military power. Still, however, a regular government, equal to all the offices of law and justice, is permitted in the country ; but this government, for fear of a passionate condemnation, is not to be trusted with the trial of soldiers, or other officious instruments of the new laws. These, for their more impartial trial, are to be tried by the people by whom they have been employed, and in judging of whose crime they, though parties, exercise the right of determination. On this side much stronger reasons are there (as may appear above) of suspecting a partial acquittal, than on ours of dreading an unjust condemnation. If there was a necessity to provide against our partiality, because we are par ties, was it not humorous (if so unhappy a subject could be so contemplated) to see the remedy presented of an absolute ref erence to them, who are liable to the same objection, and with many aggravating circumstances ? Upon these equitable and hu mane grounds stands the act of Parliament " for the impartial administration of justice in the cases of persons questioned, &c., in the province of the Massachusetts Bay." I am not in posses sion of the act, and remember it but imperfectly ; but to the best of my recollection, I have mentioned its capital provisions. If it should be otherwise, I desire it may be understood that I mean not to deceive by any misrepresentation. But the tower of despotism was not yet fully erected. In aid of the same violent system a farther measure was judged neces sary. The ministry and their agents had affected to have been employed ever since the peace in the deepest meditation for a proper settleraent of Canada. This was found almost insupera bly difficult, on account of the rivalship of interest and of wishes between the old and the new settlers. The proper adjustment of this business had hitherto baffied men of the most enlightened genius, and the greatest political abilities. Success in this great point began to be despaired of, when intelligence arrived of the great commotions in America. They then applied to the sub ject with new ardor, and increased hopes. On a sudden they 1776.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 309 found themselves wonderfully illumined, and the divine rays of wisdom and policy immediately darted upon them. It was de termined to strike the iron while it was hot, and not suffer the blaze of theirgenius to cool. They immediately formed a system suited to their new exalted conceptions. According to this system the old settlers were to be indulged in all their prejudices (admitting they entertained such, which is scarcely credible) in favor of arbi trary power : the French laws were to be continued ; the poor Ca nadians were not barely allowed to enjoy their religion (persecuting in its principle, and horrid in its influence on the morals of man kind) free from molestation ; but it was to be made the estab lished religion of the country, and to be put in possession of all the ecclesiastical honors and immunities, thus affording the most tempting encouragement to the increase of this dangerous hie rarchy. Thus far the old settlers were satisfied, (as the fact is as serted, though I cannot believe, however the great men may be interested, the people in general can be such idiots as to prefer an arbitrary to a free government ; and I suspect this extraor dinary exaltation of their religion was partly intended as a bribe to make them the more acquiescent in it.) What were the in dulgences granted to the new settlers ? Their religion was not worthy of a present provision, but left to the future mercy of the king ; an assembly, or representative of the people, to give them some share in their own government, was denied them. Even a Habeas Corpus was refused ; upon what principle no one can conceive, unless by supposing that even this arbitrary gov ernraent intend sometimes to violate, in individual instances, their own general provisions. The trial by jury, so highly and so justly valued by Englishmen, that yet distinguishing privilege they possess, in all civil cases was denied to these unfortunate subjects of an EngUsh province. Is it possible for us to conceive, after such a detail, that this province is English ? It is indeed so in name, but in spirit, in principle, in dignity (so far as its governors are concerned) it is still French, — and they ought well to be aware of the danger of assimilating the ancient inhabitants of a French colony, in every respect hurtful as well as beneficial, to the old manners of their forraer parent country ; and of plac ing the English subjects there in such a situation as can give thera no particular counterbalancing attachment to their native governraent. This act is the result of eleven years' close study, application and enquiry, made, as was pretended, in order, if possible, to reconcile the minds of both kinds of subjects to the new establishment ; and ending in one which can entirely please neither party ; is particularly odious to the English, and can pos sibly, in all reasonable construction, have no other tendency than 310 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1776. to humor a few great lords in their pride and dignity, engage them by this bribe to favor the arbitrary designs of government towards us, effectuate these designs more completely by establish ing a total contrariety between our religion and form of govern ment and theirs, and by the extensive comprehending limits as signed to the territory (hemming us in on all sides) giving all possible scope to the propagation of the Eomish faith, and of des potic principles.* For the present, the rigor of power stopped here. In this manner did the auspicious system of subjugating America begin ; aided by a large army to enforce it. The three first acts, in deed (the only ones whose principle we had any right to object to), only respected one province. Others, however, had been guilty of acts about the tea, in principle equaUy obnoxious, and in one a fact ofthe same kind had actually been committed. But it was deemed too dangerous to attack all or many of the colonies, and they hoped that the rest would be mean enough to enjoy an inglorious inactivity, while they should be at liberty to oppress and ruin the one they had devoted to destruction. But more virtuous and wiser principles actuated the Americans ; they now too plainly saw the plans of despotism making hasty strides upon them, and exerted in the highest instances of absolute leg islation. Some of the regulations were not temporary, but in tended to he perpetual; and it was evident to every man that had common sense, and common feeling , that an immediate and universal opposition was become necessary. What was the case of the Massachusets Bay to-day, might be that of New York, Pennsylvania, and any of the others to-morrow ; and they had no honorable security against such oppressions but in their oum resources. Heaven had blessed them with a fine soil, with mul titudes of people, with a patriot spirit, and placed tbem in the neighborhood of each other, nearly upon the same footing in point of right, and in point of interest. United, they could maintain a vigorous defence; were they to stand single, each might be made an immediate and disgraceful prey to an unmer ciful and cruel tyranny. Providence had afforded them the means of this defence ; its exertion had becorae necessary for their safety ; a neglect or disregard of such fortunate circumstances * In this aet there was even so gross au absurdity as the following : It was enacted that the exercise of the Church of Rome should be subjectto theking's su premacy, as established by the l.st Eliz. ; the oath however by which this supre macy was guarded, was dispensed with to the Canadians, (being Papists,) and a common oath of allegiance substituted in its stead ; wherein is expressly renounced any pardons, dispensations, &c. By which the important purpose is answered of giving the priest a little more trouble in granting a more particular dispensation- 1776,] OF JAMES IREDELL. 311 would justly expose thera to eternal ignominy and dishonor, and entail upon their posterity a miserable subjection to a slavery their ancestors had it in their power to avert from them. These thoughts stimulated and fired the minds of the Americans ; they did not hesitate an instant upon the choice. They immediately concerted plans for forming a general consultation, and these were executed with dispatch. The people in the several colonies chose deputies to represent them in conventiop, and these sent delegates to meet in Congress in Philadelphia|!and advise for their common safetyj r^"^ new and^important scene of things was now opened ; the /iolonies had constitutionally no connexion with each other but /through the raediura of Great Britain. Such an union, as was now formed, had formerly been projected, but had come to no thing — the colonies finding the claims of their mother country more speculative than practical, and hoping, by a less obnoxious mode, to avoid any fatal effects from them. Now indeed the plans of despotism seemed to be regularly and fully concerted. It became necessary therefore to meet them on the part of America with becoming firmness, and every prudent exertion. Important rights were in danger of being lost, and they had only to determine whether they would, submit in a regular manner to be made slaves, or irregularly nobly vindicate themselves from the immi nent danger of so dishonorable a condition. Their liberties were at stake upon their determination. In competition with this superior object, petty constitutional regards they justly thought to be of little consideration. Their constitution was only valua ble as the means of securing/reec^oni and happiness ; when it no longer could serve to conduce to that end, it was their duty to select other means more permanent and more effectual. These were the principles upon which this honorable (and I trust lasting) union was formed. The event of their councils was most anxiously waited for by their constituents. It being necessary that their consultations should be held in the closest secrecy, it is impossible for any person who was not on the spot, to conceive the extreme anxiety with which all men in America looked up to the decisions of this great body for their relief Their virtue was not questioned, their abUities were greatly re lied on ; but there was a difference of opinion every where pre vailing as to the proper mode of discovering our resentment, and. suing for redress. Some proposed the most moderate measures,, a few very harsh ones ; the majority seemed incUned to a mixture of lenity and severity; lenity to give a fair opening to Great Britain to recede ; severity to convince her, we were earnest in our demands, and vvere determined to risk every thing in thssr 312 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1776. defence. / It is not surprising, that there was such a difference of opinion. ' It was occasioned by the different sentiments men en tertained of the disposition of our haughty rulers. Tn all other respects perhaps the sentiments of a great country upon so capi tal a question as then depended were never before so universal. Notwithstanding base and wicked assertions to the contrary, I am fully warranted in saying, that an honorable reconciliation with Great Britain was the first and most earnest object of every man's wish and attention. I do not mean to answer for every individual, (which would be ridiculous,) but for a very large majority. There was no other object in contemplation (I will even venture to say) so generally, as even to afford its partisans the title of a faction. The name of independence no man dared to mention but with horror and indignation. A declaration in its favor would have been then esteemed almost equally hostile to the honor and interests of America, as the proposal of absolute and unconditional submission. Then never, I will presume to say, was any opposition forraed upon more virtuous or more steady principles. It proceeded upon the determination to insist on every thing necessary as a full security for our liberty, but the instant that was attained to return to the most entire and cordial connection with a country whose conduct might well nigh have driven usto despair. Inordertoformajudgmentof the right mea sures to be pursued in the melancholy crisis America was reduced to, it was necessary previously to consider what might be sup posed the sentiments and views of the administration of Great Britain, the fatal original authors of all these dire extremities. The espousers of moderate measures were inclined to think fa vorably of these. They said, that there was great reason, from every circumstance, to believe that Mr. Grenville, in the first cap ital error we complained of, had acted from principle and not from any bad motive ; his general character, in every other re spect, the apparent earnestness with which he always conducted and supported this measure, and the plausibility of the motives suggested as the cause to a man infiamed with high ideas of his own country's power, and misconceiving (as was, and to our mis fortune we may say, still is too general,) the true state of Amer ica ; these circumstances point out a presumption in his favor which men of candor cannot easily forego : that the ready and strong renunciation of this act, when it was discovered that Araerica was likely to be kindled into a civil war, (though then Uttle prepared to sustain it,) showed very general and very hon orable principles to prevail in the nation in our favor, and in avoidance of any fatal discord ; that the subsequent establish ment of duties was formed upon distinctions held out in that 1776.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 313 famous controversy !by ourselves, and it was some time before America itself could discern, and resolved to obviate, their fatal tendency ; that the factious and turbulent destruction of the tea must naturally have inflamed the resentment of the British na tion to the highest pitch, and this would serve to account for, and greatly to alleviate, the passionate and vindictive acts they passed ; that it was scarcely to be conceived they would stand against the united sense, and steady opposition of the whole con tinent ; but, in order to avoid a civil war, (which otherwise must appear inevitable,) would relinquish laws that passion had ex cited, but cool reason (on a vigorous remonstrance) must cer tainly disapprove ; that in order to faciUtate this desirable event, to place no obstructions in the way, to leave no pretence for the refusal of justice, — they apprehended the first application .should be made free from menaces, or restraint of any kind ; if the ap plication succeeded we should in all probability for the future be in a condition of greater security and happiness than any coun try the world had ever seen, (a blessing we ought not Ughtly to endanger ;) if it did not succeed, we should be justified by all mankind in every vigorous exertion we found it necessary to make, and should have the pleasing satisfaction to rcfiect that we had done all in our power to avoid the fatal extremities we were reduced to. These arguments were replied to by those who thought other measures, besides a remonstrance, iramediately ne cessary, in a manner something like the following : They said, that it was an enquiry of very little consequence to America, whether the intentions of ministers were good or bad as to them selves; but the proper enquiry was, how did these intentions af fect us ? that the rectitude of Mr. Grenville's intentions in the first sense might readily be admitted, without prejudice to any argument they supported, but let any one consider what part he would probably take on the present occasion, (if he was alive,) and then consider the weight of any argument drawn from good intentions in a moral light, that the repeal of the Stamp Act was certainly conceded to our resentment; for though the leaders of that measure might be men of honorable and enlarged views, and from a sense of its inexpediency and injustice (independent of the pressure of the principle) have been inclined to repeal it, yet so favorite, so popular an act could not easily have found a majority to destroy it, if the interest of Great Britain as well as that of America, had not been quickly touched ; that some apol ogy for the subsequent duties might perhaps be found in the ar guments at the time of the Stamp Act, but it was evident that policy had not been the object in their creation, (unless it can be political to estabUsh duties as a bone of contention,) but a wan- 314 'life and CORRESPONDENCE [1776. ton desire of settling up an odious claim, and interfering in our internal concerns to have us more at their mercy ; that this na turally and justly gave alarm to the Americans, and caused them to examine more minutely into the right of imposing such duties ^t pleasure ; that the result they found was, if such a right was I admitted, they must for ever be poor dependent vassals, and not Tree subjects of their mother country ; that the right could only be pretended (upon constitutional principles,) as a necessary consequence of another which had been always conceded to them, between which and the former, it was said no boundary could in the nature of things be set ; but, however, it appeared that the exercise of the right in the present instance evidently transgressed those principles upon which it was pretended to be founded, and it was necessary to contend that a boundary should be generally established, and judged of at the time (as was in most cases practicable) from the nature of the imposition laid ; that this could be productive of no more inconvenience than many other delicate limitations, by which a free people found it necessary to guard their liberty, were liable to ; was essential to their freedom ; and they adraitted in all doubtful cases should be decided against the limitation; that these sentiments and arguments of the Americans were well known in England before they repealed any of these duties ; and afterwards they excepted the article of tea from the deliverance they gave us of the others. That all peti tions and remonstrances on account of this tax were repeatedly and contemptuously disregarded ; and the conduct of Parliament towards the East India Company, as it respected the consump tion of that article here, was either principally moved by the prospect of establishing the duty, or at least showed a determined spirit to enforce it ; that the rigorous acts that followed the de struction of the tea at Boston (admitting that measure to be ever so heinous) far exceeded the provocation ; observed no man ner of proportion between offences and punishment; violated all the laws of justice ; and by being partially inflicted against one province, where others were equally guilty, discovered an evident intention to crush that one singly, and as was conceived, by that means more effectually ; that this attempt to divide the interest of the Americans, and to bribe the other colonies (many of whom were equally guilty with that devoted people) by an exemption from punishment, to suffer tamely its infliction upon them, ought to be instantly resented as an insidious and mean attack upon their virtue ; that there was no ground to believe these late ob noxious acts were merely the efi'ect of a temporary passion; they were evidently a branch of the great high-sounding system of compelling our submission ; naturally followed the indignant 1776,] OF JAMES IREDELL. 315 rejection of every peaceable petition, and were passed in defiance of the most admirable arguments, and with the determined pur pose of awing us into abject and disgraceful subjection ; that a great and respectable province was now suffering " all the cruel ties of ministerial vengeance " for their spirited defence of Amer ican liberties, and it would be infamous in the other colonies to consider, in the measures they adopted, only themselves at ease, and not their friends and countrymen in the most perilous and distressed condition ; that such had been the tenor of the mea sures in Great Britain for some years past, so arbitrary were known to be the principles of the ministers, there was not the least probability of equity and justice alone having any influence upon them, and as America had long tried these in vain, and in the course of them had suffered the most grievous indignities, it was no longer consistent with her prudence or her honor to rely on those alone in the present exigency ; that, however, a pleasing memory of the former happy connection with Great Britain, a desire of renewing it upon terms of safety and reputation, a great respect still entertained for the body of that people, a hope that a majority of them were our friends, and disdained the ty ranny and selflshness of the prevailing party, a just dread of the hor rors and uncertain calamities and event of a civil war, — all these considerations prompted us to act in such a manner as to leave room for a retreat with honor, and in the mean time to regard with all the tenderness our situation would admit of, those indi viduals of that kingdom who had long been intimately connected with America, and had property here upon which perhaps their existence and support depended ; that the detail of these mea sures might admit of raany questions, but the principle of thera, it was conceived, for all these reasons, was apparently just and equitable, and suited to the dangerous and difficult situation iji which we unhappily stood. These last arguments prevailed in the Congress, and the consequences are well known. They pro hibited after a short day all imports from Great Britain or Ire land, and particular commodities specified from the West Indies ; and after a distant day, if no redress of our grievances was ob tained, all exports to Great Britain, Ireland, and the British West Indies were to cease. Notwithstanding all the clamor which has been raised against these resolutions, a very few words, I am sure, wUl be sufficient to vindicate them. The American trade, through the medium of Great Britain, considered in itself, was mutually beneficial to both countries. The immense advan tage it was of to Great Britain, has been set forth in the most striking and powerful light by many able writers on the subject, and has been estimated many years ago by the great man to 316 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1776. whom England and America owe so much, and who was Secre tary of State during the greatest part of the last war, (which gave him the means of information,) at upwards of two mUUons annu aUy. This trade was also of great advantage to America, as it furnished thera with the means of making a natural and just compensation for the protection which was afforded them by a great and powerful nation, without whose assistance they could certainly have made but Uttle improvement. This commercial monopoly they willingly afforded, and never called in question, notwithstanding it has been stated by many ingenious and wor thy men, even in England, as extremely hard and rigorous ; however, they cheerfully submitted to it ; their ancestors had borne it from the beginning ; it was esteemed the proper author- 'Ity of a mother country over colonies ;Mliey felt themselves free in every internal concern, and particularly in the grand point of taxing ; and they trusted to a delicate and just sense of interest as their ultimate resource against commercial oppressions. This trade had been carried on to an iraraense extent : Araerica every year received still larger supplies than the foregoing ; its neces sary wants were many, its artificial ones more ; and they were beginning to indulge themselves in luxury {J,uxury I mean for their situation) to such a degree, that in a few years half the property of America would perhaps have become that of British merchants, had this cause received no interruption. As it was, every ounce of gold or silver which America, by the raost circui tous course of industry could coUect, regularly found its way to Great Britain, besides vast imports of the most useful trading commodities. Such was our situation in this respect, that there were very few clear estates in America. This being the case, (as every man in America knows to be true,) a judgment may be formed how just was the inference which is said to have been made in favor of the Stamp Act from the great display of riches shown by a few individuals, and how contemptible that policy which was framed on such trifling suggestions. Trade in its own nature is extremely free, and can only sub sist by a spirit of freedom. The idea of obtaining a direct com mand of it by laws and regulations is idle and absurd. These may indeed indirectly possess a power over it, by confining it to particular channels ; but this is all. It still must be left to the people from whom the advantages of trade are to be derived, whether they will submit to these, under every circumstance, or at any time they may think proper withhold the trade altogether. We cannot be ordered to import a certain quantity of goods. This can only be regulated by our occasions, and our wishes. We raay require no goods, we raay resolve to do without them, 1776.] OP JAMES IREDELL. 317 This was the case in the instance in question. We had for many years been importing ourselves out of almost all our property, our wealth was drained to the uttermost farthing for the emolu ment of Great Britain ; the profits of all our trade centered there ; we had the utmost difficulty of subsisting at home, under the heavy pressure of a debt we were continually seeking means to discharge ; this monopoly, however, did not satisfy its engross ers ; we were not only limited in t'ne means of getting, but the little which with much labor and toil we did get, we were not suffered to enjoy ; we were told, all this property should be held at the disposal of our monopolists ; that what they did not take in the way of trade they might have occasion for in the way of imposition; and an earnest of a small sum was in the mean time required as a support of the principle ; we were lately crushed with severe laws of internal regulation, such as griev ously distressed one province, and threatened all. We saw no end to unreasonable demands, and tyrannous regulations. It was here necessary to make a stand. " We owe an immense debt already ; a dreadful contest is arising, of which we know not the issue. No honest men can engage in debt they have no proba ble prospect of paying. We will therefore for the present import no more ; we will endeavor to discharge former arrears as soon as possible, unfettered by new engagements. This is a debt we owe to our creditors. We also owe some to our country. Why should we run the risk of ruining ourselves to enrich a nation that is seeking to enslave us ? They have considered our weight in the state as too little. Every instance of their late conduct has discovered marks of contempt, which no men of spirit could endure. It is time for us to convince them, that they have some dependence on us as well as we on them. A stoppage of the imports will ena ble thera to look about them, and interest at least the man ufacturers and the body of the people, (who will feel the impol icy of their rulers,) to remonstrate with vigor on our behalf This has succeeded formerly ; why should we despair of its suc cess now ? It is reasonable and just, that when every advantage which power, and an unfeeling use of it, can give to men is used against us, we should exert this natural, this peaceable power which the nature of things cannot deprive us of, and is our prin cipal resource, short of a civil war. A war in the end may be come inevitable, we should therefore contract our expenses, to enable us to maintain it the better ; we ought also to show, by some little exertion of spirit, that we are not tamely disposed to submit to every act of violence ; and by this means, much sooner than by pusUlanimity, or marks of too great reluctance to close with them (if they shall render it unavoidable) in the last appeal, 318 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1776. we may be able to avert its fatal necessity." These arguments are to my mind perfectly satisfactory in defence of the non-im portation. The non-exportation is a more delicate matter. Pri vate justice seemed here incompatible with public duty. The American merchants owed vast sums to the British, which they had no means to discharge but by way of trade. If this was pro hibited, the source of payment was suspended. And yet this prohibition seemed necessary, for the great purpose of American opposition. How were these two points to be reconciled ? The only way that could be thought of was this : " We will not imrae diately stop our exports : this we will reserve for the last extrem ity. If the ministry mean to persevere, an appeal must be made to arms ; and then it will be ridiculous to think of trade : were this possible, it would be contemptible in us to think of it : we did not pledge onr freedom for our debts : the little money we owe to Great Britain, would be a poor compensation for all the havoc of war, and the horrid desolation they would seek to ex pose us to ; but however much, even in this situation, we might be inclined (as most, we are persuaded, would) to discharge our arrears to the merchants, can we be such fools as to attempt it by raeans that would serve to enable our enemies raore effectu ally to crush us ? If they mean not to come to these extremi ties, (of which, however, none can doubt, if they retain the acts,) this prohibition may be felt severely enough to awaken them to their senses : the withholding exports, such essentials in their commerce, may compel them to do us justice : all hope from rea son and equity, and intreaty alone, every man of the least dis cernment must absolutely relinquish. What then can we do but immediately put a stop to that trade which is absolutely in our power, and solemnly resolve that after a few months, which may enable much of our debt to be paid off, and which wiU give time for Parliament by reconcUing measures to prevent its ever taking- place, we will suspend every other commercial connection, our only remaining peaceable resource when the operations of war are not concerned, and impracticable to be avoided when they are ? This is our only resource, short of an immediate com mencement of civil war. We lament the cruel necessity of our condition ; we feel for our creditors ; we shall be unhappy in not being able to discharge our debts : but these are considerations which affect individuals ; and they must inevitably give way to those higher and more immediate considerations which concern the state. To the constitution of our country, to the means ne cessary for preserving that constitution, every other duty and de mand is subordinate, and compared to these they are light as air, and to be sacrificed without a moment's hesitation." The 1776.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 319 same principles will vindicate us to Ireland and the West Indies. The common cant of their having done us no injury is scarcely worth notice. We never pretended they did. But those to whora those trades were of amazing advantage, had done us the greatest injuries. We ought to convince them they insulted people it was dangerous to provoke, and that their trade to Anierica did not altogether depend on acts of Parliament, and penal regulations. If Great Britain had done us justice, those trades would never have been injured. She injured them by her denial of justice, not we b)' taking steps necessary to enforce it. Our exports to Great Britain, (whilst our debt subsisted,) if no invasion of our rights had been attempted, might have been considered as a matter of duty. But we owed no duty (speaking generally) to Ireland and the West Indies. We indeed owed them, and bore them affection, as fellow-subjects of the same empire. We were always disposed to support a friendly connec tion with them. But if such a connection is overborne by the grasping and violent hand of power, are the objects of this op pression to be blamed for it ? Ireland should complain little. Her rights and ours stand upon much the same basis, with a lit tle difference in favor of America. What would have been her conduct had she been so treated ? How would she submit to a single regulation that did not affect her trade ? Let her con sider these things coolly, and then blame us if she can. I mention these arguments with some confidence, because they have convinced me. I was formerly a great advocate for i moderation. I could not bring rayself to believe that the min isters would hazard their country's fate upon so delicate and crit ical a question. I thought they would have judged it necessary to concede to us the important and necessary claims we made, if they could have a fair opening to do it ; at least that they would have relinquished their practical, oppressive laws. This was my sentiment of things. But I have unhappily found reason to alter it ; and to applaud the deep sagacity, and clear penetration, of those whora I believed, at the time, to be in an erroneous opinion.^ The reception given by Parliament to the New York petitions, ¦ first opened my eyes on this subject. It had long been the fa vorite topic of ministerial advocates in America, that their claims were not so obnoxious to governraent, as their mode of asserting them ; that if this had been more respectful and confiding, the other would have been easUy adjusted. The New York Assem bly adopted this way of thinking ; their claim of rights was founded on the fullest Americanprinciples, except in one or two re spects wherein I think, if they did not state them exactly as they constitutionally stood, they established useful practical distinc- 320 LIFE -tND CORRESPONDENCE [1776- tions. In the mode alone they materiaUy differed from the rest of thecontinent. Here then was a fair opportunity to try the real views of administration. There being only one colony in this situation made no difference. They had always held it out as a maxim that the colonies ought to be considered as distinct, individual dependencies on the mother country, and by no means proper ob jects of a general and confederating union with each other. The policy had been in contemplation, and was believed to have been actually attempted, to break this union. No fairer occasion than this which New York presented could be hoped for. It profess edly set on foot a separate interest frora the rest of America, and had their demands been acceded to, a raost iraportant province would have been gained to governraent, and the assertions of all their retainers in America would have been verified. Instead of this, how were the petitions received ? They were treated with the most impudent contempt and indignation. I hope the warrath of the expression will be excused from the atrocity of the conduct. A House of Commons that calls itself our virtual representatives to despise a petition couched in the raost decent terms, and coming from a people who had had the signal merit (as it was deemed) to abstain from a general and prevailing vi olence through America ! A petition that concerned their most sacred and iraportant rights! that respected /reedom, of which the British House of Commons used always to be esteemed the guardian ! Blush, ye degenerate men, for this base and un worthy conduct. Was it not sufficient that you were determined to make us slaves in the end, but you must begin to insult us be fore your purpose was effected ? Take care, ye mighty Dons, that this infamous behavior does not one day most bitterly and indignantly recoil upon you. The establishment of committees to enforce these regulations has been the source of much pathetic declamation. Yet, abstract ed from the other subject of the necessity we were under to form such regidations, it is an objection of no weight. No large body of men can act in a common concert without some rules to carry their proceedings into effect. Wicked and corrupt men are every where lurking to take advantage of the public distress, and a system would be very weakly formed that was not calculated to defeat them. There is not such a thing in the nature of huraan affairs possible as the universal, unanimous concurrence of a whole people in any one measure. The majority raust govern the whole or there is an end to all society. This is not less necessary in the case of resistance to an oppressive governraent than in others. If the people have a right to resist, they have a right to take such measures as will give their resistance efficacy. It would be ridic- 1776.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 321 ulous to assent to the one, and withhold the other. Therefore this case, as all others, must partake of the usual infirmity of human nature, and general consent must supply the place of uni versal, which it is morally impossible to obtain. What would have been the present condition of England, had she waited for such a consent at the Eevolution ? The events subsequent to those which I have related I shall not discourse of They were, in substance, the natural conse quence of the preceding ones ; when each party obstinately main tained its ground, and no man can form any judgment of these but according to the sentiments he entertains of the foregoing circumstances. We are now, and have been for some months, in a state of hostility with our parent country, the most unhappy condition we could be exposed to. This has been endeavored to be aggravated by every possible injury the most brutal minds could conceive. Even the savage incitement of Indians to mur der a few helpless people in the back country, and the more than diabolical purpose of exciting our own domestics (domestics they forced upon us) to cut our throats, and involve men, women and children, in one universal massacre, — these villainous attempts are to be numbered in the catalogue of our enemy's crimes. They have, however, thank God, failed of their desired effect. One danger may indeed still be apprehended ; the other is less prob able. Neither has, however, yet actually taken place. We have not been intimidated by this conduct from persevering in our du ty, but on the contrary have been actuated by a more determined spirit. Eesentment for such cruel usage has added spurs to our patriotism. It will easily be observed that I have not noticed every griev ance America has sustained, and that I have even omitted some very principal ones : my reason was, that they were not immedi ately necessary to illustrate my subject. The present unbounded claim swallows up all inferior ones ; and I have confined myself only to a particular history of such measures as had some intri cacy, or a superior importance in. them. The reason for non payment of the tea I have also omitted. It must be apparent to every one, that this could not be done without adopting the mea sure, sanctifying the unconstitutional acts passed to enforce pay ment, encouraging government to harass the public in the same manner for similar private injuries in future, and being mean enough to show no resentraent for the arbitrary and unjust acts that accorapanied it. I avoid the unhappy subject of the day, independency. There was a time very lately, within my recollection, when neither my self nor any person I knew, could hear the name but with hor- VoL. I.— 21 ^ 322 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1776. ror. I know it is a favorite argument against us, and that on which the proceedings of ParUament are most plausibly founded, that this has been our aim since the beginning, and all other at tempts were a cloak and disguise to this principal one. If this supposition had been weU founded, and a desire of redressing the grievances we complained of been entertained by government, they might immediately, by granting these, have detected and disappointed the other, or covered us with eternal disgrace, if we avowed it. But it is sufficient to say, our professions have been all solemnly to the contrary ; we have never taken any one step which really indicated such a view ; its suggestion has no better foundation than mere suspicion, which might countenance any falsehood whatever, and every man in America knows that this is one of the most egregious falsehoods ever any people were duped with. But so it was. This error they have been capti vated with, and it has led them, as well as us, to the brink of de struction. Its consequences are now only to be deplored, not, I fear, to be remedied. ^ may venture to say, the dread, or the pretended dread, of this evil, has almost produced it. This sus picion, though so Ul founded, has been, professedly, the parent of all the violent acts that now irritate the minds of the Americans. Some are inflamed enough to luish for independence, and all are reduced to so unhappy a condition as to dread at least that they shall be compelled in their own defence to embrace it. I profess myself of the latter number, in exclusion of the former. I am convinced America is not in such a situation as to entitle her to consider it as a just object of ambition, and I have no idea of peo ple forming constitutions from revenge^ A just and constitu tional connection with Great Britain ^(ff such could be obtained) I still think, in spite of every provocation, would be happier for America, for a considerable time to come, than absolute independ ence. No man can disdain, raore than I do, the infaray and cruel violence of our oppressors' conduct. But I make a distinc tion between the ministry, and even the Parliament, and the people of England. These last I do not consider as accessory in all the oppressions we have sustained. Many, I have no doubt, are great criminals ; but more, I am persuaded, are deceived by false and wcfced information. Great things have been attempt ed in our defence. But the misfortune is, the inadequacy of the representation, and the corruption so universal, leave little to the real voice of the people. If it is said that these causes may always give us such a Ministry and Parliament, I answer, that I form no idea of any reconciliation but where we shall have full security that even these can do us no essential injury, unless we conspire to it ourselves. In political affairs we are not always 1776.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 323 at liberty to choose what is best in the abstract, but what may be found so in practice. I can see no establishment in America, no turn to its affairs, that is likely to arise of a happier nature than such are-union. But if a re-union is not practicable but upon terms of dishonor, if one essential point is required as a sacrifice to obtain it, I should spurn at the idea as scandalous and disgraceful; and in such an event, or on any occasion whatever, if independency should becorae necessary to our safety, I should not hesitate an instant in giving my assent to it. June, 1776. Dukinfield to Iredell. Lewes in Sussex, 10th June, 1776. I received your letter of the 10th Jan. last (but not the one you had written a few days before), giving me an account of the death of Mr. Pearson. This morning I saw in the papers that a mail would be dispatched to-morrow night for New York, and I had just time to write to my mother under cover to Mr. Low ther, at New York, as you desired ; but as another mail will be dispatched this week to the southern provinces, I hope you will receive this. A few days before I received your letter, Mr. Elms ly had acquainted me with the death of Mr. Pearson. I fear my mother will not have much to claim as legatee, though she may have a great deal of trouble as executrix. I assure you if he has been as incorrect in all his affairs as in those where I have been unluckily connected with him, I would not undertake to adjust them. I have long had a very mean opinion of his abilities, and ara sorry to say that of late I have reason to doubt his principles ; but perhaps he thought he might treat me, and take any liber ties, as he pleased. It was more out of compliment to my moth er, and my expecting to return soon, than from any expectation of his great management, that he was first intrusted with the management and direction of my affairs : and I thought they were so trifiing, that I continued him. But I have long been so dissatisfied with him, that, had it been in my power, I should be fore now have been in Carolina, and endeavored to prevail upon other persons, whose judgment I have a greater opinion of, to undertake for me the direction of thera. I most sincerely hope that the present feuds will (as well for the general, as any private advantage) be honorably, steadfastly, and speedily settled, and then I hope once more to visit Carolina, though it can be but for a few months, as my military engage ments will not permit me to require a longer absence. Mr. Pear son's conduct in regard to Dickenson has displeased me very 324 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1776. much ; and I am sorry if his account is not settled before this time, for Mr. Pearson must have received money on my account from David Turner — much more than was necessary to discharge all my debts ; and in this expectation I refused to pay his ac count to Mr. WUkinson ; but if it should not yet be paid I hope Dickenson wUl not be uneasy about it, though I cannot acqui esce in his demand for interest before he sent me his bill. I told Mr. WUkinson that as soon as I was ascertained that the ac count was not paid in Carolina, I would pay him the Mil with interest from Jan., 1775. I received a letter from Mr. Pearson dated 10th Jan., 1775, wherein he says, — " Turner has not paid me one shUUng ;" but if Turner is to be credited, he paid him in May, 1774 (according to his letter to me dated 18th June, 1775), £44, though not the whole in money. I gave Mr. Pearson such positive directions (and since repeated them) for the payment of this account that I hope it is done. Mr. Pearson wrote me in Oct. last that my lands were to be leased out on the 25th of that month, and that I should see the terms in the packet sent me by the Coraraerce (Messenger's brig), but upon making every enquiry that I possibly could, from the master of that vessel, I never could discover that there had ever been any paper or letter put on board for me, though Mr. Pearson told me that all ray papers and accounts were sent by her. Mr. Pearson's brig has been very unlucky — she struck on the North Key of Cuba, and lay ashore about 52 hours, and in Jan. got to Kinsale in Ireland, where she put in to refit, and reraains there now, but is expected in a very few days in Bristol. When she arrives there I shall go and meet Mr. Elmsly, under whose direction she is to be. I have desired my mother to take the care of my affairs at present, and to advise with you and Mr. Johnston, I hope to see you next year. Most sincerely do I condole with you, my dear friend, on the loss of Miss Johnston. Each of that family is so estimable, that the loss is irreparable. Poor Berry wUl be a great loss to New Berne. Has he left any family ? Knox I hardly knew. I should have told you I had been lieutenant four raonths. I beg ray best respects to Mrs. IredeU, Mrs. Blair, Mrs. Dawson, Mr. Johnston's family, and all my other friends, and believe me, my dear sir. Yours most sincerely, NAT. DUKINFIELD. To Jas. Iredell, CoUector, Edenton, N. C. The CouncU of Safety met at Wilmington, June 5th. Mr. WUie Jones, designated as President by Congress, being appoint- 1776.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 325 ed by the Continental Congress Superintendent of Indian Affairs for the Southern Department, Cornelius Harnett of Wilmington was chosen President. This officer was the virtual governor of the province. On the 28th of June the British troops and fleet made their conjoint attack on Fort SuUivan, S. C. The two North Carolina Continental Battalions* under Cols. James Moore f and Alexan der Martin, numbering about fifteen hundred raen, — the whole underthe coraraand of Gen. Howe of North Carolina, — participa ted in the glory of the defence. In Gen. Lee's report of the ac tion, to Mr. Pendleton, President of the Virginia Convention,^ he says, — " I know not which corps I have the greatest reason to be pleased with, Mughlenburgh's Virginians, or the North Carolina troops — they are both equally alert, zealous and spirited. I must now, sir, entreat that you will forward to Wilmington as much powder as can possibly be spared from your province, to supply the place of that which I shall draw from North Carolina." In addition to the forces already named, it may be mentioned that Capt. C. C. Pinckney's company consisted almost excludve- ly of North Carolinians. Early in July, Gen. Eutherford, at the head of nineteen hundred men,§ crossed the mountains, and so severely chastised the Cherokee Indians as to compel them to sue for peace. North Carolina not only maintained the integrity of her territory and enforced respect for her authority, by baffiing the invader, and suppressing insurrection at home, but also aided, generously. South Carolina. Thus was the wisdora and vigor of her leaders illustrated ! So ready were her sons to take the field, so many her soldiers, that large bodies were disbanded as useless. Hewes to Iredell. PmLADELPBiA, Junc 28th, 1776. Dear Sir : — I have to thank you for two letters, and believe me, I do it most heartily ; you are almost the only correspondent I have in North Carolina, but more of this next opportunity ; at present I would confine myself to news. Burgoyne, with a large force, is arrived in Canada. Gen. Sullivan sent 2000 men under Gen. Thompson to engage a party of the king's troops that were about forty mUes -below head-quarters, towards Quebec ; but un- * These were originally styled regiments, but their designation was changed to avoid a difficulty about the rank of colonel in effecting exchanges. — Hildreth. f Subsequently Major General of the Southern Department. X Vid, Appendix to this volume for this report aud another paper relative to the attack, preserved by Mr, Iredell. § Wheeler. 326 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1776- luckily the evening before Thorapson carae up with them, they had been reinforced by Burgoyne with several regiments just ar rived : notwithstanding the superior force, Thompson engaged them, was repulsed with the loss of 150 men, killed and taken prisoners. In the retreat, Thompson and five or six officers were taken prisoners by a party of Canadians, who, though they were supposed to be our friends, found this a lucky time to make their peace with the strongest party. Our whole army are retreated to the Isle a Noir a little on this side St. John's (1500 of them have the small pox ; out of three regiments not more than fifty able to bear arms), in hopes to keep possession of the lakes. A damnable plot has been discovered in New York. The hellish tories had concerted a plan to murder General Washington and several other generals, blow up the magazine and spike up all the cannon. They waited only for the arrival of the king's troops, when this plan was to have been executed. The general has not yet got to the bottom of this affair ; many persons are taken up and imprisoned, some persons of note among them : the mayor of the city, the famous Major Eogers, &c., &c.* It is said Gov. Tryon is concerned, but he is safe on board a king's ship at Sandy Hook. So much for the dark side. Things go a little better in another quarter. Our Continental vessels of war and some pri vateers have taken lately, at different times and places, six large transport ships from Scotland, having in all near 600 of Frasier's regiment of Highlanders on board, with their baggage, arras, pro visions, &c. An express that came half an hour ago informs that he saw upward of 200 of these march out of Boston, in order to be confined in the jail in the country. He says they are fine men — have all new regimentals, scarlet faced with blue ; he came out, he says, with them, and heard many of them curse most bit terly both king and ParUament for deceiving them. They had been told not a rebel would be found on the sea coast : that they had all fled fifty or sixty miles back in the country, and that they were sent here to enjoy the lands which the rebels had forsaken. They did not expect any thing else, and had brought their wives in order to set down quiet, &c. Gov. Franklyu is taken into custody, and sent prisoner to Connecticut. On Monday the great question of independency and total sep aration from all political intercourse with Great Britain will corae on. It will be carried, I expect, by a great majority, and then, I suppose we shall take upon us a new name. My compliments to Mr. Johnston ; I received a line from him from Halifax, by the return wagons, also one from Edenton, by WUliams, who is the * Vid. Lossing's Field Book of the Revolution, Vol 1, p. 116, 1776.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 327 bearer of this. '?I have not time to write him now ; shall do it by post on Tuesday ; he must consider this as written to him also. My compliments to the ladies. I ara, dear sir, Your most obt. hurable servt., JOSEPH HEWES. John Johnston to Iredell. July 4th, 1776. Dear Sir : — I wrote to you frora home last Saturday, and as Mr. Buchanan is now going down, I take the opportunity of in forming you that I am yet weU. You have no doubt heard, by this time, of the English men-of-war's being cast away on Charles ton Bar — a fifty-gun ship, a twenty-gun ship, and a sixteen gun sloop of war. They have made an attempt to land in the night, but were beaten off with considerable loss, by only one hundred men called the Eaccoon Company (I suppose from their wearing the skin of that animal by way of caps). This news came so well authenticated to the Council, that I am informed they pay credit to it. It was brought here by Mr. Walter Gibson,* yester day. We yesterday detected a parcel of fellows, and apprehend ed thera, who had prevailed on a mulatto fellow that worked the press, to steal a quantity of unsigned bills for them, for which he was to have part — they had numbered and signed a great num ber, but very luckily I detected one, and thefirst they had pass ed, with a woman, and immediately had them taken up, and the house searched, and we got all the bills, save some that a butcher has gone off with to purchase stock with. We sent after him, and hope shall be able to give an account of hira before night. I should write to my brother, but expect he will be off before this gets down. I delivered my sister's letters to Mr. Ijindsay. I wrote her the same time I did to you, since which I received a quar relling letter from her, by Mr. McNair. I should now write her, but have not one minute to spare, as the signers are now at my back hurrying me. Please to remember me affectionately to thera all. And I remain, dear sir. Your raost obedient servant, JOHN JOHNSTON.f * Gibson was from Bladen, member of the Prov. Congress, August, 1774. f Mr, Johnston was one of a committee of four, appointed by Congress April 22d, to superintend the printing of bills of credit to the amount of $250,000. 328 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1776- Iredell to T. Jones.* Edenton, 16th July, 1776. Dear Sir :— I have nothing in particular to acquaint you with from here, but I cannot deny myself the pleasure of congratulating you on the glorious defeat at Charieston. It is one which will ap pear very illustrious in the annals of history, and is, in all its cir cumstances, very extraordinary. We had a most distinct and satisfactory account of it the day before your express arrived, from the mouth of Mr. Page, the Virginia express, who carried the account to his province from General Lee. A remarkable fatali ty attends all the measures of Great Britain (once so illustrious and so successful), now that they have converted the arras of free men into the instruments of tyranny. They appear no longer as the same people. Every measure of policy weak, impracticable, or ridiculous ; every exertion of rigor against raw, undisciplined forces, ignorant of the military art, in almost every particular, and just from their plows to defend their country, — equal to their adversaries in nothing but courage, — every attack upon such men by disciplined and veteran forces, supported by every possible mil itary assistance, fails of success, and is brought into contempt. Eight ships (several of them large) are not found equal to half the task assigned by one arrogant gentleman to two small ones. North CaroUna with 1000 militia repulses 2000 Highlanders and Eegulators, in whom the greatest confidence was placed. South Carolina with 350 repels 2000 British soldiers. These under the command of two generals, selected with particular choice for the business they have thus shamefully failed in. Where will Clinton dodge now, and what will become of Cornwallis ? Wait, I pre sume, for a reinforcement, and try their luck once more ; in the mean time perhaps losing half the men they were to conquer two provinces with, by natural causes incident to their climate. 0 Britain ! miserable, unhappy country ! losing half its dorainions and greatly endangering the other half, by the mismanagement, * There is a letter from Jasper Charlton to Mr. Jones, with Mr. IredeU's papers, dated July Sth, 1776, declining some appointment, tbe nature of which does not certainly appear, because of "the wound my feelings would receive at passing sen tence against the properties of my fellow-subjects." He says further, " I am sensi ble by this resolution I may forego a lucrative employment." The Provincial Con gress, May llth, 1776, had empowered the Council of Safety to establish Courts of Admiralty at Edenton, Bath, New Berne, and Wilmington, and to appoint judges thereof. I suppose Mr. Charlton was tendered the post of Admiralty Judge for Edenton. When these courts went into actual operation, I do not know. In the fall of 1780 Martial Boitar, of the private ship of war, the Fortunate, was the ap pellant from a decree obtained in the Admiralty Court.of Port Brunswick. Heze kiah Anthony and others were the respondents. Iredell for appellants. 1776.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 329 villainy, and perfidious ambition of a set of rascals, destined, as it would appear by fate, to be the horrid instruments of destroy ing their country. Such are the blessed effects of a tyrannical temper, selfish infatuation, and weak, ungovernable pride. The powder, I believe, will be forwarded with all expedition. But pray, my good friend, how came you to comprise a mighty secret in an open letter ? This really would have become me much better than you. Your chUdren are all extremely well, both those in town and country. I heard of the last yesterday. I will keep my letter open to the last moment, that I may add anything that may oc cur. I hope you will not neglect to write to rae.* On July 22d, the Continental Declaration of Independence reached Halifax, where the Council of Safety were in session :f they immediately ordered it to be proclaimed, in the most public manner, throughout the " State." T. Jones (Member of the Council of Safety) to Iredell, Halifax, 2Sd July, 1776, Dear Sir : — Your obliging favor, by Mr. Montfort, was de livered to me on my arrival here on Saturday morning last, for which I return you many thanks. You cannot imagine how much pleasure and satisfaction it gave me, and am extremely sor ry it's not in my power, for the want of time, to give you in re turn for your politeness a long letter. And for public news, have nothing to mention but what you have heard long since from Charles Town, except the cruel Indian war brought about by the wicked and diabolical superintendent Cameron, who resides in the Over-HiU Cherokee towns. The Indians have already de stroyed upwards of two hundred men, women and children. As tlUs matter is perfectly ministerial, I hope a tory will never after this open his mouth in favor of the British government, which, of all governments on earth, I believe at this time is the most tyrannical and bloody. Do pray give me a line by the return of our express, and be kind enough to send a servant down to Mrs. Howe's, to enquire how my dear children are. If any thing of importance happens, an express will be immediately sent to Mr. Johnston, and you may depend upon hearing from me. My re spectful compliments to Mrs. Iredell, Mrs. Blair, Mrs. Dawson, and aU the young ladies. I am in the greatest haste. With great regard, dear sir, Your most devoted servant, THOMAS JONES. "'The British forces in America, in 1776, amounted to fully 60,000 men. f Jones, Wheeler. 330 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1776- P. S. — We have by this tirae a very large army on our west ern frontiers, so that the Indians wUl find, very shortly, business enough upon their hands. The Council have been on this Indian business near three weeks past, and in three weeks more I hope it wUl be in my power to give you an account of our success in that quarter. We have our hands fuU, — no sooner do we \aj one devU, but up starts another ; but we shall prove too many for them all yet. I'll answer for it. My respects to Mr. Smith, I shaU write to him to-morrow. I should have done it now, but the express waits. John Johnston to Iredell. July 1 Ith, 1776, Dear Sir : — I have the pleasure, and just the time, to in form you that I still enjoy my health. I hope you and our friends do the same. Inclosed I have sent you a copy of Gen. Lee's letter to the President of the Virginia Convention, which I took frora a certified copy that Mr. Hooper brought with him from the Council. My brother's stay from this place * longer than his appointed time, alarms me for fear he is unwell. Cas well f is here, and expected to meet him here. I expect my stay will he nearly one month longer. I am quite tired out, and long to see my friends at Edenton. Please to inform my sister that I really have not time to write by this opportunity, but will, if pos sible, by the next. Please to remeraber me to both. I am, dear sir, Your affectionate brother, JOHN JOHNSTON. On the 1st of August,^ the day appointed by the Council, their President, Mr. Harnett, in front of the Court House, at Halifax, environed by the military, and in the midst of an im mense concourse of people, read the Declaration of Independence. It was greeted with the firing of cannon ; and the assent and delight of the multitude were testified by clapping of hands, and joyous acclamations. So impressible was the enthusiasm, that the excited soldiers, breaking from their ranks, " seized Mr. Har nett, and bore him on their shoulders through the streets of the town, applauding him as their champion, and swearing allegiance to the instrument he had read." * Halifax. f Gen. Caswell, Mr. Johnston's colleague as Treasurer — subsequently first gov ernor of the State of North Carolina. X Jones. 1776.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 331 T. Jones to Iredell. Halifax, 17th Aug., 1776. Dear Sir : — Your very polite and obliging favor reached me here, on the 14th inst., for which you have my hearty and sin cere thanks. The Council adjourned a few days ago to Wake Court House, and this evening Mr. WUie Jones and myself set off to be there next Monday, the day on which the Council will meet. As to news from the North, the following is nearly the substance, and which may be depended upon, as I had it from Mr. Gwinet, a countryman of ours from Gloucestershire on his return from the Continental Congress, of which he is one of the delegates for the State of Georgia, viz, : That an elegant pam phlet written by the justly celebrated Dr. Price, on the present interesting and very important tiraes, has had a very extraordi nary effect on the minds of the people, industriously spread throughout the whole kingdom. The city of London, at a very full meeting, returned Dr. Price their thanks in great pomp and form, and the freedom of that city was presented him in Gold Box, much to the mortification of the ministry. As this piece is calculated to undeceive the ignorant, by the strength of its argu ment, and plainness of style, it had the desired effect — the whole was immediately in an uproar, and that it was generally believed no Hessian troops would be sent out, and that they are in daily expectation of a formidable army being landed from France, and that a revolution was expected. This may be depended upon, that there is not a complete regiment in the kingdom, and they have sent out to America the whole of their artUlery. We have an army at Ticonderoga of 12,000 men, under the command of Gen. Gates to receive Master Burgoyne ; five armed schooners of ours are constantly cruising in the lake, and 800 men from New York and Philadelphia are building raany galleys there ; Gener al Lee has marched from Charles Town with 1500 raen tojoin Col. Bull at Port Eoyal, 60 miles to the southward of Charles Town, then instantly to attack 1500 of Clinton's army, who are landed and intrenched near that place ; we expect to hear from that quarter. The Council have discharged the 1500 militia voted by the last Congress, as there is no business for them to do here. Our Indian afiairs go on very well — the last 500 men from the HiUsborough, ordered by the Council, marched last Monday for Gen. Eutherford's head-quarters, near the mountains. I return you my thanks for your kind mention of my chUdren. My com pliments to Mrs. Iredell, Mrs. Blair, Mrs. Dawson, and all the young ladies. Pray let me hear from you. Dear sir, yours ever, THOMAS JONES. 332 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE L1776- Jasper Charlton to Iredell. Cdefnell's, 24th of August, 1776. Dear Sir :— There was a happy tirae, when the duties of your office would illy admit of a more extensive correspondence than the one you had — that time is, alas ! no raore, and I shall presume you can now and then find^a vacant hour to commune with a soUtary on paper. When I give myseff that name, I would exclude every idea of melancholy attending that state ; no, on the contrary, I find blessings in retirement fancy never before suggested. How happily has the inimitable Dr. Goldsmith ex pressed them in his " Deserted Village." " Blest retirement, friend to life's decline, iSic, ifee.* How preferable, my dear sir, is such a state of existence, to the one our fraternity is fated to bear with ; how superior to the brawUng and wrangling in an ignorant court. And how much more to be admired and courted, than the contlition of a prosti tute hireling to very often the most rascally part of God's crea tion. I will tell you plainly I ara, and long have been, sick of my profession, and if the confusion of the tiraes shall wear away, am determined to concenter the full value of ray possessions in this spot, and here endeavor to attain to the greatest stage of felicity this Iffe will admit of — i. e., — mens conscia recti. So much for ray present state, and future views. Although politics is a subject of conversation I would by choice decline, yet I cannot help giving you my sentiments re specting the most interesting event which as yet hath occurred, I mean independencj'-. My idea of it is simply this, that Amer ica is as yet too young to effect her own salvation, more especially when respect is had to the tempers, complexions, and various con ditions of its inhabitants. I think this business (if ever managea ble) should have fallen into the hands of an united, robust and pop ulous posterity ; and that at present she may be compared to a tender plant, by no means able to withstand the many rude shocks that a most inclement season will give it. God knows what the womb of time raay produce. I will therefore quit a topic that awakens all my fears, and brings to my idea a train of melancholy events, and disastrous consequences. Let me then give a more pleasing direction to my thoughts, and they naturally lead rae to cherish the wish of seeing you and Mrs. Tredell at CuffneU's, the latter end of next month. I raention that time because the weather I hope will be cooler, my house more airy, * The quotation in the letter extends to sixteen lines. 1776.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 333 and the nasty ticks, the great foe to walking [and beautiful walks have I to walk in] be gone. Moreover four stout horses will then be with an easy chariot in perfect readiness to attend you at Du kinfield, without the least inconvenience to myseff. I want you to taste the CuffneU's water, nor am I so poor yet but I can melior ate it. I can assure you, sir, that Mrs. Charlton joins me in my wish most cordially, and now I mention her, I wUl tell you she is in the blissful condition Yoric prays his dear Eliza may experience, in rest but unattended by Hygeia. I am confident, sir, I need not request a communication of any important news from you ; you will be led to it by every consid eration involving charity and a disposition to please. Consider the paucity of my connections — the unintelUgency of them, and the few avenues I have for letting in news. And all these I am sure will conspire to let me know how the world passes. You will not, I am sure, be Uke a Eomish priest — propagate a belief in things in which you have no faith yourself, nor like the pious St. Austin, who said he believed some things because they were absurd and impossible. In most epistolatory productions I have observed the general conclusion of them to be, — I am afraid, sir, I have tired your pa tience. This conclusion, however modish or refined, I shall not imitate. There are tiraes when congenial minds should give the most ample and unreserved participation of their sentiments to each other, without the supposal of tiresomeness, nor wUl I pay so ill a compliment to myself, as to believe I shall tire you, when I am not tired myself But as all things must tend to an end, as weU as my epistle, I with very great pleasure make an offer ing of Mrs. Charlton's and my best respects to Mrs. IredeU, your self and all friends united in love or friendship to you, which wUl comprehend a great section of the community you live in. I ara, dear sir. Your sincere friend, JASPEE CHAELTON. P. S. — I have this moment the honor of a visit from the present Duke of Bolton* and Lord Delawar.f When you come up I hope I shall introduce you to thera. They seem to be plain affable men, no ways affecting pride or arrogance, and disposed to a civil acquaintanceship with their inferiors. On the 9th of August % the CouncU of Safety solemnly re commended to the people of North Carolina to pay the greatest * Old Joe Knott. f Boswell, the breeches-maker. X ^i'ey, Jones, 334 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE > [1776. attention to the election of members of Congress on the 15th of October ; and to have particularly in view the important consid eration, that it would be the business of Congress not only to make laws, but also to form a Constitution. It appears from Jones' statement that the radical party of the State were bent upon the defeat of Mr. Johnston ; and that the Council of State, misled by Wilie Jones, were privy to the conspiracy. _ The elec tions since 1774 had been conducted without opposition. Now it was pretended openly that the conservatives intended a gov ernment adverse to the liberties of the people ; and covertly that they were in reality advocates of a monarchy. When danger was imminent, the public voice had demanded the services of Mr. Johnston ; but now that comparative order reigned, and the arras and policy of the State were every where triumphant, the men who felt themselves overshadowed by the influence and power of the President of the Congress, and dwarfed in his presence, thought they could, temporarily at least, dispense with him. No means were spared to poison the minds of the people ; to inflame their prejudices ; excite alarm ; and sow in them, by indeflnite charges, and vague whispers, the seeds of distrust. Hot and spir ited was the canvass in Chowan. It is not to be supposed that Mr. Iredell was an indifferent spectator of the struggle ; as a lawyer, statesman, and politician, he had at heart Mr. Johnston's election ; as a man, he could not but regard, with the deepest emotion, the attempts to undermine the well-earned fame of his raost cherished friend, his most loved connection. In a blind ha tred of England, the radicals were disposed to signalize their op position by the distance placed between them and English laws, modes, and customs ; and so far from comprehending the con summate wisdom of Mr. Johnston and his friends, who, while re nouncing all that was evil in the English Constitution, desired to preserve all that was good, they were embittered by opposition, and exasperated into acts of folly and madness. It was useless to argue with such men, to urge great principles of freedom enun ciated and guaranteed, the writ of habeas corpus, the trial by jury, the excellence of the Common Law : at the head were king and lords, and, guUtless of discrimination, all was condemned by them in one loud cry of execration. It were bootless now to in quire what base arts prevailed, or what calumnies were propagat ed. Mr. Johnston was defeated. The triumph was celebrated with riot and debauchery ; and the orgies were concluded by burning Mr. Johnston in effigy. This was but one of the many instances, recorded in history, in which the people have wounded themselves through the bosoms of their best friends, acting often insanely in a moraent of excitement, Uke the reptile that, when encircled with flame, stings itself to death. 