•yAfljE-^MVEiasjnnr- • iLniais^sy • BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME OF THE Alfred E. Perkins Fund MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE HIS MILITARY AND PERSONAL HISTORY BY A. L. LONG Formerly Military Secretary to Gun. Lee, afterward Brig. -Gen. and Chief of Artillery Second Corps, Army of Northern Virginia TOGETHER WITH INCIDENTS RELATING TO HIS PRIVATE LIFE, ALSO A LARGE AMOUNT OF HISTORICAL INFORMATION HITHERTO UNPUBLISHED COLLECTED AND EDITED WITH THE ASSISTANCE of MARCUS J. WRIGHT F>.»r.MiRLY Brig. Gen. Army of Tennessee, and Agent of the United States for the Collection of Confederate Records ILLUSTRATED EonBoit SAMPSON LOW, MARSTON, S EARLE, AND RIVINGTON Crown Buildings, 188, Fleet Street 1886 [All rights reserucd] (FAC-SIMILE OF THE DEDICATION WRITTEN BY GENERAL LONG ON A SLATE USED BY THE BLIND.) -^u^ >Vt-vt /•Vvt. ^-v«v^ <*v- ^^A-tt. JL*~ -4- ^h^^^x -*•?" «" "~t - well, and was more than usually agreeable and interesting from his fund of anecdote connected with the war, which was of course at that time fresh in his memory. In closing I will make one more statement, which is, that I knew Robert Lee from the time I can first recollect, and I never remember hear ing him censured for anything in my life. ' ' Another letter from the same writer furnishes the following interesting quotation : "There is one more trait in General Lee's character which I must mention here, which was his beautiful neatness and love of order. Young men are very apt to think it beneath them, and little, to give much attention to these small matters, and I have often brought up to those of my own family the beautiful neatness of Robert Lee. His wife told me, after his return from the Mexican War, that he had brought back every article of clothing he had taken with him, and a bottle of brandy which he had taken in case of sickness, unopened." The Mary Custis referred to in the foregoing letter was the daughter and heiress of Washington Parke Custis of Arlington and, granddaughter of the wife of General Washington. For years Robert Lee had been an occasional visitor at Arlington, and while he was yet a boy had been strongly attracted to the lovely young heiress — an intimacy which ripened into love as the youthful pair approached years of maturity. Mary Custis had received a fine classical education, and with the accom panying advantages of wealth and position was deemed by her father worthy of a match superior to that offered by a young man devoted to a military career. Yet the handsome cadet captured the heart of the Virginia heiress, and he returned to West Point from a visit home the plighted lover of Mary Custis. It was the first love for them both, and was destined to be a 32 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. lasting one. Their marriage took place two years after his graduation, and was attended with an amusing circumstance which is worth relating. The wedding took place at Arlington on the evening of Thursday, June 30, 1831. The ceremony, which was witnessed by a large circle of guests, was performed in the right-hand drawing-room of that fine old mansion by the Rev. William Meade, afterward bishop of Virginia. The attendants on the bride and groom, as given by one of the bridesmaids, were the following : First bridesmaid and groomsman, Miss Catharine Mason and Lieutenant Sidney Smith Lee ; second, Miss Mary Goldsborough and Lieutenant Thomas Kennedy ; third, Miss Marietta Turner and Lieutenant Chambers; fourth, Miss Angela Lewis and Mr. Tillman ; fifth, Miss Julia Calvert and Lieutenant Prentiss; sixth, Miss Britannia Peter and Lieutenant Thomas Turner. The amusing circumstance above referred to, as related by a person present at the wedding, is the following: In the early evening preceding the hour fixed for the wedding a heavy thunderstorm came up, rather unfortunately for the Rev. Mr. Meade, who was yet on the road, and who reached the house thoroughly drenched. It was impossible for him to conduct a marriage ceremony without some change of raiment, and they were obliged to supply him with a suit of clothes belonging to Mr. Custis, the father of the bride. Unluckily for the fit of these garments, Mr. Custis was short and stout, the clergyman tall and thin, and he presented a highly ridiculous appearance to those who saw him in his borrowed plumage. However, the ample folds of the surplice covered all defects of raiment, and the guests generally were unaware of the awkward predicament of the dignified divine. This was before the days of marriage-journeys, and the fes tivities were concluded in the mansion, the ceremony being followed by a handsome supper, while the large bridal-party were entertained