1776.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 335 Mr. IredeU's indignation was well expressed in the following paper, penned ere yet the passions had cooled, or the quickened pulse subsided to its wonted beat. It may be here remarked that though Mr. Johnston was beaten, his political and personal friends, Hewes and Jones, secured their elections, the former for the town of Edenton, and the latter for the county of Chowan. Creed of a Eioter. 1. I am a sworn enemy to all gentlemen. I believe none in that station of life can possibly possess either honor or vir tue. 2. I believe the best way to have a good understanding, is never to cultivate the mental powers, and that the most ignorant in appearance, are in fact the most knowing. 3. I impute to gentlemen all our present difficulties. If they had not been so cunning as to foresee distant evils, we never should have dreamt of them. We should then have been prob ably happy slaves, and the Parliament, flnding no opposition from us, would, I doubt not, have treated us with no more rigor than was absolutely convenient for their own purposes. 4. I think the supreme felicity oflife is to eat and drink, and as I cannot do that in my present situation quite as well as I used to do, I despise all the pretences of virtue which are urged to make me easy under it. 5, Let every man take care of himself is my maxim. The public interest is too troublesome to attend to. What care I who the devil is miserable, if I am not so ? 6. I believe I have a right to take another man's property, if it will be useful to me. I surely am not to suffer, for fear of be ing called a robber. I think I have a right, if I can, to shift distresses from my own shoulders, and put them on those of my neighbors. 7. I am none of those over- wise and irreligious men, who are always thinking of the future. I devoutly obey that saying in Scripture, — " Let us eat and drink, — for to-morrow we die." , 8. As I have the utmost confidence that all my own opinions' are right, I despise every man who differs from me. I am sure he must be a tory. 9. I think a man more liable to be a tory, who has hitherto been most earnest in the cause, and sacrificed great interests to it ; because I have no opinion of any man's acting from a prin ciple of virtue alone, and therefore I can consider such a one in no other light than as a madman, who certainly will be as glad 336 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1776. to lose his head as he has already been solicitous to forfeit hi^ fortune. 10. I think that man alone a whig, who has sagacity enough to mind his own interest, resolution enough to plunder his neigh bors, who views the storm coolly at a distance, and discovers his principles by getting honestly drunk and abusing gentlemen. Lastly, I am of opinion that our affairs would prosper much better, if gentlemen who read and consider too deeply for us, were totally banished from all public business, and if those who neither read nor think at all (and consequently cannot injure us by the excess of those practices) were intrusted with the man agement of our present arduous concerns. All the above I verily and truly believe, and G — d A y d — n all those who differ from me. A EIOTEE. 11. I believe it honorable and proper to persecute poor dis tressed individuals, when we have them in our power, provided we want courage to prove, in any other manner, the alacrity of our zeal against those we suppose enemies of our country. With the forraation of the Constitution, opposition to Mr. Johnston, in a measure, ceased. Not many months elapsed be fore refiection brought to his immediate constituents regret and contrition ; and his ascendency was more firmly established than ever. In the stormy years that succeeded, when the loss of trade and the heavy taxation necessary to the support of armies, were as crushing weights upon people ; when tory insurrections and hostile invasions ravaged the fields, fired the dwellings, obstruct ed the laws, and embarrassed the policy of the State ; when Wi lie Jones and his " clique " served, but as blinking tapers, to ren der more visible the darkness, then it was that men looked again to Edenton, where shone with calm and steady flame, a triple light,* whose rays, first concentrated into one burning focus, were so irradiated that they penetrated to the uttermost borders of the State — a light, uplffted high as that of Pharos, and support ed by a structure of purity as spotless. On the 12th day of November f Congress assembled at Hal ifax. Mr. Johnston was present on the business of the Treasury. The pressure of the conservative members, aided by the outside influence of Mr. Johnston, soon condensed and amalgamated conflicting opinions into an organic law of such excellence that it remained unaltered until 1835. So devoid of experience and * Johnston, Hewes, and IredeU, t Jones, Wheeler, Statutes. 1776,] OF JAMES IREDELL. 337 learning were the radicals, that the Constitution was accepted frora the hands of Thoraas Jones, Mr. Johnston's devoted adhe rent. The Bill of Eights was ratified on the 17th day of De ceraber ; and the Constitution ou the 18th. Eichard Caswell was elected governor. An ordinance was passed appointing Thomas Jones, Samuel Johnston, Archibald Maclaine, James Iredell, Abner Nash, Christopher Neale, Samuel Ashe, Waight still Avery, Sarauel Spencer, Jasper Charlton, and John Penn, Coramissioners to review and consider all such statutes and acts of Assembly as had been, or were in force in the State, and " to prepare such bUls to be passed into laws, as might be consistent with the genius of a free people," and to lay them before the next Assembly. " It is not now known how many of these Commis sioners accepted this trust, or what share of its execution was borne by any one of them, but the fruits of their labors are man ifest in the years immediately succeeding, laws which have re ceived repeated encomiums for the ability and skill and accuracy with which they are drawn." Such is the language of the pre face to the Eevised Statutes of 1836-7. I shall, however, here after show that Iredell drafted the celebrated Act of 1777, known as the Court Law.* By the same Congress an ordinance was passed to establish " courts for the trial of criminals, in each dis trict within the State, and for vesting, in the several sessions of the peace, the power of appointing jurymen for the said district courts, and constituting judges to preside therein." It does not appear that there were any judges, iu the ordinary sense of the word, anterior to the 20th of December, 1777. Johnston to Iredell. Halifax, 7th Dec, 1776. Dear Sir : — I got here this afternoon, and though I made short stages, find myself a good ¦ deal fatigued. My health is much the same as when I left home. God knows when there will be an end of their trifiing here. A draft of the Constitution was presented to the House yester day, and lies over for consideration. The members are furnish ing themselves with copies of it. I have had a glance of it, and could wish to have sent you a copy of it, but it was impossible-— perhaps the bearer. Col. Dauge, may have one. As well as I can judge, from a cursory view of it, it may do as well as that adopted by any other colony. Nothing of the kind can be good. There is one thing in it, which I cannot bear, and yet I am in- * Statutes. Vol. I.— 22 338 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1776. ' cUned to think it wiU stand. The inhabitants are empowered to elect the justices in their respective counties, who are to be judges of the county courts. Nuraberless inconveniences must arise . from so absurd an institution. You will hear, before this reaches you, pf the surrender of Fort Washington. It is situated on the upper end of the island, on which New York stands. On the North Eiver, directly oppo site to it on the Jersey shore is Fort Lee, which I am afraid has, before this, shared the same fate. I have heard none of the par ticulars, but that the garrison, 2000 men, after a short but vig orous resistance, surrendered themselves prisoners of war, with all the artillery and stores of the garrison. Much time is spent here in trifies. I will endeavor, as soon as possible, to get my business done, and leave them. I know you will write to me if any opportunity offers. Pray offer my love and compliments where due. Deliver the enclosed, and be lieve me always, with great esteem. Dear sir. Your affectionate brother, SAM. JOHNSTON. Johnston to Iredell. Halifax, Dec. 9th, 1776. Dear Sir : — I wrote to you the evening after I got here, since which 1 have been endeavoring to discover what will be done, but am as much at a loss as ever. The Constitution is to be debated to-day — some talk of finishing as soon as that is agreed on, others are for staying to appoint all the officers of the State, and establish courts of justice — which of these plans will take place is uncertain. No one appears to have sufficient spirit or authority to set them right. I am in great pain for the honor of the province; at the sarae time, when I consider only my own ease and peace, congratulate myself on being clear of any share of the trouble I must have had, if I had been a member. Every one who has the least pretensions to be a gentleman is sus pected and borne down per ignobile vulgus — a set of men with out reading, experience, or principle to govern them. I stUl have a fever every night, but am no worse than when I left you, and hope I shall be able to hold my own till I return. Mr. Penn * has just called upon me, and after an hour's conversation, leaves * John Penn, signer ofthe Declaration of Independence. 1776.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 339 me only time to request the favor of you to present my love and compliments where due, and that you will believe me, Dear sir, Your affectionate brother, SAM. JOHNSTON. P. S. — I found my brother much mended in his health. He went down yesterday to visit his famUy. Johnston to Mrs. Iredell. Halifax, 13th Dec, 1776. My Dear Hannah : — I don't know whether you will thank me for writing to you, as it will be a kind of demand for a letter from you. I was in hopes things here were drawing near a con clusion, and that I should get home in a few days, but unfortu nately one of the members from the back country introduced a test, by which every person, before he should be admitted to a share in the Legislature, should swear that he believed in the Holy Trinity, and that the Scripture of the old Testament was written by divine inspiration."]" This was carried after a very warm debate, and has blown up such a flame, that every thing is in danger of being thrown into confusion. They talk of hav ing all the officers, even the judges and clerks, elected annually, with a number of other absurdities. It is very hard that nobody will write to rae. Tell Mr. Iredell he owes me two letters, and he used to be a better paymaster. I have a good deal more news, but I won't write a word of it, unless I hear from him. Give my love to our sister and the children. John went down last Sunday, and is not yet returned. * Pray take care of yourself and establish your health. I don't expect to get quite well before spring, but I avoid exposing rayself, and hope to return as well as when I left you. Farewell, and believe rae. My dear sister. Your raost affectionate SAM. JOHNSTON. ¦* Rev. Dr. David Caldwell drafted the 32d article. The Episcopal Church was the estabhshed church before the war. The Dissenters regarded it with no love, and did not spare it in their denunciations; when they obtained power, with strange inconsistency and intolerance, they excluded from office all Eoman Catholics, Jews, &c. — Foote' s Sketches of N. O. f Mr. John Johnston was a member of the Congress. 840 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1777. CHAPTEE X. North Carolina enjoys peace ; Letter from McCulloh ; 1st Session of the Assembly ; Letters from Iredell AND Mrs. Blair ; La Neuville ; Letters from Iredell AND Chief Justice Howard ; Letters from Iredell AND La Neuville ; Iredell a Judge ; Letters from Hooper and Maclaine. ^t. 25-26. During the year 1777, North CaroUna enjoyed comparative tranquillity, and exemption from the evils of war. The State well employed the interval iu consolidating its governraent, and organizing its militia. Occasionally the peace of particular neighborhoods was disturbed by tory outbreaks, but these out rages were promptly punished by forays into the tory districts, and the infliction of exemplary castigations. Every spark of rebel lion was extinguished by the armed heel of power : the suspect ed were arrested, and the jails were crowded with those who were thought inimical to the liberties of the people. British opera tions being confined to the Northern Provinces, the North Caro lina Continental Battalions were ordered to the seat of hostili ties, and served under the commander-in-chief, in the battles of Princeton, Brandywine, and Germantown. In the latter com bat their general, Francis Nash, was mortally wounded. Letter from H. E. McCulloh. London, 1st Jan., 1777. Dear Sir : — I recommend this, and three letters enclosed for Mr. W. Jones, Col. McCuUoh and Thomas Frohock, to the care of our very worthy friend, Mr. Fanning, at New York, and entreat him, if possible, to find out some means of getting them conveyed to your hands. I leave the letters open for the inspec tion of those through whose hands they pass, and as they are en tirely ou private subjects, I hope they wiU be permitted to reach you, — and in that event, I make no doubt you wUl be able to obtain such further permissions as wiU enable you to forward 1777.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 341 them as directed. Among the many unhappinesses of the pres ent times, it is not the least, that we are in a manner cut off from all intelligence ; however, as the post to New York is now again established, I shall try that conveyance, and hope it may be successful, — and I entreat you to make the same experiment, in writing me. You know how many weighty reasons, both of affection and interest, I have for wishing for a speedy, just, and honorable accommodation of all differences between Great Bri tain and America, — and I can now sincerely say that every heart and every tongue, here, joins in that wish. May God in his mer cy grant it 1 I have obtained my father's consent, and wish and intend, if possible, to return to Carolina next sumraer. It has, in my humble and private station, been my constant care to avoid offence ; and I hope I have been successful ; and that nounkind- ness will be offered to ray interests during my absence, nor to myself, should I return. Nobody can give me better informa tion than yourself ; and I ask it from your friendship to contrive some method of writing me, and giving me all the sat isfaction in your power on these important points. I rely faith fully on your friendship and affection for me, and that you will do every thing your situation and connections can possibly enable you, to serve a man who, I think I may say, has ever wished and endeavored to promote your good, — and now you have the oppor tunities, I shall, and do, rely upon you to serve me, both by your self and friends. I think it would give you pleasure to see me in XllaroUna this sumraer, — I wish it, but much, very much, must depend on what you inform me, — and I shall remain in anxious expectation of hearing from you, between this and May. Try every chance that offers. I am informed that Mr. Montford * is dead, and that Mr. W. Jones married his daughter, and consequently has, I suppose, the management of his affairs. I refer you to my letters to that gentleman and cousin Alex. You know how I ara connected with Mr. Montford's estate, and I must entreat you to take a journey to Halifax, or elsewhere, to meet his executors, and en deavor to get the security Messrs. A. M. & Co. are desirous of, and which I hope the executors will cheerfully come into, on the generous and fair offer made thera, — and what they trust to you is that you will see the security is sufficient. I hope Col. Mc Culloh will, for his own sake, see we are properly secured in the other affair. If possible put every thing upon an amicable and safe footing, and I think what is now offered, there can be no ob jections to ; and if the security is given, let that and the bill re- * Montford was largely indebted to McCulloh. 342 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1777. main in Mr. Johnston's, or any proper third hand, tUl I either come out, or you have further directions given you. Your mother is now in a new house at Bath, and your broth er, and I believe aU weU. My father has his health as weU as can be expected. It is needless to say what my mind suffers. You may easily conceive it. My constant prayer is for peace, and my earnest wish to return to Carolina. I hope Mrs. Iredell and you have your healths. Be assured of my constant and pref erable regard and affection. I wish you to mention me kindly to aU inquiring friends, particularly those your way. Be my friend in every thing you can ; and fail not to write me. You must know how important it is for me to hear from you before I leave this. Direct to me as usual. I pray God to take us under His protection, and am always, dear James, Your affectionate friend, H. E. McCULLO The following address to the king of Great Britain, bears date March, 1777. I learn frora an endorsement, that it was never published. Two copies are extant. As the soiled garments of the veteran are eloquent of the hardships of the campaign, so do these discolored and well-thumbed pages furnish proof of service. In the same manner in which that admirable paper, the National Intelligencer, has for years supplied facts and arguments to the great mass of the whigs of our day, so, I presume, this, and sim ilar products of Mr. IredeU's industry, afforded to the whigsXof the Eevolution weapons with which to maintain their position In lieu of an active press, they contributed the staple of most political discussions, and by informing the minds of the leaders, indirectly reached and enlightened the people. To His Majesty, George the Third, King of Great Britain, &c. Sir : — I once thought myself happy in ray allegiance to your Majesty, and in my connection with the British Nation, and flat tered myself that this honorable distinction would have contin ued, if not with increase, at least without diminution. It has been my misfortune to have these expectations totally disap pointed. I have been compeUed to renounce my allegiance to your majesty, and to disown all connection with my native country. Severe and painful indeed was this duty : I loved my coun try ; I once loved my prince. It would have been the greatest blessing in life to me, had it been in my power to continue my 1777.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 343 attachment to both. This would have been the case, sir, if your majesty had not adopted measures of the raost fatal tendency ; measures insupportable to freemen, and which perhaps, in the end, may prove personally ruinous to yourseff. I cannot yet, sir, without emotion, think of the complicated miseries yourself, as well as your subjects, may endure from your haughty and pre cipitate conduct. I have been given to understand, and I believe it to be true, that your majesty has a personal, unrelenting inveteracy against the Americans ; that you entertain the worst opinion of their principles ; deride their conduct ; and can bear to hear nothing in their defence. Your whole conduct has been a continued proof of the truth of this information. * I well know, sir, how much you will disdain, with this dispo sition, any thing that coraes from an American rebel, and much more if he be a British American. I have not the least expec tation that this address (should it chance to reach you) will have any influence upon your principles, or your heart ; that it wiU change any of your opinions, or move your compassion. I have other views in writing it. I choose this as a channel of conveying sorae observations to the public, which may be of use, if not to you, to some well-meaning, but deluded persons, who with equal fondness and folly, revere all the shadows of authority, and submit to power without ever entertaining thoughts either of the source of its institution, or the end to which it should be directed. It is at present, I fear, sir, of little consequence to your ma jesty, whether your opinions on this subject are altered or not. You have acted already with so fatal a precipitancy, that it scarcely seems probable you can gain any advantage from re treating. The melancholy, but necessary, expedient of a foreign alliance perhaps has been obtained, and your ruin too certainly projected. How much reason may you have to curse the day when you first sought to make yourself great by making America miserable ! Sir, you have either been grossly deceived, or you have basely imposed upon the public. You or your ministers (or perhaps both) have much to answer for to the people of England. The throne has ucfformly deceived them. In every progression of this dreadful contest, the truth has been carefully concealed from them. In the beginning of this business they have been told that the Americans were far frora being united ; that their opposition and clamor were merely the bustle of a faction ; and that time and reflection would cool the people's minds, remove their preju dices in favor of their present leaders, and make way for the in- 344 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE ['777. fluence of wiser and raore moderate men. I need not say how this misrepresentation has been detected, or with what noble firm ness the Americans have disproved so vile and atrocious a ca lumny. When this misrepresentation was too glaring to be support ed, and men yielded to shame what they had not the honor to sacrifice to truth, another courtly topic was suggested, and this has been propagated with all the malicious art and industry of a wretched and declining cause. It is, that the American leaders had, from the first, a secret view to independence, and that the hope of arriving to this state has been the ultimate principle of all their conduct. Upon this subject, sir, I shall presume to speak seriously to your majesty. I do aver the charge to he false, and dare appeal to the great Searcher of all hearts for the truth of ray present declaration. I have resided many years in America ; I have had the honor of a personal intimacy with several of the most con siderable characters, and firmest patriots in it ; I have had many interesting and confidential conversations with them upon this great and affecting subject. I know well the general sentiments of the people at large. When this unhappy controversy first be gan, and until very near the time when the arbitrary obstinacy of your conduct left us no other alternative than indefinite submis sion to your will, or unreserved resistance to your power, I never heard a raan speak on the subject of independence, who did not speak of it with abhorrence aud indignation, and place the hope of all his felicity in a happy and honorable reconciliation with Great Britain, This was long the favorite topic of every conver sation. The liberty of America seemed essentially connected with this object ; nobody formed an idea (speaking generaUy, and within the sphere of my own knowledge) of forming a separation frora it with the least prospect of success ; we all hoped that you, sir, would at last act with wisdom and moderation, and again make your subjects happy. This was long the theme of all our thoughts, the ultimate object of all our endeavors. Men in Amer ica know this to be true. It was universally regretted, that it was not as well known, or affected to be disbeUeved, in England. You perhaps received, sir (I doubt not that you did), other in forraation. There are always, to the dishonor of huraan nature, sycophant parasites enough to flatter the opinions or wishes of men in power. Many such. Heaven knows, have been found in America. They, I doubt not, early trumpeted forth alarms about independency. They knew it was the favorite creed in England ; it was a simple way of considering the subject ; it saved the trouble of an accurate discussion of rights ; it flattered the sa- 1777.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 345 gacity of its discoverers ; it was a plain and open (though dirty) road to preferment. Some or all of these excellent motives co operated to your deception, perhaps to your ruin. Your gover nors led the way to others. They had admirable opportunities of judging. They most of them took possession of their govern ments with high-flown ideas of mother country prerogatives, strong prejudices against the people, and a determined resolution to sup port the dignity of their character. In consequence of all this, they omitted no opportunity to treat the American principles with contempt ; would hear nothing in their defence, either in public or private ; and slighted in the most contemptuous man ner every gentleman who was possessed of the confidence of the people, and attached to the liberties of his country. From these only they could obtain full and certain information ; but these they disdained to consult. The information your majesty was to receive of the general principles of your American subjects, was to corae from the few worthless and insignificant characters who had souls too grovelling to entertain such principles, or too mean and mercenary to adhere to thera. These were in the bosom con fidence of your governors. These were the little tell-tales of the peo])les's conduct, without saying any thing (or saying ill) of their motives. They knew, from the general conversation on such sub jects, that their motives, however mistaken they might be, were good ; that they acted from principle ; but they thought to make a merit of their sagacity by suggesting latent intentions, and great depth of wickedness ; though many perhaps, judging from their own corrupt hearts, incapable of any real virtuous action, did sincerely believe there must be sorae foul design at bottora. Your ministers always encouraged such vermin ; your governors encouraged them. You rejected every candid information ; you despised every man whose good qualities made him generally re spected ; a man must be hated by your subjects, before he could -be entitled to your or your ministers' favor. Was this, sir, the art of governing ? this the way to secure a high-spirited, noble- minded people in their obedience ? I confess when I reflect on these things, I am not surprised at the consequences which have foUowed. I am only surprised, and I confess grieved, when I reflect that it has been possible for your majesty to have con tinued so long the dupe of a most mean and contemptible policy. Sir, at the beginning of this dispute, your majesty's gover nors, I ara convinced, had it much in their power to moderate, per haps entirely quiet our contentions. Had they taken pains (as was their duty) to gain information of the people's real senti ments ; had they treated with respect the first characters in their 346 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1777. country, without regard to their political principles, and selected some few for their particular and private confidence, and encour aged them freely to communicate their principles and the grounds of them ; had they represented these faithfully to your majesty, or your rainisters, and averred (as they might then have known to be the fact) the pure integrity with which these sentiments were held ; I can scarcely think that it would not have had some influence ; happily perhaps it might have had a very considerable one ; it must at least have raised your admiration for their char acter ; you could not coolly, and with eagerness, have planned their destruction ; you would have admitted of many amicable conferences ; and been disposed to receive some plan that should effectually reconcile power and liberty. Sir, your governors might have done us this good with truth and justice. Your majesty never had, and never will have, bet ter subjects than the Americans. They were so upon terms of honor and reputation. They were attached to you as the king of ji free people ; not as the tyrant of a set of despicable slaves. They revered you as the guardian of their freedom. They con sidered this character as more honorable than any it was possible to sustain, and no consideration under heaven but your endeavor to degrade them, could have torn them from their allegiance. They had, it is true, great ardor of attachment to their own rights. They would have been criminal in the eyes of God and man, if they had not had. Those rights were intrusted vrith them as a deposit, not only for their own happiness and honor, but for the happiness and honor of their posterity. Even heaven itself was interested in the preservation of some part of the world from the infamous ravages and dishonorable condition to which the greatest part of the rest of it was exposed. Liberty seemed flying frora every other quarter of the globe to take up her last, and perhaps her most exalted residence in America. We should have been little worthy the dignity of onr birth, if we had not offered her a sacred and inviolable asylum. The fathers were running fast into idolatry ; the sons saw, and lamented, their condition, but disdained to follow them. Sir, the claim of the Americans was just and simple. They required only those liberties which were conceded to them in their charters, and which they had uniformly enjoyed, with very little exception, until the era of the encroachments which have so remarkably distinguished your majesty's reign. Those charters had some title to reverence, because they were the condition upon which our ancestors originally settled this country, and the means without which it never would have been annexed to the crown of England. Your predecessors had the prospect, with 1777.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 347 little difficulty and hazard, of greatly enlarging their dominion ; our ancestors, at the expense of the greatest, were willing to live in any country where liberty loas to be found, rather than con tinue in one which was already dishonored, and in danger of being enslaved. They accepted their powers with pleasure, almost en tirely raised a flne country from an uncultivated desert, at their own expense, and flattered themselves each increasing year would add to their happiness, and improve their security ; they long continued in a pleasing connection with their friends and coun trymen, and whom they thought themselves honored in thinking their protectors also, and enjoyed in long succession before them the idea of an uninterrupted and continually improved union, highly redounding to the honor and happiness of both. Their attacbment to the British crown was founded on those principles which your raajesty has (frora your own misconduct) so fatally ex perienced ; they revered the father, they detested and renounced the tyrant of his people. The revolution, which rescued the throne from dishonor and bloodshed, was highly venerated, and ardently obeyed in America. The establishment of the crown in your majesty's family was a delightful object to them, and they fondly flattered themselves none of the Hanoverian princes ever could disown the principles which exalted them. Two desperate attempts have been made to wrest the sceptre from your ances tors' bands, which were supported but by too many (almost a fa tal number) of your British subjects ; America was free from the contagion ; derided the claims of your antagonist ; and consid ered him and his cause with as much contempt as indignation. Your royal grandfather, sir, was very sensible of their merits. He respected their rights, rejected with scorn tempting offers to in vade them, and in the course of very critical tiraes had the honor to receive from them the most Uberal and cheerful aids, and the just consideration and gratitude, not only to acknowledge, but with strong expressions of esteem solicit an adequate compensa tion for them. The compensation was only granted in part, but it was thankfully received ; the favorable regards of their sovereign, his honorable notice of their deserts, and the Parliament's confir mation of them, served as so many additional ties to the country they had always loved, and from which they were descended. This was the situation of things, under mutual gratuitous obli gations, where generous minds are always striving to excel each other, and in comparison of which the dull, cold connection of pmuer and obedience is odious and contemptible, when your ma jesty came to the crown, the inheritor of all this treasure, the pos sessor indeed not only of all your ancestors' dominions, but (a much more honorable title) the possessor of -yo-nr people's hearts. 348 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1777. Unfortunately you were not long to enjoy them. Too soon it appeared that your majesty's education had been too domestically formed, and that the companion of your pii«Ue hours must be the first minister of state. At that"time your majesty had the singular happiness to have in that office the greatest and the best minister your dominions had ever known ; a man revered abroad, beloved almost to adoration at home, the uncorrupt preserver of entire unanimity in your Parliament, the most iUustrious and suc cessful prosecutor of a foreign war, that perhaps had ever been seen in Europe. Tliis was the man whose removal by Uttle arts was to make way for your favorite's exaltation. I say nothing of the steps, sir, which brought about this affair ; they are too well known to the world (though the ostensible cause was fiir from being the real, at least the only one), and belong not to my sub ject. It is sufficient to say, that the consequences which foUow ed his removal have unanswerablj' proved the extreme value of the man. In what a continual state of distraction have )'our af fairs been almost ever since ? What a rotation of mini.-sters. what jobbing, what discontent ? Except in the Uttle interval of a few months, when you really had a patriot ministry in your ser vice (who could not, however, outlive the clamoi-s of a mean aud mercenary set), how much have your ministere been the contempt of the people '? How many have they made justly discontented in your own kingdom ? What will they have to say for the loss of your American territories ? This brings me to my present subject. Your ministei-s, who have involved you with America, seemed to have au idea that your majesty's honor and your subjects' yVtcifoiii were incompat ible. They have therefore taken much pains to promote theyb?- mer, at the expense of the latter. America was saved from the enemy's sword, partly by England's assistance, partly by its own exertion. It is admitted, and there is the strongest proof (the acknowledgments of the late king and of Parliament) that the Araericans did not only what was immediately incumbent on them, but more. They went beyond their ahility. Great Brit ain, it is confessed, and gratefully acknowledged, did he>- duty. Is there any room for blame or recrimination of either side ? Cer tainly not. Both were called upon by tics of interest to act the part they did. Indeed, if the subject be critically examined, Britain was perhaps more nearly concerned than America. The land in question which gave rise to the war, was BritisJi, not American property ; the merchants whose commerce with the Indians was molested, were British merchants ; the acquisition of such large additions of territory in America, very much lessened the value of our own lands ; and it may be questioned whether 1777.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 349 the advantage accruing from our additional security, would not have been overbalanced by this circurastance, the scattered con dition of pur settlements, and the inactive, unwarlike situation a state of perfect repose would have left us in. I raention this, not with any view of detracting from any of the merits of the last war (which would be ungenerous aud ungrateful), but mere ly to show that America does not stand in that condition of ex treme obligation to Great Britain which has been so commonly supposed, and so arrogantly boasted of No man of sense can doubt, none of candor will deny, even in England, that the poli cy of England in that war was directed to her own advantage, not ours, at least ours only collaterally. It is impertinent and ab surd to pretend the contrary. Yet this was the shallow pretence upon which the Stamp Act was so violently defended. Sir, the Stamp Act was not opposed because we vf ere unwilling to contrib ute to our own defence, or because we were ungrateful. It will be folly to assert the former. A whole people must have lost their senses before such can be the case in any country. We were willing to contribute to our defence, but we were willing to do it only in that way which is honorable and just, by our oion consent. We knew, sir, that no people can be free who are absolutely de pendent on another. We never had been so to England ; no precedents (those resources of tyrants) could be produced against us ; our charters, abstracted from other circumstances, exempted us from that indignity. We determined never to submit to it ; we remonstrated ; we withheld our trade ; we plainly proved we were in earnest ; the new ministry which had succeeded our tax ing one, had more wisdom, and repealed the act. The variety of ways in which we have been since harassed it would be equally irksome and unnecessary to relate. The facts are well known to the world. After a progression of preparatory strokes, we were at last astonished at the actual exercise of that stupendous claim, a right to bind us in all cases whatsoever. The sacred right of kings (which, sir, to your happiness hereto fore, has been so justly ridiculed) of late years has been trans ferred to ParUament. Your majesty, rather than not have something divine about you, has condescended to participate it with your ParUament. Behold this venerable body, the monarch who owes his crown to the explosion of suqh impiety, the repre sentatives of the British nation, who have in a thousand instan ces sacrificed their blood and treasure in contempt of it, together with the descendants of peers who have been such illustrious pa trons of liberty and virtue, adhering to this claim, the most arro gant and presumptuous ever the pride of man forraed, at the ex pense of the safety of their own kingdom, of the security of those 350 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1777, subjects who are immediately placed under their protection, and to the hazard of the total destruction of those whose rights are thus daringly insulted 1 Behold this venerable body, the affected guardians of their people's liberty, seeking meanly and basely to deprive us of a freedom our ancestors hardly earned for us ; those ancestors to whora this very country, now the plotter of our ruin, is almost entirely indebted for the territory in which she is aim ing to enslave their posterity. Sir, you and your ministers, and your Parliament, may disguise this claim under what pretty col ors you please ; to us, in all shapes, it is odious and detestable. Do you speak of the unity of your empire ? What signifies to us a unity, where, whoever are to be the masters, we are to be the slaves ? There was nothing said about this unity when our ancestors came here. They expected to be governed by no laws but such as they gave their consent to. Custom reconciled us (how ever contrary to original stipulations) to your regulation of our trade. This, in respect to long usages, and from dislike of inno vation, and a wish, if possible, to avoid contest, we were sincere ly willing to continue. Further we could not grant without violating the very guards of liberty ; further, neither law nor usage warranted us in granting. Any difficulties that might oc cur in interpreting your conduct justly, we were ready to adjust with candor, and required no limitation of your power in the ar ticle where we admitted its exorcise, but what was indispensably necessary to our safety. We fiattered ourselves a unity of inter est would long preserve a unity of connection. This might, to our mutual happiness, long have been the case, if ambition had not swept every thing away with it. Ireland was our example. We saw no reason why we should not live with you upon as cor dial terms as that kingdom. Heaven knows how infinite have been the oppressions inflicted by English power there. Yet how easily has its quiet been preserved since the revolution ? The different circumstances of the two countries, taking them alto gether, as to their capability of resistance, did not perhaps differ much. Ireland had a strong guard, America was naturally weak ; Ireland had many disaffected subjects, America was universally, though upon liberal principles, loyal. The one country, if dan gerously provoked, or powerfully invaded, had many bitter ene mies to aid a revolution ; the other could not be easily irritated, but when irritated, would probably persevere with spirit, and might be tempted to discover, and to carry to extreme length, the immense, but hidden and almost unknown resources Heaven had blessed her with. This condition of the two countries show ed that they ought not, in poUcy, to be too haughtily treated. You well perceived this with regard to Ireland. You assumed 1777,] OP JAMES IREDELL. 351 great powers over her, but you dare not exercise them,, and a discourse upon the unity of the empire to thera would be burnt by the coramon hangman. Happy would it have been for you, sir, if you had used the same policy with the Americans. The consequences, I can venture to assure you, would have been equal ly prosperous. America has a generosity of soul equal to the greatness of her spirit. Sir, the Americans considered themselves equally entitled to Uberty with your British subjects, or any other subjects in your dominions. As men who had ever preserved their freedom, they had a right to continue free ; as subjects of your crown, they were guaranteed by as strong, or if possible, stronger obligations. Our original contract is in being. That happy kind of mon archy which reserves just power enough to the crown to make it useful and respectable, but not enough to enable it to despise the people whom it governs, was instituted in America. Wc long were faithful subjects under it, until your majesty sought to over leap those bounds which the constitution, justice, and continual usage had prescribed. You were pleased to suggest a new sys tem, and fearful of maintaining it upon the old beaten and worn- out topics of prerogative and kingly power ; you solicited your Parliament to associate with you in the honor and the danger. These had no great difficulty in consenting. They had almost run themselves aground in their own kingdom, where their ser vility and corruption were in every body's mouth, and their dis regard of the people's sentiments was, ou all occasions, contemp tuous and insulting. New and heavy impositions were to be laid ; the funds of corruption began to be in danger ; they began at last to fear the resentment of the people, and that these would require, when they were to be so heavily taxed, that they should be more moderately and equitably governed. America promised ample relief from all this danger. How easy would it be to sug gest the obligation of the Americans for their protection in the last war, the great debt contracted solely on their account, and the clear equity and justice that they should pay for their own defence ? These were fine popular topics that would do wonders with the people at large ; besides giving thera an object to in flame their pride and ambition : on the other hand, the great men who planned it, pleased themselves with the remote conse quences of so bright a plan ; the funds of corruption would not only be preserved untouched, but in a little time accumulate a tenfold addition ; taxes and discontent could at any time be removed from Great Britain to America ; the weakness of that country would compel them to submit for the present, and sub mission once obtained, it would be easy to provide sufficient curbs 352 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1777. on them for the future, and hereafter, when the plan should be- fully ripened, and the people's necks bowed low enough to des potism, then would be the time for the full harvest of courtly in dustry ; oppressive laws, flnes, exactions, hardships without num ber, — snares it would be almost impossible to break through, that confiscations might be more numerous and certain, and the de scendants of the old, hardy race of the first American settlers give way to the parasites, of a court, and the pimps of power. This was the brilliant prospect America had in view. You well know, sir, how much they disdained the thought of submission ; how much they despised the mean pretences that were urged to justi fy it. Tbey saw, sir, with what._ low artifice the popular topics above mentioned were babbled out on purpose to mislead the peo ple from their true object, and to persuade them that America was senseless and ungrateful. They spurned at the imputation of ingratitude, so different from their general character, so con trary to that undistinguishing generosity of spirit which your an cestors, who treated us as freemen, had ever found. Admitting that tbey owed you even such immense obligations, you put it out of their power to prove whether they were grateful or not ; you made no requisitions to try them ; gratitude surely is not shown by obedience to acts of authority ; it can only be express ed by voluntary and cheerful returns. Had you left the Ameri cans to themselves, and it had appeared they were so highly in debted to you, they would, I am sure, have more than overpaid it. But this not being done, gratitude is out of the question, and can never be mentioned but to draw in some ignorant, un thinking fool to think worse of us than we deserve. With as lit tle propriety is the other subject mentioned, of providing for our own defence. A free people will ever take proper measures for that purpose ; they must be idiots to neglect it themselves ; they will disdain to resign it to others. The Americans could not be charged with being remiss in this duty. They supported their civil establishments with honor and dignity. No inconveniences that they could ever feel had resulted from their regulation of them. Some persons indeed grumbled that they were so little dependent on the crown ; but the Americans (who, as a free peo ple, had a right to judge of this matter) had no desire to render them more so. They certainly did not mean to leave your ma jesty and your ministers without any control. But unless this could be effected, your scheme would be but imperfectly execu ted. You and your ParUament were therefore to be intrusted with our defence ; you were to devise the means, and to judge of the extent of this service ; we were to furnish the money, and to obey the regulations. We well knew of what nature these would 1777.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 353 be ; armies would be kept in pay to support every new innova tion ; officers would be multiplied on us without number, solely dependent on the crown ; every civil regulation would be made ¦ ex prerogativa ; a few years would find us, if we were mean enough to crouch to these indignities, the most despicable slaves on earth. We were startled for a moment at the novelty of these encroachments, and had some curiosity to know the ostensible reasons upon which you pretended to justify them. These were at length unfolded. We discovered the mighty principle that was to do such mischief. It was a convenient one enough for your majesty and ParUament (between whom so friendly an alliance had been forraed), but it was violative of every principle of the constitution, and every idea of justice. It was merely (to give it its due name) an impertinent confusion of two rights, in their nature totally distinct. Your Parliament had ever been consid ered the Parliament of Great Britain, only ; the Peers were Peers only of Great Britain ; the Commons representatives alone of that people. The Peers had no shadow of pretence for any au thority out of the kingdom ; the authority of the Commons, be ing only delegated, could not exceed the natural powers of the people at large ; and what power could one set of fellow-subjects have over other fellow-subjects ? Your majesty alone had any pretence, of the three branches, to any legislative authority over America, and this (as in other parts of your dominions) was shared with the people. Your arrogating a right to indiscriminate legislation, because usage had assented to it in a particular in stance (for the mutual benefit of all, but principally for yours), was ungrateful and unjust. You rather ought to have been thankful that America had conceded so much, than resent her being discreet enough to withhold more. When these colonies were first settled, nobody dreamt of this triple prerogative of the king and Parliament over all the dominions of your crown. Ireland never consented to it ; Scotland you never claimed it over. The condition of a conquered country, such as Ireland is, if we view the subject with an unfeeling coolness of argument that she little merits, stands upon much more unstable ground than we do. We are descendants of the conquerors, and never intermixed with the original inhabitants. Ireland and Scotland are examples, that in fact there may be a king over several dif ferent countries, without having one superintending legislature over all. This is a mere modern chimera, spun out of the cob webs of the schools. I would undertake by the same means to prove that your majesty ought to be arbitrary in England, because a raixed raonarchy is a corrupt form of government, and it is possible that a settled difference of opinion on important points Vol. r.— 23 354 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1777. between'' the different, branches of the legislature, might be the ruin of the people. The truth is, there must necessarily be some supreme power in each individual country to regulate the concerns of the whole, or the society could not subsist, but it is not neces sary that one and the same power should govern different coun tries. We lived happily enough, I think, a long time, to dis prove this absurdity in fact : we never could be mean enough to assent to it in speculation. The substance of your demand is, that to make your government more easy, we should resign all our rights and powers of acting to you and a corrupt body you have at your devotion. We have, thank God, proved to you with sufficient clearness, that we understood the value of liberty bet ter ; it might have been happy for you, sir, if you had learnt to respect it more. Some inconveniences, indeed, we were sensible of, that formed a little alloy to the advantages of our unexpected and astonishing success : 'but surely any remedy for these ought to have been conducted on the basis of a general negotiation, and not violently sought by an unjust usurpation of power. I fear, sir, I have already, on a subject that has been so much discussed, proceeded too far. I have been led away by the ardor of my feelings farther than I intended. Yet I fiatter myself I have suggested some things that raay not be unuseful. Notwith standing the million of writings that have been published on this subject, many weak men are yet wavering, and some led astray by the delusive sophistry your majesty and your ministers (to say nothing of lesser characters) yet condescend to use. In spite of all these arts, truth, however, will at length, I trust, with its meridian lustre, enlighten the minds of the people. Indeed, your assertions begin already to grow a little stale. Men com pare the facts that have already happened with former courtly as sertions, and find the contrary event of almost every prediction. It is natural to judge of men's veracity and penetration by facts that are open. A man cannot long be hackneyed in a repetition of falsehoods without being detected, and once detected, his cred it is for ever gone. Sir, your majesty must excuse me in saying, that speeches from the British throne seem nearly arrived to this disgraceful predicament. Your majesty has, without scruple, on many occasions, spoken with the most assured confidence, and the most violent malignity, of the intention of the American lead ers. You have repeatedly declared they had, from the first, no other object than independency ; in your last speech you seem to take it for granted, and as a point unquestionable, and expressly assert that their object has always been dominion and power. Sir, it is of little consequence to us whether you are personaUy answerable for this false and daring assertion, or whether, accord- 1777.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 355 ing to the usage of the times, it is to be ascribed to your minis ter. You have given it the sanction of your concurrence. The royal word is pledged for its truth. It is a point wherein your minister could not expressly deceive you, because it concerns a subject over which neither he nor your majesty, notwithstanding the plenitude of your power, is invested with a cognizance. Our hearts are known only to the Almighty. He, I am persuaded, well knows the utter untruth of so malignant and ill-founded a suggestion. Your majesty's piety raay consider whether asser tions so soleranly delivered, and which have already, at least, had a considerable influence in inflaming this unhappy contest, wUl not one day be examined into at a place where kings and subjects shall be equal, truth shall be laid open, and good and ill ac tions impartially meet with their recompense. Sir, you say much on the subject of our independency, but not a word of the provocations that led to it. The indignant re jection of our petitions, the refusal to enter into any discussion of claims, the hire of foreign troops, besides employing numerous bodies of your own, the actual excitation of the Indian savages to destroy us, and that completion of all villainy, the endeavor to raise our domestics (domestics you forced on us) to involve us in one indiscriminate massacre ; — these are the steps, sir, which irritated our minds, and compelled us to renounce you. We could frame an idea of no act of tyranny greater than these ac tions ; we saw your determined purpose to ruin or enslave us ; every shadow of hope of protection from your government was fled ; you had indeed formally, as well as by a succession of cruel actions, abandoned us. It was not in men to submit to all these indignities. We renounced the tyranny of Great Britain, and bid defiance to all the power you and your Parliament could raise. We resigned ourselves to Heaven and our own resources. Your majesty speaks of means of conciliation held out by your coramissioners. To this hour no such means have been of fered, but by a total submission of one party to the other. The commissioners declared they had no authority to treat with the Congress (the only manly and effectual means of doing any good), I but they could converse with private gentlemen on the subject. That is, they had powers to draw off as many individuals frora the confederacy as they could. Sir, the Congress, however (to avoid any blame to themselves, and in testimony of their sincere desire of peace), complied with these caprices ; they furnished private gentlemen to hear and receive proposals. No proposals were made. Nothing but absolute submission would be accepted. The peace your commissioners were empowered to make, was to secure the object of tlie war ivithout bloodshed. Can any thing 356 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1777. be more ridiculous ? Could any offers better deserve to be re jected, with circumstances of indignity and insult ? But your majesty, it seems, has yet graciously in reserve for us the blessings of law and liberty. What liberty does your ma jesty mean ? It cannot be that mild government under ivhich we have been so happy, because this is the only condition in which we have ever requested to be placed, and which you have stub bornly refused. If your majesty had disliked innovations as much as we did, this mild government would have still continued to make us happy. The liberty your majesty can only mean (con sistent with the conduct and declaration of your servants) is the being governed by 700 or 800 tyrants, at the distance of 3000 miles from us, ignorant of our situation, unconnected with our interest, over whom it is impossible we should have the least in fluence, and who would find a thousand mean motives continually to oppress and injure us. For heaven's sake, sir, speak with com mon sense and decency, if not with truth. Sir, these are facts which will, sooner or later, be known in England. The minds of that people perhaps are now a little in flamed by a continual recital of falsehoods, but they cannot always remain so. Insuccess, at least, will awake them from their de lirium. Then they will see, in dreadful prospect, the miserable condition to which you have reduced them. Their resentment will first, as it ought, be directed against your ministers ; perhaps it may spare your majesty. But if it does, you will find the re mainder of your reign very different from the beginning. Instead of the continual blessings of your people, you will meet every where dismal groans, and the most affecting proofs of the misery you have created. America ! America ! where is America ! will be the constant cry of your people. They will soon feel, I fear, the infinite loss they have sustained. Their coraraerce, which was once so brilliant, will gradually decay into nothing. The nu merous individuals it supported wfll be every where clamoring for bread. The public taxes will sink ; credit be exhausted ; per haps a national bankruptcy ensue ; and in that case, too proba bly, the national ruin. Sir, I am an Englishman myself, and am deeply affected with this prospect. I have in that kingdom many near and respecta ble connections, whose fate will be involved with the multitude. I have still a strong attachment to my native country. I am far from thinking the people in it universaUy corrupt, though too many, God knows, are, and this has been the cause of all our present calamity. I can truly say, sir, I have been greatly dis tressed at my critical situation, but I never hesitated a moment how to act. Becoming an American subject, it was my duty to 1777.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 357 support the rights of one, and exert myself to the utmost in de fence of that poUtical society of which I was a member. This I have ever yet done ; this I ever shall do. The consequences I am not answerable for. If our salvation can be secured, without the ruin of Great Britain, I shall be inexpressibly happy : if it cannot, though I should feel the greatest distress for her fate, my attachment to America would remain unmoved : if we in the end should fail altogether, I should even then think we were greater and happier in our affiiction, supported by a noble con science, than our proud and unfeeling conquerors iu all their prosperity. 'These, sir, are the fervent sentiments of a man who was once your subject, but is now your enemy, though he wishes to be as little so as the indispensable safety of America (which it is his duty to support) will suffer him to be. A BEITISH AMEEICAN. March, 1777. General Howe and his brother. Admiral Lord Howe, landed on Staten Island, June 28th, 1776.* By the late act of Parlia- raent they were commissioned to receive the submission of such coraraunities or persons as might throw themselves on the king's mercy. After the battle of Long Island they sent their pris oner. Gen. Sullivan, with a verbal message to Congress, desiring to confer with some members of that body, as private gentlemen. Congress appointed Franklin, Adams, and Eutledge, a committee to wait upon the English commanders. These, the Howes, were the commissioners referred to in the address of Mr. IredeU. The Assembly convened at New Bern, April the Sth. Mr. Iredell, as one of the commissioners to prepare bills for the con sideration of that body, arrived at that town on the 25th of the same month. Iredell to Mrs. Iredell New Bern, 26th April, 1777. My Dear Hannah ; — Mr. Johnston and myself gave a pret ty good account of ourselves on the road ; we arrived here yes terday morning, and are lodged tolerably .well, considering, ex cept that we have only one bed, which is disagreeable, but can not at present be avoided. We have the satisfaction, however, of being quiet, and out of the noise of the politicians, few of whom are good for any thing. I am afraid things will not go on * Hildreth. 358 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1777. very well here, and that we shaU be obliged to wait a little longer for Court laws. The point is not yet finally determined, and there is room to hope a lucky stroke of fortune may yet give them to us. Your brother John is not yet come, which disconcerts me extremely. Mr. Williams and other gentlemen teU me too they expected him. I should be a good deal uneasy from his not com ing, if he was remarkably punctual in these kind of engage ments. How I shall dispose of myself in consequence I do not know. I must endeavor, at any rate, to see the plantations, at least one of them, but shaU hasten home as soon as possible. I shall most anxiously hope to find you weU on my return. I have been very well ever since I left home ; your brother has been a Uttle indisposed, but is now pretty well. I shall expect you to go to Dukinfield with me at the time of Bertie Court, which I shall earnestly endeavor not to miss. May every happiness at tend you ! Mention me properly to your sister and Nelly, and believe me ever, my dear Hannab, Most tenderly yours, JAMES ieedell. New Been, April 28th, 1777. My Dear Hannah : — Here I am, and very much disap pointed and uneasy at not hearing frora you by the post to-day. Your brother and I were both congratulating ourselves on its be ing the day of its arrival, and had no doubt of receiving some letter ; but this unfortunately was not the case. How could you serve me so, when I was so good ? Let me beg you not to repeat it. When I shall get away I don't know. Your brother is not yet arrived. I am heartily tired of this cursed place. Mr. Hewes was to-day left out of the nomination of delegates ; he had only 40 votes out of 90. The reasons alleged : his being so long at home, and his holding (as some wise men supposed) two offices under government, by being a member of Congress and a member of one of their committees. His friends exerted them selves, but ineffectually, against much underhand, contemptible dealing, and the last ridiculous objection I mentioned, which re ally possessed some well-meaning men, and they say, his well- wishers.* I shall think myself very happy when I get home again ; especially if we have laws enough to give me something to do. Politics I am really quite sick of They have got into a most melancholy train. The best cause, and the most prom ising one, is grossly injured by many of its conductors in this * The delegates appointed were Harnett, Penn, and Thomas Burke. Mr. Hoop er declined. 1777.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 359 country. Heaven grant us (I ara sure it is most wanted) a speedy change for the better. Your brother is now quite well ; I have never been otherwise. God grant I may soon be happy enough to meet you so. Take the best care of yourself, if not for your sake, for mine. I shall indeed be inexpressibly happy to see you. I sincerely hope every body else will be well too. Pray mention me most affectionately to your sister and NeUy. You will also give my love to the chUdren, and mention rae, as I ought, to the gentlemen you have an opportunity to see. Adieu, my dear Hannah. Once more, take care of your health, and believe me, with the sincerest affection. Most truly and unalterably yours, JAMES IEEDELL, New Bern, April 29th, 1777. Dear Hannah : — I have been a most punctual correspond ent, and I hope you thank me for it. I wrote to you only last night by the post, but would not omit the present, though so early an opportuuity after. I even put aside business of pressing im portance, of a public nature, in which I am at last involved, to tell you how tenderly I love, how anxiously I wish to see you. My impatience indeed is great. When it can be gratified, is yet uncertain. Your brother's not coming has quite -put me out of the course of my policy. The houses are pressing forward fast now. To-morrow is the last day they will receive any bills. It is this makes me so busy. I have one in my hands for establish ing courts, that is to be presented to-morrow. Heaven grant it a favorable reception ! A faint glimmering of hope yet re mains.'-' They have resolved to-day on a general assessment oi all property, that is to say, a tax of so much in the pound on the value of every man's property. This perhaps may lead to the desired object. Mr. Hooper to-day resigned his appointment to the Congress ; who may succeed him is uncertain ; probably Mr. Harnett. Mr. Hewes, I believe, might easily be chosen (it is said, unanimously), but his friends think it would be an indig nity. Though I have been here many days, I have paid very few visits. I have dined with Mr. Cook, Mrs. Gordon, Mrs. Edwards, been imuted to Mr. EUis's, and dine to-morrow with the Gover nor. I have yet to see Mrs. Cornell, Dr. Marslin, and the Chief Justice. Mrs. Allen Jones is here, and her two children : the * The italics are not in the original. I shall hereafter take the liberty, without note, of underscoring such passages in the letters transcribed, as I desire to direct particular attention to. 360 life and CORRESPONDENCE [1777- little boy has still got the ague and fever, but looks well, and all the rest of the family are in good health. Let me beg you once more to take care of yours. Don't fatigue yourself too much about my shirts, and walk sometimes in the garden. If I was not so much engaged, I would write a line or two to Nelly. I hope she will excuse me, for that reason. Pray mention me^ very affec tionately to her, as weU as to her mamma, and the children. Ev ery body you wUl say, how d'ye to. Your brother is spending the evening abroad, as I should have been, had not this bill been in my way. If it does not pass, I shall regret the time I spent upon it, and the pleasure it has deprived me of ; not otherwise. Your brother, as he is not now at home, may possibly not write, but I assure you he is extremely well. Adieu ! my dear Han nah, I find it difficult to break from you, — but it must be. Take care of your health, and believe me ever. Most tenderly and affectionately yours, JAMES ieedell. Courts were not established at this session of the Assembly ; the question was adjourned until its seeond session (Nov. 15tb). Then the bill drafted by Iredell, revised, perhaps slightly altered by his friend Maclaine, was again introduced, and soon passed into a law. By North Carolina writers it is styled the " celebrat ed Court Law," and has been less altered than any act of any importance in the statute book. It has been often ascribed to Mr. Maclaine ; but I think there is no doubt that Iredell is en titled to the honor of its paternity.* At this period he began to be generally recognized as the ablest lawyer in the State. Letter from Mrs. Blair. 1st May, 1777. Dear Sir : — Though my sister is writing you, yet I think gratitude for your so kindly remembering me when I am absent from home, ought, if I had no other motive, to prompt me to return the favor as well as I am able. Could I write half as well as you, my letter would be better worth your reading ; but such as it is, I have no doubt it will be agreeable to you. You can not expect any news from me now, for when you are away none of our acquaintance think me worth calling on. Mr. Cabarrus and Mr. Pucheu come sometimes, and occasionally the doctor, but no others. You will hear of our being at a ball, from tbe * Vid, Davis's Address at Chapel Hill, 1855, and Sketch of A. M. Hooper, N, C, Un. Mag., 1855, 1777.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 861 gentlemen who gave it. My sister went, much against her incli nation, and was a little unwell the next day, but she is quite re covered now. There were few gentlemen at it ; and the company not altogether pleased with each other, as I imagined, but per haps I was mistaken. I believe our Edenton ladies are afraid of the Frenchmen. It is said our gentlemen intend returning the ball as soon as they (the French gentlemen) return frora New Bern. Mr. Pucheu laraented much that you were not here, for he is sure you are fond of dancing ; however, he intends the plea sure of a dance with you at New Bern. They talk of giving a ball as soon as they arrive ; but I think (though you are a much better judge) if they could be persuaded to let it alone, unless there was one given to them first, it would be better. Mr. Pu cheu seems to have a great regard for you ; and I am sure has the highest opinion of your goodness. Were you to tell him any thing he intended to do was improper, he would abandon it. They will, I dare say, mention their intention to you, as soon as they see you. I have wrote a good deal about what I have no business with ; but I have a regard for them, and I should be sor ry that they exposed themselves to the ill-natured reflections of people, perhaps, not half so deserving. I do not think their ball has been any advantage to them here. Mrs. Johnston intends writing. I shall send over early in the morning for a letter. We anxiously expect to hear from you and my brother — pray do not let him see this unmeaning scrawl. Guns flring all day, and a grand supper in town to-night, in honor of St. Tammany. Ex cuse all mistakes — it is now after 12 o'clock at night. I am, dear sir, Your affectionate sister, J. BLAIE. During this year the Marquis de La Fayette, and many other foreign officers, visited Araerica ; sorae in consequence of con tracts entered into with Silas Deane, the American Commissioner to France — others as adventurers. It appears that a party of Frenchmen came to North Carolina, among whom the most in telligent were Pucheu, Noirmont de La Neuville, and La Tours.* Mr. Iredell both wrote and spoke French fluently, and these gen tlemen soon conceived for him a friendship so strong that it sur vived their stay in America. Noirmont was the younger brother of the Chevalier de la Neuville, who was appointed an inspector in the army under Gates, and who was complimented when he * Washington and his Generals. — Cary and Hart. It is erroneously stated in this work that the La Neuyilles arrired in America in the autumn of '77. 362 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1777. retired, after six months' service, Dec. 4th, 1778, with a brevet commission of brigadier by Congress. Noirmont de la NeuviUe served two campaigns with credit ; attained the rank of major, and colonel by brevet ; and returned to France near the close of 1779. In 1782 he was " Capt. au Second de Chasseurs au Eegt Eoyal." They went to New Bern frora Edenton, to solicit employraent from the Assembly ; but the tender of their swords was declined. Pucheu returned to France early in July, while La Neuville obtained rank in the Continental service. Iredell to Mrs. Iredell. New Been, 2d May, 1777. My dear Hannah : — I expected to have set off to-day for New Eiver, but as Peter will not now go in, we have deferred go ing till to-morrow, as it will be then more convenient for your brother. I hope we shall have to stay but a short time there, and shall hasten horae as soon as possible. I will mention no time, but strongly flatter myself it will be before Bertie Court. Prepare to go to Dukinfleld with me then. I hope in God you continue to enjoy your health, and that you take the best care of yourself, for my sake, if not yours. I am indeed heartUy tired, and sincerely homesick. My impatience to see you is inexpress ible. It is more than probable your brother Sam will be home before me. He, I believe, anxiously wishes to leave this place. It is indeed melancholy to see the scenes going forward here : policy and reason neglected, mean and selfish purposes universal ly prevailing. He has enjoyed his health but indifferently here, as usual, though he is much better now. We have been incon veniently lodged ; the whole time only one room, and one bed be tween us. This would have done for you and me, but not for us. I have been perfectly well ever since I left you ; so is your brother John. He was delayed coming in so long, on account of boils, that were very troublesome. I send in by this vessel one pound of green, and three pounds of bohea tea ; the last cost 16s., the other 48s. I have bought three yards of the cloth, which Mr. Corrie will be so obliging as to bring in for me. It is enormously dear, but my necessity was pressing. I am very uneasy at never hearing from Edenton since I left it. I know not how to account for your neglecting the post, about which I entreated you so much. I can now expect to hear noth ing till I get home. It would have made me very happy to hear you were well ; but I must hope, and wait in patience. I have not tirae to add much more. You have no reason to complain 1777.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 363 of me on the score of writing. I wish you had given me no reason to complain of you. Heaven grant there was no unfortu nate cause for it. You should have considered the extreme anxi ety of friends at a distance, and how apt tbey are to suspect the worst. Pray mention me most affectionately to Nelly and the other children ; make my best respects to your brother's family, and Mrs. Dawson ; and ever think of me as The most tender and affectionate of husbands, JAMES ieedell. New Bern, 2d May, 1777. My dear Hannah : — You owe me a thousand obligations. I have omitted no one opportunity of writing to you, when I could do it with any possible convenience. I have wrote to you already to-day, by an opportunity by water, by which I send your sister some tea : Bibs, of bohea, one of green. I intend this shall go by your brother, who, I believe, will be at home before rae, as he waits only the prorogation of the Assembly, and I the end of my jaunt to New Eiver. I thank God I am perfectly well. I ear nestly hope you are so too, and that I shall be blest in finding you so. Happy indeed shall I then be I I shall return, impoverish ed, by the want of court laws, but rich in every feeling of ten derness and affection for you. 0, how does absence teach me how much I love you ! I hope to be with you before Bertie Court, and shall expect your company to Dukinfield. 0 how I antici pate that happy time ! It is not in my power to write much, but I could not omit it altogether. What would I give for so many Unes from you. Take care of yourself, my dear Hannah ; remeraber me to every body, and believe me. Most affectionately yours, JAS. IEEDELL. The Assembly adjourned on the 9th of May. Letter from Martin Howard. Martin Howard, one of the royal judges in Ehode Island, 1765, being forced by popular indignation to fly that province, sought shelter in North CaroUna, where, after the suicide of Judge Berry, he was made Chief Justice by Governor Tryon ; he was also a member of Tryon's council.* His office as judge terminated with the expiration of the law creating the court in * Howard had written in favor of the right of Parliament to tax America. For this oflfence, on the 28th August, 1766, a Rhode Island mob destroyed his house and furniture. — Saneroft. 364 life and correspondence [i777. 1773, He is represented by Jones, Wheeler and others, as de void of all the virtues of humanity, a ferocious despot, an exe-, crable copy of the English Jeffreys. I cannot but suspect that the picture has been exaggerated ; it has been blackened out of all resemblance to any being who ever sat upon the Bench with in my knowledge in North Carolina. The Judge was certainly the ablest lawyer, and the most highly cultivated member of his court. The fact that he was permitted to reside quietly on his plantation untU July, 1777, when he withdrew from the State ; the further fact that he was kindly remembered by such a man as James Iredell, whose respect clung to him in his fallen fortunes, and the tone of the following letter, consist but badly with the moral deformity and atrocity attributed to him ; and induce the belief that the removal of a little rhetorical lampblack wUl dis close a man, differing, it is true, politically, from the mass ofthe population, but in other respects, the peer of the proudest citi zen of the realm. The letter of Howard to Iredell, dated 20th May, 1773, referred to by Jones as a confession of '"' malignity," has disappeared from Mr. IredeU's collection of papers. Richmond,* May 15th, 1777. Sir : — Your favor from New Bern gave me no small degree of pleasure. An instance of civility to an obscure man in the woods, is as flattering as a compliment to a worn-out beauty, and received with equal avidity and delight. I have lately been so little accustomed even to the coramon courtesies of life, that a sentiment of kindness comes upon me by surprise, and brings with it a double, because an unexpected, pleasure. I sincerely thank you for your obliging expressions ; they give me more than I have a right to claim, and greatly overpay any marks of consideration which I may at any time heretofore have shown to you, and which your merit entitled you to receive frora me. I wish you could have conveniently fulfilled your intentions of riding to Eichmond. My little family would have been glad to see you, and you would have seen, I think, the best piece of meadow in Carolina, whence (when I leave this country) you might be able to add one to the few observations which may be made upon an unimportant character, viz., that I had made two blades of grass grow where only one grew before — -a circumstance among some nations of no small honor and renown. I wish you all happiness, and am, with real esteem. Sir, your most ob't serv't. M. HOWAED. Judge Howard died in exile, pending the war. * Craven county. 1777,] OF JAMES IKEDELL. 365 Iredell to Mrs. Iredell. Edexton, I9th Aug., 1777. Dear Hannah : — I have not, till now, had the least chance of writing you, and at present the probability of your receiving this letter, in any tolerable time, I think is very doubtful. When I came horae, I found Peggy almost perfectly recovered, and your sister and the children well : your sister has been since a little sick, but is well again. Her sickness, and La Tours being here (of which your sister acquainted you), were excuses I readily took hold of, for not going to Tyrrel Court ; so that I have been here ever since. I have had my health perfectly, but felt very unea sily ever since I came home. Indeed I can scarce think it my home. Your being absent makes my time dreadfully disagreea ble. I have been able to apply to nothing, I can't read ; I can't write. I do nothing but wisb for you. I am disagreeably em barrassed by La Tours being here ; I could easily be with you in two or three days, but I do not like to leave him behind me. And he has yet proposed nothing about going. What I shall do I don't know ; I shall endeavor earnestly to get to you, but if I should not very soon, you must impute it to the above circum stance, and nothing else ; for I assure you I never was better in my life. How happy it would make me to hear you were so. I hope you will send rae a Une by the Chair for Nelly. Your brother and his faraily are all extremely well. When I went over to his house the evening of my arrival. Penny met me with great pleasure, but when she heard you were not come, she cried bit terly for a good time. And she still expresses great anxiety to see you, and often inquires when you will be at home. Gaby seems to improve charmingly. I am much hurried. It is very late, and the doctor goes before sunrise in the morning. You must excuse all faults, and among the rest, the trouble I give you to find out my words. Your sister desires her best afl'ection. Nelly knows nothing of my writing. How happy shall I be to assure you in a few days (if Impossibly can) that I am Your most affectionate JAS. ieedell. Iredell to Miss Blair. Edenton, 3d Sept., 1777. My dear Nelly : — You must this time be content with a letter only from me, for it was late before any of us thought of writing by this opportunity (which is only a half way one), and your marama and aunt are otherwise too importantly engaged. 366 LIFE and correspondence [1777 especially as it seems your mamma is not perfectly sure whether she rightly comprehends your letter ; and your aunt is very doubt ful whether you would not put her off in the same manner, by leaving yourself scarcely time to send an apology for scribbling in haste. I have the pleasure to assure you all in our family are extremely well ; your uncle has been very unwell for two or three days, but is now much better ; Miss Lenox has been so too, and is very little better (her eye being very much affected), and Miss Cathcart has been very violently afflicted with the toothache ; the rest of that family are very well. So, in general, is Mrs. Dawson. We hope you keep yourself in health by gayety, exer cise and good humor, and that before you return you will be able to manage a horse with tolerable dexterity. This exercise is both agreeable and useful, and it will be of much advantage to you to have it in your power to take it. I know you will have a vio lent passion to hear the little chit-chat news of the town, but I am a very bad hand to communicate it. Indeed I do not recol lect any I have heard. There does not seem any thing at pres ent going forward. All is stUlness and dulness. Perhaps it may please you equally well to hear that letters have been re ceived from Mr. Hewes since he arrived at Boston, that he was almost quite well, only complained a Uttle of the rheumatism, that he is likely to have some success in his business, and that you may hope for the happy opportunity of admiring him once more some time next month. This gave me infinite satisfaction. What then must it do to his professed admirer ? Your mamma and aunt most earnestly request that your aunt Johnston will accompany your uncle down. It will make us all very happy. The compliraent will be returned her next month, and it is hoped it may be done without much inconven ience. You must try what your persuasions can do, and they do not commonly fail for want of importunity. Seriously speaking, your mamma bids me assure you, that she would certainly have wrote, but for the lateness of the evening. She has, however, some reason to complain of your negligence and indolence in writing, and she hopes you will take a good deal of pains to bring your volatility, at least sometimes, down to a reasonable standard. Her best affections and your aunt's and mine are ever yours, and we all think about you with more anxie ty and tenderness than I believe you conceive. Your mamma's happiness you must know to be deeply interested, and I assure you your aunt's and mine is in a very considerable degree, in your entitUng yourself to general esteem by a steady and uniform pro priety of conduct. Adieu ! my dear NeUy, and beUeve me evei-. Your most affectionate uncle, JAS. IEEDELL. 1777,] OF JAMES IREDELL. 367 La Neuville to Iredell. Sir : — If the war is indeed declared in France, we could stay but a very little while in the north ; my books in this case become useless for me. This refiection, united to desire of leaving you a work when the reading appears to please you, engages me to pray you of keeping it till j come back. I take upon myself to offer to your lovely niece another, en titled the Art of Loving, though written in french ; j rely upon you about the translation of this witty poem. Besides you shall think as j, that it is convenient of presenting the art of loving to which possesses the art of pleasing, j am, with the sentiments of the most lively gratitude. Your very hurable servant, NOIEMONT De LA NEUVILLE. The second session of the Assembly of 1777 was begun and held at New Bern, Nov. 15th. An act was soon passed for establishing courts of law, and regulating the proceedings there in. The State was laid off into six districts, i. e. the districts of Wilmington, New Bern, Edenton, Halifax and Salisbury.* Three judges were provided for. The courts were to have cogni zance of all matters generally litigated and determined in courts of law ; and all pleas of the State, and criminal matters. Equi ty jurisdiction was not conferred till 1782.-J- Any one judge might hold court in case of the death or absence of his colleagues, "provided always, that demurrers, cases agreed, special verdicts, bills of exception to evidence, and motions in arrest of judgment should not be argued but before two or more judges." To pre vent irregularities in the records, the judges were wisely author ized to appoint " clerks of skill and probity," to hold office during good behavior. On the 20th of December, Samuel Ashe, Samuel Spencer, and James Iredell were elected judges of the said court. Samuel Ashe was a member of one of the most ancient and distinguished families of the State. His father had been speaker of the Assembly in 1727. He had read law with his uncle, Col. Sam. Swann ; % but his early education had been imperfect, ¦* statutes. •]• With Judge IredeU's papers, inWm. Hooper's handwriting, are " Rules hum bly submitted to the Court of Chancery, for the better order and government there of," consisting of 85 sections, and almost identical with the established rules, as they appear in the " Revised Statutes," chapter 32. X Attorney General ; author of "Swann's Kevisal.' 368 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1777 and his professional studies, interrupted by the agitations of the Eevolution. He had been a member of the Committee of Safety for the Wilmington district in 1774, and subsequently a member of the Provincial CouncU. He had served at Halifax, in the State Congress, 1776, and, afterwards, in the Convention that adopted the Constitution ; and at the time of his election was speaker of the Senate. He had much rugged energy of language, and was a man of strong will and violent prejudices. He was moderate in nothing : — he loved ardently ; he hated intensely. His friends regarded him as eminently practical, and solid ; his opponents denounced him as " stupid," obstinate, and impracticable. His patriotism was conceded. He was the brother of Gen. John Ashe. His influence, corroborated by that of his connections, was predominant in his county. In knowledge of huraan nature, and that rare talent that qualifles its possessor for the control of men, he had scarcely a rival. In after years, though many efforts were made to drive him from the bench, they were unsuccessful : the stability of his seat could not be shaken. So great was his popularity, that when his proud nature bent to the clamor of his enemies, and he proposed to abandon his office, the As sembly would not receive his resignation, and he retained his place until elevated, in 1795, to the higher post of governor. He had wealth. In politics was a leader of the radicals.* Samuel Spencer had been clerk of the court for Anson county, under the Colonial government. In that office, by malfeasance, and the exaction of iUegal fees, he had excited a tumult : five hundred men assembled together intent upon redress ; and expelled the offi cers of the court from the court-house ; ninety-nine signed an ad dress and remonstrance to Gov. Tryon. f As a whig, he had been so active that he had been made member of Congress in 1775, and appointed Colonel for Anson county ; he had also been of the Pro vincial Council. He certainly was not below mediocrity, even in his profession, but was not qualified by learning or dignity of manners for the .office conferred upon him. He was as insensible to wit or sarcasm as a rhinoceros to the sting of a mosquito. He proved very unacceptable to the bar, but no indignity or neglect could ever tempt him to resign : to effect this end much inge- * Three of his sons served in the army during the war : the eldest, John, was Lt.-Col. at Eutaw, a member of Congress, and governor elect when he died. Two of his grandsons have been members of Congress. In the year 1785 an act was passed, taking from all persons the right of suing for confiscated property. The judges declared the act invalid. One of the judges illustrated his opinion in this manner : " As God said to the waters, ' so far shall ye go and no farther,' so said the people to the Legislature." That celebrated lawyer, John Haywood, in Moore vs. Bradlejr, in allusion to this decision, remarked — " Judge Ashe deserves for this the veneration of his country and posterity." — 2d Haywood's Reports — N. C. \ Wheeler. 1777.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 369 nuity was exerted in vain : squibs and pasquinades rebounded from him as paper pellets from a wall of stone. Neither the avowed contempt ofthe most distinguished advocates, nor the sneer of the pettifogger, could penetrate his selfishness and avarice. In 1788, as a member of the convention at Hillsborough, he con tributed largely to the rejection of the Constitution. Voluptu ous, if not refined, in practice, if not in theory, it is said he was not averse to polygamy. In 1794, enfeebled by disease, as he was basking in the sunshine in his yard, a turkey, attracted by sorae part of his clothing which was red, attacked him with such fury, that he died of the wounds. December 20th Waightstill Avery was elected Attorney Gen eral. Wm. Hooper* to Judge Iredell. New Beene, 23d Dec, 1777. Dear Sir : — Before this reaches you, you wUl have received information of being promoted to the first honors the State can bestow. I sincerely congratulate you upon the favorable opin ion which induced the people to this measure, and I confess I feel a sort of vanity in having borne testimony to the merit of him whom they have thus distinguished. You will be at a loss to conjecture how I could have been accessory to this step, after you had been so explicit to rae on the subject. Be assured that I was not inattentive to your objections, nor did I fail to men tion them and urge them with sincerity to every person who men tioned you for the office to which you are now designated. I urg ed the probability of your accepting the Attorney General's place, and proposed you for it with the fullest confidence of success. I considered that appointment genteel and the pay liberal, and that it would not interfere with your practice in civil suits, and was perfectly free from the objections which you made to the Judge's seat. A back-country interest and Avery's presence, gave him a prevailing influence, and your friends, finding that they must miscarry in this, resolved to make the effort in which they were successful, equal to their most sanguine expectations. I expostu lated with them upon the impropriety of electing one who, in all probability, might decUne, and leave one of the seats of justice vacant. They answered me by saying that you might possibly be prevailed upon to act for one circuit at least, that no material disadvantage could result to you from it, — that it would give you a weight and importance in those parts of the State where you * Signer of the Declaration of Independence. Vol. I.— 24 370 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1777- had not had an opportunity to make yourself generally known, and prepare you for a more extensive and profitable practice, when you should think fit to descend again to the bar. That even if you decUned the office altogether, that two would still remain, who for a whUe would be competent to the purposes of adminis tering justice, and that they would hazard the experiment upon the bare possibUity of filling the third seat with one of the re spectable character you bore. Their reasoning prevailed, and you have now the satisfaction of an unrestrained choice. The appointment has been imposed upon you, and therefore you are at perfect liberty to act or not. I wUl not urge a circumstance to influence your determination. I have too much regard for you and yours to induce you to a resolution which might clash with your interest. As a meraber of the court — of the State — I am too much concerned to be an adviser. Should you acquiesce, even for a short period, in the intentions of the State, it will les sen, in my view, the fatigues which I raust encounter in practice, and induce me again to open my law books. Mr. Ashe desires me to inform you that he expects you here the 12th of January, when the governor will attend and take the qualification of himself and the other judges. My brother George is here, and begs me to mention to you that he is a candidate for the clerkship of Wilmington which he formerly had, and if you can, consistent with the duty you owe the public, give your vote in his favor — he solicits it. I beg to be remembered in the most respectful manner to your good lady, Mrs. Blair and famUy, Mr. Johnston and his, and am. Dear sir. Yours affectionately, Wm. HOOPEE. Archibald Maclaine to Judge Iredell. Mr. Maclaine's family were from Loch Bowie, in the High lands of Scotland. He was the near relation of that eminent di vine, the Eev. A. Maclaine, pastor of the Protestant Church at the Hague, and translator of Mosheim's Ecclesiastical His tory. After serving an apprenticeship of three years to a mer chant in Dublin, Mr. Maclaine carae to Wilraington, where with his brother he established a mercantile house ; faiUng in business he commenced the study of the law. His powerful frame and iron constitution fitted bim to endure any amount of labor and fatigue. His indomitable will, and persistent industry were sure 1777.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 371 guarantees of success.* He not only mastered the subtleties of the law, but made vigorous forays into the fields of science and polite learning, from which he came laden with the richest plun der. A little awkward and ungainly, at first, his friends were despondent, and anticipated for him only disaster : to their de light and astonishment, however, he soon won his way to the front rank of his profession. Active, bold and inteUigent, he was a prominent member of the Wilmington Safety Committee in 1774, and a raeraber of the Congress at Hillsborough in August, 1775 : he was often meraber of the Assembly, representing the county of Brunswick f in '77, '78, and '82, and subsequently the town of Wilmington, from 1783 to 1787.-| When Judge Ire dell resigned his office in August, 1778, Judge Henderson de clining, Maclaine was elected (Feb. 1779), but would not accept. He was the intimate friend, personally and politically, of Judge Iredell, and one of his most frequent and accomplished corre spondents. In the convention of 1788, he powerfully aided in the effort to induce the adoption of the Federal Constitution, and shared largely in the distress, the disappointment, and the gloom its rejection occasioned its partisans. In talent, learning and probity, he had few equals in the State. As a debater and writer, " he had no superior, except, perhaps, Davie, Iredell, and Johnston. "§ He was of sanguine temperament, and irritable pas sions. The slightest spark sufficed to kindle into flame his com bustible nature. The explosions of his wrath were sudden and terrific ; and his fiery denunciations, and heated satire, seethed and scorched as burning lava. This infirmity of temper was his only fault : it was the source of much pain, mortification and regret to his friends ; but as he was easily appeased, and prompt to atone for a fault, their attachment was never entirely aUen- ated. New Berne, 25th Dec. 1777. Sir : — I dare not venture to congratulate you on your pro motion, because I am apprehensive that it is not suitable to your future prospects. I can only say that if it would answer your * Wheeler, Davis's Address. •]¦ Maclaine owned the Bluflf plantation in Brunswick, where his grave may now be seen ; the place is now the property of Col. Thomas D. Meares. His son Jerome was made a captain in the 4th Reg't., 1776, and served with credit in the war. Mr. Maclaine's daughter married Mr. George Hooper. Those fine scholars, George and DeBerniere Hooper, and that unrivalled "raconteur" of mirth-provoking sto ries, Johnston I. Hooper of Alabama, are his great-grand children. ± Sketch of A. M. Hooper, N, C. Un. Mag. 8 Wheeler. 372 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1777. purposes as fiiUy as it has pleased your friends and the public, it would give me real satisfaction. Mr. Hooper writes you that his brother George is a candidate for the Wilmington clerkship. The appointment of clerks is vested in the judges, or any two of them ; but there is no room for soUcitation, if the candidate is defective in qualifications, aa the judges are bound by oath to nominate impartially, &c. — I have inclosed you a few of the heads of the court-bill, which may be useful if you are determined to practice ; and before I con clude, give me leave to mention Mr. Gifford as a candidate for the HUlsborough clerkship. I think he must be tolerably well qual ified to execute the office. Please to make my best compliraents to Mr. Johnston, Mr. Hewes, and Mr. Smith. I ara, with real esteem, dear sir. Your raost obedient servant, A. MACLAINE. 1778-] OF JAMES IREDELL. 373 CHAPTEE XI. The State ; Letter from Maclaine ; the Circuit ; Let ters FROM Iredell, and Charge to the Grand Jury AT Edenton ; Letters from Iredell ; Eesignation as Judge ; Letters from Caswell, Nash, Iredell, and Hooper ; North Carolina signs Articles of Confed eration ; Letter to British Commissioners ; Assembly, Letters, &c. mt. 26-27. North Carolina continued to enjoy exemption from hostile invasion during the course of this year. The Continental battal ions of the State continued at the North under Gen. Washington, shared in the glory of the well-fought field of Monmouth,* and remained until General Lincoln was ordered to the Southern De partment in the fall,f when they accompanied him.J However united as regards the relations of the Colonies to Great Britain, the whigs were divided into two distinct parties on questions of internal polity. The ascendency of the radical or ultra-republi can party was attested by the defeat of Johnston and Hewes, the elevation of Caswell, and the election of two of the three judges. Foreign trade scarcely subsisted at aU ; commercial intercourse with the North was environed with peril, and so attended with delays as to be almost impracticable.§ Charleston was the mart for suppUes of groceries, and articles of exotic production. A considerable inland traffic sprang up, maintained by many hun dred wagons ; but as if to signalize their folly, the Legislature forbade the exportation of beef, pork, bacon and Indian corn, thus fettering the free spirit of commerce with restraints under which it ever languishes or dies, contributing to its own impoverishment, and deepening the distress of the people by clipping the wings of industry. Subsequently, when the State was invaded, and its * June, 28th. f Sept. 25th. X The Continental Regiments of North Carolina (two iu 1775) were increased to six in 1776, by the N. C. Congress. Nine battalions were ordered by the Conti nental Congress in '76; but these were reduced to six in 1779, when Sumner and Hogan were added to the list of brigadiers. These battalions were surrendered by Lincoln at Charleston, May 12th, 1780. Vid, Hildreth, Journal N. C. Con gress, Wheeler, Jones, &c. 874 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE 11778. means of sustenance for armies nearly exhausted ; when its very salvation depended upon the success of its commissariat, and pol icy would have justified the measure, the embargo was re moved.* Maclaine to Judge Iredell. Wilmington, Sth Jan., 1778. Sir : — Your acceptance of the office to which you were ap pointed by the almost unanimous vote ofthe General Assembly, gives me, as well as all others who either know you, or have heard of your character, entire satisfaction. We wish indeed, for your sake, and for the dignity of the station to which you are pro moted, that the appointment had been such as it ought to have been ; but do not despair of making it better. However ardu ous the task you have undertaken, we have the most flattering hopes from your judgment and integrity, and these hopes are strengthened by your diffidence. In truth, sir, you lie under no obligations to the public (whatever may be the case as to your particular friends). The merabers of the Assembly in appoint ing you thought, with great reason, that they effectually served themselves and their constituents. As to myself, I confess I was actuated by duty to the public, having been taught that your promotion would more effectually serve them than you. I return my best thanks for your attention to Mr. Gifford's interest ; as far as it can be shown consistent with your duty to yourself and to the public. When I mentioned that he was tol erably qualified, I meant it as a general expression ; but with respect to his competitors, perhaps I might venture to go farther. Mr. Hooper regretted that he had not mentioned that gentleman to you, as I believe he thinks bim preferable to any that has of fered for Hillsborough ; and I expect he will write you on the subject. As to Mr. G. Hooper, I am too much interested in his welfare to trust myself with saying any thing in my favor. I will only beg leave to observe that I hope his own merit will be his best recommendation. I wish your partiality for him may not induce you to overlook the merit of any other candidate. What I intended to send you from the court-law was upon a sup position that you might possibly resolve to practise. You will now have a better opportunity to inform yourself, as I imagine the laws will very soon be published. I now venture to congratulate you on your appointment, be ing, with sincere esteem, Sir, Your most ob't serv't, A. MACLAINE. * Hubbard's Life of Davie. 1778] OF JAMES IREDELL. 37^ Judge Iredell to Mrs, Iredell. New Beene, 14th Jan., 1778. My dear Hannah : — The weather was so excessively bad that with all our efforts we could not get here till yesterday. We were obliged to ride a good deal in the rain, but notwithstand ing that, my disorder continued better, and has now almost en tirely left me. In every other respect I am as well as I could wish. We were qualified into our offices yesterday, and appoint ed clerks. Charles Bonfield was chosen for Edenton, without op position — Mr. Eaton Haines for Halifax — J. Cooke for New Berne — G. Hooper for Wilmington — one Jos. Taylor for Hills borough. The Salisbury clerkship is yet in suspense. We do not expect to leave this till Friday, and as we must go the up per road, I scarcely can expect the pleasure of seeing you till Monday or Tuesday. I am obUged to make haste not to lose this opportunity. Eemember me to all as I ought to be, and believe me, my dear Hannah, Most sincerely and affectionately yours, JAS. ieedell. P. S. — The courts are to hold only 12 days ; not 15. Booth, 25th Feb., 1788, My dear Hannah : — We arrived here about eight this morning, perfectly well. Our journey hitherto has been, upon the whole, very agreeable, except that this morning, very unfor tunately, the horse upon which Andrew rode appeared to be lame, and still continues so. The reason we can't easily suggest. We are at present a little embarrassed by this circumstance, but your brother is trying if another horse can be got here to his place.* It gives me great concern that I am o'bliged to trouble him so much. If he was not the best and most generous of men, he could not bear it with so much patience. I should promise myself great happiness in this little town with him, if I was not continually thinking of my absence from you, and feeling all that anxiety on your account which ever attends me when I am from you. But I hope, my dear Hannah, you will take the best care * At this period double chairs or gigs were the vehicles generally in use, even with persons of condition : one horse drew, while a servant alongside, mounted on another, guided. There were probably fewer than one dozen chariots or carriages in the State : it is known that Dr. Cathcart possessed a four-horse chariot in Colo nial times, aud Mr. Charlton during the Revolution, The first four-horse chariot ever seen in Wilmington district was introduced by the Hon. Wm. H. Hill, in 1799. 376 life and correspondence [1778. of your health, and let me have the happiness of meeting you here as I expect, which tirae I assure you is continually in my thoughts. You desire me to write you more particularly than I have been used to do, but it would not be very entertaining to give you many particulars at this tirae. How would you like to be told that we found half a dozen people drunk at Cumner's, the land lord at their head ; that in going thence, by my assuming the di rection, we lost our way, and did not get to Mr. Baker's till 8 at night, — that we set off early the next morning and breakfasted at Wilton ; met Mr. Charlton soon after, and proceeded on to Colton's to dinner ? Here indeed was something worth telling you. We met your brother John, on his way to the court, per fectly well, as he said all his family were. We however were soon obUged to part with him, and came on in the evening to old Mrs. Bryan's, where we staid very comfortably all night, and came here to breakfast this morning. This is our little history ; I raight, indeed, add, if it was possible for you to doubt it, that I have been very happy in your brother's company. He has taken two or three lessons at his French, and is indeed a very apt schol ar. I am afraid he will soon excel his master. ^^ You must ex cuse the bad pen I write with, and the consequent scribbling I give you. If the pen had been better, I should have wrote bet ter. Nelly must also excuse my writing to her now. Your brother will very soon ivant^the pen, and we have no time to spare. Her 16th year I hope will not make her too proud to try to make up the vast quantity of time she has squandered. Adieu ! my dear Hannah. Give my love to your sister and 15, and the other children, and remember me to your brother's family and Mrs. Dawson, which compUments bring me to the great and sin cere one of saying that I am, my dear Hannah, Your entirely affectionate JAS. ieedell. ' P. S. — My thin coat has done me no sort of prejudice, and I think I look very well and handsome, f Pucheu to Iredell. [The penmanship of this letter would do credit to a wriiingmaster.] Monsieur : — Je me suis comme vous trouve bien prive, de n'avoir point eu le plaisir de vous voir avant votre depart, j'eusse * The gravest statesman in North Carolina, at the age of 45, addressing himself to the mastery of French I how characteristic of the man 1 what a lesson for the young 1 f A thin coat in February I It is, however, I believe, well settled, that the cUmate of North Carolina has greatly changed ?inoe its first settlement, aud is gradually becoming colder. 1778.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 377 et6 charm6 de vous temoigner corabien je suis sensible k toutes les politesses que j'ai re^u dans votre maison. Si j'ai quelque re gret, c'est sans doute celui de n'avoir point d 6sperer de repondre k tant de bont6s, mais je desire, et cela est en notre pouvoir, que vous me fournissiez des occasions k vous prouver qu'en effet j'y suis reconnoissant ; soyez bien persuad6 que ce seroit veritablement m'obliger que de me le prouver. Madame Iredell m'a remise les lettres dont vous m'avez pri6 de prendre soin, vous pouvez 6tre tranquille sur leur sort, et du moment que vous me sauriez arriv6, vous dev6z etre persuade qu'il n'aura pas d6pendu de moi qu'elles ne soient parvenues exactement : ce dont je prendrai la liberty de vous informer moi-meme. Je vous suis tr^s oblig6 pour les sou- haites gracieux que vous me faites, soyez convain^u que je n'en fais pas de moins sinc6res tout ce qui pent contribuer k votre bonheur. Veuill6z assurer Madame et Mademoiselle Blair, de memo que Madame Iredell de mes tr^s humbles respects, et croyez moi avec sincerite et estime. Monsieur, votre tr^s humble et tres obeissant serviteur, Pucheu. I am very much obliged to Mistress Blair for the birds and butter. Iredell to Mrs. Iredell, Salisbuby, 12th March, 1778. My dearest Hannah : — After so long an absence (for I really think it a very long one) it gives me great pleasure that I have an opportunity of writing to you, and thus enjoying, though at a great distance, some kind of communication with you. Un til now, I have not known of any opportunity since I wrote you at Booth, so that I hope you will not charge me with remissness and neglect. Our journey up here was passed agreeably, on tbe whole, though not at aU times equally so. If I can recollect a little detaU, I will give it you. After finishing our letters at Booth, we proceeded towards Halifax, crossing the river at Booth, and went to Wilie Jones', who seemed glad to see us, and we staid with him all night, but had the mortification, as we left Booth too soon to dine, of fasting till near ten at night. We were obliged to wait to have our horses shod, and this was done in time for us to get to Col. McCuUoh's about 12 next day. Here we were received with all the usual kindness, and staid the re mainder of the day. Ben's boy is really a very fine one, and you may be assured gives a great deal of happiness. The next morn- 378 LIFE AND CORREbPONDENCE [1778. ing, after breakfast and receiving directions for our route, we pro ceeded on our journey, by a different way for about 25 miles than I had gone before, and a much finer one. The country is ex tremely beautiful, and Mr. Johnston and myself could not help continually admiring it. We began to ascend the hills after go ing about ten miles. '-They, most of them in Bute,* have a grad ual ascent, and from the tops of them you have frequently a most extensive prospect, almost always a very fine one, and sometimes you have the view of a cultivated country ; but in general, the richness of the soil, the extent of the prospect, and the pyramid- ical shape of the trees, form the beauty of the scene. We rode principally through such a scene as this, until we reached our first stage, about ten miles from the marsh, and where, had we not otherwise intended to stay, we should have been obliged to take shelter from a most heavy storm of rain, in which we had been under a necessity of riding for two or three miles. The house we came to was a poor miserable hovel, inhabited by a man and his wife and three or four very beautiful children. Here we staid four hours, and were once afraid we should be obliged to stay all night, which was a very uncomfortable prospect, but the weather clearing up a Uttle, we determined to make a push in the evening, which we accordingly did, and reached Mr. Parke's about an hour in the night, after having got another wetting. Mr. Parke received us with extreme hospitality, and we staid with great satisfaction at his house that night. We did not see Mrs. Parke till supper time. I had never seen her before. She has a good deal of resemblance, I think, of her sister Mrs. Jones. She was obliging also. They appear to live in a plentiful man ner, and have three very fine c'hildren. The next day we rode from his house after breakfast to a place called Harrisburg, about 27 miles, without stopping. We were excessively fatigued, but had the comfort to find an exceeding good house to rest in, and refresh ourselves for an hour or two. The country we passed this day, except about half a dozen miles, was nothing equal to what we had seen before, though here and there it is also very beauti ful. Harrisburg contains half a dozen straggling houses, and is a burlesque upon a town. We travelled about nine miles farther that evening, and lodged tolerably. We were then within 1 2 or 13 miles of Mr. Bennyam's, who lives about two miles out of the way.t Here we had a great desire to go to breakfast, but were afraid of his hospitality. At last however we determined on it, * Since divided into Warren and Franklin. f Mr. Bennihan was an opulent farmer; his daughter married the late Judge Cameron, President of the Bank of the State of N. C. Mr. Bennihan's only son dying childless, his estate fell into the hands of the Camerons ; under their thrifty management it has swelled until it has become one of the largest in the South. 1778.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 379 and to leave it immediately after. When we came to the road, we again balanced ; we however proceeded. He discovered great pleasure to see us, as did Mrs. Bennyam, who immediately went to provide breakfast for us, for we were disappointed in our ex pectation of finding them at theirs — they, though so young a mar ried couple, being earlier risers than some I know. After break fast was over, and we were talking of going, he immediately at tacked us with such hospitable earnestness, that our resolution was almost overpowered. Your brother at last said to me, — " suppose we trust God Almighty for once." My piety and in clination induced me to consent, and thus we were doomed to spend the whole day there — and a very agreeable one it was. Mr. W. Johnston having lately come to reside at his place at Little Eiver, about three miles distant, Mr. Bennyam sent for him, and we had a happy day in company with them and Mrs. Bennyam, whose araiableness of temper is extremely engaging.* Her life must be a very dull one. She" has not a single woman she can associate with nearer than HUlsborough, which is at the distance of 18 miles. This is a circumstance she must feel very sensibly, and cannot be sufficiently compensated even by the great worthi ness of her husband. The next morning, when your brother told her he would endeavor to bring Mrs. Johnston to see her, she could scarcely speak ; tears flowed into her eyes, and it was with difficulty she could express the great pleasure it would give her, and ask rae if I could not make her happy in your company also. 13th. — We went from here in company with Mr. Johnston and Mr. Bennyam to the former's house to breakfast, which is at the place where my cousin Ben McCulloh and myself happened for tunately to be at the time of the great disturbance at Hillsbor- ough.f We arrived at Hillsborough about one, found a most el egant tavern, dined with great satisfaction, and proceeded in the evening to a place about 10 miles further. Hillsborough rather exceeded my expectations ; it is far from being a disagreeable town, as to appearance, and there is a remarkable handsome church in it. Your brother and myself, before we came away, engaged a good room with two beds in it, for our use during the Court. It would be uninteresting and tedious to give you par ticulars of our march from Hillsborough to Salisbury. It was far the most disagreeable part of the journey. The country it self is not so pleasant, though there is a great deal of good land in it, the accommodations wretched, and we were forced to travel * Member of Congress for Hillsborough, 1775-6 — nephew to Mr. Sam. Johnston. f 24th Sept., 1770, when the Regulators broke into the court-house, beat some of the gentlemen of the bar, and insulted others ; and so riotously acted that Judge Henderson closed the court and fled by night. 380 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1778. in very bad weather. Your brother asked the woman of a very dirty Dutch house if there were any brooms in that part of the country. We, however, arrived here the evening of the court day. Mr. Spencer had been here a little before me, and we had the great pleasure of meeting with Mr. Hooper and Mr. Maclaine, with whom we board in the same house, and though in a tavern, have perfectly the command of a select company. I have been two or three nights at Mr. Frohock' s, and we have all dined there. They are all very well, and seemed glad to see me. Mr. Frohock's obstinacy of conduct places me, however, in a very awkward and painful situation, and has prevented my going to his house so cor dially and happily as I should otherwise have done, and as Mrs. Frohock's kindness would invite. For very frivolous reasons he refuses to deliver up the Eecords of the Court, notwithstanding he appUed to your brother and Mr. Hooper for advice, and they in the strongest terms have urged it. I have myself, so far as is consistent with my situation. The affair is to be pubUcly de termined this morning, and if he continues obstinate, he must be committed to gaol. You may easily conceive my feelings, but there is a necessity for its being done. The commitment will be till he deUvers the Eecords. lAth March. — The affair of Frohock's is over. His obstina cy continuing unconquerable, he was committed to gaol, when after staying a few hours and distressing his wife in the most dreadful manner, who went to him, he thought proper to comply and to deUver the Eecords up. I shall leave this cursed place to-day together with your brother, Mr. Maclaine and Mr. Hooper. We take the Moravian town in our way, and shall endeavor to while away the time, till Hillsborough court, in as amusing a manner as possible. 0 ! how long every hour seems to me. Nev er did I feel more anxiety to see you. God grant it may be in perfect health, and for heaven's sake do not disappoint me of see ing you at your brother's, I will apply day and night to the business at Hillsborough, in order to shorten the time of my fur ther absence from you, I am not sure, but perhaps I may write a line to Nelly. My time has been much taken up. We have sat mostly seven or eight hours in a day, sometimes twelve. I have not been in the least sick, nor your brother either, though this place seems to me far from being a healthy one. I think you may permit me now, my dearest Hannah, to bid you adieu. It is with reluctance I do it even in writing. You will not fail to mention my most affectionate remembrance to your sister and Nelly and the chUdren, and to your brother's family and Mrs. Dawson's, and believe me. Most faithfuUy, most anxiously, and most affectionately yours, JAS. IEEDELL. 1778,] OF JAMES IREDELL. 381 HiLLSBOKouGii, 18th March, 1778. My dear Hannah : — Having the satisfaction to overtake Mr. Fine here, I have it in my power to add another line by him, acquainting you of our arrival here, where we came about 5 o'clock this afternoon, heartily sick of our journey from SaUsbury ; for though we h§,ve travelled through a most delightful country, we have had the most wretched, dirty, and niggardly accommo dations that can be conceived. We took the Moravian town in our way ; the town in point of neatness, industry and ingenuity, far exceeded my expectations ; in other respects, it came much below them ; we met with a most dirty and rascally tavernkeeper who told us fifty lies about what he had in his house, until he was taken aside by one of their principals to whom we had a letter. But we could get none of their manufactures whatever. The outside of their houses is very neat ; the inside of what we saw very dirty. Nothing could have made this ride supportable but the agreeable company we had. Mr. Maclaine and Mr. Hooper were with us the whole way. We have a tolerable, but not an extraordinary prospect of accommodation here. I regret exceed ingly that the court will be so long in commencing. The first day is the 24th. I thank God I am perfectly well. Your broth er has been a Uttle indisposed since yesterday, though not so as to prevent his travelling, but he seems pretty well to-night. I have only to add to my fervent wishes and prayers for your health, and as much happiness as is consistent with my absence (for I flatter myself it cannot be complete with it), that I am, my dear Hannah, Your most truly affectionate JAS. ieedell. A letter from Mrs. Blair states the price of corn (March 27) at Edenton as being £5 per barrel, and flour £3 per hundred : she adds, "people talk much here of peace, and every thing mending in a few months." The Assembly met at New Berne April 14th. Miss Helen Blair to Iredell. Edenton, April 14th, 1778. My dear Uncle : — As Mr. Webb is going this evening, and I have not tirae to write to two, I think it my duty to write you, as you are always so good when you are from home. Your 382 life and correspondence [1778. letter from Salisbury, I am sure, deserves a much better answer than I wrote by aunt. I should write you and all my acquaint ance if I knew how to express my sentiments. I am certain I have as great a regard for you as you have for me ; and yet, to save my Ufe, I could not tell you so handsomely. We dined yes terday with Mr. La NeuviUe, at his lodgings : it was very disa greeable to me, there were so many Frenchmen there, and you know they have not too much reserve. Please give my love to Aunt Iredell and uncle Sam. I would write you a longer letter, but my pen is so bad I have hardly patience to write with it at all, I am, my dear uncle. Your dutiful and affectionate niece, H. BLAIE. At the court held at Edenton, May 1st, Mr. Iredell made the following address to the Grand Jury, to which their response is adjoined. It is memorable that so rare was the merit of Mr. Ire deU's judicial addresses to grand juries, that they were commonly published at their request, and received the highest encomiums from the press. Such was the case when he was a Judge of the Supreme Court of the United States, at Boston, New York, Phil adelphia, Eichmond, Ealeigh, Charleston and Savannah. This though the first, is not the least in excellence ; it is more poUti cal in character, and flushed by more warmth than the chastened judgment of soberer years permitted to similar efforts. Gentlemen of the Grand Jury :^In compliance with a custom which has long obtained, and is probably founded on very good reasons, it becomes our duty to address a few words to you, previous to your entrance on the discharge of the iraportant office you are now called upon to exercise by your country, an office of great consequence to the comraunity, and of which too awful ideas cannot well be entertained. This court of justice opens at a most interesting period of the policy of this country. We have been long deprived of such from a variety of causes, in some of which we have shared with our brethren on the continent ; others were peculiar to ourselves. The event, however, has been unhappy and distressing, and every well-wisher to his country raust view with pleasure a scene of anarchy changed for that of law and order, and powers of gov ernment established capable of restraining or punishing dishon esty and vice. Such powers have been established under circumstances which should induce to them peculiar reverence and regard. They have not been the effect of usurpation ; they have not proceeded from 1778.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 383 a wanton desire of change ; they have not been imposed upon you by the successful arms of a tyrant ; they have been peace ably estabUshed by the public at large, for the general happiness of the people, when they were reduced to the cruel necessity (a necessity they abhorred, and did all in their power to avoid) of renouncing a government which ceased to protect, and endeav ored to enslave them, for one which enabled them with a proper share of courage and virtue to protect and defend themselves. You had not only for years been injured and insulted in the gross est manner ; you had not only felt innovations in your govern ment, which were as repugnant to justice as they were unwar ranted by precedent ; your petitions for redress, couched in the most humble and expressive (though not in the most servile) terms, had not only been rejected and spurned at, but when the crisis at last arrived for more vigorous exertions, or a mean and dastardly submission, and every hope of relaxation of the tyran nical system was fled, war was brought into your territories, and carried on with unusual circumstances of cruelty and rigor ; the British nation imposed upon by the vilest lies to exert every nerve in their power ; foreign troops were hired to slaughter a people who had never offended them ; the Indian scalping ^nife was em ployed ; and even that diabolical purpose of arming our domes tics to involve us in one indiscriminate massacre, was openly and with triumph atterapted. It was under these complicated cir cumstances of injustice, cruelty and insult, and with the just ap prehension that these united efforts might overpower our own if our opposition continued to be languidly supported with the re serve of subjects ; that the once happy American colonies, whose loyalty had been unexampled, and had been exerted in the most conspicuous instances ; whose attachment to Great Britain was scarcely yet cooled by the numerous acts of oppression they had received from her ; reduced to the melancholy necessity of choos ing their fellow-subjects for their masters ; or of exerting those latent powers of resistance, which heaven and favorable circum stances had blessed them with, — it was in this trying and painful situation, that they resolved to sacrifice all old connections, every fa vorite prepossession, and tear themselves from a country they would have bled to serve, but disdained to be enslaved by. — It is known to us all how reluctantly this measure was adopted, and how ar dently until the moraent when it appeared inevitable, we wished for a reconciliation with Great Britain, upon those principles on which our opposition had all along proceeded ; a wish that I can truly say, (notwithstanding the base reports to the contrary.) there is every reason to beUeve, was almost universal. But every thing that could be urged in our favor was disre- 384 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1778. garded. Our enemies proceeded frora one extreme to another, until they brought about an event which fatally, and I trust has finally severed this country from the dominion of Great Britain. Immense advantages have been lost in pursuit of a chimera, for such must ever the government of this country be icithout the hearty support of the peoj^lc. The profits of our trade, an inex haustible and increasing source of wealth, we freely bestowed. Our allegiance to our sovereign was perfect, on the conditions of our charter. He had a negative on our laws, and the whole ex ecutive department of the state. This was a power sufficient for every useful purpose ; we had no disposition to compliment him with any that was dangerous. We desired onlj- the privileges of a free people, such as our ancestors had been, such as they ex pected we should be. We knew it was absurd to pretend we could be free, when laws might at pleasure be imposed ou us by another people : a people who in many respects considered them selves our rivals, over whom we had no control, who were remark ably ignorant of our circuinstances, who had strong (I had al most said, ii'iesistible) temi)tations to lay burdens on us, in or der to ease themselves. We knew of no right they could have to such a power. Our charters did not recognize it. It certainly was not in our ancestors' contemplation, who left that very coun try because freedora could not be enjoyed in it. Custom had given it no sanction, but on the contrary strongly discounte nanced it. It was reconcilable to no principle of justice, or even common decency, that we could form to ourselves. We despised the miserable application of a few iiolitical maxims calculated for a single government, to the various and extended governments of the British Empire, and which to this hour is the basis upon which all the fraud, iniquity, injustice, cruelty and oppression which America has experienced from Great Britain, have been defended. We may be thankful to Divine Providence, that we were called into this contest at a time when the principles of liberty were generally and thoroughly understood. The Divine Eight of Kings was exploded with indignation in the last century. Men came at length to be persuaded, that they were created for a no bler purpose than to be the slaves of a single tyrant. They did not confine this idea to speculation ; they put to death one king, and expelled another. This was done in England, the seat of our haughty enemies, who seem to think the right of resistance is confined alone to their own kingdom. It is under this expulsion (for such it in fact was) that the present sovereign of that coun try holds his title to the throne. Whatever doubt there might have been entertained before, there could be none afterwards, 1778,] OF JAMES IREDELL. 385 that the family who were seated upon the vacant throne by the voice ofthe people, held it liable to the same resistance which had provided the vacancy for them. Accordingly, ever since this glorious revolution, it has been considered by the generality of the kingdora, and is now almost a settled axiom in their govern ment, that the government was instituted for the good of the people, and that when it no longer answers this end, and they are i^i danger of slavery, ora great oppression, they have a right to change it. I lay it down thus generally, because the principle extends so far, and no man of reason and candor would attempt to narrow it. It is a principle founded in the clearest reason. It is applicable to all conditions and circumstances. It is not calculated for one party, or one set of men, or to color a parti cular job. It affords universal relief to all who groan under any species of tyranny, and have the virtue and opportunity of re sisting it. I trust, as it has had its influence under one species of arbitrary power in England, it will not want its effect under one, if possible, still more severe and detestable attempted in America. I confess, gentlemen, when I speak on this subject, I cannot avoid expressing myself with warmth. That such great, such real advantages should be lost, in pursuit of no essential object, is a consideration extremely affecting. We cannot help com paring, with a degree of regret and indignation, the former honorable and political conduct of the crown of Great Britain to the American Colonies with that which has been since pursued. Happy in the enjoyment of liberty, in the formation of our own laws, in the grant of our own money (subject only to a restric tion we submitted to with pleasure, the negative of our Sove reign), we felt a felicity that could only be equalled by the hardships with which it was originally obtained, and the mixture of fllial and social gratitude with which it was enjoyed. Great Britain was the constant centre of our thoughts ; her prosperity the most ardent desire of our affections. We contemplated with a pleasure which no scene of human life perhaps ever gave occasion for before, the entire and cordial union of many distant people, descended from the same ancestors, possessed nearly of the same rights, endowed with generous and noble minds, warm in their affection and zealous in their attachment to each other, under the influence of one coramon sovereign, and by the parti cipation of a common interest, mutually contributing to the prosperity of the whole. The authority of the sovereign suffi cient to preserve the whole in due order, but not to invade the Uberties of any one. All the branches of the great stock willingly resigning to the parent kingdom the absolute management of Vol. I.— 25 886 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1778. the only concern that could probably interfere with the general happiness, unless the minds of the people should grow irritated and discontented; which their exemplary loyalty seemed a suffi cient guard against, except in the case of a just and severe pro vocation. And though we viewed such a scene at a distance, and indeed as almost a thing impossible (at least to happen in our day, never dreaming of men sacrificing real advantages to vain and visionary expectations), yet we had been too weU in structed in the principles of Uberty, to view it with unconcern. We blessed heaven, that it had made us not only a happy, but a free people. Our ancestors came here to enjoy the blessings of Uberty. They purchased it at an immense price. Their greatest glory was, that they had obtained it for themselves, and transmitted it to their posterity. God forbid that their posterity should be base or weak enough to resign it, or to let it appear that the true British spirit, which has done such wonders in England, has been lost or weakened by being transplanted to America. The very people who are now imbruing their hands in the blood of the Americans in support of the most arbitrary principles, have a thousand tiraes bled in opposition to them themselves. Will you entertain so wretched an idea, that you are not as worthy of liberty as they are, and that merely be cause your ancestors quitted England, though with the public sanction, and guaranteed for the secure enjoyment of freedom, you are less deserving of human blessings than those who hap pen to reside in it, and not even entitled to the common benefits of what the worst of men have a right to claim, the sacred ob servance of public faith ? But in this contest I wiU dare to affirm, the people of Britain sacrifice to their pride and ambi tion, not only the immense advantages I have already spoken of, but thefirst principles of liberty which are the common right of all m.ankind, and the sacred ties of honor which even the worst people cannot violate without infamy. You will, I hope, excuse, gentlemen, the particularity, per haps the too great particiUarity with which I have gone into this subject. Yet I thought it my duty to point out to you, some of the principles upon which the revolution in our govern ment has taken place, and which, in my opinion, not only prove the propriety of its being effected, but the indispensable obUga tion we are under to maintain and support it. This can only be done by great public virtues and very spirited exertions. We have a great and exasperated people to contend against ; a people, who, though they have wantonly thrown away many of their resources, have many stiU left, and are, no doubt, capable of powerful efforts. These must be withstood by great efforts on our part. 1778,] OF JAMES IREDELL. 387 Let us not flatter ourselves that the war is nearly over, and that we are on the eve of enjoying the blessings of peace. Such ideas are pleasing, but at present they seem to be chimerical, and certainly they are dangerous. They tend to throw us too much off our guard, and to lay us open to the artful designs of our enemies. Eeview the great scenes of history, you will find mankind have always been obliged to pay dear for the blessings they enjoyed. This life may well be called a scene of trial, for vice has every where and long been seen to triumph over virtue. But though the trial be severe, thank God, we have no reason to believe it will be constantly unsuccessful. The struggles of a great people have almost always ended in the establishment of liberty. The enjoyment of it is an object worthy of the most vigilant application, and the most painful sacrifices. Is there any thing we read with more pleasure than the sufferings and contentions of a brave people, who resist oppression with firm ness, are faithful to the interests of their country, and disdain every advantage that is incompatible with them .? Such a peo ple are spoken of with admiration by all future ages. Thefr history is put into the hands of youth, to form them by a spirit of emulation, if possible, to equal thefr greatness of mind. Their posterity for a long time (until the gradual corruption of all hu man affairs seizes upon them also), if they happen to be success ful, which is generally the case, reap the benefit of their ances tors' virtue. Their souls glow with gratitude for the virtue and self-denial of their forefathers. They consider them as patterns for their own conduct on simUar occasions, and are continually pointing them out to the reverence and imitation of their children. These are the glorious effects of patriotism and vir tue. These are the rewards annexed to the faithful discharge of that great and honorable duty, fidelity to our country. On the contrary, what can we conceive more base and contemptible than a set of men, careless and negligent of their rights, regardless of their value, indifferent to their preservation, mean enough to crouch under the first insolent menace, without spirit to defend, without virtue to deserve them, at length easily deprived of ad vantages which they might, without much difficulty, have secured, and the loss of which they are forced every instant to regret, with curses on themselves as the authors of their own and their children's misery, under the gloomy tyranny of a proud and arbitrary despot. I pray to God, that the fair character I have described may be that of America to the latest ages, and that mankind never may be disgraced by the existence of so wretched and despicable a set of people as in the last. Upon a subject so general, so warm, so animating as this, it S88 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1778. would be easy to expatiate much farther; but the time, and even the occasion, will not properly permit it ; and therefore I shall proceed to say something on the nature of the particular office you are at present called upon to perform. It is a glorious pri vUege by which the liberties of the people are secured, that no man can suffer in his reputation or his safety, by a public accu sation, but after the solemn and impartial determination of a select number of his fellow-subjects, chosen to preside over his fate after every possible exception that can be made to any is removed. These men are no otherwise interested in the con demnation or acquittal of the suspected person, but that justice should be done to the public, and no oppression shown to the individual. Besides the common principles of decency and justice, they have also this farther guard on their conduct, that they may hereafter be affected by their own precedents, and that either as members of the community at large they may suffer by an undue relaxation of the powers of government, or as individuals — themselves accused, by any inequitable circum stances under which they have accused or convicted others. We are apt not sufficiently to value the blessings we enjoy, until we are deprived of them ; but we may be in some measure sensible of this, by having recourse to the transactions of those countries, where juries are unknown, and where the torture prepares the charge, and an arbitrary, merciless judge decides it. The histo ries of all countries indeed show, that men, in fact, are more wicked than they could be supposed to be, and that there is no way to prevent an abuse of power but by not giving too much. I will venture to say, no man before its introduction would have had an idea that the practice of torturing people to make them confess suspected guilt could ever generally have obtained, and yet at this hour, to the disgrace of human nature, it subsists in some of what are called the most civilized parts of Europe. An infinity of other arbitrary actions have taken place, equally ab surd and ill founded, and equally and strongly suggesting that great and necessary caution of guarding our liberties luith care. Among which, this of a trial by jury must be deemed one of the principal. You, gentlemen, are intrusted with the business of accusa tion. You form the grand inquest of crimes committed within this district. From the highest to the lowest, they beino' all cognizable by this court, come within your jurisdiction. You are not confined to present those only which may be transmitted to you by the Attorney-General. You may find of your own knowledge, in which case you present the charge in general terms, and the Attorney-General reduces it to form. I should be obliged to read a volume to you, if I were to attempt a com- 1778,] OF JAMES IREDELL. 389 plete catalogue of crimes. In all cases where you are in doubt you will apply to the court for information. There is one offence, however, upon which I think it my duty to say a little, because I hear it is unhappily too jirevalent, and because it is particu larly dangerous, and all, I fear, are not aware of its criminality. The offence I mean is, depreciating the currency of this Slate. i'his is a very serious and alarming evil. The profits of our trade having for a vast number of years centred in Great Britain, we were continually drained of all our gold and silver, and therefore a paper currency became necessary to be estab lished to pass iu payment among ourselves, and for which the public faith should be pledged. The unhappy exigencies of tliiH war iLMjuiring very great ex[ienses, and the people not being able, without the extremest distress, to raise the same annually by taxes (nor, perhaps, was the currency of the country suffi cient fur that purpose and private accommodation also), it be came necessary to make more paper, as we had no gold or silver, or sink under the contest at once ; for war cannot be maintained without money. The public faith is pledged for this, also. The necessities of the people require that its credit uliould be sup- jiortcd, for in proportion as* this is impaired its use ceases, and all the evils attending the absolute want of money will attend a profusion of that which is uuiversally disregarded. The very prosecution ofthe war, therefore, depends on the support of our currency. Yet I am told it is a common practice to make a difference between our own currency and the Continental, and also between the currency established since this contest began, and that which was in existence before. The difference that is made between any kind of paper and gold or silver is still more alarming. Every one of these jiractices is a great and danger ous misdemeanor against the State, punishable by this court, and therefore ])ro])erly cognizable by you. And I hope, if you know of any instances of this kind, you will present them, though not laid in any formal manner before you. I think of nothing material to add, gentlemen, but that it is necessary, at least twelve of your number should agree upon all questions. Before I conclude, I cannot help expressing the very great pleasure I have felt in seeing so much peace and order subsist among the people, during the uncommonly long suspension of the courts of justice ; an instance of regularity (with a few ex ceptions, not much to the honor of this i)art of the country) I believe not to be equalled, in similar circumstances, by any other people under heaven, and, I trust in God, a happy presage of that virtue which is to support our present government.