at Arlington until the evening of the following Monday, when an entertainment was given at the house of General John Mason. The newly-married couple at once settled down to housekeeping in the good old style. EARL Y LIFE. 33 This match was considered a brilliant one for Lieutenant Lee, his wife being looked upon as a great heiress, possessed of a large landed estate and a multitude of slaves. Yet she has often been heard to declare that the advantage of the wedding was largeh- on her side, since her husband's management of her estate was so skilful and judicious as to make it more valuable and remunerative than she could possibly have done. His pro fession, however, obliged him to be nearly always absent from home, which was probably a main reason for her father's objec tion to the marriage. The property of Miss Custis embraced two mansions, with the accompanying lands: Arlington, on the Virginia heights opposite the city of Washington, and the White House, on the Pamunky River. Arlington is beautifully situated, and commands a view of Washington, Georgetown, and a long stretch of the Potomac, with a wooded background of distant hills and valleys. It was surrounded by groves of stately trees, except in front, where the hill slopes gracefully downward to the low lands bordering the river. This fine old mansion was seized by the Federal Government at the com mencement of the Civil War, and occupied by the Federal troops as a camping-ground. It contained valuable relics, many of which were taken away, and never recovered by the family. The White House, on the Pamunky, was the scene of the mar riage of General Washington with the widow Custis. This place was also occupied by the Federal troops, and burned — accidentally, no doubt, as some of the Federal officers took every precaution to preserve it on account of its historical associations. Years afterward, Mrs. Lee, desiring to see once more this be loved home of her dearest memories, came alone to Arlington. Too much of an invalid even to get out of her carriage, she looked sadly around and asked for a cup of water from the spring, and then ordered the driver to take her away. The desecration which had come upon the beloved home of her youth and of so many years of happy married life was too great for the sorrowing invalid to endure. The fate of the two mansions of the Custis family strongly 3 34 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. illustrates the ravages of war. The White House, as we have said, was burned to the ground, and "not a blade of grass left to mark the culture of more than a hundred years. ' ' Arlington was desolated by the war, its groves cut down, its furniture carried off, its precious relics of Washington scattered over the North, and only the shell was left of the beautiful home of the past. The estate finally became the property of the United States Government, and the grounds were converted into a soldiers' ^cemetery. We may very briefly finish our account of General Lee's married life by stating that there were born to him seven chil dren. These were, in order of birth, G. W. Custis, Mary, W. H. Fitzhugh, Annie, Agnes, Robert, and Mildred. Of these children, two are dead — Agnes, who died after her father, and Annie, who died October 20, 1862. That Gen eral Lee was always exceedingly fond of his family is evidenced in his letters to his wife and children, examples of which will be given in a later portion of this work. They are full of expressions of affection and of wise fatherly advice, and prove that in the very tempest of war the heart of the great soldier was with his loved ones at home, and that he could turn from ordering some momentous movement in the field to write home words of tender sentiment and admo nition, aud hope of domestic bliss, as if his only cares were those of peaceful life. It is remarkable how little of war and how much of Christian feeling and family affection these letters contain. General Lee tells an interesting anecdote in connection with one of his sons (Custis), which may fitly be quoted here: When a very little child his father took him to walk one winter's dav in the snow, holding him by the hand. Soon the boy dropped behind. Looking over his shoulder, he saw C ustis imitating his every movement, with head and shoulders erect, putting his little feet exactly in his father's footprints. "When I saw this," said the general, " I said to myself, 'It behooves me to walk very straight, when this fellow is already following in my tracks.' " Shortly .after his graduation Lieutenant Lee was sent on EARLY LIFE, 35 engineering duty to Old Point, Virginia. Here he remained for several years. In 1835 he was assigned to a new field of duty, being