* * The author of the above charge, being an Englishman by biitli, has rciison to 390 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1778. To the Honorable James Iredell, Esq. one of the Judges of the Superior Court, held at Edenton, for the District of Eden ton, on the first day of May, 1778. We, the Grand Jury for the district of Edenton, return you our thanks for the charge which you were pleased to deliver to us at the opening of this court. This charge vindicates the conduct of the American States in the establishment of independency, by arguments drawn from unalienable rights, and from real necessity, and grounded on in contestable facts. Every man who is not lost to the powers of reason and conviction, must feel their force and must bear a very active testimony in support of them. It breathes a spirit of pure disinterested patriotism, and holds forth the raost powerful incentives to persist in the opposition in which America has so successfully begun. It points out persuasively the importance of a faithful observa tion of the various political and relative duties of society upon which the happiness of individuals, and of the whole depends, and which wUl tend to give stability to our present Constitu tion. For these reasons, and as it may tend to invigorate the timid, rouse the indifferent, reclaim the disaffected, and call the united strength of the whole into exercise for the public good, we beg that your honor would favor us with a copy of it, that it may be transmitted to the press, and published for the information of those who did not hear it delivered. As we ask this not only ibr ourselves, but in behalf of the inhabitants of the district of Edenton, whom we represent, we flatter ourselves that you will give it to our solicitations, although you intended it merely as an exercise of official duty, and thought it not de signed for a more extensive communication than to us, tho Grand Jury. Clement Cooke, Foreman, Barnaba Wright, Andrew Long, Thomas Price, Benjamin Blount, Josiah Collins, Samuel Ferrill, A. Tymons, James Long, Thomas Lurry, Jere'h Vail, Timothy Hixson. apologize for some expressions which poem only proper for a person born in Atnpricn, He confesses lie wus trun.=ported by the w.irnith nnd ardor of his feelings, into a manner of speaking, tliat lie cannot strictly defend, Burke could not, upon so nni- matinp a subjeet, be cool and formal enough to make a discrimirmtion between Jiis own situation, nnd that of the jiublic in genernl. In all essential points, he con siders himself equally an American with any otlier; for, having become an Ameri can subject, he became entitled to all the lights of one, and of course, interested iu their origin and presei'vation. 1778,] OF JAMES IREDELL. 891 Judge Iredell arrived at New Bern, May 3d. On the way, at Mr. MacKenzie's, his horses escaped from his custody, much to his annoyance ; but the people residing in the vicinity, with much kindness, turned out in great numbers, and soon secured one, at a distance of twelve miles on the road to New Bern, the other was not recovered for some time afterward. Postscripts to his letter detaiUng the accident to his wife, are as follows : " P. S. I must not omit telling you that Mr. Avery is elected a soldier, and is getting ready his camp equipage. I have extremely good lodg ings at Mrs. Thomlinson's. I have received a very pressing invi tation frora W. Blount, but declined it on her account. You see I have almost as many postscripts as a woman." Newbern, 23d May. My dear Hannah : — I wrote you onSaturday, immediately on my arrival, giving you an account of my difficulties, and my recovery from them, which I sent by post ; my history since that time is but short. I dined on that day with the Grand Jury, yesterday with Mr. EUis, this day with Mr. Cooke, and present ly, by particular appointment, am to drink tea at Mrs. Vail's, the brilliancy of whose daughter is at present added to by the com pany of Mrs. Shaw. At six I am to attend a general rejoicing about the great news : the Governor received an express last night with very full and interesting particulars, entirely confirm atory of what we had heard before.* Some other particulars are added of less authenticity, such as that war is actually de clared, and part of the British forces actually embarking, and the rest soon expected to follow their example, for the West In dies. I have been drinking a few glasses of claret, but not so much as to make me either drunk Or sick. The Governor, a South Carolina gentleman, my brother Spencer and Mr. Leech formed the company at Mr. Cooke's. I receive as yet no propo sals about the land. Mr. Nash can't purchase without the sale of his on Eoanoke. I hope, however, to get a good price for ours. I shaU wait for your brother till Thursday. If he is not then arrived, I will sell it alone if I can do it advantageously, not otherwise. I had wrote thus far before I set off on my ramble. I went and sat half an hour at Mr. Vail's, and made an apology for not drinking tea there, and attended the grand celebration. Grand' I can only call it on account of the occasion ; the exhibition was poor and trifling. The discharge of a few trifling pieces, a; wretched appearance of the Town Corapany, an huzza or two, and * This was the first authentic news, in N. C, of the Treaty of Alliance with France, made Feb. 6th, 1778, 392 LIFE AND correspondence [1778. drinking without toasts formed the whole scene. 'There was a dry huzza to the King of France, and one to the United States, and this was all in that way. There was also an affecting pros pect to a man who stUl feels for the condition of his native country, and laments the miserable but necessary disunion from her,— the British flag reversed, and the French and American meeting, and laid by the side of each other. The advantage of the connection, upon its present honorable principles, is undoubt edly great ; but old attachments, and the possibility there once existed with prudent management of happier circumstances, wiU sometimes be unavoidably uppermost. I felt it this evening. Would to God, that in all cases it was possible to separate the bad from the good, the foolish from the wise ; but human nature is too imperfectNbr this. You will excuse, I flatter myself, the hurrying and scribbling account I send you. I believe you are more anxious about the matter than the manner of information from me, though I should certainly think, if I could do it without abridging the former, that it was my duly to attend a little to the latter. »»»»»»»« Most affectionately yours, JAS. ieedell. Newbern, 28th May, 1778.* My dear Hannah : — This is my third letter to you since I came to Newbern. The second was wrote two or three nights ago, when my head and hand were a little giddy, and intend&i to go by Mr. Nash, who I understood was to set off early next morning. This letter, together with one for your brother, is now in his hands ; his journey to Edenton depends at present, I be lieve, on Dr. Savage's coming in, and you may probably receive this letter either from one or the other ; I do not take it back, wiUing you should be convinced of my kindness and attention rather than of my formality. As I have hitherto given you an account of myself, I add that since I wrote that I have break fasted with Mrs. Gordon, dined with Mr. Nash, and breakfasted with Mr. Ellis, from whose house I have just come. I have dined only once at home since I came, and not breakfasted more than two or three times. By the way, I think this breakfasting invi- tarion very convenient : it has equal kindness in it, and is less troublesome and expensive. I have not done, nor am likely to do any thing about^the land. The Governor has reUnquished his * Newbern, in consequence of the general politeness nnd cultivation of its population, from time immemorial, has been styled the Athens of North Carolina. 1778.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 393 agreement with Heritage,* he being discontented with it, but has powers of negotiation. He proposed buying or seUing, wbieh at present was a proposal I could do nothing with. And for want of the Governor knowing the land, he could not determine whether the part we offered to lay off could be properly accepted. So this matter must be deferred. The sale would of course be put off, but I have received, which is much to my surprise, no offer of purchasing except from peojile on the spot, applying for small quantities, and from one man of the name of Brown, who lives on a detached jilantation, which your brother John said might well be sold separately, and if I could do it to advantage, I believe I should sell it ; but you may be assured I shall be on my guard against my total unacquaintance with these things. If your brother does not come to-day I am not to expect hira. I propose setting off to-morrow for Cape Fear, and going imme diately to Mr. Hooper's, where I hope to spend the greater part of next week. I shall call on the Attorney- General and new soldier on ray way, and see what kind of a habitation and lady he has got.f My brother Spencer goes with me. I hope, however, to drop him somewhere on the way before I get to Mr. Hooper's. Let me beg, my dear Hannah, you will write to me as I directed. I hope to have the pleasure of finding you perfectly well on my return. You must neglect no precaution to keep yourself so. You need not fear my attention. I shall fiy to j'OU with all ima ginable expedition after Wilmington court. * * * Yours most aft''ectionately, JAS. ieedell. P. S. I dined and spent the greatest part of the day yes terday with Wilson Blount. I have received great civilities from him and his wife, and am to stay with them when I come here for the future. They are soon going to Edenton, and I beg you will remember their kindness to me. Adieu ! adieu 1 Mason-Borough, 4th June, 1778, :j: My dear Hannah : — I have the pleasure of writing to you from Mr. Hooper's, where I arrived about two o'clock on 'Tuesday. * Heritage was an attorney of some distinction, whose daughter Gov. Caswell married as his second wife. f Air, Avery had been appointed Colonel of the Jones County militia: he resided in that county at this time. X Many of the Wilmington people possess now, as former!}', residences on the sea-shorp ("Sound"), nt distances varying from eight to fifteen miles from town, to which they resort in tlifi summer, Ma«on-Bo:ough was so called, because a number of zealous Masons built originally there, so closely together, as to create a straggling village, or hamlet. 394 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1778- He was not at home, having gone to town that morning about some business. You may believe, therefore, I was a little embar rassed, as I had not the least acquaintance with Mrs. Hooper. But she received me with such real politeness and cheerfulness, and in a manner so free from unmeaning ceremony and constraint, that my awkwardness soon wore off, and I entered into conversa tion with her with as much freedom as if I had been acquainted with her for years. Never was there in any woman more strongly exhibited the little power of beauty, opposed to the accomplish ments of mind and behavior. Her appearance at first sight is very ordinary ; though I had been prepared for it, I confess it struck me ; but I defy any one to be long in her company, and still retain the same impression. Her mind appears to be highly cultivated; she has read much; her sentiments are just and noble ; she speaks with great correctness and elegance, as well as with ease ; her conversation is extremely interesting, and equal to high subjects. Her natural abilities appear to be very great ; her distinctions are accurate and acute, and her knowledge of historj', in particular, seems to be very extensive. I am reaUy charmed with her. The idea I had formed of her, I find very far inferior to her real raerit. Mr. Hooper, by bad weather or busi ness, was detained in town till the next raorning. But we were not at a loss for conversation the whole day ; and though I was anxiously looking out for hira till it was too late to expect hira, I spent my time very agreeably. With how much happiness could I stay here for some time, if you were with me ! You would be delighted too. They seem so happy in each other and their children ; their deportment to me is so obliging and friendly, the situation is so agreeable (upon a Sound, in sight of the sea), that I v.'ant nothing at present to make me perfectly happy but your company. But alas ! we live too far asunder for such hap piness. The children are very fine ones, though none promise to be so handsome as himself ; but they appear to be sensible, are extremely well behaved, and his little girl (about Peggy's age), I believe, will be pretty.* I live upon fish, crabs, &c., &c. Jem and Andrew provide them for us. Andrew seems to like the business very well. I thank God my health is perfectly good. I have not been a moment unwell since I saw you. The Court begins on Monday. I hear of no business but that of one man being tried for murder, but I fear the Court will be detained some days longer than I had flattered myself, for the Attorney- General is too busy preparing for the camp to come here, and I fear we shall be at a loss for somebody to prosecute. * * * * * Mrs. Hooper was Ann Clark, the sister of Col. Thomas Clark, of the 1st Regt. N. C. Cont. Line (1776). Col Clark subsequently became a general in the United States army. — Life of Wm. Hooper by A. M. Hooper 1778.] OF JAMES IKEDELL. 395 I cannot teU you particularly when I shall be at home ; I can only say, that it shall be with as much expedition as possible after Wilmington Court. This place even shall not have charms to detain me one day. I am fuUy detennined on the point of my resignation : thus may perhaps occasion a Uttle delay ; for I am not absolutely determined whether I shall not send an express with it to the Gkivemor, in order to receive his answer, and return perfectly at liberty. I have it in contemplation, but demur a little. I have almost come to the end of my paper. You wiU please place to my credit the several letters I have wrote you, and though you seem very slow in payment, I shall expect it one day or other. Adieu, my dear Hannah Heaven bless you till I see you. Love and compliments as proper, and beUeve me. Yours most affectionately, JAS. IEEDELL. Mr. IredeU attended Court on the 8th, andbecame the guest of Mr. G. Hooper. Mrs. Hooper, the brighter of Mr. Maclaine, he wrote, " is extremely genteel, has one of the finest persons I ever saw, and seems a most^amiable woman." At the close of the Court Mr. IredeU tendered his resignation of his office to the Governor. Unable to determine the opinions ofthe Court, be was unwilling to share the discredit of ignorance, or participate in the odium of iUegal decisions. There was no harmony on the bench ; no cordiality between the judges and the attomies : and he could only anticipate collisions painfril as disgraceful, and utterly inconsistent with his elevated standard of judicial decorum. Gov. Caswell to Iredell.* KisGSTOx, 16th June, 177S. Sib : — Your fe,vor of yesterday was deUvered me this day, when I immediately laid the same before the CouncU, who with reluctance have advised my acceptance of your resignation of the office of one of the Ju^es of the superior courts, which I also do with as much reluctance as you can weU conceive, well knowing your place cannot be supplied by a gentleman of equal cdnlities and inclinations to serve the State in the important du ties of that office. I am, with very great esteem and r^pect. Dear sir. Your most obedt. servant, E. CASWELL. * For biographies of C^well vid. 'S. C. Univ. Mag. — Lossing and Wheeler. 396 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [17'^ A. Nash to Iredell. Abner Nash was a native of Virginia, and resident of New Berne.* He was elected the second Governor of the State in 1779. He was a lawyer by profession, and soon became en riched by marriage and the profits of his practice. His first wife was the widow of Gov. Dobbs. He was a man of fine natu ral parts, but lacked tenacity of purpose. Not very dUigent as a student, he was what is known as a " case lawyer." He was not very assiduous to master law as a science — to grasp it in its integrity ; but he attacked it in detail, as occasions arose, with great ^dgor, when his quickness of apprehension facilitated approjiriation. At the bar he was " all vehemence and fire." When governor, the disordered state ofthe public finances, was, in a measure, attributed to his want of method and industry, and led to his defeat in 1781 by Dr. Burke. It is said, on the authority of his wife, that his salary while governor was scarcely sufficient to purchase her a calico gown, such was the deprecia tion of the currency. He served in the Assembly after the expiration of his gubernatorial term, and subsequently was elected to Congress. His patriotism and honor were universaUy recognized. He was the brother of General Francis Nash. In the pubUc service he lost fortune and health, and when on his way to PhUadelphia in 1786, to take his seat in Congress, fell a victim to consumption.f Newbekn, 16th June, 1778. Dear Sir : — Your desire was that the enclosed letters should not be sent on to Edenton, unless a good opportunity by a private hand offered, and, sir, having had no such opportunity, I now enclose them to you by Dr. Savage, and hope they will find you somewhat recovered from the fatigues of your late circuit. I assure you, sir, what you communicated to me last evening on the road, gave, and still gives me, uneasiness. I feel much for the honor of the bench ; at the same time I must own that the duty of your late office was of such immense unrea sonable fatigue and drew you necessarily so much from the comforts of domestic life, that it is by no means to be wondered at that you took the step you did. I certainly would in your case have done the same, and yet I cannot at the same time he\^ lamenting the loss this country has thereby sustained — this, sir, I beg you will not consider as words of flattery flattery is * Un, Mag, Jones, Wheeler. A, M. Hooper. f Gov. Nash was the father of tlie present chief justice of North Carolina, who if not the equal, as a lawyer, of his eminent predecessor. Judge Ruffin, has a manifest superiority as a scholar. 1778,] OF JAMES IREDELL. 897 a vice I despise, and what I say and think you may be assured is on this occasion the general voice and sentiment of ihe country. Mrs. Nash joins me in the kindest respects to your good lady. I am, dear sir, most sincerely. Your affectionate humble servant, A. NASH. The vacancy on the bench, after fruitless efforts to obtain the services of Judge Henderson and Mr, Maclaine, was filled by the election of John Williams, of Granville, May, 1779. Judge WUliams was a native of Virginia, where " he was raised to the trade of a house carpenter." He was a worthy and patriotic citizen, but in an evil hour for his own fame and the profession, he turned his attention to law. In 1770 he was seized and beaten by the Eegulators at Hillsborough Court ; it had been well had he, then warned, abandoned a pursuit in which he was destined to attain office, but not honor. Accustomed, however, to climb, he was not to be deterred by one mischance, and per severed until his very " plain common sense," elevated him to a station in which his nakedness was sadly conspicuous.* He might have made a good farmer or respectable mechanic ; he was but an indifferent judge, least in qualification, when equal ity would have conferred no distinction. Iredell to Mrs. Iredell. CuERiTUCK, 2d July, 1778. My dear Hannah : — Mr. La Tour being obliged to go to Edenton about the troublesome business we have to do here, puts it in my power to give you some account of myself and your brother, and I beg you will not neglect to write by him. When it wiU be over I can't possibly say. I am in hopes, however, it wiU be on Tuesday or Wednesday. I have a hard fight before me, but have been prepared for it by two or three little skir mishes. I am in hopes not to be totaUy unsuccessful, though possibly I may not be so much as I expected. Your brother has been very weU since we had time to rest here. We had a most cursed night at Eelfe's ; devoured by insects aU night ; not a wink of sleep, and scarcely alive in the morning. A few mosquitoes torment us still, but the salt air is lively and agree able, and makes us bear it with more patience. After to-day we shaU rest tiU Monday. Then and the next day the battle is to be fought. There are great odds against me, but I think I have justice to aid me. We shall have nothing to do in the mean time but to divert ourselves. I wish you were here to * Wheeler. 398 LIFE AND correspondence [1778. bear a share in it. We have seen no fish yet, and but very few crabs, but I hope we shall have plenty of both before we return. Adieu ! my dear Hannah. Be assured that I shall hasten home the first moment possible, with aU the anxiety that on such an occasion always attends. Your most truly affectionate, JAS, ieedell. FiNiAx, 15th July, 1778,* My dear Iredell : — I thank you for your kind favor from Edenton, and congratulate you upon being again restored to the arms of your friends. No man ever descended from dignity with so much ease to himseff; were it not that you have too great a share of virtue and wisdom you would make a toler able figure in bearing all the vicissitudes of dignity and annihi lation which mark the Iffe of a courtier. How do you brook " May it please your worship," after having been exalted with " May it please your honor," Judge Iredell ? Surely you feel very awkwardly. I thank you for the information of pubUc mat ters which your letter so pleasingly afibrded me. The character of Lord Abingdon is a singular one.f Such boldness and unaffected patriotism opposed to the court ; to the source from which with his talents to serve it he might always command preferment and honor are truly extraordinary. I cannot believe him insincere, or that he is for sale ; the breach he has made is so wide that the Court, base as it is, cannot condescend to hold an office forth to him ; if they did he has put it out of his own power to accept it. I am anxious to know the progress of General Howe's army. I think their crossing into the Jerseys is a manoeuvre to bring on an engagement to our disadvantage or to divide General Washington's army, that they may oppose effectually that division which is not under his own immediate command, /or believe me, I always fear when that man does not personally command. Since you left us I have been somewhat indisposed ; I owe my iUness, I believe, to want of exercise, an inconve nience to which the extreme heat of the weather has sub jected me. Our neighbor Derossett, the old lady whom you saw here, soon after you left us, was seized with the maUgnant * Finian is now a pile of ruins ; tbe lawn that ran down to the Sound invaded by wire-grass ; the gardens desolate ; there is nothing more attractive than the prickly pear, whose needles proclaim " Gare qui me louche'' to him who is tempt ed by the beauty of its flower or fruit. f Willoughby Bertie, 4th earl, was a very eccentric nobleman ; he was once for an imprndence, imprisoned in the King's Bench ; he assailed Mr. Fox, as a member of the Coalition by name in 178S, and with equal violence attacked the same statesman afterwards on the Regency question, — Wraxall. 1778.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 399 fever which prevailed here, and in five days paid her debt to na ture. Old Mr. Quince, from the same cause, but with shorter warning, soon followed. Some others, blacks and whites, have been seized since, but of the latter I hear of no deaths. It is a most alarming illness. The governor, I find, has caUed the Assembly at Hill- borough on the 3d day of August. I am at a loss for the espe cial occasion which prompted hira to the measure ; but I am well convinced that it affords an opportunity from which tbis State raay profit greatly, if it should be steadily conflned to the purposes ivhich you and I have in contemplation, and which furnished us an hour's chat at ray house. But I despair ; that rage of locoraotion which seizes every assembly of this State, increased at this period by the busy crop season, will mar every good intention and every attempt to carry it into execution. I shall attend, if God gives rae health and strength, and then I flatter rayself I shall raeet Mr. Hewes, who in his journey to Pennsylvania will probably take that in his ivay, as the route through the back country will most conduce to repair his shat tered condition. Thanks to Heaven ! that he is better ; I fore saw this ; such intense application to business in such a coun try as this must gradually impair a more vigorous frame than Providence has allotted to his share. I am pleased to find that Mr. Johnston's family are all well. Oh ! that Heaven had cast the common lot of three or four families with mine in the back country, or somewhere where health is not so dreadfully capri cious as it is along the sea coast.* In fact, the Scripture expres sion was never more truly verified than in this part of Carolina in the summer and fall. We literally die daily. Bute is indeed my object, for I think that a few of you .from the Edenton quarter must quit your " penchant " to that everlasting lake of standing water which surrounds you, and find some country which Providence intended for the habitation of man ; and if we do not fiy from this very soon, we shall find a habitation too permanent to be changed in this world, especially if this fever persists in his ravages. Bute — Bute is the word. Come along. You flatter us exceedingly by the very strong terms in which you speak of the hospitality you met with at the Sound. We can only regret that it was not equal to our wishes ; an occa sional habitation, devoid of any improvements but such as the law * The healthiness of the N. 0. seaboard has greatly improved since the revo lution. Time was when no citizen of Wilmington, who could leave, would risk his life in town in the summer; now its per eentage of death is less than that of any city to the North, and no citizen ever leaves but on business or in quest of pleasure. 400 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1778- of convenience requires, could not furnish a reception to Mr. IredeU which did not call for all his politeness to excuse. Such as it was, it was the offering of those who wUl be highly happy if Mr, IredeU wiU condescend to repeat the experiment of it. My little Betsy thanks you for your letter. She is, poor giri, a little indisposed at present, or would have answered it by this opportunity. I write under the influence of a fever at pre sent and must therefore conclude, lest I should carry further proof of my disorder to paper, or leave no room to say, that I sin cerely wish my kind compliments to Mrs. Iredell, Mrs. Blair, Miss Nelly and all Mr, Johnston's family, and Mr. Hewes. Mrs. Hooper begs to be remembered to you, and I am, dear Iredell, with great regard, Your affectionate friend, WM. HOOPEE. July 21st. — John Penn, John Williams and Cornelius Har nett, ratified the Articles of Confederation in behalf of the State of North Carolina. Soon after the treaty of alliance with France, the Earl of Carlisle, Williara Eden* and Governor Johnstone, were appointed by Great Britain to effect a reconciliation with America.^ They arrived in the United States June 1st, but were too late to ac complish any good, for the national faith was already pledged to France. They offered terms that two years ago would have been gladly received ; but now nothing less than independence would satisfy the wishes and demands of the Americans, whose affections had been completely estranged by the war. To their address Congress returned a very brief answer. It is said that one of their number afterwards made an insidious attempt to corrupt Eeed, of Pennsylvania, Whereupon Congress passed re solutions of accusation against Johnstone, the party implicated, and declined any further correspondence with the commission. Thus baffled and angry, tbe Commissioners published a paper intended for the pubUc at large, disrespectful to Congress and full of recriminations. They were answered promptly in publi cations by individual members of Congress. Participating in the general indignation, Mr. IredeU penned the foUowing letter to the Commissioners, which ranks with the best produced by the occasion. * Subsequently Lord Autklnnd : — he was a member of an ancient family in the north of England, raised to the baronetage under Charles 2d, It is believed that Charles Eden, Governor of N. C, from 1712 — 1729, was a member of the same family, Penelope, the governor's daughter, after the death of her first husband. Governor Gabriel Johnstone, married John Rutherford, of New Hanover, — Wraxall. Haywood's Reports, 2d vol. \ Hildreth. 1778.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 401 To the Commissioners ofthe King of Great Britain for restoring Peace, &c. Gentlemen : — You are continually boasting to us of the dig nity and generosity of your nation, and the meanness and insin cerity of the French, without appearing to attend to the following facts, which I hope you will animadvert upon in your next pub lication : That the power claimed by Great Britain, and for years exer cised and attempted to be carried into execution with all her might, was an unlimited authority over this country, to have no bounds but the moderation she pleased to prescribe. That in forming and executing this plan, she trampled on and treated with contempt the charters under the faith of which this country was settled, and the almost continual and successful usage for raore than a century of a mOd and free government, which made us prosperous and happy. That this prosperity and happiness, with which we are so often twitted (if I may make use of the expression) was broke in upon by Great Britain's cursed spirit of innovation, and not by any discontent or Ul conduct of us, unless it was ill conduct to say (and to act upon that principle), "We disdain to be less free than our forefathers, and to become the despicable slaves of our fellow-subjects." That with a tameness almost unexampled, and which subse quent events have shown arose from nothing but an extreme affection for the Mother Country, and an unwillingness to enter into a contest with her, we confined our.selves for a long time only to the most respectful petitions and remonstrances, which were rejected with a degree of haughtiness and insult, that would deserve, if those only could suffer who were the authors of it, the severest ignominy it is possible to sustain. That the only remission, even in show, of all these arrogant pretensions, was the ridiculous scheme of Lord North, by which, if the Americans would collect all the money Parliaraent pleased to require, they were graciously to be allowed the privilege of raising it in their own way, and to have nominally the surplus of all the extravagant expenses that might be incurred under the auspices of a venal Parliament, applied to their own account. That in the mean time every other plan of accommodation was rejected, particularly one presented by the great Earl of Chatham, which, though not fully equal to all our views, yet came so near them, that if it had taken place it would have bid Vol. L— 26 402 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1778. I fair to have promoted, at no great distance of time, a happy and solid ground of union. That in the spirit of absolute conquest, and unrestrained tyranny, this war has been conducted on the part of Great Britain, with the utmost exertion of her own fieets and armies, the hire of mercenary forces, the employment of savages, the excitation and encouragement of an insurrection of our negroes, those very negroes the government of Great Britain refused the colony of Virginia the liberty of prohibiting, when they wanted to put a stop to an inhuman traffic Great 'Britain found a profit in. That, contrary to the general character of the English, and the practice of all civilized nations, this war in raany places has been carried on with a degree of cruelty that would make savages blush, and with a meanness and insolence in some of the com manders that will damn their names to everlasting infamy. That America avoided, till the very last moment, a Declara tion of Independence — the whole continent, almost to a man, dreading it as an unhappy evil, which the necessity of their affairs compelled them to submit to, as a nominal dependence any longer would only serve to endanger their union, to hazard the peace of the community, to weaken their military prepara tions, and to make their enemies think, that they preferred the most ignominious dependence on them, to a dangerous but honor able independence. That since this declaration (until the famous commission by which you are constituted), no plans have been offered of any accommodation, but the pocket instructions of Lord and General Hoive ; which, if pursuant to the act of Parliament, must have been of a most trifling kind, and were absurdly to be addressed to non-existent Assemblies, or to individuals that would be mean enough to betray the general interests of their country. That as to your instructions, about which so much parade is made, one thing is very clear. The treaties are dated the llth of February. Lord North's motion was made on the 17th. With respect to the secret negotiations, we are yet in the dark, nor do believe you are fully informed. Lord North might talk in general, even before the bolidays, of a conciliation loith Amer ica, but I dare answer for it, he did not disclose the purpose of any so full as he afterwards offered, because it would have offended the pride of some of his warmest adherents, and he had no occasion to incur the odium, till he wanted the vote. From his former plans, and his despicable trifling conduct, it was more natural to think that he meant to raise fallacious hopes in the nation, without intending any solid reformation. And I believe it is certain, that untU the I7th of February none but his con- 1778.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 403 fldentlal friends had the least suspicion that the man who was determined to have us at his feet, would ever be so humbly at ours. For what is the confession now ? Either that an unjust war has been waged upon us for several years, or that our natural strength was too great to be subdued : or, that the powerful assistance of France made Great Britain tremble. Choose the alternative : for one it must be, otherwise no reason can be given why we had not long ago granted to us all we desired, which (before the Declaration of Independence) was much less than is now offered. It is, indeed, very farcical, that after you have been trying by force of arms, for several years, to make an absolute conquest of us — after you have repeatedly refused any terms of submission — after you have driven us (to what we most abhorred, except your tyranny) to declare ourselves entirely independent of you, — after we have been obliged to seek for foreign succors which we have obtained upon the most honorable and noble foot ing, — and you now find the whole efl'orts of your malice have been too weak for our destruction, — it is, I say, very farcical that after all this, you should expect, because it is now your interest to be quiet, that we should behave so villainously as to violate the faith of a most liberal treaty, to become tools to your repentance. You, no doubt, have your reasons for your resentment against the French ; we have none. Their not interfering in a more effectual manner before, may have been owing to the state of weakness to which Britain and America in the last war reduced them, and which required a long time, and great efforts to recruit. Their interfering in so noble a manner now, gives them credit for the best intentions ; for I am persuaded, notwithstanding your high opinion of your nation, less generous terms would have been accepted, rather than tho least hazard incurred of any future dependence upon you. And, for my part, though no man in America hated the very idea of Independence more than myself, till it appeared to be inevitable, yet the moment it was adopted, I thought all dangers ought to be incurred in its support, and the most brilliant offers, if this was not conceded to us, rejected without hesitation. For it is a maxim, I believe, in general very just, that when subjects have once drawn their sword against their Sovereign, it ought never to be sheathed. There scarcely ever can be a cordial reconciliation afterwards, and it is more than probable, the temporary calm will serve only to lead them into more fatal dangers. 'This appeared very evidently in England, after the Eestoration, for had Charles II. been a man of enterprise and ambition, he too surely could have effected (without leaving the task to his brother) the destruction of his kingdom. I shall trouble you no more, gentlemen, than to lament, as a 404 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1778- lover of virtue, the faU of such reputation as Mr. Johnstone's, by a conduct, which perhaps his master may approve, but which, I thank God, this rising and yet uncorrupted country holds in the highest detestation. A MAN WHO DESPISES YOUR PARDONS. On the Sth of August the 2d Session of the Assembly was held at HiUsborough. They provided for the reinforcement of the Continental battaUons of the State ; and, with short-sighted policy, ordered an emission of £850,000, in biUs of credit, with out providing any adequate fund for its redemption. The mem bers were unwilling to hazard their popularity by levying a suffi cient tax to place the credit of the State on a sure foundation ; and by their timidity increased and complicated the financial embarrassments of the future. To secure peace with the Indians they passed an act to restrain fraudulent traffic with the Chero kees, by " avaricious and ill-disposed persons ; " and to prevent trespasses on their hunting-grounds. In December, Mr. Iredell was again at Currituck, In a letter to his wife, he says : " Mr. Cumming has been sometimes drunk, but much better tempered than usual. We have not had one quarrel, although sometimes I have made pretty free with him."* Hooper to Iredell. Wilmington, Dec, 17th, 1778. My Dear Sir :— Are we to ascribe it to a dearth of genius, or the restraint imposed upon the press, that no pen appears to lash the private and public vices of this licentious State ? I never heard of a revolution brought about with such a succession of blunders in councU, and errors in the field, as have marked the progress of America to Independency. They are not the follies of individuals or of separate States — the whole Continent seems to have run stark-staring mad, and to have a most full and equal representation in the Continental Congress of this assumed char acter. France, in possession of one of the British Islands, and meditating conquests of the rest, without any adversary force by land or sea in the West Indies to stay the progress of the united efforts of the French and Americans ; thus circumstanced, I say, when General Clinton began a capital movement from New York could the merest driveller in public affairs be one moment in sus- * Mr. Cumming was a very small man, distinguished as much for the elegance and splendor of his dress, as for legal ability. His shoe-huckles, set with stones of "Bristol Paste," are now in Mrs. Iredell's possession. 1778.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 405 pense as to the true destination of the armament which he em barked. Yes, the Continental Congress were, or affected to be, and sagaciously concluded that General Clinton, to gratify a per sonal pique, to convince the world of his own prowess, to wipe away the stain which the British arms had suffered in a former attempt upon Charleston, was going pell-mell to run his head against the walls of Fort Moultrie, and possess himself of the all- important capital it led to, — " cui bono !" to pilfer a parcel of Jew merchants, burn their shops, and then, with his army, starve upon rice gruel, or perish with a putrid fever, for the honor of Great Britain. And that this truly farcical idea might not rest merely in speculation, this harassed broken-hearted country must be called in to play a part in this ridiculous expedition. That Author upon StUts, Judge, General, Admiral, Counsellor,* is seized with a panic — intrudes his fears upon his fraternity, and the omnisapient edict which gave occasion to the repeated draughts we have had, issues forth, £150,000 is drawn into circulation to promote the depreciation of our currency, — our fields robbed of their husbandmen, our towns of our manufacturers, — husbands torn from their wives and children, who sought their daily bread from their personal labor and industry, — idleness and dissipation running riot in the land, the justice of the government called in question, with this as a consequence which must certainly result from it, that repeated calls into the field without occasion, will at length, like the cries of the boy in the fable, be disregarded when the danger becomes real, and her militia become necessary to oppose it. Our troops go to the southward never to return ; a soldier made is a farmer lost ; the South Carolinians will requite us as heretofore ; they will take advantage of the necessities of our men when they get them amongst them, and by supplying wants which they can very humanely excite, they will entrap all our countrymen into their own regiments. Unless the councils of this country fall upon wiser men, the day of our perdition is not a great way off. With every thing in our power, we do nothing well. I hope in God that the next Assembly will redeem us from our present dangerous situation, or make some capital approaches to it. It is with concern that I inform you that a man who was convicted of an atrocious murder at this Court, without a single circumstance to palliate his guUt or leave him open to mercy, — whose crime was perpetrated by secret stabbing ; through the interposition of a certain Mr Spillers (in whom, by the way, you have been dreadfully deceived), was reprieved by the Governor, Circumstances were such that the Judge had ordered an almost =* Caswell? i06 LIFE AND CORBESPONDENCE [1778. immediate execution ; the Governor granted a respite to the 20th of January. The day after the reprieve, the culprit escaped. Tories make observations that are painful to men who love oun cause. Our laws, they say, are a " caput mortuum ;" that they are such they cannot be executed, or that we are afraid to exe cute thera. It becoraes an encouragement to secret assassination, when aggressors thus escape with impunity. So much for hang ing — now for matrimony. Thomas Hooper quitted his liberty on Thursday last, making a solemn resignation, then, to Miss Mary Heron, and begins to wear the phiz of Benedick, the married man : this traffic must thrive, let politics go as they will. He brought home with him from France a fine crop of health, and may take matrimony as philosophers do, to prevent the effects of repletion. Be that as it will, he is fast, one of us, and it is sorae comfort to have company — as Fitch says, "even in the rope." I fear that I shall have to be at Halifax during the latter part of the Assembly ; whether I shall or not, is problematical. I have no waj' to secure lodgings there, unless you can assist me by speaking to some of my Halifax friends, if at Edenton, or writing a line to one or more of them, to provide for me in season. I cannot get a line immediately from this, as there is not the least intercourse betwixt us. I must depend upon your interposition. Eemember me most kindly and affectionately to Mrs. Iredell and Mrs. Blair. Mrs. Hooper begs leave to unite with me in com pliments to you and them, and Miss Nelly. To the last I most especially request you to remember me, and thank her for the part she took in your last kind letter. That young lady honors me when she condescends to extend her attention to me, and I pay a debt of duty and inclination, when I assure her that I wish her every thing which can add to her happiness, and be a just tribute to the goodness of her heart, the improvement of her mind, and her personal accomplishments. I think kindly of the Uttle branches of your worthy family, and am, my dear Iredell, with a warmth of friendship which I have pleasure to express. Yours truly and aflectionately, Will. Hooper. Note. — A vessel arrived from Cadiz in 1778: her cargo was sold to Webb, Littlejohn nnd Co., at tlie rate of 800 per cent, for dry goods : the purchasers were also to allow 400 per cent, for insurance : the invoices were made out iu Spanish Rials, In consequence of a dispute the matter was referred to Mr, Iredell, It appears from his opinion, that a Spanish Rial of Plate wos worth five pence ster ling : that all mercantile business was transacted in pounds, shillings, and pence ¦ that a great deal of the old currency still remained all in pounds, shillings, and pence, and was a legal tender at thai day ; that the value of North Carolina cur- rtmcy could only be determined by reference to the old money ; that a dollar was estimated at eight shillings. Oct, 8th, 1778. 1779.] OP JAMES IREDELL. 407 CHAPTEE XIL WAR IN THE SOUTH ; LETTERS FROM IREDELL ; CONFISCATION ; m'CULLOH ; LETTER FROM IREDELL ; SIRGEORGE COLLIER AT NORFOLK ; LETTERS FROM MRS, BLAIR ; IREDELL ATTORNEY- GENERAL ; LETTERS FROM IREDELL AND HOOPER ; SCHOOLS IN N. C. ; THE CIRCUIT. MT. 27-28. « » « * » » In consequence of an erroneous impression that South Carolina was to become the seat of war imraediately in 1778, the militia of North Carolina had been called to arms.* A change took place in the plans of the British after the departure of the Com missioners, and they determined to direct their forces against the Southern States. At the close of November Col. Campbell, at the head of three thousand men, sailed from IS ew York, com- voyed by Commodore Parker. Thenceforth the southern depart ment was destined to be the principal theatre of hostilities. On the 29th of Deceraber Col. Campbell routed the troops under Gen. Howe, and captured the city of Savannah. Howe, the American commander, did all that courage and skill could effect to maintain his position in vain. His force was totally inade quate, and his measures had been embarrassed and thwarted by Houston, Governor of Georgia. Howe was removed by the exertions of the delegates from South Carolina and Georgia, and Iiincoln substituted in his stead. From time immemorial South Carolina has manifested a singular jealousy of North Carolina, affecting a contempt whose frequent expression affords a most practical denial of its reality. In consequence of sorae offensive remarks, Howe called Gadsden to account, and a duel was the consequence. Howe possessed, in a very especial manner, the confidence of Washington, yet was he destined again to expe rience the effect of South Carolina enmity ; the concurrence of the South Carolina delegates occasioned his subsequent removal from the important post of West Point, to make way for the traitor Arnold. No State, in a military point of view, was so weak as South Carolina ; she was often constrained to seek re cruits in North Carolina, and in the vicissitudes of the future * Hildreth. Marshall. 408 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE ['779. the latter State was a place of refuge to her citizens. Promptly in her hour of need, again and again did North Carolina send succor,, but to meet with ingratitude. At the close of the year (1778) two thousand North Carolina militia had reached Charieston ; Lincoln had also with him the N. C. Continental battaUons ; these constituted the major part of his forces. On the 3d of March General Ashe was surprised and defeated at Brier Creek ; his troops, chiefly mUitia, were_ badly armed, without cartouch boxes, wayworn and inexperienced. South Carolina, who had need of men, but boasted of wealth, had urged their advance from North Carolina, undertaking to furnish necessary equipments, but had failed to redeem the promise. When Ashe was ordered to the front he expostulated warmly with Lincoln ; he stated the true condition of his men, harassed by a long march, and insisted upon the propriety of forming the vanguard of the other troops, who had been some time in camp, were fresh, and prepared for action ; but a sinister influence was at work, the result of which was disaster.* When the British moved into South Carolina, North Carolina, become a frontier State, began to be disturbed by the loyalists. The British successes in Georgia emboldened the Tories, and * The Continental Congress had requested Gov. Caswell to command with a rank only second to Lincoln. As he was unable to comply he had pledged him self to the militia that Ashe should lead them. General Ashe, who was now ad vanced in years, reluctantly 3-ieldBd to the urgent appeal of the governor. — l^ide JiJxcc. Correspondence. Anecdote related tn me by Thomas P. Hall, Esq,, of Brunswick : Eaton (afterwards General) was at Brier Creek; he had a very small foot and wore a bnot of unusual finish and neatness; in the haste of his flight he left his boots hehind : they were recognized and purchased of a soldier by Jnlin Hamil ton, who afterwards commanded a regiment of Lo3-alists in the British service. After the war, at a dinner party at Wilie Jones's, Hamilton, with some good- humored raillery, produced the boots, and p.assed them to their former owner, who, greatly incensed, threw them across the table at Hamilton's head. Hamilton was a short, stout, red-faced man : well bred, and well fed, he mani fested by his geneious enjoyment of life his gratitude to Piovidence. Orif^inally he was a merchant at Halifax, N. C, At the clos-e of the war he was British con sul at Norfolk, Va. He so deported himself to such N. C. Whigs as by the fortune of war became subjects of charity, as to secure the cordial regard of the best men in the ranks of his enemies. He was the very crest of the 'Tory organization in the South. At the siege of Savannah the North Carolina Loyalists, commanded by Col. John Hamilton, Gov, Sir James AVright, and Colonel Maitland, were in considerable force un the British rif;ht. Here the assault was pressed with the greatest vigor and fury, an.i the North Carolina Continentals met the North Carolina Loyalists in combat, and most gallantly did each maintain the reputation of the State for prowess. Hamilton was captured by the Americans at the siege of Charleston, but re gained his liberty when that city surrendered ; he was engaged in nearly all the actious in the South, and acquired great distinction as a soldier, and " was a gen tleman of high tone and spirit." — Governor Graham's Lecture at JV. Y. Lee's Me moirs of the War iv the South. 1779,] OF JAMES IREDELL. 409 recovering their spirits, they rapidly formed themselves into organized parties. Afraid, however, to rouse the animosity of the Whigs, they stole out of the State to unite with the British. Anterior to the defeat of Ashe, a large body of them, on their march to Augusta, had been defeated by Pickens ; the survivors returned horae to nurse their revenge and to await their oppor tunity. Active and watchful as they were they encountered equal energy and vigilance, were pursued to their secret hiding places, captured in the recesses of swamps, and arraigned before the courts for treason. Iredell to Mrs. Iredell. Mrs. Ge.\nbeery's, 10th January, 1779. My DEAR Hannah : — I was regretting, as I rode along the road, that I had brought no book with me to solace me during the dull hours of my journey, but soon after I came here I had the jileasure to seo Mr. Ilewes's Jack arrive on his way to Edenton, which gives me the most agreeable employment I can have in your absence — writing.to you. I wrote to you a line or two this morning, to acquaint you of a most scandalous piece of negligence I had been guUty of in leaving behind Miss Cath cart's letter and Mr. Eoulhac's to Savage. As I requested you in that, pray be good enough to search carefully for them, end as Jack is to return immediately, do not fail either to give him the letter for Savage, or let Mr. Eoulhac know in time for him to send another if he pleases. You will probably have time enough to consult Miss Cathcart about hers, and I pray you to make excuses as little awkward as possible to her on the occa sion, though I really to-day could make none but very fool ish ones to Miss Mackenzie. AU I could say was, pray forgive me, madam, a fault that is unpardonable. My neglect has been the more mortifying, as I took more than ordinary precaution to avoid any bungling. But my distemper, I fear, is incurable. I had a very good passage over the Sound, only an hour and a quarter, but I was detained at Mrs. Pearson's by one thing or another (you will not suppose it the charms of Miss N — ) until it was so late before 1 set off that I got to Mr. Charlton's two hours in the night. I was received very kindly and cordially, but a slight indisposition of Mrs. Charlton's, or something else, made the evening more dull than usual at that house. I was very earnestly entreated to spend this day there, but resisted all importunities, notwithstanding Mrs. Charlton was so good as to say she had had a turkey kiUed on purpose for me. Polly Payne was very affectionate, very engaging and very inquisitive about 410 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1779. you, and made me promise to call and carry a kiss to Gaby as I returned. Mrs. Charlton has promised me also abundance of seed on my return. I stopped only a few minutes in Wind sor to leave my letter to you, and make my humble ackuowledg- ment and condolence to Miss McKenzie. I had the pleasure to see her look extremely well, and her sister and family were so also, except one of the children. Poor Mrs. Granberry's daughter has been very unfortunate. She has not only lost her second husband, a young man of excellent character, but that flne little girl you and I ailmired so much and could not help wishing was ours. Her other children are also now very sick indeed. What poor miserable mortals we are ! How little pleasure for how much pain ! Born but to love, form connections, be happy in them, dread their loss, and part ! Gracious God, may the misery you and I have felt of this kind long, very long indeed, be without renewal ! I begin to grow grave and therefore must leave off. Jack will certainly bring me a letter from you, and I hope to receive one by all opportunities. On my part be assured I shall not fail, for it is not possible for me to express the anxiety and zeal with which I am . Your most faithful and affectionate JAS. ieedell. P, S, — I trouble you with a letter for our little madcap niece, wrote with as little compliment as she generally speaks, &c. &c. Iredell to Miss Blair. Mas, Gr.\n geeey's, 15th January, 1779, My dear Nelly : — As an Englishman is apt to undervalue the merit of the favors he bestows, I tell you very candidly that it is more than probable you would not have received this letter from me, but I neglected bringing any book from home, and I take up my pen to you for want of some raore tolerable amuse ment. Does this gratify your vanity.^ No. Ought it to be gratified ? No. God knows, there is enough already. Take therefore the plain truth as I give it ; if it is unacceptable Jack will bring me no letter from you. If you have sense and modesty to be satisfied with it, he will bring a charraing one ; I mean, as charming a one as you can wrUe. You stiU see I am determin ed to run no hazard of violating the truth. But, say you, what news ? News ! what, after a day's ab sence from home, going through woods and swamps ? Shall I tell you that Mrs. Pearson is well, that Miss Vail is well, that Mrs. 1779.] OP JAMES IREDELL. 411 Charlton is not well, that Mr. Charlton is, that Miss PoUy Payne is so-so, that Miss McKenzie is well, her sister also, one of the children sick, Mrs. McKenzie well, old Everett and his dame alive, Mrs. Granberry well, but her daughter miserably unfortu nate. The particulars I have given to your aunt, and they are truly distressing. I do not intend always to give you the triumph of a longer letter than your aunt. Eemember you are already much in my debt. I expect very handsome letters, both in matter and form. I may perhaps, if you are a good girl, write you letters some times from other motives than those of amusement. You may be truly assured that nobody more ardently wishes your welfare, or will be more happy in endeavoring to contribute to it, than Your very affectionate uncle, JAS. ieedell. P. S. — You may think this compliment of some conse quence, when my desire of making it has conquered my aversion to pale ink. In August, 1778, Henry E. McCuUoh arrived in New York. By an ordinance passed by Congress in 1776,* the Governor was empowered to issue a proclamation requiring all loyal ists to take an oath of allegiance to the State within ninety days from the date of the proclamation ; absentees were allowed the same time after their return, in which to make submission. Open enemies were excepted from the mercy of the Act ; free pardon was offered to all who complied with its provisions ; and the property of all recusants declared confiscated, &c. By an Act ofthe Assembly in the spring of 1777, the allegiance of all per sons " now inhabiting or residing within the limits ofthe State," or " who shall hereafter come into the same to inhabit or reside," was claimed ; treason was defined, and death declared as the penalty ; and all late officers and agents of the King were re quired to take an oath of allegiance to the State or to depart the same. At a second session of the same Assembly, in November, a new Act was passed, amending and giving greater efficacy to the policy of the State as regards loyalists, and repealing " all former Acts within the purview of this Act." No person was to be excused for non-compliance, except for " sickness or un avoidable necessity, or other sufficient reason." Subsequently, the same Assembly passed an additional Act, directed against those who had withdrawn themselves from the State and attach ed themselves to its enemies ; those who had left to avoid their proper and equal part in defence of freedom and independence ; * Vid. Statutes. 412 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [17'9. and also those who, living beyond the Umits ofthe LTnited States at the commencement ofthe war, had failed to return. McCul loh came within the latter class of persons and had incurred the penalties of the Act. In January, 1779,* a more stringent complementary act of confiscation was enacted ; commissioners, three for each county, were appointed to take possession of the lands and movables, and to recover all sums due those who had incurred its penalties. With a commendable spirit of liber ality, however, the legislature provided that indigent parents should be allowed necessary subsistence out of the estates of their " absentee" children. In October, 1779, by another Act the properties of seventy persons, named in the Act, were con fiscated ; of these McCulloh and his father were two. Other Acts were subsequently passed iu reference to the same subject. By that of 1782, a generous allowance of one-third of the lands, or " so much thereof as will be sufficient for their support," and " share of the personal property," including all the " household goods," was made the wives and children, residents of the State, out of the confiscated estates. From the Act of pardon and oblivion of 1783, all were excepted who had been named in any of the Confiscation Acts. To conclude this succinct notice of this matter, it may as well be stated that, though by the treaty of jieace with Great Britain Congress agreed to urge upon the States the repeal of their confiscating acts, the recommendation was disregarded by North Carolina. Mr. McCulloh had intrusted his interest to Mr. IredeU's hands ; at the same time he made a very touching appeal to his feelings. Charged with a petition from McCuUoh, and actuated by a burning desire to serve his friend Dukinfield, for whose mother, Mrs. Pearson, he felt the most poignant dis tress, Mr. Iredell was on his way to attend the Assembly. The petition, drafted by him with much care and enlivened by occa sional passages of much eloquence, may be seen in the appendix to this chapter. Mr. Iredell and Mr. Johnston, in consequence not only of legal preeminence, but of power with the Whigs of the State, were very frequently employed by wealthy and conspicuous Tories, to prepare petitions for them and to defend indictments against them ; in this way, at times, the legitimate infiuence of these gentlemen was seriously affected and their popularity Aveakened, for the ignorant could not separate the counsel from the cause. The sarae reasons, however, that prevailed upon clients to tempt them with large retainers, operated to induce reluctance in their minds. They were unwUling to throw into the scales of justice the extrinsic weight of their own cha racters ; often demurred; and often refused lucrative cases.^ * statutes. 1779.] OP JAMES IREDELL. 413 Iredell to Mrs. Iredell. Mk5. Geanberrt'b, Jan. 9th, 1779. My dear Hannah : — Like people who are determined to be merry, or loquacious (which Nelly once, for a wonder, failed in), it seems as if when one Avas resolved to be careful without pos sessing the true spirit of it, we were liable to meet with an un usual share of disappointment and regret. I have already informed you of ray sins towards Miss Cathcart and Mr. Eoulhac (and which I yet blush at), and this morning I have discovered one to Mr. Knox, your brother, and myself, in omitting to send a letter simUar to the enclosed. AVhat wUl you think of all these things ? I protest I am startled at them myself. I begin to doubt Avhether my head is not really turned, and fear soon being sent to a Bedlam. Possibly, however, this cool snow and a gloomy confinement, without any book but the Bible and a spell ing-book, may bring rae to a little, though if my disorder par took of a different kind of delirium instead of such a perturba tion of spirits, it would certainly confirm it. I am particularly ashamed of appearing thus careless to your brother, ivho is him self the most exact man living. All I can say, Avith a very fool ish face, is what the boys say at school, '"' I will endeavor to do so no more." * * * * * * Had I foreseen what has happened I might as well have been a few days longer with you, and saved Perquimaii's Court. The Assembly, I am told, have not yet made a house. You will exult at this, and tell me you told me so. But how could it be supposed ? Was it reasonable to think there Avould not be one in a fortnight ? Was not a vast deal at stake, and Avhere so much is depending, is it not better to be a few days too early than too late ? Suppose (as it might have done) it had hap pened otherwise, and I had not gone till the business was nearly over, the patience of the raembers exhausted, their minds fret ted, and perhaps a resolve passed (and such a one does pass almost every session) that after a particular day they would receive no business, and that day passed, what could I have said to Mr. McCulloh ? What could I have said to my own con- sciencewhen he relied entirely on me in this momentous affair, and I certainly was in duty bound to make an application, which, however improbable the success of it may be, nobody with certainty could say, would have been unsuccessful if it had not been tried. I therefore acquit myself on this occasion, although I regret I could not have had a spark of that foresight which is denied to mortals. Shall I read the Bible or speUing-book ? I have tried the 414 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1779- latter, but cannot persuade rayself to look into the former. _ You will teU me I ought not to lose this opportunity of perusing a book I know so Uttle of, and perhaps my present situation is a punishment for so long a neglect which I ought to receive Avith humUity and penitence. But my dear, as there are times for all things under the sun, there is a time for spiritual things, and my mind does not move me towards them at this present. So I will content myself with an old magazine which just now I happened accidentaUy to find, and defer devotional matters tiU I am more worthy of them. " Apropos," extreme sanctity has sustained a great blow in this neighborhood lately. A maiden about the age of 30, one of the sect called Quakers, a resident with the pious Mr. Peel, and herself remarkable for the most straitlaced affectation, lately afforded him the sight for Avhich she was indebted to his son, and has since been expelled the father's house. They say it is only a repetition of an old disorder of which her conversion never thoroughly cured her. Adieu, my dear Hannah, and believe me Most affectionately yours. JAS. ieedell. ) The Assembly began its third session at Halifax, January 19th.* H.iLiFAX, 22d Jan. 1779. My dearest Hannah : — I should have had inexpressible pleasure in receiving your letter and hearing of your gooti health, if I had not at the same time heard of poor Corrie's death and of Gaby's danger.f These two events extremely distress me and have taken away all my spirits. I feel for the loss of a most Avorthy, benevolent man, and am deeply afflicted for your brother and Mrs. Johnston. Good God ! are they never to enjoy a mo ment's peace ? Is your brother doomed to be eternally misera ble 1 Heaven avert the fatal stroke, and grant the poor lovely boy a long, long respite. I am here teazed and fretted to death. One minute hope, another despair. I am not without hopes, but I dread much. I wrote you more cheerfully to-day and with less despondence, but I have since had cause to be alarmed. At any event I must stay here some days longer or act a most unfriendly part. It is necessary to watch and be attentive to every circum stance. Were public councUs always guided by wisdom and justice, so much trouble in applicants would not be necessary * statutes. f Archibald Corrie, of Tyrrel ; he was a member of the Prov. Congress, April 1776, and of the Assembly in 17*77; the intimate friend of Iredell, Hewes,' Johns ton and Neilson. 1779.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 415 but a great deal, 1 assure you, has been and is yet required here. Mr. Barker is perfectly well, but his wife has been sick ever since they carae up. She stays at Mrs. Eobt. Jones's, he principally at Mrs. Montfort's. I called at Mrs. Jones's as I came along ; I found her very unwell, but was received with great kindness. Last night (as I wrote you) I went to Col. McCuUoh's ; it was a long time before I saw any of the family, except B. McCulloh, unless Avhen I went in. I met Mr. Fro hock,* who saluted me very coldly, and madam kept up a great deal of her stiffness. The rest were very kind, but I thought did not show quite so much cordiality as formerly, Mr, Hewes and Mr. Hooper are very Avell ; Mrs. Hooper is not here, so (as I told you) my heart is quite safe, and I believe it will remain very secure in your possession unless any accident to him should tempt me to Avish you had less health. As that however is not probable, I may with truth say (as I extremely feel) that upon your health principally and greatly depends my happiness. May Hea\-en (if you will forgive my wishing it) long spare us to each other ! The Assembly are likely to sit a long time. I hope at furthest to be at home Monday or Sunday se'ennight. Don't be angry with me for staying so long. Upon my soul nothing keeps me but a desire of doing my utmost in behalf of Mr. McCulloh, in order that whatever be the event I may haA'e nothing to reproach myself with. I have a very comfortable room at Mrs. Elbreck's, and spend my time agreeably enough. I have dined with Wilie Jones, Mr, Gilchrist, and Mr. Webb ; twice at Mr. Gilchrist's, and was also invited twice to Mr. Jones's. I shall Avrite a line to your brother. You will remem- , ber me kindly to all our family, and believe me ever Your most affectionate JAS. ieedell Halifax, 26th Jan., 1779. My DEAR Hannah : — As I am still doomed to wait here I can have no employment more agreeable to me than that of writing to you, and I embrace this new occasion of doing it with pleasure. I have not yet had the courage to present my memo rial. I have been two or three times on the eve of doing it, but unexpected and threatening circumstances have deterred me. I have some faint hopes of the suspension of the evil day by a general law, but hold myseff prepared for a different event. Tlie evidence of Mr. Harnett, Mr. Burgwynn and Mr. Hogg would * Mr. IredeU, when judge, had committed him to jail at Salisbury. 416 LIFE AND CORBESPONDENCE ['779, weigh much if there was not such a great quantity of land in the opposite scale. I receive here very great civilities.* I have only once dined in a tavern since I came here. I haA'e dined at Mr. Gilchrist's four times, twice at Mr. Webb's, once at Mr. Jones's, and last Sunday at Mr. Montfort's ; he has a very neat, comfortable house about half a mile from town, but there were about a dozen women there and very near as many men. This you may be lieve was not to my taste, and we passed the day very dully. I have not been out to Col. McCuUoh's since I wrote you, and do not intend it but just to take leave. I am indeed obliged to be very attentive here ; but besides, I will not voluntarily go au}'- where where I am sure of being coolly received. This indeed is only from certain branches of the family, but I do not choose to be in the way of such treatment. Col. McCulloh has been ex cessively ill ; very dangerously so, and Mr. and Mrs. Frohock were sent for on purpose. He is getting better, but very slowly, and is confined to his room. The colic, I beUeve, has been his principal complaint. I have had the distress to be certain of Miss Macartney's death. Mr. Burgwynn was a long time in Bristol, and lived with Mr. Maskelyn, who was, as I have told you, an intimate friend of hers ; she died in August, 1775, of a con sumption. I assure you it has most deeply affected me. This and my uncertainty about Gaby and ]:)ain about Mr. McCulloh, have taken away all my spirits, of Avhich I had before a pretty good stock. I preserve however my health extremely Avell, and endeavor to console myself for my stay here in such disagree able circumstances by reflecting that I am doing a necessary office of friendship at a most critical period, and discharging in part a debt of obligation much too heavy. My dear Hannah, when I am released with how much ardor shall I fly to you ! Heaven grant that I may find my sweet little fellow out of all danger,f and the rest of you well. This Avill remove much of my unhappiness, but I shall long, very long regret the misery of losing so affectionate a friend, so agreeable a correspondent, so valuable a woman as Miss Macartney, I cannot bear to dwell upon it ; my mind is too much distressed. I don't believe I shall have either time or spirits to write to Miss NeUy, and I am sorry to send you so grave a letter. I wrote you I expected to be at home Sunday or Monday ; it * Halifax, on the Roanoke, is the centre of one of the most fertile regions in America ; it was long noted for the opulence, hospitality, fashion and gaiety of its citizens ; about 1805, when Gen. Davie and many others deserted it, decay began, and it was shorn of much of its consequence. ¦)¦ Mr. Johnston's son, Gabriel. 1779,] OF JAMES IREDELL. 417 seems now jjrobable it may be a day or two later. You may be assured I will not delay a moment unnecessarily, but I cannot, by too much precipitation or undue remissness, run the risk of ruining Mr. McCulloh, for it is in the power of this Assembly to do it if they please. Be good enough, &c, &c. Unalterably and most affectionately yours, JAS. IEEDELL. Halifax, SOth Jan,, 1779, My DEAR Hannah : — I had yesterday afternoon the plea sure of receiving two letters from you by Capt. Hardy, and was made very happy by hearing of your good health, and my dear little Gaby's recovery. I should have been in great pain for you if I had known you had suffered so great fiitigue and want of rest, though I dare say it was necessary, and am very thankful it has done you no injury. I expected to have the satisfaction of setting off towards you tbis afternoon, but a most unfortu nate and alarming report of a committee obliges me to stay. They talk of renting out the lands of all absentees, and taking immediate possession of their personal property. I raust imme diately now present my memorial, though I have no hopes of success for it. I am in great pain, as well about this affair as so long an absence from you. If these circumstances could well admit of consolation, 1 should not want it I dine every day abroad somewhere or another, and last Thursday was at a very agreeable ball. I could not, however, though I had an exceed ing good partner, be so cheerful as I generally am at such times. Mr. McCuUoh's situation, Miss Macartney's death, and my un certainty about poor Gaby, all conspired to make me dull. I bustled through the evening however tolerably well, and could not even help regretting that the ladies went away so soon. But intervals of reflection frequently occurred to make me low- spirited. Mrs. Frohock has come to a great deal. We were very cor dial at the ball, and she seemed to have a desire to make up for past improprieties. I went to the Marsh last night, expecting to go away to-day, but being disappointed, in complying with earnest importunity, I shall ride out there to-morrow, and shall have the pleasure of Mr. Hooper and Mr. Hewes's com pany. Tell Nelly she is an idle good-for-nothing girl. You refer me to her, but she has not wrote me a single word. I have no notion of keeping up a correspondent merely to write to, and therefore till she grows more industrious I must neglect her. When I shall see you, my dear Hannah, is really uncertain. I fret and strive to no purpose. I regret the delay the more, as Vol, L— 27 418 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1779- Bertie Court will carry me from home the week after uext. But when so much is at stake and my exertions are relied on, it would be criminal to be neglectful. How deeply is it to be regretted that such care and caution are necessary to obtain justice, and that folly and private interest bear so large a share in our public councils. Heaven grant an amendment of them ! Of my health, my desire, my impatience to see you, be assured. I burn for it with the greatest ardor. May I enjoy that happi ness soon, &c. &c. &c. You never, I hope, doubt of my being most faithfully and unalterably, my dear Hannah, Your entirely affectionate JAS. ieedell. Iredell to Miss Blair. Halifax, 31st January, 1779. My dear Nelly : — I am of a very candid and forgiving temper, and readily pardon an omission occasioned by such cir cumstances as you mention, though you ought not to be so par ticular Avith me. I do not expect you always to write me correct letters, but you will arrive at it in time by frequent use and pro per attention. I shall be happy in contributing to it; and will sometimes take the liberty, after receiving letters from you, on my return, to point out any defects in them. By this method, with a little care on your part, you will soon acquire a greater ease and correctness of expression, I am still painfully detained here, and it is uncertain when I may return, though I am anx iously impatient to do it. You will expect of me, I suppose, some news in return for yours. All I can tell you is, that I was last Thursday at a very agreeable ball, and danced with a genteel lady and an exceedingly good partner, Mrs. Willis, who formerly lived in Virginia, but at present in this county. A high freshet prevented many ladies from coming. There were, however, up wards of twenty dancers, and many awkward Members of Assem bly. Two or three disagreeable circumstances oppressed my spirits a good deal, and prevented my enjoying the amusement as I generally do. I had had the concern, a day or two before, to be made undoubtedly certain of Miss Macartney's death, which distressed and still does distress me, exceedingly. I had lived from my very childhood in intimacy with her; she was most nearly connected with me; had conferred on me many obUgations; and was endeared to me by a thousand engaging ties. To lose such a relation, and such a friend, at so great a distance, without I'i79.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 41 i? the opportunity of sharing any melancholy moments with her, or of convincing her of the extent and sincerity of my affection, is extremely painful. God in His mercy grant I may not ex perience many more of these calamities. I bave sustained the deepest affliction of this kind since my arrival in this country, by the loss of the dearest connections both in England and here. Of all kinds of distress it is the most severe. But, my dear NeUy, I ask pardon for suddenly becoming so grave. It was uninten tional and involuntary. Yet I know you have a feeling soul and will sympathize with me, &c. &c. &c. Your very affectionate JAS. ieedell. In February Mr. Iredell attended Bertie Court, and at its close, after visiting Edenton, he returned again to Halifax. WiNDsoE, 8th February, 1779. My dear Hannah : — I have now the pleasure to congratu late you and myself on my arrival here, in perfect health, and possessing the greatest impatience to see you. When I can have that happiness depends on the duration of this court. It is a great misfortune, after so long an absence, to have such an obstacle in the way; but it must be submitted to. Every thing is going wrong at Halifax. That cursed Senate wiU not suffer any plan of moderation. The lands, I fear, will be sold as well as other things. The Commons passed the Mil for hiring, but the Senate altered it, and I fear this will be acceded to. There is a humane clause in favor of wives and children, and I have hopes it will be extended to mothers, which will save Mrs. Pearson. I have not time to enlarge much. All you care for above are well, and Mr. Hewes will be down soon, for he is thrown out of his seat hy being elected a Delegate, and nothing now detains him, but his goodness in settling accounts he has no business with, and ivhich no other man is equal to. Adieu, &c. &c.* Ever most affectionately yours, JAS. ieedell. Halifax, April 19th, 1779, My dear Hannah : — I have just received your last, Avith the greatest pleasure, by Mr. Payne. NotAvithstanding the ¦* Mr. Hewes was elected Delegate to the Continental Congres.*,j 420 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1779. of my horses, I got to Booth the first night, but found none of the family at home. They had gone to Mr. Jones's. I fared, however, very well; and the next day, after breakfasting with the General, called at Occoneechy and saw all your brother's family. I had the pleasure to find them all very well. * * _ * Mrs. Jones was very obliging and polite, and asked me to dinner that day and the next, but I have not had it in my poAver to go there since. Your brother is perfectly well, and stays constantly in town, and as Mr. Hooper lodges with us, you may be assured I pass my time agreeably. An odd circumstance happened, however, to deprive us of a very pleasant evening last Sunday. We had got a room to ourselves at Martin's, a rousing fire (for it vras very cold), and bad ordered supper, expecting to spend two or three happy hours together. There is a negro who waits at Martin's, commonly called the Parsoyi. Mr. Hooper desired his servant to call him, and he having made a mistake, ushered in Dr. Pasteur. We Avere cursed with his company all the evening, and I a thousand times wished he had been at the devil, or any where rather than with us. I went yesterday to the Marsh, and returned this evening ; they were all really hind, and regretted you had not come up with me. Business goes' on very slowly, notwithstanding there is A'ery little, chiefiy owing to the absence of the Attorney-General, who minds any thing rather than his business. I have but poor pros]Dect of money; but if I get none, I shall have the consolation of knowing it is not my fault. It is certain that Congress bave received very great and very good news, but it is yet a secret. Penn, Burke, and Whitmell Hill, all members, mention it. Peace also is suggested to be the object. * * * W. Blount and his wife are here on their way to Virginia to be inoculated. Mr. Nash and Mr. Ellis are ex pected here to-day, merely to be out of the way of it, I beUeve. Crowds are inoculating in Newbern. The Assembly are to meet at Johnston Court-house the 26th inst., and your brother will go to it immediately after oUr court, &c. &c. &c. Very affectionately yours, JAMES ieedell. May 3d, the Assembly met at Smithfield. They passed an Act for raising regular forces for the " defence of this and the neighboring States," and to pay the debt incurred in the support of their Continental Battalions ordered the emission of one half million of pounds, in bills of credit. May 9th, Admiral Sir George CoUier, with his fieet, entered n79.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 421 Hampton Eoads.* Aided by General Matthews, who commanded the land forces, he attacked Fort Nelson, which was immediately abandoned by its garrison, who retreated to the Dismal Swamp. Sir George subsequently took possession of Portsmouth, Norfolk, and Suffolk. After seizing much booty, destroying very valuable property, burning Suffolk and gutting Norfolk, the British re turned to New York. The Dismal Swamp is partly in Virginia and partly in North Carolina. This irruption of the enemy cre ated an intense state of alarm in Edenton. There were no troops there to repel a sudden invasion, while its wealth was a tempt ing bait to the marauder. The war was now assuming a charac ter of greater ferocity; all hopes of reconciliation gone, it was waged with relentless fury. 'The most atrocious crimes were committed by the wretches, who hovered like vultures about the flanks or in the rear of the English forces. No house was secure against the burglar's torch; no man safe against the assassin's knife; females were outraged, and even children were, sometimes, the objects of wanton brutality. Mrs. Blair to Iredell. Edenton, 17th May, 1779. Dear Sir : — We have receiA'ed all our things safe : I believe, with very little damage. Alarming accounts are continually brought to town, but nobody minds tbem now, except a few weak people. Some had their goods brought to town yesterday, and are sending them away to-day. Mrs. Barker and Mrs. Nash packed up every thing yesterday, even to the pictures and looking-glasses that were screwed to the wall ; and intend leaving the town. They say the British troops will certainly be here by Wednesday night ; whence they have their intelligence I do not know, Mr, Hewes and others were carried out late last night. The Dismal has been on flre for some days past ; and the reeds make almost as loud a report as muskets. That foolish fellow, Badham, came to town last night, and said there were large fires kindled, and many guns fired out there ; but I do not think it was any thing but his own fear. We are blamed for bringing our things back again ; but for my part, I shall not be frightened again without more certain accounts of the danger being nearer. It is said they are fortifying Portsmouth, which I think the likeliest story. * * * Mr. Hewes had a warehouse broke opeji last night, and there have been some people taken up tbis morning. A * Lossing. 422 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1779- negro of Mr. Eayner's, it is said, will be hanged. Two saUors were taken sleeping at the foot of my brother's garden ; they were about the house all night. I do not know what they have done Your affectionate Sister, I. BLAIE. May 26th, Gov. CasweU wrote Mr. IredeU, that if Mr. McGuire would not accept the appointment of Attorney-General, he Avould recomraend him to the Council, and had no doubt his re commendation would meet Avith their approval.* To the statesmen of North CaroUna, the dawning future was ominously clouded. As peal answers to peal, so were the reports of the British guns in Virginia responded to by the thunders of British cannon in South Carolina, while the offer of Gov. Eut ledge of South Carolina (May 11), to stipulate the neutrality of that State, fiashed a A'ivid and fearful light upon the impending peril. f Georgia subdued ! the spirit of South Carolina almost crushed ! Yet, there was no wavering with the Whigs of North Carolina ; there Avas no paling of cheeks — no trembling of nerves — no retreat of coward blood to the heart. Eight gallantly did they gird about their loins, and prepare to meet, as men, the storm. Iredell to Miss Blair. This letter possesses unusual merit. Though capricious and way\yard, there was such a charm about the petted Nelly, that I suspect Mr. Iredell was glad of an opportunity to write Avhat he could not say. The time and care, evidently bestowed, evince the depth of his affection ; while the sternness of his ad monitions demonstrates how subordinate, in him, was feeling to duty. As a minister of grace, this letter exerted a salutary in fluence over the destiny of his niece, and I trust, it may benefit others of her sex. CuKKiTtJCK, June 11, 1779. Dear Nelly : — Being delayed setting off from here longer than I expected, and having a little leisure, I direct my attention to you, supposing that you would rather be attended to late than not at all, although I know that you passionately love to be of the first consequence. That you may ever deserve to be of A'ery * Col. Aveiy, diverted from his profession by military aspirations, I suppose, had resigned. McGuire soon afterwards withdrew from America, being a Tory at heart. f Hildreth. Ramsay. 1779.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 423 considerable consequence is ray most sincere wish, but do you imagine that the Desire will constitute the Desert ? Believe me, no ])ersons, let their natural qualifications be ever so great, or the adventitious circumstances of Beauty and Fortune ever so con siderable, will acquire any great share of Eespect or Esteem, without much pains and trouble ; because such is the imperfec tion of human nature, there is a necessity for continual self-denial to govern our temper, to regulate our passions, and to direct our conduct. Mankind (speaking of the greatest part) seem formed for difficulties and disappointments, and they who look forward to uninterrupted prospects of ease and satisfaction, will not only be chagrined by perpetual interruptions, but by having their minds indolent or relaxed, not be capable of enjoying the little good that is mixed with the greater portion of evil in the manner a firm, resigned and less confident mind would do. The latter, by receiving any considerable pleasure without any assured expecta tion of it, would feel it greatly heightened, — and the various dis tressing circumstances of life, which in some degree assail the happiest, would lose much of their poignancy by not coming by surprise. I MveA. long in the world without attending to this sen timent. Painful experience has, however, convinced me of its jus tice, and though I have not been able to adapt my conduct entirely to the precept, yet I am sure I have in many instances been benefited by it, and, according to my deliberate ideas, I think scarcely any may be applied to more real utility ; for I am per suaded this ease and indolence of mind, and delusive prospects of imaginary future happiness, occasion more misery, more repin- ings, more fretfulness, and shameful inattention to serious and necessary occupations than any circumstance in life. Palpable and avowed vice, most people of any decency are free from, and it requires many seducing arts to corrupt a virtuous mind in those great points they have been always taught to reverence. But this is a fault almost every one wUl indulge in unless great pains are taken to correct it. It is natural to the human mind to think well of the future. It is pleasing to have in contempla tion a happiness grateful to our minds, as a reward for present care and anxiety. Nothing in short can be more agreeable than those pleasing reveries people are so apt to delight in, but which are so seldom realized. But the misfortune is, by expecting pleas ure we are notable tohear pain : by expecting affluence, we neg lect a necessary provision ; by flattering ourselves with constant health we become impatient in sickness. Whereas a contented and cheerful mind, which receives good without expecting it, evil Avithout dreading it, is pleased and grateful for tbe former, resigned and submissive under the latter. Such a mind will doubly 424 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1779- relish all the blessings oflife, feel less pain from the distressesof it ; and at the sarae time that they sustain their part with dignity and reputation, they have an equal chance for happiness arising from adventitious circumstances with other _ people, and their mental enjoyment of those circumstances (no inconsiderable part of happiness) wiU be infinitely greater. Thus, my dear NeUy, I have preached you a sermon. I did it accidentally and unpre- meditatedly, for it is a long time since I have written to you in such a style, as I thought it to uo purpose to throw away time in instructions that were not regarded. The word instruction, I know, sounds harshly to a young ear, and permit me to add, a vain one, — but I have myself, I candidly confess it, suffered so much in a thousand circumstances from the uninstructed giddi ness of youth, that I feel the most painful apprehensions for any young person I regard. Happy should I have been had I con tinued longer under some authoritative direction, whence I could have received friendly and severe admonition. But by being too soon (what you would think a great felicity) my own master, I lost many acivantages, and suffered many inconveniences, which 1 frequently think of with regret. Be then, my dear Nelly, no longer that giddy, thoughtless, opinionative girl you have too long been. Make your mamma and all your friends happy by such an alteration of your conduct as is necessary for your own hap piness. Consider a whole life is not to be passed in frolic and dissipation, and if it is attempted it will probably end in misery. God-forbid I should wish to check that charming cheerfulness of disposition you' possess, and which, if kept within proper bounds, would appear so amiable. May you enjoy every amuse ment suited to your age, and may you always have many light and gay hours mixed with serious ones. But, for God's sake, make not amusement the business of your life. Let not time you might so admirably improve, pass away in trifling insipidity. Let your mind sometimes receive useful and agreeable instruction, and your hands be employed in the pleasing task of not only serA'ing your self, but assisting your marama, your brothers, and your sister. By such a conduct you will be more amiable, more happy, and all who know you will respect and love you. You will lose no satisfaction you at present possess, but have it infinitely height ened ; you will lose many painful moments you must now feel, and many occasions of regret you cannot be insensible to. Will it be any addition to aU these motives, that you will afford me the greatest satisfaction, whose desire of contributing to your happi ness is extremely great, and who wiU ever promote it, whatever your situation or whatever your conduct may be, to the utmost of my power ? Oh I my dear Nelly, attend to what I say to you. I 1779.] OF JAMES lEEDELL. 425 have been by degrees drawn to speak more affectingly on this subject than I had any expectations of when I began. And I believe I should not have wrote on the subject at all, if you had not lately intimated that you wished it from me. May you re ceive it kindly, and consider it with care ! No time is to be lost. You are fast advancing into life, and the future fate of it wUl very much depend upon your present and almost your immediate conduct. Adieu I my dear Nelly. Nobody's heart beats with more warmth for your welfare than that of Your truly affectionate uncle, JAMES ieedell. Mr. Iredell was now at Currituck Court, where he made £160 inclusive of a fee raised by volunteers among the people, amounting to £100. It seems that a certain vessel and its car go Avas in dispute. Mr. Iredell was employed to urge a claim in behalf of the State ; he " really thought the State entitled ;" and the " whole people were anxious for such an adjudication." Mr. IredeU's fees would have been more numerous, but he declined any new business." Ieedell to Mes. Ieedell. Camdesi, June 14th, 1779. My dear Hannah : — * * * We came that evening to one Mr. WUUams's about 10 mUes from the court-house, who married a relation of Mr. Cumming's, that is really a very clever woman ; after being hospitably entertained there, we dined the next day at Col. Lamb's* by invitation, iu a very agreeable manner, and came in the evening to Gen. Gregory' s,f where I still am. From all these, and from many more we have experienced every civility, and the kindest endeavors to make our time pass away agree ably. It does in some measure, but I am constantly thinking of home, and wishing for the time that is to carry me there. I am still more impatient, because^I don't expect to go home well load ed with money. Taverns are dreadfuly expensive, and had it not been for some very unexpected business that arose, I should ha\'e _ * Gideon Lumb of Cnrrituok was a member of the Safety Committee for his District, 1775— of Pi-ov, Congress, 1776, whou he was appointed Mnjor in 6th (Lillington's) Regt. He oontinued in service till tbe end of the war. He was pro moted to be Colonel. — Vid. Wheeler, Niles' Registei-, v. 2, p. 292. f Gen. Gregory, an active Whig, wns appointed Colonel of 2d Regiment of Pnsquotonk, 1776, April 4th, He was also a member of the Convention that adopted tlie Constitution in 1770. He obtnined the rank of General, I suppose, in 1779. 426 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1779 been badly off. Oh ! what a curse is poverty ! I feel mine stiU more severely because you must participate it with me. Could I charge myself with any criminal indolence, I should be doubly miserable, but I think I am only blameable for carelessness and profusion. They are, indeed, great faults, when they may occasion much unhappiness, but I know I am far less guUty now than I have been, and that I endeavor at all times to be as little so as pos sible. In this respect, I feel, the ill consequence of being sent too young into life, under my own direction, without a kind friend who had authority to control me. Nevertheless, I raust now remedy this disadvantage, and I am determined to use my ut most efforts. Eeflections of this kind often distress me, but I must endeavor to bear them with fortitude, and act in tbe pres ent situation of things the best part possible. I could be per fectly easy were I to suffer alone ; but I can't bear the thoughts of your suffering with me, and the knowledge of the generosity which will induce you to disregard it, makes the thought still more affecting. * * -j^ * » Pettigrew has been down here for near a fortnight, preaching to the people at many different places, and acquiring the charac ter of an Apostle. Tbe women admire him so much, that if he was not married, he might preach on the subject of divine love (with a glance at the human) to much more purpose than he did at Edenton, &c., &c., &c. Most faithfully and affectionately yours, JAS. ieedell. Hooper to Iredell. Fmian, June 15th, 1779. I know not, my dear Sir, whether this will find you in the state militant or civil, whether drawn up at Pasquotank County Court in single combat with the Currituck hero, or clothed with the rage of patriotic ardor, marching with the embattled squad rons of Chowan against the doughty Goodrich. Wheresoever it find you. All hail ! 1 have been very uneasy since I learnt that the landing of the British troops in Virginia had suggested the removal of the women and children from Edenton as a prudential precaution. It evinces the incapacity of the Virginians to make a stand against a very inferior force, and is an unfailing earnest of what may be expected from ourselves in the day of trial. How misera bly bave we beendeceived in our own internal resources. Eeturn to the continent the troops which the French have drawn from it 1779,] OF JAMES IREDELL. 427 to the West Indies by their naval operations there, and our Inde pendence would be of short duration. Fourteen hundred troops shaking the Dominion of Virginia to the centre, — they who boasted that they could singly maintain the contest with Great Britain ; and that if the rest of the continent had not virtue and firmness to secure their freedom and independence, that they would con quer for them, and have the merit of becoming their benefactors. I begin to think that the South Carolinians have more stuff in them than old Gen. Armstrong was willing to give them. They discover as yet no want of personal prowess ; like the animal spirits of a warm climate, I hope however that their heat may not exhaust their strength, and leave victory to be gathered by those who fit exertions to occasions and husband themselves for a distant day.* I am convinced that the force which noAV opposes them might spread terror in Virginia, and deal out law from the very capitol of that Dominion. The petty Captain of a tender has exercised his private resentment to the prejudice of the subjects of that State, and has proved how little desirable that Government is which suffers itself to be insulted with perfect impunity by ban ditti, f / am by no means apprehensive for the independence of America. The present conduct of Great Britain proves its despair ; these burnings and ravages are the convulsive agonies of expiring power; and as, in the natural body, they are more violent and continued in proportion to the former strength of the corporeal system, so we have reason to expect that the most important Kingdom upon earth will not be dismembered without giving a most violent shock to the Umb which is to be severed from it : * Intimidated by the bold face presented by the American army. Gen. Prevost had retired fi-om the lines before Charleston, May the llth. At Stono, 20th June, the N. C. Continentals constituted the centre of Lincoln's front. Col. Davie, at the head of abont 100 N, C. Cavalry, was wounded. f Jefferson was elected Governor of A^irgioia, June 1st: he subsequently re signed, confessing his incapacity, and stating that the times required a man of mili tary turn and experience. When Mr. Hooper ¦* first addressed the Continental Congress, he was listened to in silence and with great attention. Such was the excellence of his speech, that some affected an impertinent astonishment at the di.'splay of such oratory by a North Garolinian. Was Jefferson jealous of Hooper? Wiis he impatient of what he did not himself possess — splendid elocution, as he was notoriously envious of military fame ? AVas there a feud between these two eminent men S An affirmative answer to these interrogatories will certainly throw much light npon the calumny of Jef- fei-son, that " there was no greater Tory in Congress than Hooper," and explain Mr. Hooper's personal disbke to Jefferson and his followers, in the early days of the Republic. If Hooper's fame, so well defended by Jones, needed fui-tiher vindication, his letters to Iredell place upon impregnable ground his vii-tue and patriotism. * A. If. Hooper.— Wheeler. 428 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1779. leaving it in such a state of weakness, as will require a series of time to renovate and relieve the want of vigor it occasions. To hand us over to France in a situation that may make us a boon not worthy their acceptance ! Strange infatuation ! Is not this to alienate us for ever from any connection with themselves and wantonly to give away, what alone remained within their reach, a common share in our trade with the rest of mankind — but I drop the painful subject — it is painful to observe the dissolution of our friends, but inexpressibly so to find them sur\-iving their reputation. I hope Mrs. IredeU and your worthy sister. Miss Nelly, and the rest of the family, are perfectly relieved from any apprehen sions of the approach of the Virginia Bloody-bones, Goodrich. You remember what you and Mr, Johnston have always said when I expressed my fears for Wilmington, — Cui bono ? What could the enemy get by it ? To rob the pine trees, and bear away the sandhills ? How ill we apply sayings when they show our own weak side and fit ourselves — but I forgive you, local prejudices are unaccountably strong, and I have heard of a man in New England, who in his prayers always thanked Heaven that he lived on Clape Cod (tbe desert of God's deserted work). I must beg leave to refer you to a Mr. Henderson of your place, lately from South Carolina, and to a scrawl which accom panies this to Mr, Johnston for matters in that quarter, and must occupy the rest of my paper in soliciting you to present Mrs. Hooper's and my best respects to Mrs. Iredell, Mrs. Blair, Miss Nelly and Miss Peggy, and believe me ever. Dear Iredell, Yours faithfuUv, WM. HOOPEE. Ieedell to Miss Blair. Edenton, July 4th, 1779. My DEAR Nelly : — I should have received your letter with infinite pleasure, if I had not received it at a time when I was incapable of all pleasure. The poor Uttle boy's life then hung suspended on a thread, and a short time after he expired. Never have I been witness to a more aff'ecting or more unhappy instance of human mortality. So suddenly brought about ! So dreadful, so shocking in itself ! Your uncle and aunt are indeed deeply to be felt for. The loss of so lovely a child is one of the most calami tous that can be sustained. In vain may Fortitude and Philoso phy exert themselves. The recollection of a thousand pleasing 1779.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 429 actions (now never to be seen again) will imprint the bitterest sorrow and give rise to the most sensible grief To dweU on the lovely object, — to talk of him, — ^to lament his loss, — ^now and then perhaps to intermix a thought about his own felicity, — these are the only alleviations they can be for a long time sensible of And how dreadful must be that misfortune Avhich can only admit of ease by preying on itself and continually recalUng it to mind ! 0 1 my dear Nelly, when life is so precarious, when we have scarcely a moment's security for any of our friends' stay Avith us, how much should we cherish the connection while it actually sub sists, and endeavor by mutual good offices to make ourselves as useful and amiable as possible, by that means affording our con dition all the advantages of Avhich it is capable. The desire too of being remembered, Avhen we are gone, by those we leave be hind, with affection and esteem, ought surely with every gener ous mind to be a powerful inducement to such a tenor of conduct as is likely to insure it. Nothing can be raore aniraating for such a purpose than a beautiful motto in Mrs. Dawson's Grave yard, with which I was very much pleased. " Vivit post funera ille, quem Virtus non Marmor in ceternum sacrat." In English : " He lives after death, whom virtue not mar ble consecrates to eternal fame." Your receiving so kindly admonitions friendly, but severe, gives me a most sincere satisfaction. It is more than I expected or hoped ; but feeling for you the most tender affection, and hav ing extreme anxiety for your future welfare, I was prompted to express to you the strong feelings of a heart deeply apprehensive for it. Happy I indeed am, that you not only pardon my free dom, but are pleased with it, and assure me of its having had some good effects. Let me beg you, my dear Nelly, by every thing dear and sacred, to persevere in this charming disposition, by which you wUl not only secure your own felicity (as much at least as the general imperfection of human nature will admit of), but contribute greatly towards that of your friends : Of mine, I assure you, you AviU most essentially. And I promise you, after a short experience, you will look back with wonder and regret on the time you have imprudently dissipated and neglected. I am persuaded you must pass your time very agreeably Avith your cousin.* The near relation you bear to each other, and your equality of age, seem naturally to suggest it. You, I am sure, would be greatly benefited by it. The amiable gentleness of your cousin's disposition would tend to soften the ruggedness of yours (forgive the roughness of the expression), and perhaps she * Miss Pendope Dawson, afterwards Mrs. Louther. 430 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [17'?9. might be improved by losing a little of that softness which, though extremely amiable, is in her rather possessed in excess. May you both long Uve amiable, respected, and happy ! beloved by your friends and each other, esteemed and admired by all ! I have never doubted this happy consequence as to your cousin, and be assured, my dear Nelly, I am extremely happy in saying, that I can now entertain sanguine hopes for you. God grant you may not suffer me to be disappointed. I cannot always write you sheets, and as I am going to Tyrrel to-morrow, and the unhappy funeral is to-day, I have no time to add more than to desire you will mention me in a very affectionate manner to Mrs. Dawson and your cousin, and present my compUments to Miss Gracey, beUeving me ever, and at present on account of your encouraging letter with additional satisfiiotion, My dear Nelly, Your most affectionate Uncle, JAMES lEEDELL. On July 8th, Governor Caswell, by the advice and consent of his Council appointed Mr. Iredell Attorney-General ; and, sub sequently, November 20th, the appointment was confii-med by his election by the Assembly. In a letter to Miss Blair, July 9th, Mr. Iredell remarks, — " Things of more consequence seem to hang in awful suspense. The operations of war are rather menacing than active, and the prospect of peace more gloomy than could be wished for, though it is not altogether out of sight. I do not despair, however, of one day seeing it, and upon terms honorable and satisfactory." Hooper to Iredell. FixiAN, August I5tli, 1779. My dear Sir : — Your kind favor announcing your intention to succeed to the honors and emoluments of the late Attorney- General, afforded me an unexpected pleasure. When at the last Assembly, I heard of Avery's resignation, I confess I thought there was a possibiUty of your being prevaUed on to accept the appointment. I hinted my wishes to Mr. Johnston, who doubted as to the prudence of your accepting an employment Avhen the pay depended upon the suffrages of a capricious Assembly, who exhibit upon every occasion such signal proofs of ingratitude to public merit. Since I came home, at the Wilmington Superior Court I proposed to Judge Ashe to mention you to Governor Caswell in 1179.] of JAMES IREDELL. 431 case Mr. Mc Guyre declined. He doubted about it, not that he did not earnestly wish the event, but because he despaired of your encumbering yourself with an office, the duties of which were burdensome, and which would draw you from home half the year. These doubts are surmounted, and I have the happiness to assure you that the leading characters in this part of the coun try speak of you as a capital acquisition to our Courts, and exult that there is now a prospect of offenders being brought to due punishment, without the passions of party or the prejudices or passions of individuals swaying the prosecution. S. Ashe seems perfectly unaffected in his satisfaction, and I, my dear friend, if . I have directly or indirectly influenced your determination, have much cause of triumph. I shall have one at least that I can humanize with, and he is an extravagant dog that asks n^ore than one rational companion at a back country Court. But now for the ardua officii. S. Ashe says that the presence of an At torney General will be absolutely necessary at Salisbury ; and that many prosecutions hang suspended. I earnestly wish to meet you there, for I am under engagements that irresistibly draw me thither. The season will be pleasant, and it will I think ope rate so niuch to your advantage at a future Asserably, when it may be necessary to hold a candle to the great men of the West to show them the way to their Pure Springs — that I beg leave to hope it. Mrs. Iredell must forgive me ; it is the last time I will thus trespass. It will probably save you from a severe drub bing from a detestable fever, the necessary and natural produc tion of your execrable air at this season. Yes, my dear sir, sin cerely do I sympathize in the afiUctions of our worthy friend. If the undeserved misfortunes of this life are not to be compensated in another world, we have been created for a cruel purpose. If the thunders of heaven were always levelled at the rascally part of creation, I fancy we should have much less repining at tha Avays of Providence, aud of course much less sin. But this is speculat ing in the dark. I adore in humble gratitude the dispensations of the God that made me, and Avhilst in a state of perfect com posure from pain, when neither I nor my friends feel the lash of human woe, I can philosophize with as much pious firmness as ever animated St. Austin or any of the holy fraternity, and cry out, that all is for the best, and that whatever is is right. But bring it to myseff. Let a brother leave his house early in the morning— his wife in bed, a sweet infant smiling at ber breast with all the glow of health and innocence, — let him be alarmed in a few minutes with ' The child is dead — overlaid by his mother' — God ! who can paint the agony Avhen she awoke ? She remem bers the last kiss she gave it, the sweets of it stUl dwell upon her 432 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1779- Ups. She hugs a Iffeless corse. This is the faithful recital of what lately happened in George Hooper's family. And how little does the calamity of our friend Johnston fall short of this ? It was a heavenly babe. It had the whole force of parental af fection poured upon it. Strength, health and beauty seemed to have been bestowed upon it in the greatest degree, that its death might be the less expected, and the disappointment the more pungent. These are the trying ordeals of human phUosophy — here the pincer tears aud blood must foUow. For my own part I ara a man, and feel like one. I despise the cant of divines, and the pride and hypocrisy of the schools. There is a luxury in woe, and I ever suspected a man's heart that was above indulging it. Would to heaven that I could minister to the consolation of my friend and his famUy, but the effort would be vain. He has all the philosophy that a good man ought to have, and as far as that ought to avail him he will draw it forth. He has all the religion that a wise man ought to have, and wUl lean upon it as far as it ought to support him. He has a large portion of human feeling, and happily for us, sorrow grows languid by exercise — time and change of objects are the only effectual cure. I shall write Mr. Johnston shortly — in the mean time remeraber me in the most affectionate manner to him, Mrs. Johnston, Miss Cathcart, and the remainder of his dear little family. I have scarce, left room to assure your good family how gratefully and respectfully I hold them in remembrance. Pray offer my kind regards to Mrs. Blair, Mrs. IredeU and Miss NeUy — they must forgive me when I earnestly regret that the residence of so many amiable and worthy people has been pitched in so unhealthy a country. May you and they be sheltered from its effects, and be happy. Adieu ! Yours truly, WM. HOOPEE. Note. — Mrs. Hooper asks why she is forgot in her proper place. No one, she says, wishes more earnestly to be thought kindly of by you and your family, and hopes to be mentioned to them with regard. She flatters herself with another hop at the next Court with the new Attorney-General. Iredell to Miss Blair. Edenton, August 29th, 1779. My dear Nelly : — Having been so long accustomed to my correspondence, I suppose you. claim the continuance of it as a matter of right, and that whether I have any thing or nothing to say, I should with equal eagerness embrace all occasions of writ- 1779.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 433 ing to you. You have indeed some reason for this, for as I feel great affection and anxiety about you, my own pleasure solicits this indulgence of secondary conversation, in absence of the prin cipal, and I do it now with great additional satisfaction, as I form the raost charraing hopes of you. Suffer me to say, my dear Nelly, that you are really in general much altered for the better, that your Aunt perceives it, your Mamma acknowledges it, and we all, I was going to say, glory in it. It is however the source of many a heartfelt joy. God grant you may not check, but greatly cherish these delightful feeUngs. Your present situa tion is of great advantage to you. Not only health, but an ad ditional strength of mind, I hope, will be the consequence of it. You now, I flatter myself, begin to perceive, that there are purer pleasures than those attending flutter and dissipation, and that in order to pass through life with ease, it is necessary to consult rather the general tenor of its satisfaction, than the loose and fluctuating enjoyment of one moment out of twenty. I have not time to add much. Your Mamma, I suppose, Avill write you all the news. Your Cousin Penny, as well as all Mrs. Dawson's family, except Billy, has been very sick, but is now a great deal better. Your Aunt Iredell desires to be most affectionately re membered to you, and I am, my dear Nelly, very truly. Your affectionate Uncle, JAS. ieedell. The flrst Academy estabUshed by legislative authority was that of New Berne, in 1767.* Martin says in his history, that there were but two Academies or schools, those of New Berne and Edenton, at the Declaration of Independence. I think this, clearly, a raistake. The legal raaxim, " de non appareniibus et non existentibus eadem est lex," is a very wise rule in determining facts in causes litigated in Courts ; but not always a safe guide in other investigations, as one's ignorance may be the measure of truth. At a very eariy period, it is traditionally known that the Clergymen resident in the State eked out their small salaries by the emoluments arising from teaching schools. If Martin be cor rect, then, during the progress of the war schools multiplied — a sin gular fruit of troublous times.f There was a boarding-school in GranvUle in '78, where two of Mr. IredeU's nephews, the young Blairs, Avere matriculated. This school was discontinued in the autumn of 1779. January 1st, 1780, Mr. Springer established a school in Warren (old Bute), for 30 boys ; the terms were £100 • Caruthers. f Letters from Mrs. Blair and Iredell. Vol. I 28 434 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1779- a year, Virginia money, for tuition, £200 a year for board, and £14 6s. Od. paid " towards the schoolhouse, firewood, &c." Boys from Edenton attended this school, not because there was none nearer home, but because it was in a healthy region. At this very time Parson Earl taught a private school in Edenton. In a letter to Mrs. IredeU, dated Granville, September 9th, Mr. Iredell says : " Never scarcely in England have I seen more beautiful prospects than some I have passed through to-day." Mr. Iredell was at Halifax, Septeraber 7tb, on his way to at tend Salisbury Court. In a letter to his wife, he writes, " the famous Mr. Somerville has ended his wandering at last, and is joined in the tender bands with Miss , I forget the name — W. Martin's niece, the girl I told you of He brought her to town a few days ago. They stay at present at her Uncle's, but he has engaged for three years. Dr. Pasteur's house, where Mr. Nash used to live. They went out of town yesterday to see her grandmother, so that I missed the satisfaction of seeing him, which I greatly regretted, as we had a good deal of laugh toge ther about his courtship." Mr. IredeU was at Salisbury, September 20th. The criminal docket was unusually large, and he was greatly harassed with the State business, while the unexplained absence of his friend Hooper was to hira a sad disappointment. " He was hurried to death." " Upwards of eighty persons were indicted, and mostly for capital crimes — the greatest number for high treason " (Tory ism). " Notwithstanding the utmost diligence, no more than ten could be tried, every one of whom was convicted and con demned. Four tbe jury recommended to mercy," and several were young men " who possibly were artfully seduced."* Mr. Iredell was much gratified with the general opinion entertained of his conduct ; and the many tokens of kindness he received from the citizens : he was retained in four or five civil suits, for which he received " only £206 ;" and felt hlraself constrained to refuse a very large fee, in a land case, as the State seemed indirectly concerned against the title. A modern officer, in such a dilemma, would not long be puzzled in discovering an expedient by which at the same time the pocket might be filled, and scruples of con science quieted. At the close of the Court he had in ready money, inclusive of his salary, £456. He was disappointed in his official fees, for he had supposed that they had been raised ; but ascertained, to his mortification, that no fees had been auo'- mented, but those of the Attorneys in the county Courts. The rea- .fion for the distinction, assigned by Hooper, was " that they expected * Letter to Mrs. Iredell. 1779.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 435 that the office (Attorney-General) would be held by some booby." Mr. Iredell attended HUlsborough Court, October 1st, where he " was detained till the very last moment of the Court by the sUly harangues of pettifogging practisers, rather than any degree of weighty business." From Hillsborough, he went to Halifax, where he arrived on the 15 th October. Nobody attending, two days of the Court were lost. In a letter of the I7th, he says, re ferring to the fiiraUy of Mr. Frohock, " the beginning of next raonth the grand removal is to take place, and the new quarters taken up at Hamilton's store."* " Miss Betsey Montfort was initiated into the rites of raarriage, on the 7th, with the young gentleraan she has been so long pining for." " I am extremely obliged to Mr. Allen for the paper, and beg you to return him my hearty thanks. I scarcely could have got a more valuable treasure, and the stock I brought with me is alraost wholly ex hausted. This was really kind in Nat., and I shall not forget it." While the Court was in session, the Assembly met on the 18th of October. A law promptly passed the latter body for send ing aid to South Carolina and Georgia ; f they also passed an act for punishing counterfeiting, which, it appears, had becorae cora mon in the State.| Mr. Iredell was so engaged in business, that not a moment of his tirae was miseraployed. One trial, of an interesting nature, lasted from 11 A. M. to 9 at night. A Colonel Walker from Virginia was arraigned for passing counter feit money. " Public expectation was extremely raised, and he was with great difficulty acquitted." Though the circuit was only one half over, Mr. Iredell had received £700 ; less however, he says, than he expected. Nash to Iredell. Halifax, 26th Oct., 1779. Sir : — I had the honor to receive yours of this date, and im mediately comraunicated its contents to the House of Senators. And, Sir, it gives me very great pleasure to acquaint you that our House repeated on the occasion the entire confidence they had in your abilities and attachment, and that they think them selves happy in having the important office of Attorney-Geueral * Hamilton was with Prevost at Savannah. The assault upon the British lines, October 9th, was made by 4,50'> men, of whom 3,500 were French; the remainder consisted of COO Regulars {chiefly North Carolina Continentals), and Charleston Militia. Though ultimately beaten, the attack was made with much gallantry, the ditch leaped, and the standards of Carolina, for a time, floated above the parapet of the Spring Hill Redoubt. Lossing. f Statutes. X Letter from IredelL 436 life and correspondence [1779, filled by a gentleman of known and experienced ability. — I have the honor to be, with the highest respect. Sir, your most obedient, servant, A. NASH, S.S. Iredell to Mrs, Iredell. Wilmington, Sth Dec, 1779. Dear Hannah : — I am still here, and as at most of the other courts, constantly teazed with vexatious prosecutions, most of which are personal and malicious. More business, much more, has happened than I expected, and we shall not close the court till the last moment of it, leaving then nearly every thing of a civil nature undone. * * * * I am not without a little more than official business. Mr. and Mrs. Hooper's kindness grows upon me every hour, and I have experienced great civilities from many others. * * * * Poor Mr. Hewes ! * I have heard an account, I am afraid is too true, of his death. What wretched mortals we are, and what a world is this ? The loss of such a man will long be severely felt, and his friends must ever remember him Avith the keenest and most distressing sensibility. Mr. Hooper and I have most painfully sympathized on it, and it has given us a shock we have not yet recovered. If this unhappy event should be true, I will be obliged to you if you will deliver his will, or if y9u are not in town, get your sister to do it, to your brother, or Mr. Smith or Mr. Allen. It is in my tin box. Good God ! how little did I think I should so soon have occasion for it. * * Most affectionately and most anxiously yours, JAS. lEEDELL. Hooper to iREDELL.f My dear Sir : — I have waited for more than a fortnight with extreme solicitude for an opportunity to answer your most obliging letter from Newbern. But no opportunity by a private hand has yet presented itself, and I am apprehensive that the post-riders, either from the extreme cold or the miserable support which the Congress afford them, have declined the office. When * Mr. Hewes died Nov. 10th, in the SOth year of his age, at Philadelphia, His funeral was attended by Congress, the Assembly, and other authorities of Pennsyl vania, the Minister of France, and a great assemblage of citizens. Congress re solved to wear mourning, crape on the left arm, for one month. t The letter is without date. 1779.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 437 I have finished this scrawl I will deposit it with some friend, and leave its further progress towards you to the chapter of accidents. The strong sensibility which you express for the small atten tions which my family had it in their power to show you while you were in this part of the country, gives us occasion to lament that they were not proportionate to your merit and our wishes. We have reflected with much concern since you left us, that you were exposed to the necessity of being at lodgings while at Wil mington, when, had we perfected the resolution which we had begun, we should have been inhabitants of the town, and had the happi ness of having you altogether to ourselves. We, I say ; for be lieve me you are the eternal subject of conversation with ray wife and little ones, and the dixit of Mr. Iredell is a knock-down ar gument against any thing that I may happen to dissent from them in. Our pain at parting was reciprocal. Mrs. H. and my self moved on in solemn silence homewards, with a strange mix ture of sorrow and congratulation — at once desirous to restore you to your amiable family, and lamenting that they could not be happy but at our loss. The warmth of gratitude with which you are animated reminds me of an anecdote at John Cook's table ; who, having set down McGuire and myself and others to a piece of roast beef, very devoutly cried out, " thank God for this" — to which McGuire replied, " Methinks you are very thank ful for small matters." Would to God that souls that were raade for each other, to give and to receive hajjpiness, bad not been made so much the sport of fortune as to be cast where they live to each other only upon paper, denied that fisrvor of sympathy which flows from personal intercourse and a communion of en dearing offices. I must again strike upon the melancholy string. It is eter nally uppermost with me, and notwithstanding the wonted spright- Uness of my disposition, the death of Hewes still preys upon my feelings. Little disposed heretofore to take the gloomy side of the picture, my imagination recoils from every thing that might tend to allay my present distress, and in spite of all my phUos ophy I am effeminately afflicted. He was my very intimate friend. I knew and had probed the secret recesses of his soul, and found it devoid of guilt and replete with benignity. I loved him, and I believe that I was very dear to him — but a long series of sickness had prepared his mind for the fatal stroke, and his body shattered with repeated violence could not, I was well as sured, long brave his periodical complaints ; the news of his dan gerous antecedent Ulness was to rae a harbinger of the worst. I anticipated it, and yet when the shock came I was unprepared for it. Happy apathy J How much to be envied are those who 438 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1779 view, the changes of human life as necessarily growing out of the eternal system of things, not to be laraented, because not ""•¦ APPENDIX TO CHAPTEE XII. To THE Honorable the General Assembly of the State of North Oakolina. The Memorial of James Iredell, (yn,e of the subjects of the said State, on behalf of Henry Eustace McCulloh, Esquire, at present an absentee out of the same, Humbly showeth : — That Henry McCulloh, Esquire, father of the said Henry Eustace McCulloh, did many years past purchase and settle, at a very great expense, a large tract of land in the back parts of this State, to the extreme impoverishment and distress of his private fortune, and with the distant and precarious hope of its proving advantageous to his posterity, by means at the same time highly conducive to the well-being and pros perity of this country. That the said Henry McOiilIoh did at various times, with great trouble and cost, procure numerous settlers to establish themselves on different parts of his said land ; and your memorialist believes he effected this, not only without distressing, but greatly to the advantage of individuals, the posterity of many of whom feel the good effects of his care and attention at this very day. That the said Henry McCulloh residing principally in England, liis son Henry Eustace McCulloh came out to this countiy some time about tlie year 1761, and continued to reside constantly in it until the year 1767, during which time lie was chiefly occupied, as agent for his father, in parcelling out the said lands, so as to afford convenient settlements for purchasers or lessees, many of whom by that means obtained comfortable possessions, and your memorialist has been informed, greatly to the improvement of that part ofthe country, and without any just ground for complaint of ex tortionate or unreasonable terms being imposed ou them. That the said Heniy Eustace McCuUoh having, during the course of so loug a residence and so continued an attention to that business, settled tho fconcerns of. his lands upon a regular and satisfactoiy footing, went to England, partly to have the happiness of seeing his only surviving parent, and other near connexions in that countiy, and partly to solicit at the British Court some indulgencies concerning quitrents, to which he con ceived his father was reasonably entitled, after the great care and pains that had been bestowed by him in the cultivation and improvement of so great an extent of country, which, though ultimately indeed calculated for Eis family's advantage, had been temporarily very distressing to himself, at * The remainder of the letter is lost. 1779.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 439 the- same time that in its consequences it was highly beneficial to the public ofthe then Province pf North Carolina. That before the said Henry Eustace McCulloh left this country, he ap pointed proper agents to transact his business here, and during the whole time of his stay in England, was constantly attentive to their management of it ; and your memorialist has reason to believe, not only attentive to his own immediate interest, but solicitous to take every step that might be con ceived just and equitable, to make the individuals they had concern with as easy and contented as possible. That in the month of October, 17*72, the said Henry Eustace McCulloh returned from England (having before that time received a conveyance from his father of all his property here), aud continued in this country many months, assiduously careful to effect the same purposes of promoting his own interest only by methods that made it perfectly consistent with the welfare and satisfaction of that part of the country whei'e his estate lay, and enjoying the delightful prospect of seeing the increase of his private fortune, and the great public benefit derived from the improvement of a most valu able part of the country, going hand in hand together. That during a considerable part ofthe above period, and for some time after, the said Henry Eustace McCulloh had the honor to act as agent for this country at the several Boards in England, which business his father attended to during his necessary absence here ; and when he again went to England (which was in June, 1773), he was charged with public affairs of much consequence to solicit in his capacity of agent as aforesaid. That at the time when the said Henry Eustace McCulloh thus took his departure for England, no great public dissension subsisted between Great Britain and America, the fury of British passion having long since subsided, and the principal ground of difference remaining, viz., the Tea Act, appear ing to sleep under tbe unwillingness of both sides, as was then fondly hoped, to renew a contest likely to be productive of such calamitous con sequences. . That the father of the said Henry Eustace McCulloh was then in a very advanced age, afflicted with many infirmities, and had had the mis fortune to lose all the rest of his family, which made him extremely anxious to enjoy the comfort and satisfaction of his son's company, during the remainder of a life that in the course of nature promised to be veiy short, and which in so remaikable a manner had been devoted to procure the advancement and prosperity of his children, at the expense of his own. That in January, 1774, the destruction of the tea at Boston furnished a pretence for the vindictive acts that followed, and which were of such a nature, as to make the great and dignifie<:l opposition which actuated all America indispensably necessary, and which every friend to both countries earnestly flattered himself would be attended with the desired success, when it was seen the good sense of America was not to be imposed upon by any finesse, nor , its spirit , and union to be awed by any desperate or partial measure of resentment. That from this period until the fatal commencement of hostilities, and even until very near the tirae when a necessity which every well-wisher td his country deplored, urged an immediate and total separation between Great Britain and America, it was scarcely supposable that the mad career ef conquest over a free country, by those whom Heaven had appointed a9 440 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1779- its guardians, could possibly be suffered to proceed, when the union of America in its opposition was so powerful and strong, its resources so great, its spirit so determined, and when the nature of the country was such, that a conquest obtained over one part of it must be abandoned as soon as acquired, or its enemies remain satisfied with little nests for gam- sons, leaving the open country in possession of those to whom fortune and their own industry had given it. That in this situation, American gentlemen who happened to be at that time in England, might very reasonably and justly hope for a relinquishment of claims, whicli not only were highly unconstitutional and unjust, but thus promised not to be attended with even the shadow of success, without whicli the pursuit of the most favorite measures must be idle and ridiculous. That the abovesaid Henry Eustace McCulloh did, however, from the very beginning of these disturbances, in the course of a long and frequent correspondence between him and your memorialist, which subsisted till an intercourse of private letters between the two countries was totally pro hibited, express himself in terms highly friendly and affectionate to Amer ica, and repeatedly assured liim, that nothing but the duty he owed his father detained him in England, and that whenever he should be unhappy enough to lose him, it was his fixed and determined purpose to come and settle in this country. That for some time before, and constantly after the Declaration of Independence, the difiBculty of coming from Great Britain to America, with an intention of residence, was very great ; since, if coming either in British or foreign vessels, persons were liable to be taken and confined as prisoners by one party or the other ; and prisoners taken by the British in particular, had been at times so cruelly treated, as well to deter a man in any but the most desperate case from exposing himself to the danger of so unhappy a calamity. That these difficulties appeared to subsist in their full force until the memorable acts of the British Parliament at their last session, and which must amount, in the judgment of every reasonable man, to a full confession that their haughty claims were, even in their own opinion, absolutely in supportable, and that if they could not succeed in one more attaci on the virtue and honor of this country, they must at length, with a good or a bad grace, recognize the dignity of its opposition, and grant such terms as in its present situation are only admissible. That in this advanced period of the contest, when the weakness of Great Britain was acknowledged, and peace with all its blessings (it must have appeared) would in a short tirae most probably solely depend on the wisdom and moderation of the American counsels, there was no reason to suppose the enemy would have any desire to distress private gentlemen, by preventing their going to their estates ; and therefore, in the month of August or September last, a great number of American gentlemen, among whom was the abovesaid Henry Eustace McCulloh, arrived in the packet from England at New York. That since the arrival of the said Henry Eustace McCulloh at New York, your memorialist has received two letters from hira, one of a more general kind, that your memorialist begs leave to submit to the inspection of your honorable body, at the same time with this memorial, and by which there seems reason to fear, he lias met with unexpected detention ; 17'79.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 441 the other concerning private business of much consequence, which he is also ready to produce, if it be desired, and the purport of which, requiring papers of near concern to sorae relations in England, made it of extreme importance to Mr. McCulloh to receive them, if possible, before he left New York. Your memorialist has thus taken the liberty, with a zeal and friendship which he believes the occasion justifies, and which he is persuaded the gentleman who is the subject of his application deserves, on a public as well as a private account, to lay his case before the Legislature of this country, for whom he is assured that gentleman, as well as himself, enter tains the highest sense of duly and respect. Upon their mercy and justice he desires to throw himself, fully confident that the sarae dignity of senti ment, and pure attachment to liberty, which have hitherto carried them triumphantly through a most just and glorious opposition to measures of tyranny and oppression, will actuate them in their own conduct to persons within their power, and not suffer them to inflict punishment, where there has been no crime. The only crime that gentleman can be charged with, in your memorialist's opinion, is an innocent and unoffending absence from a country, which he left in a state of profound peace, to reside for sorae time in another, then in the closest connexion with it, and where circum stances even of public duty, as well as of the most tender concern, anxiously, and almost unavoidably called him ; which, however, he has left, in spite of every endearing obstacle, as soon as it was in the least probable he could safely get here. Your memorialist humbly begs leave to observe, that as the absentee law seems to have for its principle, the forfeiture of property which the owners criminally either refuse or neglect to bear their share in protecting (the justice of which your memorialist is far from wishing to deny), the spirit of that law cannot, in his apprehension, justly affect the case of a man who has been reluctantly absent from it, who has done ever}' thing in his power to avail himself of the tirae allowed, and who is perhaps at this very moment arbitrarily, though unexpectedly, detained frora hastening to become, as he wishes to be, a faithful and zealous subject of the State. Your memorialist, therefore, with all the humility which becomes him, but at the same time with all the zeal and earnestness which can affect him, not only upon the motives of private friendship, but the higher and more important ones of public duty (which he never will, for any consider ations, sacrifice to the foi-mer), submits to the deliberation of the Honorable the General Assembly of this State the case of the said Henry Eustace McCulloh, Esquire, and prays that they will be pleased to prolong the time for his personal appearance before thera, and apply such further remedy to the difficulties he labors under as to their wisdom shall seem meet. i42 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1780- CHAPTEE XIII. LETTERS FROM IREDELL ; ASSEMBLY ; THE CIRCUIT ; LETTERS FROM IREDELL ; SOUTH CAROLINA SUBDUED ; CONDITION OF NORTH CAROLINA ; LETTERS FROM IREDELL ; ROCKY MOUNT ; HANGING ROCK ; BATTLE OF CAMDEN ; ASSEMBLY ; LETTERS FROM IREDELL ; SECOND BRITISH INVASION ; BATTLE OF KING'S MOUNTAIN ; CORNWALLIS RETREATS ; LETTERS FROM IREDELL ; ARRIVAL OF GREENE ; ARMY ; ADMIRALTY SUIT ; LETTER FROM iET. 28-29. Abner Nash, elected at the last Session of the Assembly, succeeded Caswell as Governor, in December, 1779. Iredell to Mrs. Iredell. Elk Maesh, 13th April. My dear Hannah : — Mr. Hooper is very well, and his com pany a great relief to me, otherwise my time at present would pass very disagreeably here ; for that spunging creature Lathberry is shut up in the house with us, and so insolent with his tory conversation and sly slanders, that we have been obliged to han dle him a little roughly, and should have done it. much more if it had been in a different house. However, he seems a little sick of it, and much more humble for the reproof he has received. * * * Frohock is still severely confined, but in a fairer way of recovery than for a long time past * * Till within a few days, when a new Doctor from Halifax (one Dr. Love) came to attend hira, his chance seemed very unpromising. * * Tour Brother, as I told you, got very little money at Hillsborough : Mr. Hooper, I beUeve, none but what was due him before ; I only my salary. Strudwick has engaged me in his suits, upon a promise to pay me the value of £100, as money was at its best. This was what I asked upon consulting your Brother, who told me it ought to be £100 sterling, but he knew my modesty would not suffer me to ask it. I expect to receive between £500 and £1000 of this 1780.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 443 at Wilmington, which I think is a pretty good fee. Travelling has not been so expensive as I expected. * •••" Your Brother, in addition to his numberless acts of goodness, has conferred on me one which I value almost as much as any of the rest. He has had the kindness to give me advice, which I much wanted. He took occasion, in the raost gentle and friendly manner, to speak to me about my intemperate manner of speaking, which, (if I did not get the better of it) he said, he feared would be a great prejudice to me. The confusion he was in, and the pain I am sure he felt, showed in the strongest Ught the extreme good ness of his heart, and his very flattering regard for rae. I assure you, I am not only grateful for it, but proud of it. The few words he spoke have made the deepest impression on me. They are ever present to me. They frequently check rising passionate expressions, and if any escape me, I instantly reproach myself. I hope I shall be the better for thera as long as I Uve, well know ing the happy advantage of having such a friend. How valu- fible are all his instructions, and how much I am concerned in ob serving them. I am well satisfied that it is in every body's power greatly to improve themselves, and that constant care, as it is requisite, so in all probability it will be successful. I view him, I view Mr. Hooper ; I would wish to be like them. It would be ray honor and happiness to be so, but that is impossible even in a very distant degree without extreme care and unremitting at tention. "¦••" *" The fate of Charleston is very doubtful, though it is extremely strong. Some intelligent people think the ene my have little chance but by water, and that there their operations will be extremely difficult. One passage to the country only is open to the town, by a ferry at a place called Haddrell's Point, on Cooper river, at the mouth of which several ships are sunk to obstruct the enemy. The town however are in the highest spirits, and even Ladies insist on staying to abide the fate of their hus bands and relations. John Hamilton was lately taken a prisoner in a small party. I saw a letter from himself mentioning it. Give my love, &c., &c. Your ever faithfully affectionate, JAMES ieedell. Ou the 16th April Mr. Iredell and Mr. Hooper, after a short visit to Booth, one of Mr. Johnston's country seats, arrived at Hali fax. The Asserably met at New Berne on the I7th : after levy ing a public tax, they provided for tho emission of £240,000 in bUls of credit.* There being great difficulty in obtaining salt and other commodities of foreign production, a Board of Comraission - * Statutes. Hubbard. 