appointed assistant astronomer on the commission for marking out the boundary-line between Ohio and Michi gan. In 1836 he was promoted to the rank of first lieutenant, aud in 1838 was made captain in the Engineer corps. In regard to his life during this period interesting informa tion has been volunteered by some of his friends who were intimately associated with him at that time both profession ally and socially. Mr. James Eveleth relates that he was a clerk in the Engineer department at Fortress Monroe when Lieutenant Robert E. Lee reported there for his first service after graduating at the Academy, and from that time (1829) until 1834, Lee served at Fortress Monroe as assistant to Cap tain Andrew Talcott, who was in charge of the construction of the fortifications for the defence of Hampton Roads. In 1834, Lee was transferred to Washington as assistant to the chief engineer. Mr. Eveleth was also transferred, on July 1, 1835, as clerk in the Engineer department at Washington, thus keeping up his acquaintance with Robert E. Lee. During all this time Lee enjoyed the affectionate consideration and high appreciation of his brother-officers, as well as of all who came in contact with him. There never was a man more univer sally beloved and respected. He was conspicuous in the mind of Mr. Eveleth for never having uttered a word among his most intimate associates that, might not have been spoken in the presence of the most refined woman. It can always be said of him that he was never heard to speak disparagingly of any one, and when any one was heard so to speak in his pres ence he would always recall some trait of excellence in the absent one. Mr. Eveleth calls to mind with peculiar interest the affectionate relations existing between Lieutenant Lee and Lieutenant J. E. Johnston, the latter being known to his inti mates as Colonel Johnston. It is interesting to think of these two men passing on in unbroken friendship throughout their long and very distinguished careers. He has seen them meet after separation with the affectionate demonstrations of two school-friends. 36 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. Every incident relative to the life, associates, and habits of the young lieutenant at this period is of interest as a guide- post on the road to the great distinction which he afterward attained. We are fortunate in being able to give some further information, obtained from his intimate friends. General Meigs describes his daily habits in the following words: "In 1836-37, Lieutenant Lee was stationed at Washington as assistant to Chief Engineer Colonel Gratiot, and, having married the daughter of G. W. Custis of Arlington, he resided at that place, riding his horse into town every morning in time for the opening of the office at nine o'clock. As all public offices in those days closed at three precisely, his figure, mount ed upon a compact Virginia bay horse, was to be seen every afternoon on Pennsylvania Avenue on his return to Arlington. This habit of constant exercise in all kinds of weather, not on wheels, but in the saddle, no doubt contributed to the vigor of his health and the endurance which enabled him to stand the cares, toils, and exposures of many campaigns." Mrs. Kennan adds that often on his return from the city to Arlington he would stop and make a call on her family at their house in Tudor Place, Georgetown, and that he was always genial and ready to enter into the interests and pleasures of others. Colonel Macomb, whose remembrance of the cadet-life of General Lee we have already given, adds the following rem iniscences of his life in Washington at the period which we have snow reached. At that time the colonel had the good for tune to be one of the "mess" at Mrs. Ulrich's, where the Riggs House now stands. The ' ' mess ' ' was composed of Joseph E. Johnston, James H. Prentiss, Thomas J. Lee, Augustus Can- field (who afterward married Miss Cass), James F. Izzard, and John Macomb. Lee was an occasional member of the "mess." Although married and residing at Arlington, yet, being on duty in the Engineer department, he found himself frequently under the necessity of remaining in Washington on account of the roads, which were at times impassable. Besides these young officers there were some distinguished men in the mess: Mahlon Dickerson, Secretary of the Navy; William C. Rives, EARLY LIFE. 37 who had been minister to France, and who was at this time Senator from Virginia; Hugh Swinton Legare" of South Caro lina, an eminent lawyer, then member of Congress from South Carolina, but at an earlier period minister to The Hague ; and Joel R. Poinsett, Secretary of War. The presence of the latter frequently brought General