444 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1180. ers was established for carrying on trade for the benefit of the State : Ex-Governor Caswell, Benjamin Hawkins, and Eobert Bignal, a merchant of Edenton, were appointed Commissioners, •with authority to export and import. But little good was effected by this extraordinary expedient, and operations were soon discon tinued. Acts were passed to check the circulation of counterfeit money ; to protect Quakers, Moravians, Menonists, and Dunkards, against persons who had taken possession of their lands under the pretence that they had not " taken an affirmation to the State ; " to prevent all armed or other vessels leaving the ports of the State ; authorizing the Governor, with the advice ofthe CouncU, to send 8000 men to the relief of South CaroUna ; and providing for filUng up the ranks of the Continental Battalions.* In consequence of great freshets. Judge Williams, and the Attorney General, to reach New Berne from Edenton, were com pelled to make a circuit by way of Halifax. Finding the way by Edwards's impracticable, in consequence of a "gut" surcharged with water, Iredell and Williams, leaving Judge Spencer behind " growling very ill-naturedly, and determined to get across if he flew over it," went higher up, and crossed the swollen Eoanoke at the town of Halifax. Iredell to Mrs. Iredell. NzwDERS, 18th May, 1780. My DEAR Hannah : — At length, after an infinite deal of difficulty and trouble, we have arrived in Newbem. I wrote you from Halifax of the disagreeable Circuit we were obliged to make in consequence of a very high fresh, which made the road almost impassable. We staid only to dine in it, and proceeded on, little apprehensive of the further difficulties we had to encounter, and thinking only of the extraordinary distance. But this was noth ing compared to other things. Besides Tar and Neuse Elvers, which were very high, and very difficult, we had to pass a great many deep water-courses, some where bridges were torn up, miU- dams broke, or the water from its natural depth at this remark able season entirely unfordable. Notwithstanding all these things, we had, however, the good luck to avoid always swimming our selves, though our horses were obliged to do it three or four times. Planks or canoes were fortunately at hand for us. The weather • The act constituted Eichard CasweU a Major-General, to command the " aid " ordered to be raised as well ai> all the Militia belonging to the Stale now in service. The Governor was by the constitution Commander-iu-Chief ; and this act, a clear viola tion of the powers vested in liim, indicates that the confidence of the Legislature in the Executive was, if not lost, greatly shaken. 1780.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 445- was excessively bad, and we got very wet several times. It has had however no ill-effect on Mr. Hooper or myself, who are quite well, but Mr. WilUams has a most severe inflammation inhis eyes, and pain in his head, and fever, which has confined him ever since he came to town. It was not in our power, with our utmost diligence, to get here sooner than last night, which completed the seventh since we left Edenton. We consoled ourselves very much with finding Mr. Spencer behind, for though he got over that Gnt (at a higher part of it) I wrote to you about, yet he did not arrive here till this morning, having been carousing with perfect content for two or three days at Jacob Blount's, which we know was the only object that made him in a fever to leave us. I staid one night on the road with Dr. Ferguson. Mr. Hooper and WUliaras staid with Capt. Toole at about a quarter of a raUe's distance. The Doctor received me very kindly, and his wife was extremely hospitable and obliging. She is one of the fattest women I ever saw, but has a likely face, and an agreeable man ner. His son is a fine stout fellow. There is nothing to com plain of but the house, only two small rooms under a very mean roof, but this is owing to the dwelling-house being sorae years ago burnt, and the present difficulty of building. The great toast, Mrs. Barron, is at last married, and whom do you think to ? No other than the celebrated Mr. Jaraes Ellis. The ceremony was perforraed on Sunday last, in the presence of about fifty people. I saw them by accident at Cooke's this evening, having not had time to pay them a visit. Neither have Ibeen able (which I much regret) to see Mrs. Gordon. Poor Peggy, from the accounts I hear, I fear is going. She is at present in the neighborhood of Bath. "••' * I have a great mind to ask her mother to send her for a while to Edenton. Possibly a Uttle new society might re vive her spirits. * * "* Mrs. Vail died last Sunday. The accounts are very distressing from the Southward. Charleston, without a most speedy and unexpected relief, must certainly fall, and the Continental troops with it. The town is entirely surrounded, many posts possessed by the enemy in the neighborhood, and some at a distance from it, and they have suc cessfully surprised our people twice. Add to thi^ melancholy account an intelligence that I am afraid is too certain, that the Garrison have only four weeks' provisions. They, however, support their spirits amazingly, and importunately urge, they say, to receive only a quarter allowance. It is said also, the enemy have been repulsed with considerable loss in his attacks. But notwithstanding these discouraging circumstances, it is a consola tion that the Maryland troops, and perhaps raore, are certainly advancing, and that a large supply of muskets is arrived at HaU- 446 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1780- fax frora Philadelphia. 8000 of our MUilia are ordered, I am told, to be embodied : 4000 by the Assembly, and 4000 by the Governor, in consequence of a power given him. That number, I am sure, cannot possibly be raised, but it is certainly necessary to make very great exertions. I have been skimraing over the laws, so far as a very few rainutes would permit me. They are certainly the vilest collection of trash ever formed by a legislative body. My salary, a court, is £500. I know not if they have done any thing about the fees. There seems very Uttle business tbis Court, but of that little I have a share. Though I say it who should not say it, I appear to be of some consideration. This, you will say, will add to an in tolerable stock of vanity. But I hope such a saying will have more smartness than truth in it. Expenses are monstrous. My jaunt has cost me about $600 on the road. Andthe depreciation will certainly proceed most rapidly, for they are giving away the money at the printing office in so public and careless a manner as to make it quite contemptible. Wilson Blount pressed me very much to stay at his house, and when I declined that, to let him keep my horses, but I declined that also. * * * I had the honor to dine to-day with his Excellency. I have not been able yet to mouth the word to him, but must learn it by degrees. The lady is highly pleased, and they are preparing to occupy the palace * * * Direct your next letter to Wilminston, &c., &c. Your most faithfully affectionate, JAMES ieedell. Newbern, 21st May, 1780. My DEAR Hannah: — '"* * I am now to give you very disagreeable news. Charleston, I believe, is certainly taken. It is said to have been on the 12th, and after two days' very severe attack, wherein the enemy, I believe, lost a great many men, and we, I am afraid, not a few. It is not certain whether the town was carried immediately by assault, or capitulation. The probability, from the best accounts we have, seems to be in favor of the latter, and we are told that the Garrison were allowed to march out of the town, and to have a truce for ten days, dur ing which time they might carry out as many arms, &c., and as much provision as they could. These conditions, if true, wUl be favorable; but the account of thera is clogged with this disagree able appendage, that Lord Cornwallis had marched to Camden, where was the Governor and the whole strength of South Care 's" 1780.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 447 Una. The people in this State are very much distressed, and every where flying from home. Wilraington is crowded with some of the flrst families. Fourteen ladies are said to have arrived there last Friday, and several were there before. They will be moving on, I suppose, some to Halifax, others here, and some, I am told, are going to Virginia. I wish I could offer a refuge among us. Such distress it is our duty to relieve. Many who have for years lived in opulence, will now, I suppose, have to seek for the common necessaries oflife. Mr. Hooper intends bringing his faraily iramediately here, and perhaps afterwards (which I strongly press for many reasons) going to Booth or the neighborhood of Halifax. Mr. Telfair and he understand each other about tbe for mer. Mr. Hooper wUl not interfere with the convenience of his family; but Mr. Telfair's being very large, he wishes, if possible, to get some other house, lest he should distress your brother by occupying the whole of his. George Hooper's family are coming along here, under the painful situation of her being * * * But Wilmington is certainly no place of security, as the enemy may take it when they please. * * -^^ I shall stay here till near the time of Wilmington Court, and then go in, if there is no extraordinary alarm there, &c. &c. Yours, raost affectionately, JAS. ieedell. With the surrender of Charleston, and the defeat of Col. Buford's detachraent, on the 29th, the conquest of South Caro lina was coraplete. North Carolina was now without regular troops — her Continental Battalions, with one thousand of her militia, were included in the capitulation of Charleston ; and it was long before new regiments could be established, or old ones reconstructed. I do not know when the troops were generally ex changed ; but in the Fall of this year and early in '81, a portion of the Continental officers were redeemed from captivity and re stored to usefulness; these were immediately employed in train ing militia, or reforming, as far as practicable, by drafts from the militia, and stragglers picked up here and there, their broken battalions. North Carolina had been greatly impoverished by the war; besides the support of a domestic force, most of the sup plies for the Southern Army were drawn from her granaries, while her fields were denuded by reinforcements from the North ward, who augmented the general distress; as, relying upon the harvest of this State, they came with but a slender commissariat.* At the same time her population smarted under all the evUs that * Jefferson's Letters. 448 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1780. flow from an infiated, depreciated, and fluctuating currency; in apparent despair of any correction, the financial embarrassment was aggravated by the reckless disregard with which the circula tion, already an object of contempt, was increased by the negli gence of the public officers, by the spurious issues of knaves, and the forgeries of counterfeiters. Penal statutes could but partially check the evil, nor could the Assembly give vitality and value by enactment to what was almost worthless. What coin existed was in the hands of merchants, or secreted as a provision for ex treme need. In defiance of law the mercantUe community would discriminate between the different kinds of currency; some, sim ply for reasons of trade; others, hostile to the Government, to cripple its resources and expose it to contumel}\ Conteraporane- ously with the loss of Lincoln's army, the Tories began to mani fest an unwonted activity. The expected advanceof the British, so full of peril to the Whigs, was full of promise to them, and the blood danced in their veins, and their eyes gleamed with an ticipated triumph. Emissaries soon penetrated in every direction, confirming their courage and stimulating their energies. As soon as the ripened grain should court the sickle, they said, Lord Corn wallis would advance, and they bade them be patient, but ready. The fire they kindled, however, could not be hid, but soon broke into blaze. The Tories were carried away by their ardor ; flew to arms, and by their precipitancy drew upon themselves the chastisement, swift and signal as their rashness and folly. Tho most manly and respectable part of the loyalists were well known, and had vindicated on the battlefield the sincerity of their convic tions ; but there was a portion of them, traitors in disguise, especially dangerous because of their masks, their intelligence, and their coraraand of money. These, generally Scotch and EngUsh merchants, by a confidence as unwise as generous, had been per mitted, though suspected, to remain unmolested. Some who had even visited England during the war were suffered to return and "make their submission;" others were protected by infiuential connections in the patriot ranks ; many, conversant with refined life, had address, and had formed matrimonial alliances with the families of the most eminent men; they paid assiduous court to rank and riches, and obtained easy access to every circle. Travers ing the State from east to west, they constituted to the British a means of communication with the disaffected; they were dig- creet counsellors, and often directed the course of events.* Was the husband watched, who would stain his gallantry by subjecting a lady to the rudeness of search? Some of these miscreants were * Executive Correspondence. 1780.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 449 even in lucrative offices. They soon became masters of every secret, and, assassin-like, the poniards concealed in their bosoms were never drawn, but stealthily, in the dark, to inflict mortal wounds. These were the only domestic foe, for the slaves were either so much attached to their owners, or, if you will, such was their habit of subjection, aud cousequent lack of enterprise, that they inspired no dread. Ordinarily they were identified in feeling with their proprietors; some few scamps, seduced and instigated by blacker scoundrels, perpetrated outrages on defenceless women and children, plundered a farm, or fired a dwelling; but these instances were rare. Doubtless at the period of which I treat, there were many villains for whose crimes neither party was strictly responsible : heretofore kept in awe by the strong arm of the law, the impending invasion enticed them from their coverts, as the first warm day of spring draws countless reptiles from their holes; and many a dark deed was done, at which humanity shud ders, by those who at one tirae brought disgrace to the flag of Britain, at another, infaray to that of North Carolina. In the examination of the history of 1780, it is worthy of note, that though a large part of the white population of the State was in imical to its authorities, in despite or because of its slaves, yet was North Carolina able to cope with and defeat troops flushed with success, and to crown the campaign with victory. It is often asked by amiable Northern writers, " What if servile rebellion had been fomented ? " The query is designed to be minatory, and suggested by a thought, and hope of the future; but is easily answered : — As far as they could be used by the British and Tories advantageously, slaves were actually employed; that they did not play a more conspicuous part in the war, was not because of fastidious scruples or humanity, but solely because such as were obtained were utterly inefficient. Now, if North Carolina, under the raost unfavorable circumstances, with a divided people aud a powerful enemy within her borders, could keep her blacks in order, and make effectual her defence, why need the same State, with an united and homogeneous white race, ever entertain aught of fear on account ofthe machinations of incendiary Abolitionists? Though '80 and '81 were memorable years, and attended with much individual calamity and public disaster, yet I cannot but think the pictures we have of that era too sombre. Wreck enough there was — ^blackened ruins — unburied corpses; but yet North Carolina ever maintained its character as a secure refuge for exiles from the more Southern. States. Eegiments were shat tered, dispersed, annihilated, but at no tirae was the State subdued or placed " hors du corabat." If at particular periods there was no considerable organized force underthe State "eonoraine," at such Vol. L— 29 450 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE ['780. crises her citizens took charge of the war as volunteers ; her sons, in the interior and on the seaboard, established a military police, and enforced order wherever the enemy was not in force; watched their post,s, assailed their foraging parties, and captured their scouts; the ground won by the invader to-day was liberated by his march to-morrow. Meanwhile the men of the West, gathering as rapidly as their own mountain clouds, precipitated themselves, with a fury as sudden and remorseless, upon all who ventured be yond the Catawba. The correspondence of the period shows how high and indomitable was the spirit of the people ; they never despaired, but as the plot thickened, became' more and more ready to serve in the fleld. They needed no compulsion, for their spontaneous acts anticipated the " draft." The only difficulty was to find arms and equipments. Such was their zeal that they often went into action unable, from want of muskets and sabres, to attack or resist, but willing to interpose their bodies as a living screen between the Continentals and the British. The resources of the Confederacy had been expended chiefly at the North; such mUitary munitions as were in North Carolina had been directed to the South. If the statements of the historians of other States be correct — " no magazine laid up ; the coraraissaries without money or credit ; soldiers living by impressment of lean cattle ; " * the great array of troops by the State is almost incredible, and can only be referred to patriotism as conspicuous and dazzling as ever shone upon the combat or iUumed the council of Greece or Eome. Iredell to Mrs. Iredell. Newbekn, 22dMay, 1780. My dear Hannah : — I was most agreeably surprised this afternoon with your letter of the 18th, for I had no expectation of the post arriving tUl to-morrow, and should not perhaps have received your letter till then, if Mr. Cogdell, the postraaster, who is extremely obligiflg to me, had not been kind enough to send it. It makes me very happy to hear of you so lately, and I thank you for your punctuality in writing. I have felt deeply for the uneasiness I knew you would suffer in being so long without hearing frona me. I thmk with great pain of the anxiety you would experience tiU to-morrow's post, which will contain a com plete catalogue of biir misfortunes and delays. We have been extremely fortunate, however, in preserving our health through aU. Mr. Hooper and I are perfectly well, and Mr. Williams al- * HUdreth. 1780. OF JAMES IREDELL. 451 most SO. His company was a great relief to ns, for he is certain ly one of the best-natured, and most cheerful men living. I wrote you yesterday the melancholy intelligence we had received about Charleston. This letter I had intended, with some additions, sending by the post, but very accidentally this raorning raet with a private opportunity, and raade use of it. It was so momentary, that I had it not in my power to write to your brother or any •body else. I am sorry he complains so much of his shoulder. * * I t,liink myself under infinite obligations to Mr. Smith. His goodness never deserts hira, and while I live, I wiU endeavor to remeraber his attentions and real services with gratitude. * * I find Mr. Hooper, though he has engaged half a dozen houses here for himself and friends, does not intend to raove his faraUy tiU the eneray (if they come at all) arrive at Brunswick ; and he insists, on pain of his utmost displeasure, on my going to his house immediately from here. So I have resolved to do it, and perhaps may be able to set off with him, for he is stUl detained here about some little matters of business. * * The Gover nor has yet no official intelligence of the fate of Charleston. The fact of its being taken, I believe, is too true ; but it is yet uncer tain whether by assault or capitulation. This unhappy affair has put an end to a grand ball that was to have been given by the Governor to-morrow night, on occasion of his taking possession of the palace, which he did on Saturday, for his place of residence. » * We feast upon strawberries here. Don't fail to make my best compliments to all Mr. Cabarrus's family. I have great rea son, considering every thing, to be satisfied with this Court. There has not been much business, but I have been appUed to in almost every thing. I have already received in civil suits £1,240 in paper, besides 19 silver doUars ; and I expect to receive to-morrow £500, and my salary for this and Edenton Courts, which wUl be £1000. I very much wish I could ^contrive you some of this, to pay for the rum and other things, but I can't devise any method of doing it. My fear is, that as usual the money will be much depreciated before I lay it out. I shall care fully preserve the little hard raoney to the last. Would you believe that I got ray half Joe ? The house was on our road here, and I found the woraan had preserved it with great care. I regretted ray not being able to afford her the whole, and paid her $50. You must not expect to hear with any regularity from rae after this post, because Mr. Hooper lives seven miles from Wil mington, and the post is only there once a week. You may be assured, however, that I wiU be as dUigent as possible in avaUing myself of it. With respect to my heart, it is, my dear Hannah, entirely 462 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1780- and wholly yours. I cherish the dear and agreeable persuasion, and wiU never part with it. My happiness, my thoughts, my every thing is centered in you. God grant you may be able to preserve your health. I shall chide every moment's delay, and when I am permitted to go, shall fly to you with all possible ex pedition. Let me again beg you to give my love to your sister, my dear Nelly in particular, and the other children, distinguish ing also among these my young pupil, who I hope does some thing. Adieu ! my dear Hannah. May heaven ever bless you I Yours most faithfully and affectionately, JAS. ieedell. Newbekn, 24th May, 1780. My dear Hannah : — ¦"' * * * I am just setting off for the southward. Mr. Hooper went this morning. I wished, but was not able to go with him. I have received for fees here in all £2,340 — besides nineteen silver dollars, and my salary money for Edenton and Newbern, and arrears of Halifax. But ray ex penses are very heavy. Thank God, there is no certain inteUi gence yet of the surrender of Charleston, which induces us to hope it is a Tory lie to discourage the people. There is much reason for this suspicion. The surrender is said to have been on the 12th. At Georgetown, only sixty miles distant, on the 19th, they had no certainty of it, and it began to be disbeUeved. The account at first was only from a post-rider, and Charleston being blockaded, the enemy may fabricate what lies they please. Di rect to me, as I before desired, in Newbern. I will give Cogdell directions. They have only one post a week from Cape Fear, so you raust not after this expect regular inteUigence of me. But I shall from you, there being no such reason to bar you. Tell the gentlemen all I wrote before is, as Mr. Penn would say, " in nu- bibus ; " but I, to a lady who does not understand Latin, more politely say in plain English, it is extremely uncertain, &c., &c. JAS. ieedell. Mason BoEonoH, 28th May, 1780. Dear Hannah .: — I have been at this agreeable place ever since Friday. I left Newbern so soon after Mr. Hooper, that, he being detained by indisposition and bad weather two or three hours on the road on Friday morning, I overtook hira, and we came here together. The family are very well, and I, as usual, very happy ; but not enough so to forget you, or to cease thinking continu ally of you. Charleston is certainly taken. I have seen a 1780.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 453 gentleman who heard the capitulation read. The garrison are made prisoners of war ; the inhabitants, at least such as choose to stay, protected in tlieir persons and property. The militia are allowed to go home on their parole ; the continental troops, at least the officers, paroled to Hadrell's Point and the distance of ten miles about it. The surrender, it seems, was not from an immediate want of provisions, but in consequence of very near ap proaches of the British lines, which threatened in a short time certain success, perhaps on worse terms, and the inhabitants were extremely importunate, as we are told, for the surrender. This is the account as I heard it, and believe truly. I hope to be able to get a copy of the capitulation to send to your brother, but it is very uncertain if I can. We hear of nothing further of the British operations, although it is expected they will soon be about some mischief or other. Col. Washington's Light Horse have fled to Wilmington, and are now there, and wiU be, I sup pose, joined to-day by a legion of about 200, partly horse, and part foot, commanded by one Col. Armand, who is on his way from the northward.* How either, or both intend to proceed, nobody I believe but themselves knows. Mr. Hooper talks of leaving this in a few days, and he most certainly ought to do it. I ara to stay here till Tuesday, which is Court-day, and I believe Post-day; so, for fear of being too late, I shall endeavor to contrive this there sooner, and expect an opportunity to-day. ¦•'•¦ "'¦' * Yours, &c., JAS. lEEDELL. P. S. I have had further particulars of the capitulation. Clinton first proposed it, representing his own strength and ad vanced works, and our weakness, with the improbability of relief Lincoln desired time to consider. At length the terms were agreed on, when the garrison had been three days without meat (though they had plenty of rice, but not very good), and after sus taining a continual cannonade, sorae part of the town was in a manner open to them. L. desired leave to march out with the honors of war, drums beating, colors fiying, &c. Clinton granted this, except that their colors should not be displayed, nor they play a British march. He marched out of town without any beat of drum, and with the colors cased. The British, with an uncommon and most pleasing delicacy, marched in exactly in the same manner. The officers are aUowed their baggage, side- arras, &c., and Col. Clark is very safe and wellf * Colonel Armand, Marquis de la Rouarie, appointed Coh '77. His corps was incorporated with Pulaski's in Feb. 1781. He received the rank of Brigadier-Gen eral in '83. He was active, intelligent, and brave. — Lossing. A portion of Colonel Washington's command was destroyed at Buford's defeat. f The brother-in-law of 'WiUiam Hooper. 454 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1780. "WiuuixGTOx. 2d June, 1780. My DEAR Hannah :— * * I thank God the business of this Court will be very much shortened, although the cause is not a very agreeable one — the universal alarm and anxiety of the people about the progress of the British army. We have heard no certain particiUars of any thing since the surrender. * * The Judges came to town before us prodigiously frightened, and gave in a manner public notice that no business would be done, in consequence of which I fear we have lost some money. I have, however, received five guineas and £500, and am to have £500 or £600 on account of Strudwick. In the mean time I Uve very agreeably, at free cost, with Mr. Hogg, who is really a most valu able man. Mr. Hooper and I are together, S:c., &c. JAS. ieedell. JI.ASON Borough, Sth June, 1780. Dear Hannah : — * * My horses, after staying a week here with perfect content, got away several days ago, and in spite of our utmost efforts and Mr. Hooper's most obliging attention, are not yet found. This now only detains me. * * * Qur army in South Carolina are retreating before Lord Cornwallis, who is marching westward. Mr. Hooper talks of moving in a few days, and is doubtful whether he shall not first rendezvous at Edenton and look out for a settlement afterward. In this case, he says he has promised to stay at N. Allen's, &c., &c. JAS. ieedell. Early in June, the militia of Mecklenburg and Eowan were ordered out to check the triumphant march of Lord Cornwallis.* Scarcely had they assembled, when they received intelUgence of a body of Loyalists at Earasour's Mill, near the present village of Lincolnton. Gen. Eutherford, unwilling that his force should be diverted frora his primary object, despatched orders to Colonel Locke of Eowan to suppress the insurrection. In less than five days, Locke raised and united his levies. At sunrise on the morning of the 20th, at the head of three hundred and fifty men, he engaged the Loyalists, thirteen hundred in number, and after a well-sustained action of an hour drove them from their position. Seventy men were left dead upon the field, and more than two hundred wounded, the loss of each side being equal " For dar ing courage on the part of the Whigs, considering that the enemy outnumbered them in the proportion of four to one, and had great advantage in position, it is surpassed by few events of the war."t It revived for a time the recollection of Moore's Creek, and created a salutary panic among the disaffected. * Gov, Graham. \ Ibid. 1780.] of james iredell. 455 John Johnston to Iredell. . June 22d, 1780. (Bertie.) Dear Sir : — I wrote you once before I left Newbern, giving you an account of ray proceedings respecting your lands ; however , in case that may have miscarried, I have given my brother the same account, when he was last here. I had many offers for it, and some which might have been accepted, but as a division had not taken place between you and the Frankses and Heritage, I could not conclude any bargain. You may depend on it they will do every thing in their power to jockey you ; this I am convinced of from their attempts upon me. Mr. Nash made large offers for it, but I found the tobacco which he offered was already partly dis posed of, and the other part not yet made. In short, I found that none of the persons who offered could lay down. Young Izler's offer seemed the most calculated for your advantage, which was to give 35s. per annum, and pay down £600 of the hard money — the remainder to be paid next January either in the like raoney or in pork at the forraer cash price. This offer I should have taken, but not having time to run the line between these people and you, prevented. I shall set off next Monday with about fifty or sixty Light horse men, who have done me the honor to appoint me their Captain. As it is very possible some accident may happen which may prevent my return, I have made a will which is in the hands of Doctor Vehcr directed to my brother, who, with you, I have taken the liberty of appointing ray executors and guardians to my three boys, Mrs. Iredell guardian to my little girl. I am, dear Sir, with the sincerest regard, your affectionate brother-in-law, JOHN JOHNSTON. On the 20th of July that very enterprising partisan-officer, Major Davie, with a party of his dragoons and sorae volunteers, surprised and captured a convoy of provisions, spirits, and cloth ing, destined for the enemy's post at Hanging Eock. Towards the close of the same raonth. Col. Surapter, with a number of South Carolina refugees, and Col. Irwin of N. C, with three hundred of the Mecklenburg militia, made a gallant attempt upon Eocky Mount, a fortified position ; Davie, at the same tirae ap proaching Hanging Eock, encountered three companies of mounted infantry, halted at a farmer's house, after some excursion ; and charged them with such fury that they were literally cut to pieces. All these corps uniting about the 5th of August made a formi dable assault upon Hanging Eock, attended with much success, and rewarded with no small share of plunder. * Hubbard. 456 life and correspondence [nso. The militia ordered by the Assembly in the Spring (8,000) were coUected, and organized by General Caswell in the East, and General Eutherford in the West.* These forces were united the first of August at Thompson's Creek, S. C, three raUes below the Cheraw HUl. CasweU had the chief command, and Eutherford, Gregory and Butler acted as Brigadiers.f The jail at Salisbury being insecure, they had taken away a considerable number "of Tory prisoners, whom they had in camp under a guard. The militia were in fine spirits, awaiting the approach of Gates, and looking forward with eager hope to a conflict with the enemy. Moving cautiously on, they were by the Sth within 14 miles of Cornwallis. Gates, designated by Congress for the Southern De partment, June 13th, reached De Kalb's camp upon Deep Eiver, July 25th : here he found the Maryland and Delaware Conti nentals, Col. Armand's Legion, and three companies of Artillery. Giddy from success, and arrogant from flattery, the new General, despising counsel, deterrained upon a route through a barren and disaffected region. On the morning of the 27th he marched on the road to Camden, where the laurels won at Saratoga were destined to shrivel like parchment under the fire of a Southern sun. On the 28th he was joined by Lt. Col. Porterfield with 100 Vir ginians, and August the fifth, in the evening, he effected a junc tion with Caswell ; the day after his arrival at Eugeley's, he was reinforced by Gen. Stevens, of Va., with 700 men. Militia are peculiarly liable to panics, hence the necessity of guarding them sedulously against a surprise. At 10 o'clock P. M., on the 15th, Gates pressed forward with so Uttle prudence and so much fatuity, that Col. Armand, who was with the van, subsequently said, " that if he had desired to betray bis army, he could not bave chosen a more judicious course." The deep sand rendered foot steps inaudible. About 2 o'clock in the morning, the advanced guards of the adversaries came into collision : the shock was violent and sudden. Armand's troops recoiled upon the 1st Maryland Brigade ; that gave way, and communicated its consternation to the whole line ; the enemy's van, however, was soon arrested by Porterfield, and by Armstrong, with the North Carolina Light In fantry, who with equal spirit attacked them on the right and left. Both armies halted : the wounded were borne to the rear : each prepared for battle. A retreat was practicable and plainly dicta- * Griffith Eutherford was an Irishman, brave and enterprising, but uncultiva ted in mind or manners : he chastised the Cherokees in '76, being then Brigadier General. He was often in the Assembly. After serving as Senator, in the Assem bly, for Eowan, in 1786, he removed to Tennessee, where in 1794 he was appointed President of the Legisla.tive Council. Counties have been named after bim in Tennessee and North Carolina. — Wheeler. f Life of Caswell. — Un. Mag. 1780.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 457 ted by prudence. Gates should have avoided an encounter until the " morale " of his undisciplined troops had been re-established. To fight now was to engage with forces already disorganized and beaten. Gates was most culpably ignorant of his real strength : he reckoned it at 7,000 ; the Dep. Adj. General, WiUiams, better informed, estimated it at 3,663 actually present. The effective force of the British was 2,500 ; but of these 1,600 were regulars.* At day dawn the British rushed with charged bayonets upon the American centre, and left, composed entirely of militia. A fatal mistake had been committed — the Continentals should have been here. That the raw militia fled before the charge of regulars is no matter of surprise. Caswell and Gates were borne away by the fugitives, while it is no extravagant figure of speech to say, that " Gates did not draw rein until he reached Hillsborough," accom plishing the distance of 230 mUes in 75 hours, f Disdaining to fly, the Continentals on the right, with briUiant audacity, stood their ground : they numbered less than one thousand ; but were gallantly supported by Col. Dixon's regiment of North Carolin ians. X 'fbe flight of the militia was not universal, at one and the same time ; a part of Gen. Gregory's N. C. Brigade fired one or two rounds before they imitated the shameful example of their comrades. § Dixon, who had seen service in the Continental Line, was resolute to redeem the tarnished reputation of his State. "None, without violence to the claims of honor and justice, can withhold applause from Col. Dixon and his N. C. regiment of militia. || Having their flank exposed by the flight of the other militia, they turned with disdain from the ignoble example ; and flxing their eyes on the Marylanders, whose left they became, de terrained to vie in deeds of courage with their veteran comrades. Nor did they shrink from tbis daring resolve. In every vicissi tude of the battle this regiment maintained its ground ; and when the reserve under Smallwood relieved its naked flank, forced the enemy to fall back." ^ Taken in flank, and De Kalb mortally wounded, the heroic Continentals, and their brethren by the best and proudest of all titles, the North Carolinians, who, with une qual numbers, had maintained so long the brunt of the contest, were finally broken and dispersed. The Americans lost 900 killed; and as many more, of whom many were wounded, were taken prisoners. The British lost 325 men. AU the American artil- * Hildreth. Iredell, -j- 0. Davis to W. Jones.— Un. Mag. X Lee. Ramsay. Lossing. § Governor Nash, in a letter from HiUsborough, September lOth, to Wilie Jones, says. General Gregory's brigade bravely stood to the last, and pushed bayonets, after their ammunition waa exhausted." — N. C. Un. Mag. II Memoirs of the war. — Col. H Lee. il" Henry Dickson was appointed a Captain in Col. Moore's Regiment (1st), 1775. 458 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1780. lery, baggage, stores, &c., fell into the enemy's hands. Gen. Eutherford, Col. Geddey, and Col. Lockhart, of N. C, were taken prisoners. Terrible was the disaster ! For a tirae hope seemed crushed, and the way into the heart of North Carolina open to Cornwallis. But all was not lost : the energy of North Carolina, thus left, in a great degree, to her own resources, rose equal to the crisis. About the 19th of August, General Caswell, arrived at Charlotte, in a letter to the Governor stated that the regi ments of Halifax under Seawell, Edenton under Jarvis, and New Berne under Pasteur, who were in the rear at the time of the de feat, had been ordered by him to Charlotte : he likewise had called out the militia of Eowan, Mecklenburg and Lincoln, to converge upon the same point, and was confident of a " formi dable camp in a few days."* The Assembly convened at HiUsborough, September 5th : they passed acts levying a specific provision tax for the support of the war ;f for raising money on loan for immediate use ; and for restraining any impressment or other interference with vehicles employed in the transportation of salt. They constituted a Board of War, consisting of " Martin, a warrior of great fame ; Penn, fit only to amuse children ; and 0. Davis, who knew noth ing but the game of whist."J Such was the opinion generally entertained by military men of the Board. ,,The Board acted un til January, 1781, when its authorities were restored to the Le gislature :§ and, however inefficient their services, " they under took the task devolved on them in the most devoted spirit of patriotism, and with a proper sense of its magnitude, and exe cuted its duties with fearlessness." The measure was as extra- ordinarj' as unconstitutional, but adopted because of the critical condition of the State, and its imminent danger : it was mani festly disrespectful, and insulting to the Governor ; but as he had no power of veto, he submitted in silence. By a resolution of the Assembly, General Smallwood of the Maryland line was re quested to take the command of the North CaroUna militia : he exercised the authority thus conferred until his departure North, December 3d. In a letter from Dukinfield, 12th September, to Miss Blair, Mr. Iredell says : " I amuse myself here with my French History. You must not get before me in Eobertson, for my only reason for * September 10th, Governor Nash wrote Wilie Jones, " our zeal and spirit rises with our difficulties, drafts are nearly at an end, our men yield to the ne cessity of the times, and turn out to service with wiUing hearts. We are blessed with plentiful crops, etc." — N. C. Un. Mag. 1855. f Governor Johnston afterwards described it as the " most oppressive and least productive tax ever known in the State." — Life of Davie by Hubbard. X General Davie. Hubbard. § Governor Graham. 1780.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 459 not bringing him on here was that you might be a partaker. Let us enjoy the feast together, and not sit down to it churlishly alone." " I wish your Mamma had not served us with Mrs. Dawson's note as a careless gentleman did a fat Epicure, to whom he sent the compliment of some fine venison — in a letter only." He desired his shaving apparatus. This being neglected, on the 14th he wrote again : " I know you dined on venison over the Creek, I know you did not return till evening, I know you had two young gentlemen to gallant you ; but all these, I think, are not sufficient for not stepping a moraent into a room, or giving orders to somebody to do it, when you came horae before Juba left. My excuse for you is, that you could not take tirae to read my letter, till those gentlemen were gone ; and if that be the case, I send you ray pardon under my hand, well imagining the little flutter there may be about a young Lady's heart on such occasions, and how uninteresting a formal Uncle's letter must be, that shall impertinently intrude." In her reply. Miss Nelly stated, " you will be surprised at my ill taste : I was over the Creek yes terday ; there was a fine haunch of venison for dinner, tolerably good cheese and porter : and I never tasted either of them." Iredell to Mrs. Iredell. Elk Maksh, September 28th, 1780. My dear Hannah : — I have now the pleasure to resume au account of my journey here, where I did not arrive till yesterday morning ; for though I got to Colton's the second night, the weather was so extremely bad the next day, that I made free enough to put into Booth, which I did not leave till yesterday morning. I got a little wet, but not much ; however, I exchanged my wet clothes there, and was very comfortable under the care and kindness of Sella, who was extremely obliging. My horses were swam over, and I came on directly here without stopping at Halifax. I found this family in an unexpected situation. Mrs. B. McCulloh had two days before made the faraily happy with two fine children at a birth, a boy and a girl. But their joy was much damped by the event of Mrs. Montfort's death, which hap pened last Sunday night, after an illness of three weeks, supposed to be a good deal aggravated by constant and alternate attend ance on her two grandsons, I. Montfort and A. Jones. The lat ter I believe is got better, but the forraer died within a few hours ' of his grandraother, and they were both carried to the grave on the same bier. Sickness has been very general here. Mrs. McCulloh looks extremely ill, and prodigiously afflicted by the 460 life and correspondence [i''^'^- loss of her sister. They say she was getting better before. Mrs. Ash, who was here, and whom I saw at dinner, looks very ill also. ^ B. McCuUoh's eldest son has had the ague and fever a long time, but is at last getting better. Sally is very well, and they_ say their mother and the two young ones as much so as possible. Poor General Jones lost his fine boy the other day- _ He had been sickly for some time, but died in a very extraordinary and sudden manner at last — lay down in tbe porch, and kept scream ing till he died. I hear of no other deaths of consequence, but these are melancholy enough. By the last intelligence from the Army, a party of British, of about 1000 foot and 400 horse, who appeared to be advancing, had halted at the Waxaus* about 25 miles on this side of Cam den, and were thrashing out wheat. It was supposed, by the smallness of the number, that they were only furnishing them selves with provisions, of which they had been in great want, so much so that they were at half a day's allowance before the action. It is imagined they had 2500 in the great engage ment. Gen. Gates's conduct is much censured, and I am told by his officers in general, so that I fear there are too much grounds for it. The report is, that upon the miUtia giving way, he imme diately fled without sending any orders to the Continental troops to retreat, some of whom were pushing the enemy before them, and afterwards, knowing nothing of the flight, were almost sur rounded ; whereas it is said that if he had given them timely orders to retreat, they could have done it in good order, and at least saved all the baggage and stores. But they would not retreat without orders until it appeared absolutely necessary, and even then they brought off 600 men (one half their number) entire. Armand's corps was almost cut to pieces, and he is gone to the northward, I am told, with violent exclamations against Gates. The Baron De Kalb was a quarter of a mile in advance of our army, when he was killed, pressing on with great success ; and after he bad received a musket shot, concealed it, and was animat ing his men in the most heroical manner, when a cannon ball gave him a mortal wound, of which he soon died. Gen. Sumner has about 2000 men at CJiarlotte, in Mecklenburg County, which I believe is about 70 railes on this side of the eneray. At HiUs borough there are about 800 of the old Continental troops (in cluding 150 that were retaken on their way to Charleston), and a new regiment of 18 months' men brought from Virginia by Col. Blufort.f The horse, that have been so long at Halifax, set off * About half a mile west of Waxhaw Creek, iu Mecklenburg County, N. C, An drew Jackson was born. f Sept. 7th, 0. Davis of the Board of War wrote WiUe Jones,—" We are again in a situation to make a stout defence." — ^N. C. Un. Mac. Mar. 1855. 1780.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 461 about a week ago, completely equipped with every thing but bridles, which they expected to receive on their march. The number that went on was about 280, one-half of whom, it is said, are at present invalids, and to be left to recruit in Warren. I have at length got a charming day, and intend setting off immediately after breakfast. After so much rain, and with the present temperature of the air, I have the prospect of a very pleasant journey the rest of the way. I intend calling on Col. Williams.* I was very glad to hear he had not gone to Salisbury, which left me perfectly excused. Poor Spencer trusted himself to the mercy of the tories with five or six men, which I think was much worse than going alone. I ara afraid to hear of his being kidnapped. The language here is, that he has lost every thing, but his two wives. Surely his misfortunes might have tempered their animosity, I did not hear it from one of the famUy itself, but in the family, and suppose it to be originally theirs, &c., &c. Yours, &c. JAMES ieedell. About the 24th of September, the British began their second invasion of North Carolina. The State was not unprepared — had at least three or four thousand men under arms ; and its most en terprising and effective officers, Sumner, Davidson and Davie, in front. On the 26th, the royal forces approached Charlotte, f The village is situate in an open plain, and was undefended by even the rudest field-works. Sumner and Davidson had retreated by the nearest route to SaUsbury, leaving Charlotte considerably to the left. % Davie had been appointed, September 5th, Colonel of the Cavalry of the Western District : he was ordered to watch and annoy the enemy's advance : this service he performed with much gallantry. Though he had but two hundred men, one hundred and fifty of his own corps, and fifty volunteers under Grahara, § yet he determined to make a stand. Accustomed by his long proximity to the sight of scarlet uniform, farailiarity, if it had not bred contempt, had confirmed his own courage, and that of his men. Though aware that his defence could not long be made good, he calculated wisely upon the effect of a chivalrous passage at arms upon the people of the vicinity ; while by a lesson of brilliant audacity, he meant to impress on the enemy a pro per caution, and a becoming respect. He judiciously posted ¦* Judge Williams, t Foote.— Graham. X Hubbard. § Gen. Joseph Graham. Father of the Hon. Wm. A. Graham, Whig candidate for Vice-President on the ticket with Scott. Gov. Graham amid cotemporaiy politicians, is as a classic statue — as calm, immovable, spotless, polished and as 462 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1780. his little band under cover of the buildings and enclosures of the town. The attack was comraenced by the redoubted and sangui nary Tarleton. Twice charging at the head of his dragoons, he was twice repulsed : supported by a new regiraent, again he as saulted, but to be again defeated, and to receive the reproof of his coraraander. A regiraent of infantry now threatening his flanks. Col. Davie retired in order along the Salisbury road. The British loss consisted of twelve non-commissioned officers killed and wounded ; Major Hanger and Captains Campbell and McDonald wounded, with about thirty privates. Cornwallis was now in possession of the Hornet's Nest ; but found it no place of repose. To maintain his ground, though overwhelming his force, he must needs be vigilant and brave as he who would keep the Douglas Castle, in days of yore. His sentries were shot at their posts, his pickets disturbed ;''¦' and his wagons plundered within a few miles of his quarters. A foraging party of four hundred men was driven horae with a loss of twenty-seven killed and wounded, by a party of seven individuals in arabush, who escaped unscathed. About the 1st of September, Lord Cornwallis had detached Col. Ferguson to move on the west side of the Catawba, to rally the Tories, and intercept a party of Mountaineers, who had been harassing the upper settlement of Tories in South CaroUna. Ferguson, his force increased to about one thousand men, pene trated as far west as Gilbertstown,f when, becoming alarmed for his safety, he rapidly withdrew to King's Mountain. :j: There, on the 7th of October, he was assailed by Cols. Shelby, Sevier, McDo\yelI, and Cleaveland of North Carolina, aided by Col. WUliams § of South CaroUna, and Col. Campbell of Virginia. The whole American force amounted to 1,370, of whom 730, or more than one half, were North Carolinians. || There, " each man upon his own horse, and furnished with his own arms," the temporary command bestowed by election, these volunteers from the valleys of the Blue Eidge won a victory decisive of the cam paign. One hundred and fifty of the enemy, including their commander, were slain, and 810 captured, with 1,500 stands of arms. Thefirst British invasion of North Carolina was defeat ed by the prowess of her sons at Moore's Creek, and now the second invasion was rolled back by the arras of the same race, aided by their neighbors of Virginia and South CaroUna. In neither instance did the Confederacy contribute any thing to the result. King's Mountain crosses the line dividing the two Caro- "¦ Governor Graham. j- Near Rutherfordton. — Gov. Swain. ± Foote. § Col. WiUiams was a native of GranviUe, N. C. Dr. Johnson's Reminiscences. r Graham. 1780.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 463 Unas. The battlefield is now in South Carolina : at the time of the action it was regarded by the people of both States as within the limits of North Carolina. Astounded by the news of this disaster, on the night of the 14th Lord Cornwallis began his re treat to Winnsboro', South Carolina. His march was precipitate : his alarm evident. He was hotly pursued by Davidson and Davie, who captured a portion of his baggage ; and on the 19th evacuat ed the State, maddened as the bear in the fable, the hornet's buzz ringing in his ears, the hornet's sting in his body. Whatever of gloom attended the inroad of Cornwallis, now gave way to aniraated exultation : hope lighted up every coun tenance, and cheering voices gladdened every household. Troops were rapidly assembling at every strategic point ; and the hand of the clock already pointed to the end of the night. Since the rout at Camden, General Gates had been busily employed at Hillsborough in the reorganization of a new army for the next campaign. Thither also had repaired Governor Eutledge of South Carolina to consult with the authorities of North Carolina, and to stimulate efforts for the relief of the South ; a dictator in exile, without raen or money, but still unsubdued ; watching at a distance the fires he had kindled upon the altars of South Caro lina, while his heart sank at one moment as they seemed to lan guish to extinction, at another blazed with pat'riotic ardor as the reddening glare gave token of a reviving flame. If he some times doubted the tenure of his own life, enfeebled by care and anxiety and suffering, often his glance, through the thickening mists of intervening years, penetrated to an enchanting future.* Iredell to Mrs. Iredell. (CoL. Williams's), Geanville, Sth October, 1780. My dear Hannah : — I have had no opportunity till the present of writing to you since I left Col. McCuUoh's, which I have much regretted, as I know how anxious you would have the goodness to be about me in the present situation of affairs. I have been very unfortunate in weather. It was not only very bad for three or four days after I set off, but extremely disagree able during the whole of my stay at Hillsborough, constantly cloudy and damp, and sometimes raining, and the town was so crowded that Col. Williams and myself were obliged to ride out to Dr. Burke's every evening, which is two or three miles, where we were treated with extreme kindness, and without this advan- * Afterwards Mr. IredeU's friend and eoUeague on the bench of the Supreme Court. 464 LIFE A.ND CORRESPONDENCE [1780. tage I know not what we should have done. You may guess in what a situation the town is when we must have been deprived of this resource, if Governor Eutledge had not been so obliging as to stay in town, and take half of Penn's bed, in order to accom modate us. The rain I had coraing up affected my health a good deal. I had a most violent lax here a day and a half It very luckily left me just before I set off, but upon being again exposed I had a slight renewal of it, and should have been afterwards perfectly well ; but upon being frequently in the night air and wet weather, I have got a sore throat, which is a little trouble some ; but as I have nothing to do till Halifax Court but to take care of myself, and I have not the slightest complaint besides, I am sure I shall soon get rid of it. Col. Williams having been constantly with me is affected exactly in the same manner. We arrived here last night. A sufficient number of jurymen not be ing summoned, we did little or no business, and I got no money but my paltry salary. I expect to meet and receive money from Mr. Strudwick at Cape Fear. Public affairs are not in so desperate a situation as perhaps at your distance may be conceived. The enemy have been a long time, without advancing, at Charlotte in Mecklenburg County, about 43 miles beyond Salisbury. Their numbers are not ascertained, but at most, I believe, do not exceed 2000 or 2500 men. A British officer of the name of Ferguson, who had marched at the head of about 1500 men (200 or 300 of whom alone were British) into Burke County, about 90 miles from Salisbury, was retreating. It is said that he told the South Carolina tories he should not want to carry them further than Burke Court House, relying upon the rascals in our country to join him there. In this, however, he has been much mistaken. A body of 1500 men under officers of the name of Selby and McDowell, another of 800 under Cleaveland, and a third of 450 horse under Col. Williams, were very near each other, and ex pected to join the day after the accounts came away, in pursuit of him. 'Upon intelligence of this the enemy detached 800 men, horse and foot, and two pieces of cannon, to attempt his relief Whether they were able to effect it is not yet known. Ferguson's men, they say, deserted to about 500. On this side of the Yadkin (which is about 7 miles from Salisbury,) we have in all, on the banks of the river, and within a near distance of it, I sup pose about 2000 or 3000 men under Generals Sumner aud Butler. On the other side there is at least 400 or 500 horse under Col. Davie, a most active officer, within 20 miles of the enemy, at a flying camp at a place called Fifer's. These men have already much annoyed the enemy, killed many as they en- 1780.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 465 tered the town of Charlotte, and have taken a good number of prisoners ; 70 or 80 were brought to HiUsborough before I left it, 18 of whom were British, the others Tories. Two companies of Continental Troops, and one corapany of Col. Bufort's (nearly equal to the others), were to raarch from Hillsborough yesterday, under the command of General Smallwood and Col. Morgan (the famous Eifle officer), and Col. Washington with about 100 Horse (all who are well enough to go) is also to raarch immediately. We met them the night before last within 9 miles of Hillsborough. Col. Preston, a man of very great character in Montgomery County in Virginia, wrote to one of our Generals to the west ward, that he and some other gentlemen in some of the neigh boring counties, seeing the necessity of an instant relief, had raised a body of 1,000 men, 250 of whom were Horse, the others Eiflemen, who were all nearly equipped, and that if they receiv ed the sanction of their Government, which they had appUed for, and had no doubt of obtaining, they would rendezvous at the Moravian town on the 15th instant, and in the mean time he despatched two companies. There are at Hillsborough, besides those sent on, at least 800 men, 500 or 600 of whom are what they call the Maryland Troops, the rest Bufort's. These wait for clothing and otber necessaries, of which most of them were in great want. While the enemy were thinking only of tormenting us, a Col. Clark with 100 Eiflemen marched through the back parts of South Carolina, and collected on his route about 700' men more, with whom he marched into the town of Augusta, of Avhich the enemy had possession, and brought away a vast quanti ty of Indian goods, which were stored there to be made use of to bribe the Indians against us. He was not strong enough to con tinue in the town, and retired with his booty to a district caUed Ninety-six in South Carolina, where be kept his men ready for any purpose that might offer, and intended to take care of his retreat if it should become necessary. Besides the above, CoL Marion has about 300 men at White Marsh in Bladen County, and General Harrington (a very fine fellow) had 450 (which by this time are supposed to be doubled, as the men were coUecting fast) at Cross Creek. All this I give you frora the best inteUi gence, official letters to General Gates and the Board of War. I have the pleasure to acquaint you, that upon conversing with. many officers, General Gates's conduct appears in a much more favorable light than I had apprehended, and that the account I gave of the action was in many particulars erroneous. I have not time to explain the matter now. I know not whether I shaU have time to write to any body else, except a line to your brother, as this opportunity offers very unexpectedly, therefore I Tou 1^30 466 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1780- must get you to distribute the news to my good friends, Mr. Barker, Mr. Johnson, Mr. Smith and Mr. Alien, &c., and I hope they will excuse my not writing to any of them, when it is not really in my power. Nelly must excuse me also, and I hope wiU be satisfied with receiving the news and assurances of my affection, from you. That she may not be too jealous, I do assure her, at any rate, if I know of an opportunity, I will send her a letter fi-om Halffax. I hope upon my arrival at Col. McCuUoh's to hear from you. I shaU be extremely anxious to do so, and hope in God to hear of your perfect recovery. Oh ! my dear Hannah, my thoughts are ever with you. I have been a thousand times dlstrest in thinking of the anxiety I am sure you would have about me. My principal uneasiness is ever in regard to you. I thank God, things again wear a reviving aspect. There is a spirit rising not easily to be quelled. Besides what I have wrote you, 4,000 troops will soon arrive from Virginia. Col. Morgan, who not long ago came from there, expects them with certainty. They are raised for 18 months, and to be under Continental officers. The British Array act most infamously. They have hanged 19 men, some who had taken protection for fighting against them, but others who had never joined them, and this only upon their being pointed out by some villainous Tories as bad men. This, I beUeve, is true. Adieu ! my dear Hannah. I wiU hasten to you as soon as possible. Eemember me most affectionately to your sister, Nelly and the rest, and in a particu lar manner to aU my other friends. I am, my dear Hannah, Yours, most affectionately, JAS. IEEDELL.* Iredell to JIiss Blair. Elk Mabsh, 12th Oct., 1780. My dear Nelly : — * * » » l can fix upon no tirae for being down, but I think Halifax Court wiU be short, and I shall not stay a moment after it. I hope to find you by that time improved by your copies. Let me entreat you not to neg lect them, and be sure not to lose a day. If you lose one, you wiU many. A good hand is surely a very pretty thing, and worth taking some pains about, and I don't know how, but it seems a kind of prepossession in favor of a person's merit, although God * According to Mr. IredeU's aocount, the troops assembled at this time, at his highest estimate, amounted to 5,350 men ; at his lowest, to 4,100. The Attorney-General in N. C. heretofore has been usuaUy dubbed General, for life, by the people. It does not appear, however, that IredeU ever obtained this distinction. H80.] OF JAMES IKEDELL. 467 knows it is no criterion of it. Bnt every one ought to aim at as many agitable accomplishments as they can acquire. I sup pose you wiU have some news, and that of a pubUc kind, to make you of consequence ; therefore having given all the particulars to your aunt, I wUl tell you in gro^, that our public t^airs do not seewi in a very de^erate sifvation, that they are retrieving fast, that great numb^ of men are coUecting, the EngUsh eeem afraid and in no condition to advance, some advantages have been gained over them since tbek possession of Charlotte, several prisoners taken, and that it is my firm opinion, ff they attempt to advance much fiuther in the countiy, they will never be able to return. I do not think this to be mere gasconade, but founded on feet and observation. So that your fears on this head maybe quieted, as weU as the hopes of any who had rather see red coats than blue ones. This letter will not be immediatdy closed, as I write without knowing of any opportunity, determining to keep my promise, not only because it teas a promise, (which I hope yon imagine I should deem fidly sufficient,) but because I am happy in all occasions of giving yon proo& of my affection, when I tlunk yon wish for and deserve it. Grod grant you may be ever that good ^1 I wish you. It wiU give me the most pleasing satisfectioiL I consider you as in some respect belonging to me, and am proud as weU as happy in instances of your merit, &c., &c. Your most sincerely affectionate JAS. lEEDELL. EiK Mabsh, 12th Oct. 17S0L My deab Hannah : — * * * * Old Mrs. McCuUoh was excessively iU, and stiU continued so, and I fear is in a great deal of danger, though she appears, I am told, rather bet ter than she was. I was witnes to a very affecting scene — a Parson Cupples in the presence of the famUy, and in her own bed-chamber, prajring for her recovery. CoL McCnUoh has been very sick, and is still extremely low, and appears much distressed by his wife's situation. Mrs. B. McCulloh not near so weU as she was. Her mother had been here for a good whUe, and went away yesterday, and on that account the two young chUdren were christened before she went. Capt. John Stokes* (one of * JoJtn Stoikes sabseqnentlj attained tbe rank of Colonel ; and after the war, was made by TTa^ui^^ton Judge of the United States for the District of North Caro- Haa. He married a daughter of Col. fiiehmond Pearson ; was brother to GoTemor Stokes, and died October, 1190. He redded in Stokes Connty, named in his honor. He was distingoahed for brsTeiy in battle^ beneroienee of character, and elerated mind. — ^Wheeler. 468 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [l''^''- Bufort's officers, who had his right hand cut off, and received other bad wounds, a brother of Mrs. McCuUoh's) and John Kinchen* were godfathers, and Mrs. Hewson and Miss DoUy Eelbrek, godmothers. The children's names, Samuel and Mary. A very crowded house all day— Mr. and Mrs. Ashe, Mr. and Mrs. Montfort, Miss Nancy Edwards, Mrs. Long, a young lady, daughter of Mrs. Hewson, and Somerville and your hurable servant. Mrs. Montfort and Miss Edwards look dreadfully, particularly the former. Mrs. Ashe is much better, and not ex tremely melancholy. I hear terrible accounts of the people in town — one universal sickness. * ® '^•' * I am not so much pestered with politics as I used to be ; I have avoided the subject all I could, but when forced upon it, have sometimes spoken a little firmly, which I find has not been without its effect. * ¦'•¦" * OCTOBEB, 17. «¦ » -» » j5yt uQ^ fQj. ^;jjg news. My Granville letter must make this intelligible. The parties in pursuit of Ferguson all joined — 1,000 Horse were selected out of the whole, to come up with him. They overtook him with about 1,400 men, 500 of whom were British, engaged, defeated the whole body, killed 150, (araong whom was hiraself,) took 80 prisoners, (150 of whom were wounded,) and 1,500 stand of arms — our loss in killed said to be only 20, (in which number was a very brave, ac tive officer. Col. Williams,)— wounded uncertain. This action happened in the afternoon of the 7th inst. at a place called King's Mountain, in what county I don't know. This intelli gence comes from the very best authority, and is of extreme im portance. October 20. «¦ -:;:¦ <:¦ -;;:- Your brother looks perfectly well, and eats heartily, but has a little fever every night, after he goes to bed. We are in our old comfortable lodgings. I have received £2,700 here, which is all I expect, except my salary, £500, which per haps I may receive, and perhaps not. Your very affectionate JAS. ieedell. Soon after the battle of Camden, General Leslie, with three thousand men, had sailed from New York, to co-operate with Cornwallis.f He had entered the Elizabeth Eiver, and had * John Kinchen, of Orange, member of Prov. Council "75, and of Prov. Con gress '76. t Hildreth. I'SO-] OF JAMES IREDELL.^,. 469 fortified himseff at Portsmouth ; but upon hearing of the defeat of Ferguson he re-embarked his troops and proceeded to Charles ton. In a letter from Mrs. Blair to IredeU, 22d October, she says : "Vessels cannot get out. There are two row galleys, with fifty men each, between this and the Bar. We are in daUy ex pectation of tiem up here. If they come, I do not know what we shaU do ; we are unable to run avFay, and have hardly a negro weU enongh to dress us a Uttle of any thing to eat." " We hear there is an English fleet in Virginia landing men at Kempes."' L^Ue was soon succeeded by Arnold in the same quarter. From this period the Albemarle was often infested with piratical craft of light draught, and the dwellings on its margin plundered by marauders. Iredell to Mrs. Iredell. Kewbeks, 16th 2foT., 1780. My dear Haxxah : — ^I arrived here this morning, and with better luck than I expected, for after I left Mr. Charlton's I had not a drop of rain, and before what there was was of Uttle consequence, so that my health is entirely good. Mr. Ashe* came in the evening, and left Mr. Hooper and Mr. Maclaine on the road, who wiU be here, I suppose, to-morrow moming. Mr. WU liams, I very unexpectedly found, had altered his intention, and came on here, fearing the Court might be lost, and in this he judged very prudently, for it otherwise woiUd. Mrs. Gordon, I hear, is getting better ; other people in general seem quite welL Oh ! my dear Hannah, how happy should I be to know you were so. BeUeve me, I am most dlstrest about you. You are the constant subject of my most anxious thoughts. For Heaven's sake take all po^ible care of yourseff. Let me entreat you, by every tender, by every generous motive, to do so. Your value to me is inexpressible, and seems to increase every moment. I dweU with misery on your situation, knowing how inattentive you are to your own Ul health, and how bad you wiU suffer it to be before it may be discovered. * * * * (I7th.) I wrote thus muct y^teniay, and have been since very much thronged with busi ness. I am Ukely to get some money here, but the lawyers in this part of the country have smu^led up aU the busine^ of the prizes, so as to let Mr. Hooper, Mr. Maclaine and myself have no share in it, although both of them were wrote to, and prom ised to come in ff it was put off a Uttle. They did not come till to-day. Mr. Hooper's own fe,mUy pretty well, but his * Judge Ashe. 470 LIFE AND CORRESPON'DENCE [l''^". brothers have been very ill. Tom almost at the point of death, but he is now getting better. They have triumphed about his affair. The County Court discharged tbe arrest as iUegal. I flnd the orders did not issue from the Governor, but on very ex traordinary pretences from General Lillington. Mr. Hooper was on his way to Edenton, and would have been there the flrst day, but both his horses failed on the road, and he was obUged to re turn. The French fleet has come to nothing. It was a fleet of transports with provisions from Cork.* It is reported here, but we know no authority for it, that Lord Cornwallis, with 300 Light Horse, had arrived at Charleston, leaving his army in jeopardy. 500 of the militia of this district, and a number from Wilmington, are embodying to go to our assistance if neces sary, which I hope in God will not be the case. I shall be mis erable till I hear about you, and of your being on this side the Sound. Mr. Hooper interests himself in it, and thinks by all means you ought to go there. Will not this have influence with you, joined to my earnest entreaties ? Again let me conjure you to attend most carefully to your health, and advise me honestly how it is. I will drop you a line by the post to-morrow. TiU then, my dearest Hannah, I bid you most affectionately adieu ! JAS. ieedell. Iredell to Miss Blair. Edenton, Not. (date illegible). My dear Nelly : — * * * * Last Sunday was married here Mr. Green, about the age of 70, father of half-a-dozen men grown, and, I suppose, grandfather to a large brood of young ones, to Mrs. Hamiate, an antiquated widow of about the age of 45, old-fashioned, ugly, and horribly formal, but an excellent nurse ; for which reason, they say, he with no less truth than candor honestly told her he wanted to make her his wife. The old fellow came to me about business, and looks Uke a hearty Methuselah, but more fitted for his grave than matrimony. How ever, they are yoked, and God bless them ! You raust remember me with affection to your raamraa, and sister, and brother, and to your uncle and his family. Tell him the French fleet is turned into an English one of provision transports ; that it is reported Lord Cornwallis with 300 Horse had got to Charleston ; but there is no authority for this, and his army were certainly in jeopardy, parading with a trembling step Lord knows where. tt «¦ a- Adieu, &c., &c. Your extremely affectionate uncle, JAS. ieedell. * In July, seven French ships, &c., with 6,000 men, arrived nt New York. 1780.