Eustis, his brother-in-law, into the membership of the "mess." Mrs. Ulrich felt great partiality for the young officers of the "mess," and would refuse all applications from persons whom she thought would not be acceptable and congenial to them. Under these circumstances it may be understood that the inmates of her house were excep tionally agreeable to each other. Messrs. Legare" and Dicker- son often discussed the Greek poets, etc. , to the edification of the young soldiers, whose training had been in a different line. An incident which illustrates the gayety of these young officers is here recalled: As Lieutenant Lee was about to start for Ar lington on one occasion on his spirited Virginia horse, seeing Macomb approach, he hailed him, saying, ' ' Come, get up with me." To the surprise of Lee, Macomb approached, put his foot in the stirrup, and mounted behind him. Thereupon they rode down Pennsylvania Avenue, and just as they were in front of the President's House they met the Hon. Levi Woodbury, Secretary of the Treasury, to whom they both bowed with great dignity. A more astonished gentleman has not been seen before or since. In the spring of 1857, Captain Macomb was ordered to Mex ico. He went by the Southern route, and spent at San Antonio a delightful week with Colonel Lee, who was then stationed there as lieutenant-colonel of the Second Cavalry. They renewed their old acquaintance, with the custom of visiting the ladies, and had a lively time. This was Colonel Macomb'.s last interview with' his old friend, whom he remembers of all the men of his acquaintance as the most beloved and admired by both men and women. No one was ever jealous of him ; all delighted to do him honor. Colonel Macomb recalls that, while stationed at Santa Fe\ New Mexico, news came of the alarming illness of General Scott, which led, among the officers, to the discussion of his probable successor. It was universally 38 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. agreed that Lee would be the man. This shows the estimation of his compeers. * As everything illustrative of the early life and the developing character of the great hero of the Civil War must possess an interest for his very numerous friends and admirers, we feel sure that we will be excused for adding to the reminiscences above given the following testimony from Mr. F. Schneider. It is of a different bearing from the foregoing, and clearly indi cates important traits of character, showing a precision of idea, a clear conception of what he wanted, a close attention to minute details, and a faithful discharge of even the smallest obligation, which had much to do with the subsequent success of the man. Mr. Schneider had a blacksmith-shop on the corner of Twentieth and G streets. Upon the first occasion of his acquaintance (1835) Lieutenant Lee was riding into the city from Arlington to his office, and happening to see Mr. Schneider shoeing a horse, he dismounted and inquired into his manner of shoeing horses. Being satisfied, he gave particular directions and left his horse to be shod. When he returned from the office he lifted each foot of the horse carefully, then nodded his head, and said to Mr. Schneider, ' ' You are the first man I have ever come across that could shoe a horse by my directions." From that time all the Arlington horses were * Colonel Macomb was present at the marriage of Lieutenant Sidney Smith Lee of the navy, brother of Robert E. Lee, who married Miss Mason, in the old Christ Church at Alexandria. The party were first entertained at General John Mason's house at Claremont. They then went to Arlington, where the festivities were continued. Lieu tenant Robert Lee and his friends took part in this old Virginia frolic. Seven young men were bivouacked in one of the larger rooms at Arlington. Captain Canfield, one of the number, made much fun for the party. In the morning the negro servant made so much noise on the bare floor, bringing wood and making fires, that Canfield called out, " Moses, why not come up on the pony ?" At this point Mr. Custis threw tlie door wide open and called out, " ' Sleep no more ; Macbeth hath murdered sleep.' " Every night before the party retired punch was bounteously dispensed from a punch bowl which had belonged to General Washington. In the bottom of the bowl was a painting of a ship, the hull resting in the bottom, the mast projecting to the brim. The rale was to drink down to the hull — a rule strictly observed. As this bowl has a history, it may be stated that it was presented to General Washing ton by Colonel Fitzhugh, a former aide-de-camp, who afterward left Virginia and settled in the Genesee Valley in Western New York. EARLY LIFE. 39 sent to Mr. Schneider to be shod. When ordered to Mexico his high regard for Mr. Schneider led him to go from the War Department to his shop to bid him good-bye. The year before the Civil War repairing and fencing was done at Arlington, and Colonel Lee came to Mr. Schneider to have made a pecu liar gate-latch that could be opened without dismounting. He wanted a dozen, and Mr. Schneider said, "Well, colonel, I will make one. If that pleases you, I will make eleven more. ' ' He came a few days after the one was ready for him. He took it with him and had it put on the gate, then came back and said, "Make the eleven. It is the very thing I want, and could not be improved. ' ' Since Mr. Schneider has retired from business one of the general's daughters was visiting at the surgeon-general's. She wanted a fan mended, and asked Gen eral Barnes to send it to her father's friend, Mr. Schneider. This was done, and Mr. Schneider was most happy to repair the fan. Mr. Schneider says his heart always warmed at the sight of Lee: it was pleasant to serve him. He would listen to suggestions which Mr. Schneider felt free to make, and was always reasonable and just. Among the books of Mr. Schneider's extensive library is the Life of General Lee, by John Esten Cooke, and in his catalogue, printed by himself, he appends in a footnote the following incident: ' ' In the fall of i860 the general rode over from Arlington to the iron-foundry of Mr. Schneider, corner of Eighteenth and Pennsylvania Avenue, and drew from his pocket the draft of a peculiar kind of coulter which he requested to be cast for him to use in breaking up a lot of heavy meadow-sod. The price of the coulter was fixed at two dollars, and the colonel's old market-man called for it a day or two after. A few months passed and the peaceful pursuits of agriculture were exchanged for the strife and turmoil of war. General Lee pitched his tent in the South, and the quiet scenes of Arlington knew him no more. Late in 1861, amid the stirring scenes that were enact ing around him, whilst all the cares and responsibilities of his position were resting upon General Lee, Mr. Schneider received by the hands of a little boy two one-dollar gold-pieces with a brief note of apology." 40 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. We now approach a somewhat important period in General Lee's life — that in which he was first to clearly show the material of which he was made and his fine ability as an engineer. In the year 1837 he received orders to proceed to St. Louis, which city at that time was threatened with a serious disaster from the deflection of the main current of the Mississippi River to the Illinois side, and the danger of its cutting a new channel through the bottom-lands. Here he was to make surveys and consider the best means of averting this threatened peril, which would make of St. Louis an inland city, and to report to the Department at Washington. In addition, he was entrusted with other duties connected with the navigation of the Mis sissippi, the details of which we can best give in the words of General Meigs, quartermaster-general U. S. A., who, then a lieutenant, accompanied the young engineer as his assistant, and who furnishes for this work the following valuable account of their operations: In the summer of 1837, Lieutenant Robert E. Lee, corps of Engineers, was ordered by the Engineer department to proceed to the Mississippi River, and, with an appropriation made by Congress for the purpose, to make examination, plans, and estimates for the improvement of the navigation of the Mississippi at the harbor of St. Louis, where sandbars threat ened to interfere with the use of the water-front of the city, known as the levee, upon which they were encroaching, and where the main channel of the river showed a tendency to change from the Missouri to the Illinois shore. He was also instructed to make surveys and plans for improving the navi gation of this river near the point where the Des Moines enters it from the west, and above and about the mouth of Rock River, which enters from the east. At both these points the river flows over ledges of rocks, with a narrow and tortuous channel. During the season of low water all steamboats at these points were obliged to discharge at least a part of their cargo, which was placed upon what were then known as "keel- boats" and towed by horses along the shores to the head of the rapids. The country about these rapids was only then being EARL Y LIFE. 41 surveyed and opened for settlement. No railroad had at that time crossed the Alleghanies. Lieutenant Lee left Washington about June, accompanied by Lieutenant Meigs as his assistant. They went by the way of the Pennsylvania Canal