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 471 Newbern, 18th Nov., 1780. My DEAR Hannah : — I wrote to you yesterday and the day before by Captain Cotton, but am determined not to neglect one post, for fear of accidents ; and to avail myself of it, I am obliged to steal a very early hour in the morning, for I am like the law yer described by Horace, who is beset with clients almost at cock-crowing. Some of them are private, but more, I am afraid, wUl be public ones. Nevertheless, this Couit will be far better than any yet. Mrs. Gordon is getting much better. Mr. Hooper came here only yesterday : his family are pretty well, but his brothers have been very severely sick, particularly Tom, who is, however, beginning to recover. He was only prevented by his horses giving out on the road from coming to Edenton, and since, he says, his brothers have been too sick for him to write. As to public news, the French fleet turns out to be an English one, with provisions ; no troops, however, as the Governor tells me. Lord Cornwallis's array are still in jeopard}' ; but it is reported he himself, with 300 horse, had got into Charleston. This, how ever, is a mere report. * •¦¦ * I am in great uneasiness and per plexity about the condition I left you in. The danger from the enemy, and your ill health, affects me very much. ¦-' * ¦'¦¦' I am perfectly well, and so is Sarah's husband,* &c., &c. JAS. ieedell. Newbern, 26th Nov. My MOST DEAR Hannah : — I had the pleasure to receive your letter about a week ago, by the post, but have since met with no opportunity of writing to you, nor, in spite of my efforts, have I been able to begin a letter to go by this post till this morning, so incessantly have I been harassed with business, chiefly of a criminal nature, but not entirely unmixed with civil, which is here much better than at any other Court ; and Mr. Hooper, Mr. Maclaine, and myself, far distance all the rest in our share of it. I thank you most kindly, my dear Hannah, for the trouble you took in writing so much in your weak state of health. I fear it fatigued you extremely ; but the goodness which prompted you to it, that I might have the satisfaction of hearing particularly from you, obliges me greatly. You comfort me very much in writing that you every day perceived some little amendment, and were beginning to take bitters. Heaven grant that I may have the happiness of hearing, to-day, you are still better. * * * * It distressed me greatly to hear of your brother * His servant. 472 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE fl''^*^- being so unwell. It happened at a most unlucky time ; but I hope it did not long prevent him from availing himself of the remark ably mild and fine weather we have had.« I have already received at this Court £4,540 of this currency, £1,350 of Continental, and nine hard doUars. I expect to receive £1,500 for my salary at three Courts ; but my expenses here are monstrous — £160 a day for my board and lodgings only. — I was just going to write on, when I had the inexpressible happiness to receive your letter of the 20th. Thank you, my deaiest JEannah. Thank God you are so much better. I am glad to hear your brother is gone, as he will probably have fine weather all the way to Philadelphia. But I cannot bear to figure to myself the parting scene. I am glad the little fellow is called Sam. Kiss him for me, and Penny, and Gaby, whom I love in the most tender manner. Present my respects to Mrs. Johnston and her sister, Miss Lennox, Mrs. Pearson, Mrs. Dawson, &c. I am now all life and cheerfulness, hearing so happily of you. I will not fail to apply closely for the ginger. The story of the French conquest of Charleston is like all other stories about them, without any manner of foundation. I swear never to relate any other report upon them, that I am not sure is true. I may luckily have an opportunity of writing to my mother and Arthur. A flag is going from here to Charleston, and an officer whom I have frequently mentioned to you. Captain James, goes in it.f I congratulate myself extremely on this favorable occasion, and entertain no doubt of the safety of the conveyance. I am perfectly well, and so is Peter. Business wherein I share as a man of consequence, and some which gives me proflt and a little reputation, I rub through with cheerfulness, though very fatiguing. Adieu ! my dear Hannah. I have only a moment to assure you that I am and ever shall be. Your entirely, and most faithfuUy affectionate, JAMES ieedell. Newbern, 26th Nov. My dear Hannah : — * * * * I have not had scarcely a moment to spare till to-day (which I have been obUged un willingly to make use of) to make purchases ; for some, in spite of my poverty, I was determined to make, knowing the difficulty * Mr. Johnston had been appointed a delegate to the Continental Congress, by the last Assembly. f I suppose John James of the Wilmington district, appointed Captain 1776. His son, the late Hinton James, of W^ihnington, was the first student of the Uni versity, 1795. '¦•so.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 473 of getting any thing" vp^th us. 1 have bought four gauze hand kerchiefs, six black .silk ones, three smaU-tooth combs, and four common ones. After supplying your sister and NeUy, and perhaps with your leave reserving for myseff one silk handkerchief, the rest are yours, to do as you please with. I wanted to have got some colored sUk handkerchiefe for you, but they were aU sold. There is a great quantity of shoes, and pretty good ones ; and though they have very sUppery heels, yet if I had yours, your sistePs, and NeUy's measures, I would buy you some. Pray send me yours, and ff you can, theirs, and I wUl endeavor to get you some on my re.tum. I have tried to no purpose to get some ginger. Wilson Blount tells me, he has been long trying to get some, but without success, and that ff he can procure me any in my absence he wiU. We leave this place to-morrow. Mr. Hooper, Mr. Maclaine, and myseff, go together. I fear I shaU not have it in my power to write you from WUmington, as the post has been discontinued. By Mr. Hoopers extreme Mndness, I find I am Ukely to fare very weU there. He is to have very good rooms fitted up, and I believe I shaU be at Uttle or no expense. Here my expenses are monstrous. They wiU be, with my horses, £2,500 at least. I have made our tenants settle for their rents according to the depreciation. Some of the money I have received ; the rest I have their notes for in hard money, and I have been prom ised that the greatest part shall be paid before Christmas. Their notes for this purpose I have left with WUson Blount, having no other person to depend on. Many people think things wUl lie cheaper on my return. At present they are very dear. "^ * * * Yours, (Src, JAS. ieedell. TVitMisGTOX, Dec Sth, 1780. Mt dear Hannah : — I have not known a single opportunity, tiU the present, of writing to you, since I left Newbem. I thank Grod I have been ever since, and am now, perfectly welL The business of this Court has been very troublesome, though not profitable ; and possibly I may be detained a day or two bejrond it, by an Admiralty suit in which I am engaged. I do not mean it shaU be above a day or two at farthest, so that as the enemy are gone, and I hope not returned, I flatter myself Captain Johnston wiU excuse me, and that you wiU, as I mean to receive a pretty good fee. Mr. Hooper and I were obUged to take lodgings, in consequence of a very unexpected circumstance — Mr. Hogg and his daughter coming here from Hillsborough, and occupying his brother's house, where we were to have been ; and 474 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [l'^^'^- though we receive all possible civUities from thera, there is no roora to accommodate us with a bed. This I am afraid will deduct largely from the little money I get here. I have kept so close to business, that I have not been at Mr. Hooper's house this week ; nor was I there but one day before our Court began, which you may suppose has mortified me not a little, for the usual kindness and the usual happiness has now, as at all former times, captivated me. * * * * Yours, &c., JAS. ieedell. An inquiry having been ordered relative to Gates's conduct at Camden, General Greene was nominated by General Washing ton, to whom the selection was referred, as his successor.* Lee's corps of horse, and some companies of artillery, were ordered south, while Kosciusko was sent as engineer. Historians repre sent the three Southern States, during this year, and especially after the battle of Camden, as entirely prostrate, and "incapable of helping themselves." f This, certainly, was never true of North CaroUna. When Greene came to this State, he found a numerous army in existence. According to the statement of Iredell, the Attorney-General, it numbered, east of the Catawba, from 4,750 to 5,850 men. After his defeat. General Gates re paired to Hillsborough, where, aided by Governor Nash, the Board of War, and Governor Eutledge, he addressed hiraself with'great energy and zeal to the task of re-organizing a force to oppose the British. So successful were his efforts, that when Greene arrived at his head-quarters at Charlotte, Deceraber 2d, North Carolina was again "in a situation to make a stout defence." At Saratoga, Gates had reaped the harvest of glory, though Schuyler had made the combinations, and arrayed the force that secured success. Now, in turn, was Gates to see the fruits of his toil enure to a rival's fame. To the troops under Gates were soon added Lee's corps, consisting of 350 men, and the additional artillery companies. General Greene was warmly received in North CaroUna, not only because of his own merit, but as the harbinger of substantial succor from the North. In the latter respect, however, the people of North Carolina were doomed to disappointment. The three Southern States were to realize the truth of the poet : " Who would be free, themselves must strike the blow." The General was now in the midst of a friendly region, whose population was probably the most spirited * Hildreth. f Hildreth, vol. iii. p. 331. I'iSO.'J OF JAMES IREDELL. 475 in Araerica ; and in his ensuing campaign, though Tories were, undoubtedly, numerous, he could rely upon early and accurate information of every hostile movement. His policy with the militia seems to have been to use them as a cover for his regulars. Whether this was correct or not, I ara too ignorant of the miUtary art to hazard an opinion ; but the casualties of his battles induce a doubt. The militia soon suspected that they were lightly valued and heartlessly exposed ; and discontent spread araong those, who ever claim social superiority to mercenaries, and ex pect some more tender consideration. Greene was cautious and prudent, and under his command the State was liberated. I would not tear one leaf from his brow ; but what would have been the result if the ardor of the troops had been indulged to the top of their bent, under leaders dashing and bold as Sumner or Davie, Marion or Sumter, Morgan or Washington ? Might not the campaign of '81 have been as memorable for a masterly victory as for a " masterly retreat .? " Would not action — con stant action — in advance or assault, have rallied and supported the militia better than the continuous retreat ? " The mountain ous region of North Carolina was inhabited by a race of hardy men, who were familiar with the use of the horse and rifle, were stout, active, patient under privation, and brave. Irregular in their movements, and unaccustomed to restraint, they delighted in the fury of action, but pined under the servitude and inactivity of camp."* The men of King's Mountain and Moore's Creek were of the same race ; the sarae blood flowed in their veins ; and they had the sarae fiery, irapetuous temperament. Iredell to Mrs. Iredell. "Wilmington, 13th Dec, 1780. My dear Hannah : — I wrote you from here a few days ago, by an express going about the business of a vessel to Mr. Cabarrus. The Superior Court broke up on Saturday. I have since been detained about an Admiralty suit, which we ended about 11 o'clock last night. This morning I set off on my way home immediately from here, having taken leave of Mr. Hooper yesterday. * * * Yours, &c., JAS. ieedell. The following, which I transcribe from one of Judge Iredell's manuscript volumes, is, I suppose, the Admiralty suit referred to * Lee's Memoirs. 476 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [l'^^'^- in his last letter. As it is, as far as I know, the only report of any case of Prize extant, tried in the State during the Eevolution, it wiU, I trust, prove interesting at least to the profession. The foUowing papers were prepared, in order to be trans mitted to Philadelphia, concerning the subject-matter they refer to.* Upon an Appeal from a Decree in the Court of Admi ralty FOR the Port of Brunswick, in North Carolina. I. Martial Boitar, Commander, and the Owners, other Officers, Mariners and Marines of the Private Ship of War the Fortunate, Appellants. Hezekiah Anthony, Commander of al Private Ship of War called the |- Respondents. Hazard, and others, j Case of the Appellants. A British schooner called the Adventurer, laden with tur pentine and other articles, was taken at sea by the said Hezekiah Anthony, in the said private ship of war the Hazard, on the I7th day of November, 1780, On the 22d day of November following, about 10 o'clock in the forenoon, she was retaken by the British frigate the Ealeigh. On the 24th day of the same month, at 12 o'clock at noon, she was taken from the Ealeigh's people by Captain Boitar, in the said private ship of war the Fortunate. Boitar's prize-master brings her and her cargo safely into the port of Brunswick, North CaroUna, and there libels her in the Court of Admiralty. Anthony puts in a claim as first captor, and prays that the schooner, and that part of her cargo which was on board of her at the time of her seizure by him, may be restored to hira, for the benefit of him and his associates, on payment of salvage. A jury having been summoned, according to law, to try the validity of the said claim, establish it by their verdict, finding that the property Anthony clairaed should be restored to him on payment of one-third salvage. Upon this verdict a decree accordingly is given for the claim- • For several years a standing committee of Congress heard appeals in prize cases from the States; but in May, 1780, an Admiralty Court of Appeals was established, with three judges. — Hild. Hist. U. S., vol. iii. p. 404. 1''80-] OF JAMES IREDELL. 477 ants, from which the appellants appeal for the foUowing among other Eeasons. 1. Because it is apprehended, that the property of a prize is not altered in consequence of a capture at sea, until condemna tion. Whatever difference of opinion may have formerly sub sisted among speculative writers on the subject, it appears to have been long the course of the Court of Admiralty in England not to adjudge the property altered until it is condemned. (See Burr.' 4th part, vol. U. p. 694.) And even so strong a case has happened as the foUowing : A ship was taken in the year 1691 off Yarmouth, carried to North Bergen, then sold to A ; after wards sold to B. B sends her to the West Indies, afterwards to France, and in the year 1695 to England, when, she being re taken, it was resolved that the property was not altered. (See Luc. 77, Hil. 11, Ann. B. E. Apievedo vs. Cambridge, Cunningh. Pol. of Ass. p. 236, c. 59.) There are other authorities to the same purpose (Burr. ibid. Whitehead vs. Banco, 1749. B. E. Cunn. Pol. of Ass. p. 266, c. 65), and reason seems in favor of the construction, because were condemnation held unnecessary. Courts of Admiralty could not have that check upon privateers at sea, which the public honor and interest, and the security of individuals require. 2. Because the Eules of Congress, upon which the Act of Assembly in the State of North Carolina is founded, appear to have adopted such a construction, since they seem to allow an owner to claim upon payment of salvage, without any limitation of time. If twenty-four hours' possession (that contended for on behalf of Captain Anthony in the present case) transferred the property to the enemy, our Act of Assembly could not divest the right out of the re-captor, for the owner is allowed to claim, upon a supposition that the property is not altered. The sarae reason ing may be extended to any other arbitrary period affixed ; for whenever the property has become absolutely the enemy's, no re capture can entitle an owner to claim. 3. Because, even admitting the possession of twenty-four hours to be the true criterion (contrary, as it is conceived, to public utility, to the opinion of many speculative writers of equal authority, and to a long uniform practice, adopted in a manner by our own Act of Assembly''^), yet the property in question * This parenthesis in the original transmitted stood thus : (" contrary, as it is conceived, to reason, to the opinion of many speculative writers of equal authority, and to a long, uniform practice ") ; which, upon reflection, I thought was not suffi ciently accurate and comprehensive. 478 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [I'^^O. having been more than twenty-four hours in possession of the eneray, it upon this principle absolutely became the enemy's, and of course by the re-capture afterwards that of the appellants. JAS. ieedell. Advocate for the Appellants in North Carolina. Upon an Appeal from the same Decree. II. Martial Boitar, Commander, and the Owners, other Officers, Mariners and Marines of the Private Ship of War the Fortunate, Appellants. Thomas Young, Bespondent. Case of the Appellants. This case arises from a claim for part of the property libelled in the British schooner mentioned in the former case. Thirty-four negroes, and some other articles, were found on board the schooner at the time of her capture by Captain Boitar, which had belonged to the respondent, an inhabitant of Georgia, and had been taken from him on shore by Captain Anthony, who at the same time seized the respondent himself, and detained him as a prisoner. These negroes, and the rest of the property in question, after the capture of the schooner by Captain Anthony, had been put on board of her, and remained there from that time until she was brought by Captain Boitar, as mentioned in the former case, into the port of Brunswick. The respondent entered a claim for the said thirty-four negroes and other property, praying that the whole might be restored to him upon payment of salvage. This claim was received, and a jury summoned, as in other cases, to decide upon it. It appeared by strong implication from the respondent's own showing, and by express proof in the case, that he had taken an oath of allegiance to the British government, and was a voluntary and firm adherent to its interest. Nevertheless, the jury by their verdict established his claim, and a decree was given accordingly ; from which the appellants appeal for these, among other 1''80.] of james iredell. 479 Eeasons. 1. Because it plainly appears from the allegations of the respondent himself, and the proofs in the cause, that he was a British subject, without any pretence of being so by cora- pulsion, but voluntarily and heartily ; and consequently he has no right to claira property in our courts. 2. Because it is supposed to be imraaterial, and an iraproper subject of inquiry, how property came on board a prize, provided it appears to be the property of any of the enemy's subjects. 3. Because it is apprehended, that coramanders of privateers are warranted, by an express power from Congress, to distress the enemy and seize property, as well by land as sea : a practice which their own example, if not the general law of nations, sufficiently justifies and requires. JAS. IEEDELL, Adwoate for the Appellants in North Garolma. Dec, 1780. Johnston to Iredell. Philadelphia, 21st Dec, 1780. Dear Sir : — You will have heard, before this reaches you, the state of my health on my arrival at this place. I now begin to hope I may recover, though I am still confined to the house, and my cough, attended with fever, very troublesome ; but I sometiraes go down stairs and mix with the gentlemen who lodge in the house, and those who visit them, which I find of some service to me. I had the pleasure of hearing, by the last post, that Mrs. IredeU was getting better ; I hope by the next to hear every body is well. Congress seem to be very busy ; but as I have not yet taken my seat in it, I am acquainted with but few particulars, and if I was acquainted with any thing interesting, I should be afraid to write it by the post, as there is reason to apprehend that, before this reaches you, the enemy may be in possession of some of the towns in Virginia through which the post passes, as we have certain advices that 4,000 troops, under the command of General Kniphausen, have been some time past embarked, though we have not yet any advice of their having sailed, and their destination is kept a profound secret in New York. Congress have sent a Colonel Palfray, formerly paymaster of the army, to France, in the character of consul from the United States : Colonel Laurens, son of the late President, is appointed a minister for a particular purpose to the court of France. This last appointment is much disapproved of by some 480 LIFE AKD CORRESPONDENCE [1780. of the raembers, apprehensive of its disgusting Dr. Franklin, and by that means impeding rather than promoting our interest at that court. Mr. Dana, secretary to Mr. Adams, is appointed minister to the Empress of Eussia : it is uncertain how he may be received, but the general opinion is, that the old lady wUl not be displeased with the compliment. 23d. — I have just heard of a brother of Mr. Granbury's, who sets out in the morning for Carolina ; I will therefore close this letter, and endeavor to send it by hira ; and can now venture to mention the distresses of Congress in regard to money matters. Nothing can be more alarming. The treasury quite empty, and no means of ffiling it, to answer the pressing demands which are daily made upon it. What adds to their distress : the supplies for the army are not yet laid in, and they have been disappointed in getting over a quantity of clothing, promised for the use of the array, in France. Expenses here exceed all conception : from the great number of prizes brought in, and large importations from Europe to this place, the town is fiUed with all kinds of goods, and furnishes supplies to all the Southern States, and the State of New York ; this draws all the circulating cash in these States to this town ; this occasions such a profusion of money here, that every thing is most enormously dear I had almost forgot to mention, that the British ministry have carried all before them in the late general elections. Most of the eminent characters in the opposition are left out — namely, Mr. Fox, Mr. Burke, Mr. WUkes, with a number of others, whose names I do not recollect. An unsuccessful attempt was made to oust Sir George Saville. My best respects to Mr. Barker and aU my other friends. You wiU observe there are some circumstances in this letter which should be communicated with caution. Tell Mr. Smith I will write to him soon ; and let him see this. Pre sent my love to my sister IredeU, my sister Blair, Nelly, and the chUdren ; teU them I think of them with all imaginable tender ness. Though I am now writing at two o'clock in the afternoon, it is so dark I can scarcely read what I write. Adieu ! and believe me ever. My dear Sir, Your affectionate brother and most obedient servant, SAM. JOHNSTON. 1''81-] OF JAMES IREDELL. 481 CHAPTEE XIV. COWPENS ; LETTER FROM ROBERT SMITH J ASSEMBLY ; 0. JOHNSON TO IREDELL ; S. JOHNSTON TO IREDELL ; SPENCER TO IREDELL ; HOOPER TO IREDELL ; PIERCE BUTLER TO IREDELL ; BATTLE OF GUILFORD ; LETTERS ; COUNCIL EXTRAORDINARY ; LETTERS ; PEOPLE OF EDENTON FLY ; GREENE'S CAMPAIGN IN S. C. ; LETTERS FROM BUTLER, JOHNSTON, MRS. BLAIR, &C. ; TRICK PLAYED GEN. GREGORY ; ASSEMBLY; GOV. BURKE ; LET TERS ; NEGRO INVASION ; BATTLE OF EUTAW SPRINGS ; CAPTURE OF GOV. BURKE ; BATTLES OF ELIZABETHTOWN AND LINDLEy's MILL ; YORKTOWN ; EVACUATION OF WILMINGTON ; REJOICING. ^T. 29-30. The year '81 was more full of stirring incidents, and momen tous events than any other in the history of North Carolina. Centuries will probably elapse before her organism will be again subjected to shocks so rude, and trials so severe. Torn by domestic dissensions, her flnances disordered, and invaded, yet was she ever true to herself, and equal to every emergency. Though the dye of her flag was deepened by the blood that streamed from her own bosom, yet was it ever uplifted high by the stout arras of her sons. Though her flelds were ravaged, and her homes despoiled by friend and foe, wherever danger threatened, she promptly sent succor ; while her ministers, save when interrupted for a time by the actual presence of the enemy, enforced her laws by the chastisement of criminals. Either ignorantly or maliciously, the historians of the coun try have done much wrong to the State. Even so important a calamity as the capture and abduction of her chief magistrate has not been mentioned by any, save very recent writers.* No North Carolinian has as yet fairly addressed himself to the pious task of vindicating her fame. Dr. Hawks, Gov. Graham, Pres ident Swain and Dr. Carruthers have thrown briUiant flashes of Ught on the subject ; but the skiU of some industrious hand, » Hildreth. Lossing. Wheeler. Vol. I.— 81 482 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [lISl. enamored of the labor, is yet needed to remove the mould, and disclose to admiration the record engraven by the point of her sword in that dark hour when lightnings played about her brow, and the earth trembled beneath her feet. Her fluctuating militia, assembled often at jioints widely apart, and varying in number from time to time ; the appoint ment sometimes of officers frora other States to lead her troops ; the transfer of Continental officers to the militia ; and the militia " aids " absorbed by the Continental Unes, embarrass the inquirer, who endeavors to trace her military career. Each day, however, developes some new fact ; the work grows by degrees to comple tion, and ere long the veil will be removed from the statue.* The campaign of '81 opened with the victory of the Cowpens, won by Southern valor over superior numbers — a victory more resplendent in lustre, than that of Bennington, and attended by consequences as iraportant.f The following paper, preserved by Judge Iredell, I transcribe from the original copy of Mr. Eobert Smith, as it differs in some particulars from tho relations of most writers. " A particular account ofthe victory gained by Gen. Morgan over Lt. Col. Tarlton with 1,150 chosen British Troops with the Legion, and the flrst part of the 7lst Eegiment with two pieces of Artillery. Col. Tarlton with the above attacked Gen. Morgan at the Cowpens, near Cherokee Ford on the Broad Eiver, on the I7th inst. (January). The battle lasted 50 rainutes, when Gen. Morgan gained a coraplete victory. Took 502 Privates, 29 Coramissioned officers prisoners, besides 200 wounded ; 100 Privates and 10 Commissioned officers left dead on the field ; 2 field-pieces taken, 35 baggage waggons taken, two standards and a travelling forge, 70 negroes and about 100 horses. Our light- * The belief is generally cherished iu N. C, that either Dr. Hawks or Governor Swain, or both, have been some time engaged in writing the history ofthe State. In the battles of Rooky Mount and Hanging Roclc, the North Carolinians under Irwin, Huggins and Davie, constituted the greater part of Sumter's command. In the foUowing February, when Pickens wns invested with the command of 600 or 700 men, in the roar of Lord Cornwallis, not more thnn 40 were from S. C, the re mainder being North Carolinians. The brigade raised by S. C, iu the Spring of '81, were mostly from N. C, under Col. Polk of the same State. — General Joseph Graham. In the course of the war broken corps wore often amalgamated together, under the command of the senior officer. Thus the lines of Maryland nnd Delaware were combined under Col. Williams ; and Blands, Moylans and Baylor's under Washing ton. At the Cowpens, Washington's cavalry were reinforced by a company of mounted militia (Major McDowell's). — Lee's Memoirs. It is believed that as fast as N. C. assembled Continentals, they were added to the lines from other States, until their numbers were sufficient to constitute full battalions. Under the general appellation of Continentals or Regulars their indi viduality was lost sight of. f Lee. 1''81-] OF JAMES IREDELL. 483 horse pursued the enemy 24 miles. Gen. Morgan had Uttle more than 800 men, 300 Eegulars and 500 picked MiUtia Eiflemen. About £20,000 sterling worth of drygoods is said to have fallen into our hands. The above is a copy of Gen. Morgan's return sent to Congress by his aide-de-camp to Congress. Whole of killed, wounded and taken, 841. " Morgan's MiUtia were chiefly North Carolinians, the cora raand of Major McDowell." Egbert Smith to Iredell.* Halifax, 30tli January, 1781. Dear Sir : — We have this moment been favored with an authentic account of the glorious event of the 17th inst., on Broad Eiver. I cannot inform you, or my other friends better than by inclosing a copy of the account from Gen. Morgan to Congress — it's rough but correct ; this one blow secures us from the Southern quarter, and totally ruins this campaign to the enemy. I was under the severest doubts about Gen. Morgan's safety. I knew his number was far inferior to those against him after the reinforcement. Broad Eiver was high ; I was afraid he would be hera'd in, and cut off ; pray show this letter with the inclosed to all my friends. I had sealed up all my letters, but luckily the boy had not gone. I wish our friend Gregory had this news — it will be a fine little pill to Arnold.f I hope in the goods taken we shall find sufficient to clothe our Troops, which will be of great importance. I am, dear sir, "Four most obedient servant, EOBT. SMITH. Stung with rage at the defeat of the " 61ite " of his army, and abandoning all superfluous baggage, Lord Cornwallis iramediately began an eager pursuit of the victors. Anticipating his Lord ship's action, Morgan fled. Now commenced " that thrilling series of military movements, which was continued with the ac tivity of a steeple-chase for quite two months.''^ Morgan had about twenty-five miles the start.§ The vanguard of the British * Smith was in the Assembly, from Edenton. f General Gregory, with a body of troops, was watching the enemy in Virgi nia, and guarding the N. E. section of the State. X Gbvernor Graham says, " nee mora, nee requies" — which I beg leave to. translate a neck and neckrace.] ^ Governor Graham. 484 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [I'^Sl reached the Island Ford on the Catawba on the 29th ; but found that Morgan had crossed two hours before. Here a providential flood detained thera two days. With great gaUantry General Davidson raised three hundred and fifty raen ; and with this small force resolved, as far as was practicable, to impede the passage of the enemy. Plunging into the river, the British (February 1st) waded across, but were received by a well directed fire from the mUitia, occasioning a loss of forty killed and wounded, including Col. Hall. Here Davidson received a ball in his breast — the second North Carolina General slain in the war. This sad ac cident more than counterbalanced the loss of the British. David son was one of those who long " could hold the combat doubt ful :" * active, indefatigable, and of pleasing address, he was the chief instrument relied on by Greene for the asserablage of the militia : his career had been tracked with light : just as he attained the zenith, and while his countrymen looked upward with admiration and hope, he feU. Eftecting his retreat in safety, Greene crossed the Dan, Feb. 13th. Cornwallis, chagrined and baffled, soon afterwards occu pied HUlsborough. On the 18th of January, the Assembly met at Halifax.f Never before had they convened at a more critical juncture; never had the future worn so dark an aspect. Their attention was at once directed to the defence of the State. Bills were passed for giving greater efficiency to the miUtia, and for the reorganization of the Continental Battalions : tbe latter, nominally six, were reduced to four, and provision made for speedily filling up the ranks to the proper compleraent. The State had been constrained to resort in many instances to impressment to obtain supplies for the support of her troops. Even when paper raoney was given in exchange, the purchase had much of a compulsory character. With a hearty desire to maintain a reputation for fair dealing, auditors were appointed for each of the districts of the State to examine clairas : when these were approved, the auditors were directed to issue certificates for the suras due ; and all public officers were instructed to take them in the settlement of taxes, &c. The powers of the Quarter-master General were enlarged. The Board of War was discontinued. By an extraordinary stretch of authority, whose only palliations were the crisis and the purity of their motives, they established a " Council Extraordinary,"^ to consist of " three persons of integrity and abilities, such as the General Assembly can have the greatest confidence in," and " invested the actual Governor (Nash) and this council, with the * Lee. f Statutes. X Gov. Graham. I'Sl.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 485 executive powers of government" after the expiration of his offi cial term, provided the invasion of the eneray should prevent the holding of elections, and the meeting of the Assembly at the usual tirae. After thus guarding against the chances of war, the Asserably closed its session, February 14th. The CouncU of War consisted of Caswell, Col. Martin, and probably Bignal.'" Charles Johnson (Senator from Chowan) to Iredell. f Halifax, Sth February, 1781. Dear Sir : — Yours of the 5th I have this raoraent received. Private matters and considerations of every kind and thing are inadmissible, owing to the impatience of the merabers to get horae. Finding no abler hand would undertake, I introduced a BUl for yours, and the Judges' Establishraent, the salary to be fixed in a perraanent manner out of the reach of depreciation. It has passed two readings — not without curtailments, which they call amendments. I hope, however, it will pass ; even with the allowance it is reduced to, it will show a good intention, and a willingness to amendraents, of which this may be consider ed as a beginning. I have Ukewise been the introducer of another Bill for encouraging the importation of Arms, and which passed unanimously — I think its principles are founded in justice — but am doubtful whether those of my own trade will think so — as it concerns them entirely ; but one of the Legislature, I'ra of opinion that private interest ought to give way to public utility — however, in this, I flatter myself, they are both happily blended. Col. Lee with his legion has surprised Georgetown, took the commanding officer and killed many of the eneray — this by ex press. It is too true the eneray are in possession of Wilmington and environs, and of poor Mr. Hooper and Maclaine's families ; who are both here : their situation is truly laraentable, and I sincerely feel for them.f Boyd J is in such a dreadful hurry, I can only beg my compliments to your family, and am, dear sir. Yours sincerely, CHAS. JOHNSON. * The Council Extraordinary was clothed with all the powers exercised by the Board of War and Council of State, and was required to keep a journal Their salary £200 per day. f Major Craig took possession of Wilmington. January 29th. X Adam Boyd. One of the first acts of the Whig Magistrates in New Hanover County, after the Revolution began, was to turn out the old Clerk, Mr. John Lon don, and to appoint Boyd in his stead. Boyd was Editor of the " Mercury : " he was afterwards made Chaplain to the Continental Troops, and after the war regularly ordained a Minister of the Episcopal Church. He was the second husband ofthe mother of the venerable Dr. A. De Eossett of Wilmington. 486 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [I'^^l- S. Johnston to Iredell. Philadelphia, February 10th, 1781. Dear Sir : — As nothing new has happened since I wrote to my brother, which letter I desired him to communicate to you, and having wrote by this conveyance to E. Smith, I should not now have wrote to you, but having understood that my friends were alarmed on account of my health, this wiU enable you to assure them that I am now quite well, and attend Congress every day when the weather is good. I congratulate you on Gen. Morgan's success ; it is considered by the Military gentlemen here, as one of the most gallant and well conducted actions of this war. I have sent Wilie Jones the last papers, which I have desired hira to forward to Mr. Sraith. I would have sent duplicates, but it would have made my packet too large. Present my love to my sisters, Nelly, and the chil dren. I congratulate my sister Blair on Billy's return. I hope the sea agrees with him. I wrote some time ago to Mrs. Daw son, and likewise to Mr. Pollock. I hope they received my letters — be pleased to present my proper respect to them. I long very much to be at home again. I have no relish for poUtics. Though the weather has been so remarkably temperate, that there has been no appearance of ice in the river, yet it has been very wet and disagreeable. I hope you wUl bj"- some means let me hear from you ; present my compliraents to Mr. Barker in particular, and all my other friends, and believe me with every sentiment of affection and esteem. Dear sir, yours, SAM. JOHNSTON. Hooper to Iredell. Halifax, Tuesday, February ISth, I78I. My dear Iredell : — In the agony of my soul, I inform yon that I ara severed from my family — perhaps for ever ! The enemy landed at WUmington on the 29th of last month, and took possession of the town without opposition. W ell aware that the saltworks at and near my house might make it obnoxious to the enemy — I reraoved my family, and from the want of horaes and carriages, and a thousand other circumstances, which I will mention to you as soon as I collect myself enough to think or write seriously upon the subject — I removed my family to Wil mington. Had I attempted to have carried them furtlaer, I ap prehended that they must still have been subject to parties of the enemy, who would have been engaged in plundering without the I'^Sl'l OF JAMES IREDELL. 487 restraint of any officer to check their depredations. In an en emy's country, at all events, I thought it best to trn.st them to the mercy of the principal officer who would be at Wilmington, and preserve some order there, rather than risk a perfect separa tion from Mrs. Hooper's friends. I have many friends in Wil mington who differ essentially from me in poUtical opinions, but who, I think, would risk all to serve me and my family — to these and to God have I trusted almost every thing I hold dear in this worid, and if He will preserve them in happiness. He may do with me as He thinks best. The enemy are about 450 strong, commanded by Major Craig, late major and adjutant to General Burgoyne, escorted by a certain Dubois, and a Frenchman of the name of Treville, who left WUmington and went to Charleston about three weeks ago. The troops are escorted by the Blonde of 36 guns, the Delight of 16 guns ; Otter, 16 guns, and two or three gallies bearing some 18 pounders — 121b. and 161b. The whole fleet makes about eighteen in number. Their object, they say, is to unite themselves with the dis affected of Cumberland, and weaken the opposition to Cornwallis. The enemy surprised the bridge called Heron's (you know it), the bridge at my brother's house (the Mulberry), and after burn ing all the public stores, they retired on the "Wilmington side of the river again. They took possession of the Mulberry, and I fear my brother Thomas is ruined as well as his elder brother. Need I, my dear friend, add to the sympathetic emotions of your heart — that 1 left my wife in a very precarious state of health; my brother George upon his bed, where he has been for twenty-one days, iil of a putrid fever, his Ufe despaired of by Cob ham and all his physicians; his wife far from being healthy. The impress of horses and carriages has been so violent that a few, a a very few, of the male inhabitants are out. I was obliged to rely oa my legislative privileges and tbe secrecy of a cellar to con ceal my horses from iiursuit. Mr. Maclaine and I are together exiles — travelling as Ughtly as General Cornwallis does, and more so, with all our property on our backs. Perhaps we may see Edenton; perhaps shall' advance to the Southward. Circum stances as they arise must determine our movements. We talk of being with you, but stand suspended. A country on the verge of ruin ; a corrupt, or what is worse, an idiot Assembly ; an indo lent Executive; a Treasury without money; a Military without ex ertion; punctilios superseding duty; — in a word, upon the true test of patriotism, the approach ofthe enemy, the vociferation of per secution and confiscation being resolved into silence or ineflectual efforts in order to promote doubts and disputation, show what we 488 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1''81- have to expect from the opposition of this State. Report says, and perhaps it is true, that Cornwallis is at Magee's, forty mUes frora Salisbury, on this side; Greene, sixteen on this side of Corn wallis. Adieu, my ever dear friend. Eeraeraber me most affectionately to yours' and Mr. Johnston's famUy. Mr. Maclaine begs to be mentioned to you with much regard and esteem, and I am, my dear Iredell, ever yours ; and may you never feel what does now for a separation frora his family. Yours, WM. HOOPEE. Eemember me most affectionately to Allen. I congratulate him on his happy change. May the connection be never inter rupted by what I now feel. I will write him very shortly. Yours affectionately, W. H. I can get no letter paper — pardon me. Judge Spencer to Iredell. Halifax, 15th of Feby., 1781. Dear Sir: — The Assembly broke up yesterday, having, among other important matters, given the judges an order on the Treasurer for £20,000 a-piece, and the Attorney-General for £10,000, in pursuance of a resolve of last session for making up the deprecia tion of their aUowance, and in full, as I take it, of all arrearages for past services. They have rejected a bill for giving them a decent salary without depreciation, have raade thera no further provision ; but, as I ara inforraed by sorae of the members, intend that civil business shall cease for a while. The Senate passed a resolve for making the further aUowance of £20,000 a-piece to ¦^he judges, and £10,000 to the Attorney-General; but it was rejected in the House of Commons at the objection of Mr. T. Per son,* who had like to have carried a rejection of the flrst resolve; but our friend M. Locke opposed him, and carried the iraportant point in our favor. They have totally rejected Judge Ashe's claira for an allowance for courts; he was prevented from attend ing through sickness. We seem, therefore, to be left altogether in the lurch. I have put my office upon that footing that I shall * Thomas Person of Granville ; an eminent Whig leader, ultra-democratic in politics. He was made Brigadier-General in '76, and exercised in the legislative assemblies a very commanding influence. Person Hall at Chapel Hill was erected by means contributed by his liberality, and a county bears his name. He was a type of the class of politicians, of whom the late Mr. Macon was an illustrious representative. I'^^l-l of JAMES IREDELL. 489 never budge another foot in their service, at least as a civil officer, tiU they make proper provision for my support. I have no doubt but the other judges will do the same. No superior courts, I suppose, wUl therefore be held tUl after the next session of As sembly, let the event of our public concerns turn out as they will. They wear a very critical aspect at present; but I hope the cloud will soon be dispelled. 'You will have the news before this reaches you, more certain than any thing else I can at present relate to you. I ara, dear sir, with great respect and esteem. Your most obedient humble servant, SAMUEL SPENCEE. S. Johnston to Iredell. Philadelphia, 15th February, 1781. Dear Sir : — I had the pleasure of receiving yours of the 5th inst., last night. I wrote a line by an express to the Gov ernor, which I hope you will receive. I have very little hope that this will reach you. By a vessel, which arrived last Sunday frora Cadiz, we have letters as late as the 19th December. The fleets at that time, as well of France and Spain as Great Britain, were in port ; the Dutch had acceded to the armed Neutrality, notwithstanding which, the British continued to take their ships, and it was thought would make some attempts on their settle ments in the East Indies. Mr. Cumberland is still permitted to continue at the Court of Madrid — a very suspicious circumstance. There is great reason to apprehend that the British mean to fortify and support their station at Portsmouth, or some other in that neighborhood, in order to shut up the navigation of the bay, and by making frequent incursions into the country, prevent the State of Virginia from sending aid to the Carolinas. Con gress is every day engaged in a variety of matters, but under our present situation, it is probably best to say little as to the partic ulars. I hope to have some opportunity before long by which I may be more communicative. I have wrote a great number of letters to you and my other friends, particularly C. Johnson and E. Sraith, which I fear have miscarried — having lately received a letter from Mr. Smith from Halifax, in which he complains of my not having wrote. I am now quite recovered, except a little remnant of my cold, which is attended with no other inconven ience, but that it makes rae cautious of exposing myseff. I am very happy to hear that my sister Iredell has quite recovered her health. I was long under very serious apprehensions for her 490 LIFE AND CORRESPONDKNOK [I'Sl- safety ; I shall be very happy if we sliould all once more meet in health. Present my compUments to Mr. JohnsoB, nnd "all my other friends ; pray don't foi^t Mr. Barker, My love to ray sisters, NeUy and the children, and believe me with th© raost sincere esteem, My dear sir, Your affectionate brother, and obedient servant, SAM. JOHNSTON. After the death of General Davidson, General Piokona was elected to the command of his brigade.* In oor\junotion with Ool. Lee, on the 25 th February, he, at the head of these North Carolinians, surprised a body of 400 loyalists under CoL Pyles : ninety of the tories were slain, and the greater part of the re mainder wounded ; stratagem conspired with valor their de struction. Sam. Johnston to Irkdkll. PitiLADBLPiiiA, atth Fobnmry, 1'781. Dear Sir : — Your letter giving an account of Morgan's vic tory, I had the pleasure to receive yesterday, but have hoaixi nothing of those sent by the gentlemen to Virginia. Onr ac counts from General Cornwallis are very alarming, but wo hope it will not be long before both he and Arnold will ropont of their rashness. Congress are not inattentive to the state ofthe Southern States, but the unfortunate mutinies in the Army, and other uno- voidable accidents have prevented them sending on more Troops, and put it out of their power to make suoh ample provision for those that were sent as would have been wished. Should the report, which from different quarters has arrived at different towns to the eastward, with regard to Count D'Estaing's hav ing taken seven Ships of the Line, three Frigates and the greatest part of yO sail of Transports of Sir Samuel Hood's Squadron off the Western Islands, bo true, it will be a favorable presage of tho success of the ensuing campaign. The French fleet hold the British ships blodked up in Gardiner's Bay, and only wait tho arrival of the expected reinforcements to lay hands on. Tho safety or de struction of the British fleet, under Admiral Arbuthnot, depends entirely on this circumstance, whether a French or British rein forcement first arrives. The chances at present appear to me in favor of our Allies. Gefioral Washington will not neglect the reliefof North Carolina, when circumstances wiU admit, I daro ** Qeu. Joseph Orahain. 1''81.] OF JAMES IRKDELL. 491 not be raore particular, but hope before this reaches you, Arnold's fate will be decided. I received Mr. Johnson's letter of the 6th January only yesterday. Be so good as to present my compli ments to him, and let him know I wrote a long letter to him last week by the way of Halifax. Eeraeraber me to all our other friends. My love to my sisters, Nelly and the children : I long very much to see you and them, and am ever. My dear sir. Your affectionate and obedient servant, SAM. JOHNSTON. Pierce Butler to Iredell. Major Butler, was an Irishman :* a descendant of Ormond, the celebrated Jacobite Duke. He came to America as an offi cer in the British Army •.¦[ he soon resigned, married Miss Mid dleton, a lady of large estate ; and settled in South CaroUna. He was distinguished for his fine person, his elegant manners, his attainments, his talents, and his patriotism. After the fall of Charleston, he narrowly escaped capture, fleeing " literally barefooted." He sought shelter in North Carolina, where he was warmly received, and where his accomplishments and virtues soon won him friends. He was especially intimate with Iredell : their mutual attachment ripened with advancing years : their correspondence, cordial and unreserved, was frequent, and lasted during IredeU's life. Major Butler represented South Carolina in Congress in 1787, and in the Convention which framed the Constitution of the United States. His letters will show his views of Federal politics, and with what ardor and intelligence he watched and labored to advance the peculiar interests of the South. His grandchildren, by his daughter, who married Dr. Mease of PhUadelphia, are his sole representatives : on succeeding to his fortune, they adopted his name. Newbern-, March llth, 1781. Dear Sir : — I was just sitting down to write to you when Mr. Cogdell handed to me your truly acceptable favor of the Sth inst. I assure you, sir, the pleasure arising from the commence ment of a correspondence, so desirable on my side, is reciprocal. I should do much violence to my own feelings, if I omitted the first opportunity of expressing the grateful sense I have of your * Cyclop. Biog. Appleton. f Johnson's Traditions, rd you of indulging the darling passion of your soul by relieving the wants of your friends and alleviating the distresses of humanity. Yesi, Iredell, you ha\ea conscience that will ever bear you up under the pressure of the most pnngent calamity, and a heart like yours, all alive to the misfortunes of others, can never be wounded without the consolation of nniversal sympathy. May you never know real misfortune ! is a wish that can scarcely he realized. May yon never experience a calamity which you cannot find resources in yourself to brave and rise superior to, is the prayer of him who holds you dear to him as a brother, who has drawn your concerns near to himself^ and will ever feel for them as his own. Adieu, my dear sir. I earnestly wish that you may escape a fever during your journey at tbis in clement season. Avoid the meridian sun, and evening air. For yourself — for your femUy — for my sake take care of your health. With the most coidial affection and esteem I am ever, dear IredelL toius, WILL HOOPER. Ibedei.Ii to Mbs. Ikedell. AigiEt^ 35th, IMl.* My deab Hannah : — I got to court about 12, and have ever since herai most bualy employed. Contrary to my san- *'n»e plaee wh«ethe l^ter was written do» not appear, because et an obliter ation. 534: LIFE AND correspondence [l^^l- guine wishes and expectations, Linton I fear cannot be tried until sorae of those who actuaUy shot are convicted, and thei-e is none of them to be had but one, who has been made a witness of, and is necessary as such. I fear all the necessary wit nesses will not be present to enable me to draw an indictment, though I have done all I could to procure thom. You will probably receive this by the Governor and Col. Davie. I wish you and your sister would be as attentive as pos sible to them. The worth of the latter rises every dny in n.y estimation. He appears to me to possess uncommon abilitios, and much goodness as well as greatness of soul. Craig is said to be 22 miles above Newbern, but the Governor is exerting him self to the utmost, and by an extraordinary instance of good fortune, Gen. Wayne with 1,100 regular troops is to be at Hali fax on Wednesday.* I think there is great reason to believe Craig icill never return. That Tory, Gordon of Wilmington, I believe is certainly shot. Mr. Sharpe writes that Congress had expectations of money frora France, and promise of a superior Naval force in this campaign.-\ I ara absolutely obliged to write in this manner. Give my love to your sister, itc, aud particularly to my dear Nelly. Ee member me also with kindness to Mrs. Dawson's faraily, nnd re spectfully to Mr. Charlton's, Mr. Graj's, &c. Hillsborough Court begins the 5th of September. Adieu ! my dear Hannah. Take good care of yourself. 1 long most anxiously to hear of Mr. Hooper. I am ever most affectionately yours, JAS. lEEDELJj. Booth, Aug. •J/itli, 17Sl. My DEAR Hannah : — I wrote you a letter this morning by the Governor. You will be disappointed in a sight of Ool. Davie by his being detained to provide for Gon. Wayne's troojis, and other reasons. I did not get hore till an hour in the night, being kept at Court very busily all day. The bill is found against Linton and the others, there being a very full attend ance of witnesses to-day in consequence of some measures 1 took yesterday. Whether he can be tried or not this time seems uu- * After Washinctton had decided upon a niareh to the South, Lafayode was re quested by him to prevent Lord Cornwallis Imm saving hinisclf by"n sudden re treat to Charleslcm. Wayne was immediately dospiitchcd south of Jamea River for this purpose — Marshall. f William Sharpe, of Iredell, a distinguished lawyer, soldier, and pat riot — mem ber of ah the early revohitionary assemblies — aid-de-cnnip to Uulberford in '76 — member of the t'oiitinonlal Congress in '70, '82; died in 1818. Aneestor of tho Irwins, of Burke, and Judge CaldweU, and llou. Joseph P. Caldwell. — Wheehr. 1''81-] of JAMES IREDELL. 535 certain, though I find two of the men who were concerned in the shooting are still about Halifax, and have had proceedings taken to get them into custody. I thank you very kindly for your let ter by Mr. McKenzie. Mr. Hooper still continuing so ill dis tresses me extremely. I wish to God your brother was with him. Pray assure him of my most affectionate thoughts of him, and that I regret infinitely the painful necessity of my separation. I wrote to him this morning by the Governor. We have since heard that the British were advancing a little further on. They were last Wednesday at a place called Shadrack Allen's, 32 miles from Newbern. It is supposed they are coming to Tar borough, but nobody knows ; however, nothing could be more for tunate than Gen. Wayne's advance. You may be assured, my dearest Hannah, I will run no un necessary risks. I think Mr. Hooper's fears are without founda tion, but Mr. Williams and myself will look to the right and left before we proceed. I apprehend now little frora the British, and nothing at all frora the parties westward. But be assured I will do nothing but what, in my opinion, my honor really and not fantastically requires. The Governor is to be at Gen. Jones' at furthest on Wednesday. Have a long letter ready for him. I will not fail to write you by all opportunities. My anxiety about you is ever most extreme and tender. Compliraents as in my letter of this morning. Adieu ! and believe me ever most fervently and affectionately yours, JAS. ieedell. P. S. Tell Mr. Hooper Col. Clark is in Halifax now. I sent Alfred Moore his letter by Major Eeed, whom I saw to-day, and gave hira his own. Mr. Sam Johnston in a letter, dated Balgray, Aug. 27th, mentions his purpose to return to Hayes with his famUy next day. So, I suppose, he no longer deemed Edenton insecure. Wheeler's,* Aug. 26th, 1781. My dear Hannah : — Our Court ended to-day, but unhap pily a day or two too late for me to have the pleasure of seeing you before I go to Hillsborough, which I had much wished, and firmly determined to do if I had had but two days to spare. I am persuaded you need be under no apprehensions about my safety in proceeding to HiUsborough. The Governor has ordered out the raiUtia of Orange, and Gen. Wayne's march through the country wiU intimidate the Tories, so that they dare attempt * Wheeler's, I suppose, was the residence of the grandfather of the Hon. Jno. H. Wheeler, minister to Nicaragua, author of a Hist. N, C, lic. : it is near the county seat of Northampton. 536 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1^81. nothing. Whether we shall go to Salisbury is uncertain. If we do we shall have a strong guard thither, and when there. Col. Davie tells me we shall be perfectly safe, for all Eowan, (the county in which Salisbury stands,) and Mecklenburg which joins it, are extremely well affected, and zealously so." One of the raen concerned in the actual shooting of Quinn wa? tried yesterday, but, in a great raeasure owing to the sup pression of a most material part of the truth by a rascal, who was one of the accomplices, and swore differently to the grand jury and petit jury, he was not convicted. No other of the principals being now to be got, there was a necessity for admitting Linton to bail, which has been done. The enemy burnt Gen. Bryan's mill, and afterivards one Longfield Cox's {and I do not know but their houses), and then turned again towards Cape Fear. They destroyed salt, rum, rig ging, <&c., in Neivbern, but did, I believe, no other mischief. John Green, Cogdell, Ogden, and Hartin staid. T have heard of no other principal persons that did. Mr. Nash, it is said, was confined there by sickness. To-morrow is the day Gen. Wayne is expected, but it is doubtful if he can be here quite so soon. I hope to see him and his fine body of troops. I keep ray health perfectly weU, and hope in God you do. My head-quarters have been here, where I have received all possible kindness and civility. This opportunity is quite an unexpected one. Mr. W. Jones came in this evening on his way to the In dian woods, and, as I dare say he intends going by daylight in the morning, I have no lime to write to any but you and your brother John, to whora I shall enclose this letter. Pray men tion this to my dear friend, Hooper, and beg him to excuse me. I shall certainly write him before I leave this part of the coun try. I am most anxious to hear about hira, and pray to God it may be altogether favorable. Indeed I cannot prevail on myself to doubt it. It would make me too unhappy. Tell him Col. Clark is perfectly well, and still at Halifax, and likely to be so for some days. Eemember me, also, very affectionately to Mr. Smith, and apologize for me. My affectionate compliments to your sis ter. Love to the children, and pray reraember ine particularly to NeUy and Mrs. Dawson's family. The only fault here is being sent to bed too early, which obliges me to finish my letter. Adieu ! my dear Hannah. Heaven bless you ! I am most affectionately, and unalterably yours, JAS. IREDELL. P. S. The enemy certainly burnt Bryan's and Cox's houses. * The underscoring is in the original. '''^I'J OP JAMES IREDKl.L. 537 IIai.irvx, August 29th, 1781. My dear Hannah :— I wrote you last nij'ht from General Jones' by his brother, who was going to the Indian woods. He carae to town this morning, and soon after I had the pleasure to receive your letter by tho governor, which made me very happy, for I was most anxious and uneasy about Mr. Hooper, and I longed to hear from him and you. Colonel Clark is here at present, and as I find Mr. Hooper projiosed coraing up in a few days to see him, I pressed the former very strongly to go to our house, as I am sure it would be dnngerous for Mr. Hooper to come out soon, and I knew you and your sister would be very glad of an opportunity to show kindness to a man every way worthy of being Mrs, Hooper's brother. His conduct, perseverance, aud losses as an officer must highly endear him to every friend of American liberty and virtue. Nothing can ever be more painful to mc than to do any thing disagreeable to your inclinations, but ray honor compels me to attend as far as tho judges do. In times of truvquittity some liberties may be taken, but not in these. I believe our guard and Gen. Wayne's march will make us per fectly sale. Be assured I will attend to my own security as much as I can with honor. It will be uncertain if we shall go to Sal isbury. As to the Governor and Mr, — — going by Mr. Pollok's, if there be any blame, 1 ara not altogetiier or oven principally answerable for it. Mr. Gilchrist mentioned it first, and asked me about it, and I said what surely I could not avoid, that I was persuaded it would give Mr. PoUok pleasure, I should be sorry if they thought me presuming enough to send any persons there upon my invitation. And Mr. Gilchrist's conduct I really think very extraordinary, for I understood he wns to accompany them, I did not know Nelly was to return so soon. Give my love to her most tenderly. I thank her for her intention to write, and would write to her if I had time, but I really have not. Be pleased also to remember me most affectionately to your sister. She will forgive, I hope, the Uberty I have taken iu inviting Col onel Clark. I/is worth is so (jnat every body ought to be eiKjer io testify their sense of it. After all, 1 know not whetliLM' this will roach you immodiatoly, for H. Bond who carries it is to follow the route of Dudley, which is uncertain. Adieu ! my dear Han nah. Give my love nnd compliments at your discretion. Most faithfully and affectionately yours, JAS. ieedell. p. S.— Peter is woll. 538 LIFE ANT) CORRESPONDENCE [l''®!- Elk Marsh, Aug. SOth, 17S1. My DE.iRKST Hannah : — The Governor coming rather sooner than we expected, we are thus tar on our wny to Hillsborough. I wrote you yesterday by H. Bond from Halifax iu a groat hurry, but it was uncertain whether he would go by Winton or Dukin field. I have pressed Colonel Clark very much to go and see Mr. Hooper, and spend a few days with him at our house. I was sure I could take this liberty with propriety in respect to him, tor he is one of the most valuable and respectable of men, and deserving of the highest attention for his uncomraon pereonal merit and services to his country. I wrote a line of introduction to you and your sister by him if he should go. I retain my health perfectly well. Our danger, I beUeve, will be very Uttle, as we shall be well guai-ded, and General Wayne's advance will intimidate the Tories. I wrote by Bond to your brother, Mr. Hooper, and C. Johnson. Mr. Hooper's letter I enclosed to you. As it is un certain if Colonel Clark may not come down, I wish you would stay some short tirae in expectation of it — but not long, or so as to make it disagreeable to you. I enclose a letter for Mr. Hqoper. I forgot to send sooner. Pray let me hear from you if possible, and take the best cai-e of your health. Of my own be assured. Give my love to your sister and the children. I will steal a bit of this paper to scribble a line to Nelly, Adieu 1 my dearest Hannah, and believe me in truth, with entire aftection, Ever yours, JAMES IEEDELL. P. S. — An acquaintance of Mr. Hooper's, Mr. Craike, talked of going to see him. If he should, be civil to him. Ho is a very good sort of man. To Miss Blair : My dear Nelly : — I have only tirae to tell you that I love you most tenderly, and am ever most anxious about you. I thank you for your intention to write to me, though you could not accomplish it. Be well and be happy till my return, when I shall have the greatest pleasure in letting you know how much I am Your truly affectionate, J. L I'^^l-] OF JAMES IREDELL. 539 Iredell to Mrs. Iredell. CoLONKL Williams's, Granville, Sept. 3d, 1781. My dear Hannah :— My last letter to you was from Colo nel McCuUoh's, which I wrote last Thursday. Judge Williams and rayself left it that afternoon, and reachecl this his most hospi table and agreeable house the next evening. I regretted by ray coraing so soon, ray having lost an opportunity of seeing General Wayne and his troops, but it seemed generally thought they would not be at Halifax for two or three days, and I hated upon such an uncertainty to quit agreeable company and impose upon myself a journey without rest to HUlsborough. We yester day were most agreeably surprised at information that a French fleet, consisting of sixteen sail of the line, had arrived in Virginia, and that General Wayne had halted in order to co-operate with the Marquis against Lord Cornwallis, who was pushing to the southward. The Marquis has wrote to the Governor to have his passage opposed at Koanoke at all events ; that he should keep upon his right flank, and hoped to bring him to action. He writes, I am told, in high spirits and with a good deal of san- guineness. The Governor is now at Halifax, so that I have this only at second-hand, but frora persons I ara sure I can rely upon. Our affairs in South Carolina and Georgia are on a raost agree able footing. The eneray have no footing in those countries, but at Charleston and Savannah, and the spot which their raain army occupies at Orangeburg and environs (about 70 or 80 miles above Charleston), where they get no rest night or day, Marion, Surap ter, and Lee, and occasionally Washington, continually hanging about thera, and harassing them, for their cavalry is almost entire ly destroyed. A short time ago, 30 of our horse attacked 50 of their dragoons, killed two or three and brought off the rest prison ers. Their infantry, I beUeve, is pretty strong, but they have raet with so much difficulty in getting supplies, that they have already moved much lower down than they were, and it is expect ed they will soon go still nearer, if not entirely to Charleston. Greene is encamped on a fine situation upon the high Hills of Santee, about 110 miles from Charleston. He very unfortu nately is not very strong, or able to effect great things at present, but I am told he had a great scheme in agitation, which he hoped to be in a condition to execute soon. The inhabitants in general are most friendly, and most cordially attached to his army. General Leslie, it is said, has lately arrived at Charleston to take the command, but carried no troops with him. The rei'm of the Tories, I believe, will soon be over. We 5,40 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [I'^^l- hear there is a body of them about Cross Creek, but a ranch larger body of Whigs was advancing against them ; the Whigs in general were turning out with great spirit. The governor also, whenever he is in a condition to act with all the vigor he wishes, wUl discon cert them very much by offering pardon to all who may be sup posed to have adhered to them frora fear and in consequence of the distraction ofthe times, merely in terror for their persons and property, and who shall within a Umited tirae join our mUitia in arms. His intention has already spread ahead, and he has re ceived applications and assurances in consequence, which promise him the happiest effects from such a measure. The leaders wiU then probably be left to suffer deservedly by theraselves. We have little reason therefore to be afraid of any attempts frora them, but shall, however, have an escort of 25 or 30 men to con duct us to Hillsborough (for which place we are to set off to morrow), and when there shall have a formidable guard — -at SaUs bury, our danger will be still less. "•¦'¦" * ¦••'" * * Pray menti(m me most affectionately to them, Mr. Johnston and the children, Mrs. Dawson's family, your sister, &c. I don't think I shall have tirae to scribble a line to Nelly, but beg her to be as sured I hold her always most tenderly in my remerabrance. If j-011 see Mr. Hooper, desire hira not to impute ray not writing to him to neglect, and acquaint him and ray other friends with the news, though most of it, I dare say, has reached them. If you have an opportunity, I entreat you to write to me. If you direct any early letter to the care of " Colonel Eobert Burton, Gran ville," * and get it safely conveyed to some careful perscm at Halifax, it wUl probably reach me. I intend to enclose this to Mr. McKenzie, to whom I have occasion to write, about some in quiries he asked me to make concerning Tory Kello, who last lived near Hillsborough, and is now deservedly a prisoner to the north ward. Mr. M. is interested to know the condition of his property, about which I can now give him some, but not full information. * Colonel Robert Burton married the daughter of Judge Williams : he was a planter, officer in the army, and meraber of the Continental Congress, 1787-8, Hon. R. Burton and Mr, A. Burton, of Beattiesford, Lincoln Co., were his sons. — Wlieeler. Colonel Burton's grandson, John Willis Burton, was with me at Princeton : he was tho Bayard of the class that graduated in 1838. If ever there was a raan ready at any moment, at the call of duty, calmly to lay down his life — he was that man. Of the social circle, of which he was a member, he was " dulce decus ; " and by it he was cherished and loved. Too modest for that self-assertion, generally, exacted by the Bar as the price of distinction ; and too proud to " elbow his way " amid clamorous applicants for office, his purity of heart, the soundness of his judgment, the variety and extent of his attainments were only known to his intimate friends. After resid ing some time in Tennessee, he removed to Louisiana, where he was, recently, borne to an untimely grave, before he had fulfilled the bright promise of his youth, or at tained that rank to which his talents and industry entitled him. l''^!] OF JAMES IREDELL. 541 I shall not fail to write you from Hillsborough. Afterwards it may be difficult tiU my return. I shall be most anxious and un easy about you for fear of your getting sick, so for God's sake take all possible care of yourself. As for myself, I hope to return as well and as hearty as I usuaUy do, tUl which most desirable tirae believe rae, my dear Hannah, with inexpressible tenderness and the greatest truth. Most entirely and affectionately yours, JAMES ieedell. P. S. Peter is weU. On the Sth September occurred the battle of Eutaw Springs. Full details will presently be given by a letter from Mr. Hooper. Much the larger part of Greene's troops were from North Caro- iina : of his front line of raiUtia (4 battalions) one-half were North Carolinians, under Colonel Malmedy : three of the seven battalions of Continentals, who constituted his second Une, were North Carolinians, commanded by General Sumner, Col. Ashe, Major Armstrong, Major Blount : of those who fought under the banner of South Carolina, " the greater part of the Eegiraents of Polk, Harapton, and Hill, were raised in the then counties of Mecklenburg and Eowan (N. C), between the Yadkin and Catawba." * Iredell to Mrs. Iredell. Granville, Sept. llth, 1781. My dear Hannah : — I have the greatest pleasure in again taking up my pen to write to you. The day after I carae here (which you must excuse my concealing in my last letter, thinking it would soon go off ) I was attacked with a most severe fit of the ague and fever, which returned upon me, and almost each time with increased violence, every other day for a week. I was un fortunate enough not to have the proper remedies at hand, but Mr. Burke most obligingly furnished me with tartar, and pre pared it for me. Three different days I took it, besides a purga tive and three or four doses of bark, which was all I could at first command, and these shook the disorder almost entirely off. I have since completed my cure by means of some bark Mr. Adam Boyd (whom Mrs. Blair saw at Windsor) obligingly gave me. I don't remeraber my ever being worse. During the greatest part of the time my fever lasted, my head distressed me exceedingly, and I was a considerable part of the tirae delirious. My stomach also * "Closing scenes ofthe Revolution in N. C, by General Joseph Graham, N. C, Un. Mag,, June, 1852._ Colonel Polk was from N. C. 542 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1781. continually sick. I was very fortunate however in my situation. Mr. and Mrs. WiUiams behaved to me with the utmost degree of tender ness and kindness, of which they could not have shown more had I been their own son. I wanted for nothing that could possibly be provided for me, and they took pains to borrow for my conve nience. Mrs, Burke also was very kind and attentive as well as the governor during a Uttle while he stayed, and he expressed (though not to rae) his regret that necessary business called him away, and prevented his attention to my recovery, which other wise he would most wUlingly have bestowed. My last severe fever was on Friday. Sunday I had a very little, but not enough to lie down. To-day (Tuesday) I have none at all. This dis order stopped my jaunt to Hillsborough, and I don't yet feel strong and hearty enough to go to Salisbury, -so I have declined that disagreeable journey also. In the mean time, I am here in exceUent quarters, wishing most earnestly to hear from you, even more (which is a great deal for a politician to say) than to know what General Washington is doing in Virginia, for it is certain from a letter from General Nelson to Governor Burke, that he was on his way there, and we are told an extraordinary cannonade that was heard distinctly, and almost shook the earth in this neigh borhood last Wednesday (the Sth inst.), * was on account of his going on board the French fleet. What a sight ! The French fleet, I believe, certainly consists of 27 ships of the line, and brought with them at least 3,000 land forces, and we are told also a great quantity of arms. The French troops from the north ward and some Continentals were to come to the southward with General Washington. Cornwallis is fluttering about some where in Virginia, but we don't know exactly where, though people confidently say at York : The Governor is at Hillsborough, so that the newsfiies by us without our catching any. He is medi tating a grand scheme against the Tories, the particulars of which I don't know, and means, I believe, to head the militia in person. His place of residence is in the town of Hillsborough, and Mrs. Burke is to go up there in a short time. It is my in tention to stay here in this neighborhood till the time of Hills borough Superior Court, which begins the 1st day of October. I heartily wish I could venture to go home first, but the sun is so extreraely hot that I should endanger a relapse by it, and my stay at any rate must be very short, which would be greatly mor tifying. I thank God, however, I am in a way of hearing fre quently from you, if you will be kind enough to improve the oppor- * Sept. Sth, there was an engagement between the French and English Fleets off the Capes of the Chesapeake. ''^^- OF JAMES IREDELL. 543 tunity. .^icZoseyouT letters to "Eobert Burton, E.sq., Gian- ¦'iUe?" and direct the outside cover to him "to the care of Colo nel Nicholas Long, Halifex.^' They keep expresses continuaUy passing to and fro, and Colonel Burton Uves within hollow of his father-in-law. You wiU please to remember me most affectionately to Mrs. Dawson, and femUy, and assure them how gratefully and kindly I ever think of them. Give my best respects to llr. and Mrs. PoUok. Say every thing respectfiil and tender for me to your brother and his iamUy, and teU him I shall have frequent oppor tunities from here and wUl write to him soon. You wiU not faU to give my love in the tenderest and strongest manner to my dear Penny and Gaby. I must desire also my very ajffectionate re membrance to Mr. Hooper, to whom I wish earnestly to write, bnt have it not in my power now, and beg him to excuse me. I have not heard from his son, but hope to do so soon. If yon see Mr. Smith or Mr. C. Johnson, present them with my respects, and teU them I wUl write them soon. Having despatched aU these compUments, I now come to ex press the fervent sentiments of my soul, that I think of you, my dear Hannah, ofl;en and most anxiously, that I pray tor the con- tinnanoe of your health, which I earnestly entreat you to attend to, and that I am with unutterable tendeme.ss, as weU as the greatest truth. Your most faithfiil and affectionate JAMES IEEDELL. Sept. 12. — One-half of this letter I wrot^ to-day, and know ing how anxious you wiU be about me, I have the satisfaction to asure you, I feel myself grow stronger every day. Peter is very well, and attended me during my iUness with the greatest tender- ne^ and care. J. L S. Johnston to ilas. Iredell. HiTJS, &ept. 14ti, 17SI. Mt dear Hannah : — ^I haTe had the pleasnre of receiving your letter by J. Gray and likewise one by Mr. AUen, both of which gave me great pleasure, except that part where you sup pose I might be offended with you ; how could you suppose me so unreasonable. / cannot charge my memory witA a single ac tion of your life that ever gave me a momenfs uneasiness muf the Tories niul tho rostorntiou of tranquilUty tuthe State, David Fannon wns contriving a counterplot. About 600 to 1,000 men recognized the authority of Fnuueu and Col. MoNoil. Fannen had graduutod iu the school of villniny with tho highest honors ; a truculent, unscruiiulous scamp, he was fovraidablo for his craft, aud his enterprise ; his lilb could not bo woll said to have been stained with crimes, for it was one blood-red record ; ho in spired so much terror in tho counties bordering on the Capo Fonv, by the celerity of his movements and his atrocities, tliat mothers I'^Sl-] OF JAMES IREDELL. 545 subdued with his name refractory urchins. Whether acting un der instructions from Major Craig, or whether the scheme was the exclusive product of his own brain, does not appear : he de signed the capture of the Governor, the Judges, and the Attor ney-General : so well was he informed, and so ably had he de vised his plans, that the providential sickness of Iredell (the At torney-General) alone saved hira and Judge WUliaras from the merciless grasp of the marauder. The foUowing letter from Ire dell to his wife contains the raost coraplete and interesting ac count of this expedition, which robbed the State of its Chief Magistrate, that I have as yet seen. It has been generally sup posed that the primary object of Fannen's advance was to as sail the militia under Butler, some distance on the south side of Haw Eiver ; and that upon the escape of Butler, the sur prise of the Governor was a conception as sudden as brilliant ; but there are many reasons for a contrary belief : Granville, Sept. 16th, 1781. My Dear Hannah : — I wrote you two or three days ago, acquainting you of my having been sick here, but then being recovered, and I thank God I still continue perfectly well. My sickness I at the time deemed a great misfortune, but I consider it far otherwise now, for in all human probability, nothing else pre vented Col. Williams and myself sharing a very melancholy fate which row attends the Governor. On Wednesday morning last, about 7 o'clock, a large body of Tories, supposed to amount to 400, under Fanning and McNeil, entered Hillsborough, and with very little loss from the fire of an inconsiderable guard, got possession of the Governor, Col. Eeade, Mr. Huske, Col. Lyttle, and a num ber of other persons. Lyttle, though a prisoner on parole, was hacked and cut by Fanning in a most cruel manner. The per sons of the others do not appear to have been ill-used. They continued in town tUl two, rifling and plundering, and doing a good deal of mischief, and then carried off their prisoners and booty, making even the Governor walk on foot. During the time they were in town they released the prisoners that were in gaol, put arms in their hands, and turned the guard into their places. Some were killed in attempting to make their escape, and it is said three or four of the Tories were killed by the guards' fire. Two of the men at first came to Mr. Hogg's house, and insulted and abused him a good deal, and robbed him of his watch and buckles, and made him deUver up his keys ; but he af terwards obtained a sentinel to be placed at his house, and he suffered on the whole Uttle other loss than that of his watch. We have since had an imperfect account of the rear ffuard of Vol. L— 35 546 LIFE and CORRESPONDENCE [1'781- tl^ese rascals being attacked and routed with great loss by about 150 raen under Col. Mebane (a raost spirited continental officer). The Tories were far raore numerous, but they nevertheless lost al most all their horses, guns, and the plunder they brought frora HUls borough. Seven of our raen were killed, the number of wounded uncertain, but among these Col. Lutrell was shot through the body, though it is thought he raay possibly recover. The rest of the Tories (supposed to amount to about 200) were with the pris oners two miles in front. Every effort was making to bring on a successful attack, and God grant such a one may have taken place ! The action was near Deep Eiver, about forty miles from Hillsborough, a little above Eamsay's Mills. The weather has been excessively bad for some days, and still continues so, so that I could not have attempted travelling ; and Mr. Williams is now so ill that I cannot in common humanity leave hira till I see him better. His disorder is much worse than mine, and rather of the remitting than the intermitting kind. Never shall I forget the kindness I have received here. Nothing could have exceeded it, unless it might be the readiness with which it was bestowed. As soon as possible I shall leave this, and go imraediately in search of you. In the mean time, believe that I am here per fectly secure. I have not time to write to a single soul besides. Give my love and compliments where due, and be assured I am ever, my dear Hannah, Yours most affectionately, JAS. ieedell. In the attack the Governor's house was the principal object. Expecting frora the savage appearance of the men nothing but massacre, the Governor, attended by his Aid, Capt. Eead,* his Secretary, Mr. Huske, and an orderly Sergeant, resolved to die sword in hand. After sustaining for some time a close and hot fire, Capt- Eead.f with great gallantry, penetrated the enemy's ranks, and returned with a gentleraan in the uniform of a Brit ish officer, to whom, after repeated assurances of proper treat ment, Gov. Burke surrendered. The captor had, afterward, much difficulty in preserving the Governor from the fury of the Tories, but succeeded in sheltering him from violence by the assistance of some Highlanders, who, as prisoners heretofore, had experienced humanity at the hands of the Executive. The Governor was * Burke's message to Assembly, April, '82. •)¦ Capt. Eeade and Col. Eead, I suppose, were one and the same person. I'^Sl-] OF JAMES IREDELL. 547 taken to Wilmington, where he was put into close confinement as a prisoner of State.'-'-'' Thomas Burke was a native of Ireland, son of Ulick Burke, of the Tyaquin famUy of Galway, and nephew of Sir Fielding Ould. In 1772 he removed to North Carolina from Virginia, having emigrated to the latter State when but seventeen years old. He had been liberally educated, and had studied medicine and law ; he was of middle stature, well forraed, and much marked by the small pox, which had occasioned the loss of his left eye. Though thus disfigured, his face was not without charm : his remaining eye, a fine expressive blue, now sparkled with wit, now blazed with passion, and, anon, in its merry twin kle was the very soul of humor. Such was the mobility of his features that in them might easily^ be recognized the shadow or the sunbeam of each thought, sad or gay. He was an admi rable " raconteur" of mirth-provoking stories ; sang a good song ; and of " vers de societe," at the bidding of a fair friend, could dash off stanzas without apparent effort. f Few could resist the geniality of his manners : his frankness and cordiality warmed even the phlegmatic into unwonted life and action. Of ardent temperament, quick and impulsive, he was often betrayed into acts of rashness that reflection condemned. Prompt to resent an insult, he was equally ready to expiate a wrong. Certainly no cotemporary in North Carolina was so remarkable for versatility of talents. He soon estabUshed a brilliant reputation, and served in the Continental Congress from December, '76, till his election, by acclamation, as Governor in June, '81. In the battle of Bran dywine, he had participated as an " amateur," deserting, for the nonce, his seat in Congress : the roll of the drum, and the thun der of the artillery, were more than his Irish blood could stand, " certamine gaudens." From WUmington Gov. Burke was trans ferred to Charleston, where Gen. Leslie commanded. Leslie re fused to regard him as a prisoner of War, though he was Com mander-in-chief of North Carolina, and when captured was on the eve of taking the field in person ; he insisted he was a pris oner of State, and thus precluded all chance of release by ex change for an equivalent.1: The Governor was paroled to James' Island, infested by large crowds of Tories of desperate character : there he was subject to constant insults, and his life was fre quently imperilled : his remonstrances were unheeded by the * Greene had threatened retaliation for the execution of Col. Hayne. Burke was highly valued by the British as a countercheck — a hostage for Greene's hu- f In the appendix to this chap, will be found some verses ofthe Governor, pre served by Judge IredeU. X Gov. Graham, 548 LIFE .'l.ND CORRESPONDENCE [I'^l. British General : and his applications for a guard contemptu ously neglected. All law thus outraged in his person, and the British faUing to protect hira, the Governor deterrained to pro tect himself by flight, the only practicable mode. He embrnced the first opportunity to escape, which he effected in the night, Jan. 16th, 1782. Ho promply profterod to Leslie an equivalent in exchange for himself ; and in case of his failure, promised to return within his linos, provided that officer would pledge his honor that he should be treated as were continental ofiScois, when prisoners of wnr. Leslie's neglect to reply seemed a stu died contempt ; stung hythe indignity. Gov, Burke proceeded to Salem, and resumed the government of the State : this step, though sanctioned by General Greene, was generally condemned by the American officors : their censure to one who, as Burke, cherished honor more than life, was an arrow dipped in poison ; his high spirit drooped ; his sensibility grew morbid. One deli cately refined as he was, though ho had ooiirnge to face any dan ger, started and trembled at the thought of disgrace. A sense of shame, however unmerited, pursued him by day. and pressed upon his slumbers by night. The gloom thickened nbout him, and as early as April, '82, he announced his determination to re tire from office, a purpi>so finally executed in the subsequent De cember. Ho died on the 2d of December, 17S3. Thus pre- matuvoly perished one eminently qualified to adorn and to elevate society. What North Carolinian cnn stand nncoveiod by his grave, whnt daughter of the State deny hira the tribute of her tears ?'¦¦' During Gov, Burke's "innbiUty and absence from the State," Alexander Martin, the Speaker of the Senate, about the first of October, assumed the powers of Governor, according to the pro visions of the Constitution. Charlton to Iredell. Ci'KKSELS, Sept. 21st, 1781. Your obliging favor this moment received hath made me ex ceedingly happy. I have long trembled for your fate, and my apprehensions on the score of your danger, were much multi plied when I heard the Governor's captivity. I confess 1 re joice with yourself, Mrs. IredeU, and your worthy connections, at your very opportune sickness, which hath at least freed you from the insults of a capricious, if not a cruel enemy, and I sincerely hope that ease and a sight of your lady and friends will soon restore * Vid. a most chaste and elegant sketch, contributed by Miss Phillips of Chapel Hill, to the Un. Mag., May, 1865. f i- I'^Sl-] of JAMES IREDKLL. 549 you to perfect health. Tho loss of Governor Burke at this crit ical and momentouH time 1 have truly deplored, from an idea that his head and heart havo a very silicon; attaclnncnt to this State. God grant tliat his oKcapo may have been oll'octod in the mannor related by Tatem to Col, Burton, 1 could have wished you liad affonlod me your own private opinion in respect to tho authenticity of that report, although upon reflection, as you say nothing in confutation of it, I take it for granted you be- licvo it. I view with true anguish of mind, and every maik of pity, the deplorable condition of the southern and western parts of this State, but 1 hope the vigorous exertions of Gon, Butler and Ool. Mebane will soon put un issue to their inhabitants' afflic tion. The pi'ospoct to the Northward brightens, as you will per ceive by Mr. Payne's letter to me, received by Mr. Finds yester day. Mrs. Cliarlton und myself will bo made extromoly happy, could you make your route to Edenton by tho way of Cuffnels. I hope your desire of visiting that plnuo will not deprive us oC that pleasure, and that the law of convenience may yield to a supe rior one — that of friendship. Mrs. Charlton joins me in respect ful compliments to you and Mrs. Iredell, and I assure you that I am raost truly and affectionately, dear sir, Your friend and obt. humble servant, JASPEE CHAELTON. A. Maclaine to Iredell. Sami'son Hall, 21flt Sept,, 1781. Dear Sir : — I havo already made some attempts to convey you a letter, but frora tho public confusion have always been dis appointed. Tho present month seems big with events of importance. Cornwallis surrounded with powoiful armies and a largo Hoot, and Washington, it is asserted, on his march to Virginia. I can not conceive how tho siogo or even blocknde of New York should be maintained if tho Gonenil has in reality left it with 5,000 French troops ; what is left appears to mo inado(iunte to any purpose of that kind, and 1 shouldthiuk the fleet would not venture to on- counter the equinoctial storms in a place so much exposed as that wherein it was stationed. For want of tho arms which have been so long expected, the Tories in this district, and tho more western ooiintios, havo in creased considerably. I n truth, it is rather for want of good offi cers. Mr. Slingsby (Mr, Dubois' brotlio:- in-law), who had accepted of the commarul of Bladon and Brunswick counties, and was at tho head of u considerable number of Tories, was lately surprised 550 life and correspondence [I'^si. and routed at Elizabethtown.® In this action we had only one man wounded, but it is thought dangerously. Killed, wounded and taken of the enemy, 19 — Slingsby since dead of his wounds.f Several of another party have been since taken, but the intelli gence which we have received of the Governor being taken at Hillsborough, may give a fatal turn to our affairs ; as this is now the 10th day since it happened, you may probably have heard of it. The town of Hillsborough was plundered, and the Tories retreated with the Governor, and it is said about 100 Continen tal soldiers, and several officers, to sorae place near Lindley's miU. The paroled officers were taken, and Col. Lyttle much wounded, though he was unarmed. Whilst their horses were tied in a thicket, and their plunder displayed in an old field, two of the opposite parties met and engaged, which occasioned a smart ac tion of the whole under Butler and Mabin ; and though we wanted ammunition, they kept the field with clubbed muskets. The Tories fled, leaving their horses and plunder, but in the be ginning of the action had sent off their prisoners under a guard through Guilford. McNeil killed and Fanning's left arm bro ken. Many of these particulars are from Abs, Tatum, who had been taken, and escaped in a dark night, and was got to Mr. Eand's. The prisoners are pursued by 200 of our horse, and ex presses sent to waylay the passes ; but Brown of Bladen has few men, and the Tories about him are numerous. Kenan does nothing in this county^. As there is an opportunity to Newbern, I would not omit writing lo you, though I want spirits even to move. / have lost my only surviving son in Wilmington, and consid ering the situation of my daughter, may justly say I am bereft of all my children. But though all hopes of future happiness in this life are cut off, I still have a heart left for my suffering country. The tyranny under which this part of the country groans, is to be attributed as much to the malice and self-in terested views of the newly-converted loyalists, as to the avarice of the British officers. To such base motives I am indebted for my never-to-be-recovered losses. Though I have reason to be lieve Mr. Hooper is in your part of the country, I have not wrote to him. If he should be there, this wUl serve equally as weU. Eemember me affectionately to him, and present my compU ments to Mr. Johnston and his famOy, Mr. and Mrs. PoUok, &c. I am, with best respect to Mrs. Iredell and your family. Dear Sir, very sincerely yours, A. MACLAINE. *Tli8 Whigs were commanded by Brown, Owen, Robeson, Morehead, Irvine, GiUespie, Dickinson, and Wright. The Tories numbered about 300 : the Ameri can force was much less. Caruthers, Wheeler, f Shngsby was a merchant of Wilmington, an Englishman by birth. I'Sl.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 551 JOHNSTON TO lEEDELL. Hates, Sept 24th, 1781. Dear Sik : — ^I received your letter of yesterday this evening, and am very sorry your indisposition continues so inveterate. I will pay particular attention to what you say respecting Gardi ner's suit against Savage. We have an account in town to-day, which is said to come from Gei^ Huger, of an action between Gen. Greene and the British, the event of which was favorable to the former, who routed the enemy and pursued them six mUes, when they secured themselves from perfect ruin by entering and taking possession of a large brick house. They lost 250 MUed on the field of battle, 450 wounded, and 150 taken prisoners. This victory was purchased at the expense of 250 kiUed and wounded, among whom are a number of valuable officers, a Ust of whom I have seen, but being a stranger to most of them, do not now recollect their names. Captains Goodinan, Goodwin and Fortersfield, of this State, are among the slain, and Col. Howard of Maryland among the wounded ; it is said to have hap pened at the Congaree on the Sth inst. By Mr. Sharpe's letter, which you were so obliging as to forward, dated the 4th inst., I learn that the Commander-in-Chief had raised the siege of New York, and ordered aU the French troops, and three thou sand Continentals, under the command of Gen. Lincoln, to Vir ginia ; these troops had actually passed through Philadelphia the 3d, and are undoubtedly arrived in Virginia. Col. Laurens had arrived at Philadelphia by the way of Boston, at which last place bad likewise arrived a large supply of arms, stores, and clothing, and some cash, which has been obtained from our good friend and ally, the Mng of France. No foreign news, except that the British have suffered very greatly in the East Indies, and that ten saU of the line with eight thousand land forces had saUed from Cadiz on a secret expedition — supposed to have gone against Minorca. Eeports of the day say, that Gen. Clinton has evacuated New York— that the British have left WUming ton, &c. _ J This is sent by a conveyance so very uncertain that I don t care to send my letters to the ladies by it, which I hope they wUl beUeve is a true reason, and not an evasion. Present my love, &c., &c., &c. Your affectionate brother, SAM. JOHNSTON. 552 LIFE AND correspondence [I'^^l Hayes, Oct. Ist, 1781. Dear Sir : — I had the pleasure of receiving your letter yes terday, and am very happy to hear that you have conquered your ague and fever, and that we shall soon see you and my sister here. Eeports from the camp are, that upon Gen. Washington's sending a summons to Gen. Lord Cornwallis to surrender, the latter demanded twenty days ; the former agreed to ten, which was accepted ; the term expired yesterday ; that Gen. Clinton had embarked ten thousand men on board transports, but had not sailed — his destination uncertain. This inteUigence comes by a stranger, a Frenchman, and of course but little credited ; he adds further, that Gen. Washington had got possession of an advantageous eminence near the enemy's lines. Eemember me, &c., &c. Your affectionate brother, SAM. JOHNSTON. Hooper to Iredell. Hallfax, Oct. Ist, I78I. Dear Sir : — Imraediately upon my arrival at Gen. Jones', ted myself to an inquiry as to the particulars of the late engagement to the southward, and was fortunate enough to ob tain from Col .Davie's recollection, who had seen aletter frora Mr. Pendleton, aide-de-carap to Gen. Greene, wrote upon the field of battle after the engagement, information which at that tirae was satisfactory to me. Since that. Col. Ashe, who was in the action, has arrived from camp, and has given me occasion in some circum stances to vary, and in many to add to the first representation. It affords me the highest satisfaction that I can give you an account of this engagement, the most bloody that has happened this war, to which you may almost in every particular give the most implicit credit. Greene had for some time before been encamped on the high hills of Santee, which are about thirty miles from Camden below it, and thirty miles above Nelson's Ferry — whenh e made a move ment with his whole army to Manignalt's Ferry, a few miles above Nelson's. The British, who were posted at Nelson's, in consequence of this movement fell down to Monk's Corner, but again returned to Nelson's Ferry, upon finding that Gen. Greene did not advance. This last moveraent of the British inducing a suspicion that they intended to ' make an attempt to cross at Nelson's, Gen. Greene ordered the legion to be thrown over, to ^^^^•J OF JAMES IREDELL. 553 as he in readiness to obstruct their progress. But the miUtia „»- sembUng in great numbers on the opposite side, and having evinced their intenrion by taking prisoners twenty of the British who first landed on the opposite shore, the British declined the further prosecution of their design, and returned to the Eutaw Springs, six mUes from Gen. Greene's encampment. On the morning of the Sth of September, Gen. Greene marched from his encampment, and very soon afterward the advance of his army were engaged with a foraging party of the British. The front line of our army was composed of Gen. Marion's Eegiment, Gen. Sumpter's, (then commanded by Col. Henderson,'") the North Carolina Militia, the Legion, and Gen, Pickens' corps, and was engaged very generally about one and a half miles from the Eutaw Springs. The South CaroUna troops on the left, com manded by Pickens, and chiefly British parole men, behaved well, broke and rallied often and formed again. The North CaroUna Militia on the right behaved much better than usuaUy, but the shameful conduct of Col. Farmer (Euthy's husband), who headed them, damped their spirits and lessened the execu tion which might otherwise have been expected from them. The second line, composed of the North Carolina Brigade on the right, Virginians on the left, and Marylanders in the centre, advanced into the action. Sumner's Brigade was first engaged ; the Virginians on the left succeeded, and a most heavy firing continued for about two hours. The South CaroUnians, ordered to form in the second line with the Virginians, kept up so heavy and weU-directed a fire, that immediately upon the Virginians being ordered to charge with bayonets, the enemy entirely broke in tbat quarter. The Marylanders and North Carolinians at the same time pressed on to charge, the whole of the enemy then broke and retreated with the greatest precipitation. Our array pursued thera through their encampment to a farm at some smaU distance, when the enemy possessing themselves of a strong brick house and some farm houses near it, again formed and put themselves in a posture of opposition. Gen. Greene did not think it prudent to attack them, thus advantageously posted, but returned to his encampment which he left in the morning. The eneray had seven hundred killed and wounded, and 527 were made prisoners, amongst whom (the last) sixteen are captains and subalterns. Our whole loss, in killed, wounded and missing, 523 ; seventy-two of whom only are missing. Col. Washington * Pleasant Henderson, of Orange, N. C, the brother of R. Henderson the Colo nial Judge, and the uncle of Chief Justice L. Henderson. The Henderson family is one remarkable for intellect — no other in the State has produced more distinguished 554 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [I'^^l- unfortunately is wounded, and is a prisoner. As it may be some satisfaction to you to know what gave occasion to this unfortu nate event, I will mention to you the cu'cumstances, as we have them frora Col. Ashe : Col. Washington, in the beginning of the action, was ordered to take post on the right wing, to act as a corps of observation, and to act when and where occasion should prompt. Lee was ordered on the left to cover the mUitia and raw troops from the enemy's horse, and any close pressure from their veterans. Some tirae after the action, a prodigious clamor arose from that quarter where the militia were engaged, and an express reported to Gen. Greene that the enemy's horse had faU en upon them and were cutting them to pieces. He iramedi ately detached an aid to the place where Lee was ordered to post himself, but he was not to be found — upon which the busi ness allotted to Lee ^vas transferred to the great Washington. He flew to the miUtia, but not finding the British in front, con cluded they were urging the militia in the rear ; he passed through these, and in a moraent was encircled with the best troops of the British army ; finding it impossible to retreat, he resolved to cut his way through the whole British army ; his horse being shot, he fell under him, and as he feU received a slight wound from a bayonet. Thus encumbered with the weight of his horse, he was taken prisoner ; one of his captains was killed and four of his lieutenants were wounded. It is with pleasure that I inform you that one only of his officers is dangerously wounded, and very few of his privates hurt. Wliere Lee was upon this occasion may hereafter be decided, as it is a matter af present of the most interesting specid at ion ; Ms having varied tlie order ofthe day being the occasion of this very important dis aster. We took on the field of battle 1,000 muskets, 700 of which are out of order, but raay be easily repaired ; 300 fitted for imme diate use ; 700 bayonets. The enemy, by fire and otherwise, de stroyed their wagons and hea^¦y equipage, so that no great part of this feU into our hands. Part of the Maryland troops, however, in pursuing found so much movable property, as tempted them to halt, at a tirae when if they had pressed on with the impetuosity with which they began, it is more than possible that the action had been much more decisive in our favor. What a misfortune that the bravest troops in the world are the greatest thieves ! Many officers who were at Camden observe that the enemy's camp on this occasion was a very lively representation of that of Gates, having the strongest marks of precipitation and disorder. Gen. Greene lost his field-pieces, and had taken three pieces of the enemy's artillery ; upon his ordering a retreat, some of his 1781.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 555 troops, impatient of this check to their ardor, disobeyed the or ders, and brought up the pieces to play upon the brick house; hut being weakly supported, the enemy sallied forth and regained them ; and at the time Gen. Greene supposed that they were safely deposited in his camp, he was made acquainted with this act of disobedience, and its disagreeable consequence. Greene considers this day as the most glorious of his life, speaks in the highest terms of his troops, and declares that they are equal to the same number of troops, British Sr any other. Certain it is that the British on this occasion displayed masterly discipline and consumrnate courage, yet were overcome by a force, from the best accounts, little or nothing superior to their own. The raw troops ofthe Continental line behaved like veterans, and 100 of tliem who had reached camp only the day before under Captain Blount ®, maintained their post with the most obstinate bravery, until nearly two-thirds were cut to pieces. Washington led about 83 horse against the whole British foot, and their horse nearly equal to his in number. I had almost forgot to mention to you that upon the enemy's taking post in the brick house, Gen.: Greene ordered part of Marion's and Lee's legion to watch their move ments, and give him the earliest intimation of their attempt to escape ; but, alas ! they availed themselves of the night, and marched off in a single file, without a whisper to lead to a discov ery, and were advanced three hours' march before the reconnoitring party knew that they had quitted the brick house. To overtake them then was impracticable. They were pursued below Monk's Corner, but in vain. What follows is copied from a return of killed and wounded furnished by Col. Ashe : North Carolina : Fortli Cai-oliiia : Waryland : Virff. Brigade. 1 Lt. Col. } 1 Capt. \ killed. 1 Lieut. ) Legion. 2 Lients. wounded. S. Carolina Militia. Gen. Pickens wounded. 1 Capt. and 8 Lieuts. wounded. Virg. -Brigade. 1 Capt. ) .^^ounfled. 8 Lieuts. S 1 Colonel 2 Gapts. •4 Lieuts. wounded. South Carolina : 1 Major 2 Lieuts. killed. Washington's Legion: 3 Colonels 8 Capts. 1 Lieut wounded. Amongst these ai-e Col. CampbeU of the Virginians kUled ; * Captain Reading Blount of N. Carolina ; he acted as Major in the action. " The N. C. Brigade under Sumner were all new levies, ajid had been nuder discipline but little "more than a month." — Greene's Offidal Beporc 556 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [1781. Major Eutherford (the General's son),* Captains Goodwin, Goodman, and Porterfield, Lieutenant Dillon, Lieutenant Polk, of North Carolina, killed. Ensign Lamb it is said is kiUed. Gen. Pickens and Col. Washington slightly wounded. Col. Henderson's leg fractured near the ancle. Col. Polk wounded ; Col. Howard of the Marylanders wounded ; Capt. Parsons, of Col. Washington's, is the only officer not killed or wounded. Thus, ray dear sir, I have given you a very full detaU of this most interesting event, as far as I have been able to obtain it ; should any thing turn up before an opportunity offers to forward this to you, I shall not fail to give it to you by way of ap pendix. From Virginia we have little new. Cook left camp 12 days ago, and McDowell 14. Gen. Washington was then on board the French Admiral, where he had been for some days. The Virginia surgeons are all employed in preparing bandages and dressings, from which it is concluded that an action is likely to take place in a short time. Gen. Washington's force con sists of: 6000 French from New York, 6000 do. West Indies, 3000 Continentals, Gen. Lincoln, 2500 do Gen. La Fayette, 1000 Virg. 10 months' men, Marylanders, &c. 18,500. Militia more than wanted. 35 Ships of the Line, Frigates, &o. I beg you to forward this to Mr. Johnston, who wUl consider it as addressed to you both. I cannot without much incon venience copy it ; and were I to write particularly to him, I could add nothing to it. I beg you to accompany it with my best re spects to him and his good family. By all means make my good friend at Cuffnels' acquainted with its contents, and assure him of my grateful sense of the many civilities I have received from him and his lady. Ever affectionately yours, WM. HOOPEE. If Greene had possessed more enterprise, or had shared more largely in the ardor of his troops, the battle of Eutaw would, * Rutherford, Goodwin, Goodman, Porterfield, Henderson, Dillon, Polk, aud Lamb, were all from North Carolina. ^''^l-l OF JAMES IKEDELL. 557 probably, have closed the war in the Carolinas by the capture or extermination of the British. It is worthy of remark, that the men who bore themselves so bravely in this, " the bloodiest ac tion" of the Eevolution, with the single exception of the com mander, (Greene,) were from the south side of " Mason's and Dixon's Line." Mr. Hooper's account of the action varies greatly from the Official Eeport of Gen. Greene, and the relation of Lee :* it agrees more closely mththe statement of Dr. Earasay : prepared after an interview with that accomplished soldier. Col. Davie, who had seen the despatch of Greene's aid, Capt. Pendle ton ;f and after a consultation with Col. Ashe, who was second in command under Sumner, by one of the ablest lawyers and most inteUigent gentlemen in America, it certainly is entitled to great weight and grave consideration. Pierce Butler to Iredell. Philadelphia, Oct. 6th. My Dear Sir : — I have just heard of an opportunity of get ting a letter to you ; and though the gentleraan sets out in an hour, I wUl not omit writing, though I cannot be as full as I otherwise would, or as my inclination prompts me to be. It is indeed a long time, my dear friend, since I have heard from you. Though I am at all tiraes very desirous and anxious to receive a letter from you, yet am I more so at this time, as the last informed me of your health not being good : and, from the complexion of your letter, I learned that your spirits were not high. The former I sincerely hope is restored ere this ; and if the lowness of your spirits was occasioned by the then unpleasing prospect of our political af fairs, the cause now ceases. I therefore indulge the beUef that they wiU rise in the same proportion as our affairs improve ; and if they do, they wUl be as good as yom- best friends could wish them ; for surely the affairs of America, at no period of the con test, had so pleasing an aspect as at this day. Superior by sea and land to the enemy, we may justly, and on the best grounds, expect to put a happy issue to the contest, and very shortly be rewarded with the blessings of peace, sweet peace, freedom and security — those rich gifts of Heaven. If the army under Lord ComwaUis falls, and I see nothing to prevent it, surely the most obdurate and unfeeUng in Britain must be compeUed to think of peace, and give up the idle idea of subjugating America to British tyi-anny. The regular and well-appointed army now under Gen. Washino-ton, must be equal to the whole force Britain has in * Lee's Memoir of the War. t Ramsay's Hist S. C. 553 life and correspondence [iisi. New York, VU'ginia, and the Carolinas ; these, with the assist ance of the grand fleet under Compte De Grasse, and the great bodies of militia that can be brought into the field, must accom plish every thing we wish, and speedily give us security. You have, I suppose, before now, heard of the arrival of a large sum of money, five millions of florins, from France, a loan to the States, together with 13,000 stand of arras, and complete clothing for 20,000 raen. It is almost incredible, though not less true, how little the loss of paper credit is felt or talked of this way. Here trade flourishes and plenty abounds ; the war is scarcely felt here, while the Carolinas groan under the weight and miseries of it ; but from which, I hope, they will very shortly be entirely relieved. There is a vast quantity of specie in circulation in this country ; no other kind of payment is ever thought of ; so that the husband man and mechanic are sure of receiving the reward of their in dustry. Flour sells current here from 16s. to 17s., and in the greatest plenty ; and the markets are well supplied with the best of meats. Shortly after my last letter to you, my faraily called for me at Beaufort ; a pleasing meeting after so long and painful a separation. We got here in seven days, where we shall remain for the winter. Should any circumstance call you this way, we have a bed always ready for you ; and, without corapli- ment, no man could occupy it whose company would be more ac ceptable. Pray present my most respectful and best regards to Mrs. Iredell and the other ladies ; and be assured, my dear sir, that I am, with the highest esteem. Your affectionate friend and servant, P. BUTLEE. Judge Williams to Iredell. Gkanyille, Oct. 6th, 1781. 'Dear Sir : — Your favors ofthe 19th and 26th ultimo I with great pleasure received two days ago, and though soriy to hear that you have had a second attack of the ague and fever, happy to hear that you have got the better of it, and that you had got safe home, and had the pleasure of finding Mrs. IredeU, Mr. Hooper, and the rest of your friends well. The report of Governor Burke having made his escape was without foundation ; the Tories having, as we are told, got him safe to Wilraington. These banditti continue to collect them selves into considerable bodies between the Haw and Deep Eivers, and plunder the inhabitants of their household furniture, horses, l''81-J of JAMES IREDELL. 559 &c. Gen. Butler, with most of the troops of this district, we are told, are somewhere about X Creek. Gen. Eutherford, with a pretty considerable force, was between that and Drowning Creek ; his force was, about eight days ago, between five and six hundred^ daily increasing, and he expected by the time he should have collected the several corps from his district, his force will be about 1,500 : this I have from Col., alias Governor Martin, who is now here with his Council concerting measures for the operations of our State Army, &c., &c. We have nothing new from Virginia. All we hear is, that Gen. Washington marched down to the enemy's lines about ten days ago, and that he intended to break ground yesterday was sennight : this is the report of some officers who left his camp about that time. I suppose you have seen, before this, an account of the par ticulars of Gen. Greene's action with the British at the Eutaw Springs, on the Sth ultimo ; if not, I can tell you that I have seen it from under his own hand, and describes it to be the most bloody action that has been this war, and indeed says it was the most bloody he ever saw ; but that he gained a complete victory, took 527 prisoners, and killed and wounded a much greater num ber, and took 1,000 stand of arms, and that if it had not have been for one of those misfortunes incident to all military operations, he should have taken the whole British Array, the remains of which they secured by taking refuge in a large three-story brick house ; he pursued them about thirty miles, and then returned to the Eutaw Springs. Gen. Greene's loss in killed and wounded was pretty considerable ; he had fifteen commission officers killed, as many wounded, and Col. Washington and one other officer, a captain, taken prisoners. Though I had no return of my fit after you left me, I con tinued exceedingly weak for about ten days, scarcely ever oft' the bed ; however, thank God I am now getting tolerably well, and hope to have the pleasure of seeing you the 19th instant at HaU fax, on which subject there was nothing said at our last parting. Mrs. WilUams begs leave to join me in best respectful compli ments to Mrs. IredeU, yourself, &c., and beUeve me to be, my dear sir, with the most sincere regard and esteem, Your most obedient and very humble servant, JNO. WILLIAMS. October 19th, Lord CornwalUs surrendered at York Town. 560 life and correspondence [178L Iredell to Mrs. Iredell. Edenton, Nov. 1st. Mt Dear Hannah :— * * * * Mr. Hooper sends to Mr. PoUok a copy of Gen. Washington's letter to Gen. Greene, which was enclosed open to Gen. Sumner, and thence by Davie sent down here (Col. Davie is not here himself). Mr. Hooper wUl de sire Mr. PoUok to send it to Mrs. Dawson, otherwise I would have taken a copy of it. Adieu, &c., &c. Most affectionately yours, JAS. ieedell. Pierce Butler to Iredell. Philadelphia, Not. 16th, 1781. My Dear Sir : — I wrote to you some weeks ago by a gen tleman going southwardly. I hope that letter has got to hand ere this, and that I shall soon have the pleasure of hearing that you and Mrs. Iredell are in health and spirits ; circumstances that must afford me real satisfaction. You can now occupy your own house in peace and security, aud will remain undisturbed by the British for the remainder of the war. We are told here that the Tories are troublesome in some parts of your State. I find you have passed an act giving to Congress five per cent, on im ports. &c. This is really an extraordinary act of generosity and confidence, at a time, too, that you have no vote in theapplicor- tion of it, as you are not at this time represented in Congress. This is really neglecting your own interest, as it gives a balance to the Northern scale. Mr. Johnston, your brother, well knows the necessity of a full representation from the Southern States. You have no member here but Mr. Haivkins. We have little or no news of consequence stirring here at this time. I refer you to my letter to Mr. Black for the Eu ropean news. We hear nothing more of the Vienna Congress ; yet I think when the news of the capture of Cornwallis's army reaches Eng land, it will be again promoted. We can look and talk bolder at it than we could have done when it was first proposed. A peace must certainly, I think, take place in the course of next Spring. Britain has not any more troops to send to America, and this last stroke will, it is to be supposed, convince her at least of her folly, though perhaps not of her wickedness ; for if we may judge by the conduct of her King, Ministers and Armies, we might well say that, as of old, the Lord suffered their hearts to be hard ened. l'?81-] OF JAMES IREDELL. 661 Congress have appointed a variety of public officers, hy which they have, in my humble opinion, given nearly all power out of their oion hands, reducing themselves to a state of insignificance. The event must now prove the wisdom of the measure. Mr. E. Morrace, of this town, is* appointed Financier General and Minis ter of Marine ; a Mr. Livingston, Minister for Foreign Affairs, Gen. Lincoln, Ministw of War. There are a variety of appoint ments of less note that I do not recoUect. Enclosed with this letter you will receive a number of newspa pers, which wUl give you the Uttle news stirring here. In the Free-man's Journal ofthe Mth yoii mil see two very extraordi nary letters from Mr. Silas Dean. I took an opportunity of asking the gentlemeti they are addressed to, being well acquaint ed with them, if they are genuine : they achnoioledgedto me they toere — they received the duplicates by other vessels. What an unprincipled wretch mtist Dean be > He who puts his hand, as Minister from America, to the very Treaty he reprobates. From the tohole tenor of his ktters, I must think he has been bought — Money ill bestowed ! I beg to present my best respects and good wishes to Mrs. Iredell and ladies with you, and to assure you that I am with sincere esteem and regard, dear sir. Affectionately your friend and servant, P. BUTLEE. I beg leave to introduce to your notice the bearer of this let ter, Major Parker. He is one of the suffering gentlemen of South Ctxrolina." As soon as the abduction of Governor Burke* became known. Gen. Eutherfoi-d, who had returned from his imprisonment in St. Augustine, raised a force in Mecklenburg, Eowan, and Guilford, for the pm'pose of liberating Wilmington. He moved in the di rection of FayettevUle. By the time he reached Drowning Creek, Eobeson County,f his numbers had increased to fourteen hundred men, of whom three hundred and fifty were cavalry. After engagements with the Tories on the 15th October, near Eock Fish Creek, and at the Eafb Swamp subsequently, the army ai-rived at the Brown Marsh, in Bladen County, where Gen. Butler had had an action with the Tories some weeks before : here Governor Martin reviewed and ad dressed the troops with words of encouragement and commenda tion. About the 25th of Oct., after a junction, as I suppose, with * GoTernor Graham. f Now known as Lumber Eiver, tlie main branch of the little Pedee. Vot- I.— 86 562 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCE [I'^Sl. the corps of Butler, Eutherford crossed the Cape Fear at Wad dell's Ferry, intending to invest Wilmington on the north side : a body of men was detached under Col. Smith to proceed down the river, on the southern side, to a point opposite the town. Smith defeated a body of Tories at Moore's Plantation, but finding the brick house, about two miles from Wilmington,* garrisoned, protected by abattis, and the doors and windows barricaded, re tired to Livingston Creek. Eutherford had a brisk skirmish with the British at the Big Bridge, 10 railes from town. Col. Lee, passing from head-quarters to South Carolina, brought the news ofthe surrender of CornwaUis, which was promptly celebrated by Eutherford with a general " feu de joie." Immediately after the fall of Yorktown, Gen. Washington despatched south the brigades of Wayne and Gist, under the command of Gen. St. Clair : these troops were now drawing near : hemmed in by the North Carolinians, and alarmed by the march ofthe Continentals, Major Craig evacuated Wilmington, sailing November 18th. Before the eneray were fairly out of sight, Eutherford entered the town. I ara sorry to state that the mUitia did not deport them selves with much moderation and propriety ; they seemed to re gard the place as one carried by storm, a fair theatre for plunder and the display of the worst passions of our nature. Long crushed by the raerciless exactions of Craig, the citizens now experienced brutality, outrage and spoliation at the hands of their own coun- tryraen ; all who had guilty consciences — aU obnoxious as Tories had retired under the shelter of the British flag.f Much of the property in the town belonged to Whigs, who°had fled upon its capture, or had been afterwards expeUed or paroled. The streets for days, were the scenes of riot and debauchery : highly respect able gentlemen were crowded into a pen coarsely constructed in the main thoroughfare, and subjected to jeers and contumelies houses and stores were ravaged ; the law-books of Maclaine stolen • and the beds of the patriot Hooper ripped open, the feathers scat tered to the winds, and the ticking abstracted. (When Euther ford withdrew, his wagons left laden with salt, an article then of great value, taken from the " disaffected.") It is no matter of surprise that the choleric Maclaine denounced the General as a " petty scoundrel .":f For a very interesting account of the " Closing Scenes of the Eevolution," the reader is referred to the articles pubUshed in * The brick house still exists, its walls indented by balls, within sight of the town, on the rise of the hill, just beyond Brunswick Eiver, on the right of the Fav- etteville road, leading over Eagles' Island from Wilmington. t Life of Wm. HiU, by A. M. Hooper. I Letter of ilaclaine to Governor Burke. 1781.] OF JAMES IREDELL. 563 theN. C. University Magazine (1856), from the pen of Gen. Joseph Graham, revised, I presume, by his son, Ex-Governor Graham . Judge Williams to Iredell. Gkanville, I6th Dec., 1781. Dear Sir : — Governor Martin is now in this neighbor hood ; he tells me that he thinks it expedient to issue commis sions of Oyer and Terminer, &c., for holding courts for the imme diate trials of criminals now confined within the several public jails : whether one will be issued for the district of Halifax, de pends on the contingency of there being any criminals in that jail or not when he gets there, to which place he is now going, and will, on his way to Edenton, give you notice, if he should find it necessary, to appoint a court to be held at Halifax. I purposed meeting them on the 10th of January next, and frora thence to HiUsborough, or such place within the district as may be thought most proper for the holding a court, at which times and places I hope to have your assistance, and the pleasure of your good com pany. One reason why I did not corae to Edenton last terra, as J pro mised, was, that, upon the confirmation of the news of the cap ture of CornwaUis, we were all so elated, that the tirae elapsed in frolicking, &c. This you will say is but a poor excuse for a man having neglected his duty ; however, as Judge Spencer was there, no injury to the public could ensue ; and myself the only loser by missing the agreeable company of so many of my friends, and partaking in the benevolent hospitality at all times so re markable in your part of the country, but which, I ara told, abounded more profusely on the above-mentioned happy occa sion, on which, though late, I beg leave to congratulate you. Mrs. Williams joins in compliraents to Mrs. Iredell and yourself. I have the honor to be, dear sir, with great esteem. Your most obedient and very hurable servant, JNO. WILLIAMS. APPENDIX TO CHAP. XIV. Song hy Dr. (Gov.') Butke — Never before pubUshed. Let bards who give voice to the clarion of Fame, Tho worth of our Chief and our soldiers proclaim ; Such only can Washington's glory pursue, Too sublime for our notes, and too bright for our view. 564 LIFE AND CORRESPONDENCK OF JAMES IREDELL. [If^l Let them paint our forces with Franco's conjoiu'd. Display'd before York, and Cormeallis Biiryoyiifd ; Bid < cean, asserted, triumphant display The Navy that freed her from Britain's proud sway. But let softer scenes, which we hope to enjoy, Henceforth, gentle fair ones, our voices employ ; Our husbands, our lovei-s restored to our eyes. Our cheeks know no tears, our bosoms no sighs. No more shall the dread apprehensions affright Of soldiers by day, and assassins by night ; Secure, bright, and cheerful our days shall now jirove, And our nights know no tumults, but transports of love. To make home delightful henceforth be our caro, With delicate skill, the rich feast to prepare, To converse with variety, freedom and onso, And with elegant novelty always to plenso. When mothei's — to rear tho young heroes to fame, And infuse the true sparks of tho future brijjht-tiiuiie ; To deck the young virgins with graces retin'cl, And embellish with sense and good humor the mind. APPENDIX. EDENTON CUSTOM HOUSE. Money received for " Country Duties" on Eum, wine and spirits, from May 20tb, 1767, to Aug. SOth 1772. i;3,86'7. 11. 2 Hospital money for same time, 123. 16. 8i A note in Mr. IredeU's handwriting says thefoUowing " account may be depended on as authentic, as I have extracted it carefully from the Cus tom House Books." Principal articles exported from the port of Eoanoke (Edenton), N. C, from 5th January, 1774, to January 5th, 1775, coastways, and to the Southern parts of Europe, Africa and the West Indies. 1,209 hogsheads and 4463 pounds of tobacco. 19,662 Barrels of Common Tar. 1,270 " Greene " 1,835 " Pitch 3,533 " Turpentine. 1,'707,838 Staves and Heading. 57,868 feet pine plank and boards, and oak do. 648 feet pine and oak timber. 1,288 solid feet cedar timber, 100 pieces cedar, 909 cedar posts. 168,390-J feet scantling. 2,781 oars. 3,473,264 shingles. 3,271,268 lbs. 1 trs. and 4 hds. raw deer skins. 1,555 and one cask other skins. 6,660 lbs. bacon. 2,033 barrels of beef and pork. 130,704 bushels of Indian corn. 348^ barrels bread and flour. 16,922|- bushels pease and beans. 6,028-^ " wheat. 6,325 barrels and two quintals her rings and oth er fish. 16 hhds., 14 tierces flax-seed. 441 pounds wax. 3^ barrels hogs' lard. 100 lbs. tallow. 1. bag cotton. 50 bis. rosin. 2 bis. spirits of turpentine. 10 bushels and 4 bis. rice. 30 bushels and 1 barrel of potatoes. 7 kegs of honey. 102 lbs. snake- root. 30 pieces of mahogany. 3,600 hoops. Two bags of cotton were exported in. 1772. Vessels Entered and Cleared. In 1771. No. 85, Tonnage 2,731 — men, 371. In 1772. No. 96, Tonnage, 3203 — men, 458. In 1773. No. 99, Tonnage, 2,915 — men, 424 566 APPENDIX. North Carolina. By his Excelle-ncy Josiah Martin, Esq., his Majesty's Captain General, Oovemor and Commander-in-Chief in and over the said Province. A PEOCLAMATION. Whereas a most daring, horrid and unnatural rebellion has been ex cited in the Province against his Majesty's Government by the base and assiduous Artifice of certain Traitorous, wicked and designing Men, and the same is now openly avow'd and declared, and actually threatens the sole subversion of the Laws and Constitutions of the said Province, and the Liberties aed the Priviledges of his Majesty's Subjects Inhabitants thereof, I have thought fit to issue this Proclamation hereby to signify to all his Majesty's liege Subjects within this Province that I find it necessary for the safety and preservation of the rights, civil and religious, and for the main tenance of his Majesty's Government against the said desperate and un natural rebellion to erect his Majesty's royal standard, and to collect and unite the force of his Majesty's people under the same for the purpose of resisting and subduing with the assistance of the Almighty the said impious and unnatural rebellion, and to restore the just rights of his Majesty's Crown and Government, and the Liberties of his PeopleJ; and I hereby exhort, re quire, and command in the King's name all his Majesty's faithful subjects on their Duty and Allegiance, forthwith to repair to the royal Standard, hereby promising and assuring every Aid, Encouragement, and Support to all such as shall come to vindicate and support the violated Laws and Con stitution of their Country, at the same time pronouncing all such Eebels as will not join the Eoyal Banner Eebels and Traitors, their Lives and Properties to be forfeited : all such as will join shall be forgiven any past offences, even admitting they bave taken up Arms, not doubting that every man, who knows the Value of Freedom, and the Blessings of British Sub jects, will join his Heart and Hand to restore to his Country that most glorious, free, and happy Constitution and form of Government which the raost desperate and abandoned Traitors only can wish to disturb or alter, or in time of danger, like the present, forbear to hazard every thing that is dear to support it. Given under my Hand and Seal at arms on board bis Maiesty's Sloop Scorpion in Cape Fear Eiver this Tenth day of January 1776, and in the sixteenth year of the Eeign. JO. MAETIN. god save thb kino. {Vera Copia.) APPENDIX. 567 By his Excellency Brigadier General Donald McDonald of his Majestfs Forces, for the time heing in North Carolina. A MANIFESTO. Whereas Powers and Authority have been vested in me by His Exe. Governor Martin to array in Arms his Majesty's loyal Subjects in this Province, I hereby command and charge all his Majesty's loyal people to repair to the royal Banner, agreeable to the Governor's Eoyal Proclamation, of Date the 10th day of January last. I do hereby declare 'tis my Inten tion that no Violation whatever shall be offered to Women, Children, or private Property to sully the Arms of Brittons or Freemen, employed in the glorious and righteous Cause of rescuing and delivering their Country from the Usurpation of,Eebellion, and that no Cruelty whatever be offered against the Laws of Humanity, but what Eesistance shall make necessary ; and that whatever Provisions and other necessaries be taken for the Troops shall be paid for immediately ; and in case any Person or Persons shall offer the least Violence to the families of such as will join the Eoyal Standard, such Person or Persons may depend that Eetaliation will be made. The Horrors of such Proceedings, 'tis hoped, will be avoided by ali true Christians. — Given under my Hand and Seal this Sth Day of February 1776. Sign'd DONALD McDONALD. ( Vera Copia. ) Charleston, June 29th, 1776. Sir :— I took the liberty of detaining your Express, Mr. Page, concluding that something material must before this have arrived : but as I imagine you are extremely anxious for the fate of this iraportant Capital, I think it my duty to dispatch him with a very compendious, or rather imperfect account of our present situation. Yesterday about eleven o'clock the Enemy's Squadron, consisting of one fifty, one forty, and six frigates came to anchor before Fort Sullivan, and began one of the most furious cannonades I ever beard or saw : their project was apparently at the game time to land their troops on the East end of the island ; twice they attempted it, and twice were gallantly repulsed ; the ships continued their fire over the fort till eleven at night. The behavior of the Garrison, both men and officers, witb Colonel Moultree at their head, I confess, astonished me ; it was brave to the last degree. I had no idea that so much coolness and intrepidity could be displayed by a collection of raw recruits, as I was witness of in this garrison. Had we been better supplied with ammunition, it is most probable their Squadron would have been utterly destroyed — ^however, they bave no reason to triumph ; one of their Frigates is now in flames, an other lost its bowsprit, the Commodore and a forty gunship had tb^ir mizzens 568 APPENDIX. shot away, and are otherwise much damaged — in short, they may be said in tliis their firet essay on South Carolina to have boon woratod, but pre sume they will make another attempt. Our loss is ten killed, twenty -two woundedj^ seven of whom havo lost tlieir legs or arms. The defences of the fort have received no injury, only one gun dismounted. T shall write, when the affair is finished, a" iiioro accurate relation to your Couvontion and to the Couirress ; in the mean time I think it but justice to publish the merits of Col. Moultree and his biave Gnrrisou. Col. Thompson of tho Soutli Carolina Eangere acquitted himself raost nobly iu repulsing the ti'oops who attempte'd to laud at tho other end of tho Island. I know not which Corps I have the gi'oatost reason to bo ploasod N\ith, Mughlonbovg's Virginians, or the North Carolina troops — thoy are both equally alert, zeafoiis, and spirited. I must now, Sir, entreat that you will ibrward to Wilmington as much powder as can possibly bo spared from your pro vince, to supply the place of that which I shall draw from North Carolina ; shoes, shirts, and blankets are likewise absolutely necessary for tho North Carolinians, -who are quite naked. I request, Sir, tbat you will order these necessaries with tbe greatest expedition. You will excuse tlie shortness of my letter, as you may easily conceive that I havo a good deal of employ ment on my hands. I shall not write to the Oongioss, till the operations of the enemy are brought to something more like a decision. If you, Sir, think this short relation of importance sufficient, you will, of course, transmit it. I am, Sir, wiUi the groatost respect. Your most obedient, humble servant, CHARLES LEE. To the Honorable Edmond Pendleton, President of the Convention, Virginia. NoETn Carolina. AVhitfield Ferry on Neuse Eivor, 7th July, 1770. * The foregoing contains a true copy of the original letter oftioiioral Lee, dated at Charleston, 29th June, 1776. By Order of Council of Safety. J.\8. Ciuebn, Sccr. Copyed from the copy in jMi-. Hooper's bands by John Johnston. Narrative, by Thomas Biirnilt, of Col. Dav id son^s Massachusetts Eegiment, Daniel Hau'hns (ff Boston, Eohert Scott and Edmund Alston of New Hampshire, and James Scott of Virf/inia, deserters from the feet which attacked and were beaten of by the Fort at Sidlivan^s Isl and, on Friday, the 28f/t, 1776. They are all Americans, and had been taken by the enemy at sea : Burnilt, Ilaw/cins, and Scott in tho Sloop Sally, Ilawt-ins and Alston in the Briijantiiie Friendship, The Bristol of 50 guns, commanded by Sir Peter .Parker, greatly damaged in her hull, large kn — and timber shot through and smashed : — if the water had not been very .smooth, it would ha\'e been impossible to APPENDIX, 669 have kept her from sinking; all the carpenters in tbe fleet have been called to her assistance. Main mast shot away, main mast badly wounded by 3 several shots, foremast by 2, rigging sails and yards much damaged. The Captain of the Commodore lost his left arm above elbow ; be was sent yesterday (SOth June) to England in a brig. The Commodore breeches torn off— his backside laid bare, his thigh and knee wounded ; he walks on when supported by two men. 44 men killed, and 30 wounded, among whom were many Midshipmen, and inferior OflSoers; 20 of the wounded dead since the action — talked in the fleet that tbe two large ships would go over the Bar again, and proceed to English harbour in Antigua to be re paired. The Bristol, when lightened as much as possible, draws 18 feet 1 inches water. Experiment of 50 guns on 2 decks, all 12 pounders; a slighter built vessel than the Bristol exceedingly damaged in her hull — several ports beat in, and her mizzenmast hurt, but uncertain of particulars. 67 killed, ofthe Captain and was over 30 wounded, several of whom since died ; draws when lightened 1 7 feet water ; the general opinion that neither of these large ships will go safely over the Bar again. Solbay 28 guns, 2 men killed, and 4 wounded, D' Active, 28 guns, Lieutenant killed, and 4 wounded, Acteon, 28 guns, Sphynx, 20 guns. Syren, 28 guns, all got aground, the first in coming up, the two latter in running away; the Sphynx cut away ber bowsprit, the Syren got off, Acteon (by the as sistance of 20 English seamen) remained fast, burnt and blown up by her own people (whilst she was on fire, Mr. Milligan, one of our Marine Of ficers, and a party of men boarded her, brought off her colors, the ship's bill, and as many sails and stores as three boats could contain). The Thunderbomb lay at a considerable distance, throwing shells at the fort, and by overcharging bad shattered her beds, and damaged the ship so much, as to render it necessary for her to go into dock before she can act again. — The Friendship, a hired arraed vessel of 26 guns of various sizes, covered the Bomb, as did the Syren, who also fired briskly at the Fort Briocket shots ; the whole fleet badly manned and sickly, particularly the Syren's men at two-thirds short allowance of provisions and water ; they have had no fresh meat since their arrival, the 1st of June. Lord Win. Campbell had been very anxious for the attack, and pro posed taking all the forts with only the Syren and Solbay. Lord Corn wallis has the chief command of the land force. He and Gen. Clinton are both on shore with the troops at Long Island. His Lordship had some time ago urged Sir Peter Parker to attack on the sea side, otherwise he would march up, attack, and take the Fort, and complain of Sir Peter's tardiness. The Commander replied : Cornwallis might march his troops, when he pleased, but the fleet required a fair wind ; thefirst that happened he would proceed against Fort. The General at that time believed we had no troops out of gariison, but he was soon better informed, being since repulsed and drove back with loss. He remained quiet, and left Commodore to enjoy the glory of being defeated alone. This must be a mis take, from Lord Cornwallis having the command when the fleet left Ireland. 570 APPENDIX. A Negro Pilot was put down with the Doctor out of danger, when they sailed from Ireland the number of men 4000 — 11 transports parted from them had not been heard of since — which with desertions reduced them to 1500 or 2000 at most. They began to steal off between 9 and 10 of the clock, made no noise, nor waited to heave up, and not slipt cable. The Commodore only one anchor left 2 o'clock on Friday the Fort, waiting for a supply of powder. The men of wars men mistaking the unavoidable de lay for surrender, cried " they have done fighting." " By God," says others, " we are glad of it ; for we never had such a drubbing in our lives. We bad been told the Yankees would not stand two fires, but we never saw better fellows." — All the common men in the fleet spoke loudly in praise of tbe garrison, brave, fine fellows; the men in general very desirous of getting on shore to join the Americans. Taken from a Copy, certified by James Green, Clerk of the Council. A LIST OF N EW WORKS m GENERAL LITERATURE, Published by D. APPLETON & CO., 346 & 348 Broadway, New York. Coiiiplein Ciilidiiijiirs, coiilaiiiiiiii fall i/mriptinna, to he hml, on aiipUciiJJon lo the ruhlinhcra Af^rioulture and Rural Affairs, IJiMIHWirllJIUlll'H Kliriil I'Vnrininv, . . 1 2C n« I'MiUirr ll»»k, lllimlr I . . S (III WurlllK'l I'^l'' il» "I' Ai^ilctilliii'ii, . . Tfi Arts, Manufactures, and Archi tecture. A)i|>l«ton'B Dictioiinry of MucllUIllci. 1 Ap|d loll'* Mo.'hnril<' oil I^iiriiiilliniii, rln, iiiLtM'ii iliM Ai..i'>i<'i.n Ull ,. r.).,i IK'U I'K'rt.OVIIllnll ,,l' ll.'lllUl, . (.'lllll ¦I'^i Mililiiry llrMk'i'H, [(.IW iri|,c'n diiiiiliy Mhiimiih, M CHv Arrliiliichir.i, Kiiili Uiillllli'H ^1llrlJU< ArrlilliM^tiirn l,.ll<' pl.-'H ¦I'li.iitlM, Siirvo,\ int:, . llm>| I'.TIiiii.iy.ir lln.ltTMt'ni ^Inii'ti.m, . M«i« (¦»lM..l.l H.iolt fnr IL. If n..i.i ii'h Hi,t|..iij(ry i.f S.'M.Nl licT H, i[>iii « M.inunli.r Mr<-lr...pliy "loiMjfy, . ,i.iih' n' I'lru'lii'iM.r Nrivdj Uiii riury, , Knit] M\'n Mi'Ulliirili'H' AxHmNiti i,»ri' Ki'n Motlurn Ai'<'liHi-<'liii , , Ly.,1 '« Mmiiml .(f Ci'iitiiwy, I'liiiulpluiol' ^•'•¦^•.l l.<: Oi.*wmII'h ,\Im( Kvi'lyii'H I. Ill' •! (iKrtiiiKl'n Lifi. (Jillllliii>'r. Uiiir II.H'ii 'mil./. IIuII'hI'IvII nil MfKun.l A.lv.ii Mfo of I V I.ll'iii.f Cupl.'.l M.iiir.i'K l.ll'i. <.l NU| :iity Y.11 villi., . 'l<.||ilii: 2 00 , 1 25 1 00 2 00 , .., _ . .1 0(1 .itrultH. Vll BurloB, 1 00 Mllliiiiy Mfn, . iMntnut Uiiilul Doona, li' iiirKo Ciiulilnl. i.ilra. Ily Diioliu Nri|...l....ii. Ily l.iuinnit r.'Anl.'.<>Iiii, . l'inluirv(\V.) I.ihi. Ity limNii|.li..\v, I'liilv I'.i'iliIi'I'h; Mv"H«r J-'lluiHoM, jt< S..ulli.'y'ii I,lf.M,nillv,.r Cr.iMiWfll, WyiiiL.i'a Mv.'Hor I'^iiinunL Mmi, . WuUlor'u Ul'« iiml M.iiii.n'iiilH. '1 voIh. . Books of General Utility. A.^|iluLiJiiu' SiiiiMi •AH 1 00 ¦1 00 :i 00 •1 no 1 (id nil.. I I'I'i ApiiliiUiiia' ( " Miii.'i.r N. V. niy, Amiirli'mil'mi'lli-iil <\„>h M.inli, ATruaiiH.. ..II Ailllli-liil KlHli-ltr.x'.liiih', . ClHiiiilHti'V of Ci.iiiiiii.ii Ml'". '1 voln. I'Jiiio. CmiL.y'H l(,mk cf Uwl'ill Kli..wluil|fit, Ciml'i liivikllirN Own Hn..k, , r)<'llMHMr'H iMtMriiitl Titbli.H, Til.) KiiF(nHli(!y.'l.i|iii.'.lii>, pur vol. . Mil.mii'i'.v, . 8ti]wiirl'BSIiil(l.i l.>mii.iiv, . . f B|iulilliiti'ii HIhI. of KmkIihIi LltumUiro, , Soyor'i Mii(l..ni C.i.iknry, Tliofiuof.iBHl'iil M-r.-liimi, Tlioiiifl.m .m 1'' I of Aniiiiiiln, . . . 00 Commeroo and MorcantileAIfairB. Ailil.ici.iu'i. M..|.'»iitlln<'.i>i.'«li.i"'l"i"io, . 1 00 I>i0i«.i..i'« h ¦..«ir, H. - . ^ ™ M,.i.'lmi,lHMl..f.ir H.".U, - ¦ „ • * ^'^ n(.l..r.' IU > li.l.iii-tl ¦"¦"I'l"" "t « Tor 16 1 3ff 1 00 1 00 1 00 ] 00 1 00 1). (I.I, 9 (10 1 SO 'i.iit. lu u'...l .'.I. 1. 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