to Pittsburg, where they took a steamer and descended to Louisville, stopping at Cincinnati (both of these were then small cities, compared with what they are to-day). At Louisville they found a small steamboat which had just been completed under the supervision of Captain Shreeves, famous as the inventor and operator of the ' ' snag- boat. ' ' His son-in-law, Captain Morehead, was the captain of the surveying boat; and here, with the aid of the boatmen, Lieutenant Lee organized and outfitted a strong surveying- party of river-men. The steamer proceeded to the Des Moines rapids, touching at St. Louis on the way. (St. Louis's prin cipal distinction then was that it was the headquarters of the North-western fur trade. Ashley^ Chouteau, and Sandford had there their principal offices, and thence despatched, expeditions which penetrated the Rocky Mountains and fought battles in Oregon and Washington Territories with the Canadian voya- geurs and Scotch servants of the Hudson Bay Company.) Arrived at the lower or Des Moines rapids of the Mississippi, the party attempted to pass the rapids in their steamer, and quickly experienced the difficulties of the navigation by find ing themselves fast on the rocks of one of the lower channels. All efforts to float the steamer failed, and the party proceeded to make their survey of these rapids while using the steamer as a base of operations, the surveying-parties leaving the steamer in small boats in the morning and returning at night. Having completed the survey of the Des Moines rapids, they took passage in a steamer which they found at the head of the rapids, and ascended to Rock Island. There they dis covered another steamer wrecked upon a rock in the Rock Island rapids; her hull was stove in and her lower deck was partly under water, but her upper cabin, with its staterooms,, was dry and habitable. Holes made for removing the engines yawned in the cabin-floor. Lieutenant Lee made this wreck his base of operations during the survey of the upper rapids. 42 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. From the stern, after the day's work was over, the young men of the party replenished the larder by fishing for blue catfish, pike, and pickerel. About the end of October the work on this part of the river was finished, and they returned to the Des Moines rapids on a passing steamer. At these rapids they found the banks lined with birch-bark canoes and Indian tepees, a tribe of Chippewas having assembled there to receive the fall distribution of presents from the agents. Owing to a rise in the river, they now found themselves able to float their own steamer, in which they returned to St. Louis. Here the second story of a warehouse on the levee was rented as an office, where the maps giving the results of their surveys of the upper river were prepared. While the reduction. of their notes to the form of maps was going on parties were placed in the field on each bank of the river. Signals were established, and the river was thoroughly triangulated and sounded from the mouth of the Missouri to some distance below St. Louis. These surveys were completed and mapped, and the party broke up. The men were discharged, and Lieu tenant Lee and Lieutenant Meigs returned to Washington, laying up their steamer for the winter on the Ohio, and pass ing through Wheeling by way of the Cumberland road. At Frederick, Md., they took cars on the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, crossing some divides by horse-power. No locomo tive had at that time reached Frederick. Lieutenant Lee made up his report, in which he recom mended the improvement of the two rapids by the straighten ing and widening of the channels and by blasting and moving the rocks which obstructed navigation. He recommended, in regard to the St. Louis problem, the proper course of the dikes to deflect the currents and to close at low water the eastern or Illinois channel by connecting Bloody Island with the eastern shore. These reports and maps were published by Congress, which for many years continued to make appropriations for the exe cution of the work designed and recommended by Lieutenant Lee. Probably the only survivor of that expedition is General EARLY LIFE. 43 Meigs, who takes pleasure in contributing this reminiscence to the memoirs of General Lee. It was the beginning of the permanent improvement of the upper Mississippi River. At that time only a few log houses, traders' stores, and military posts existed on the shores of the rapids and for hundreds of miles above. The land had never been surveyed or brought into the market The preliminary survey above described was not the whole of Lieutenant Lee's connection with the improvement of the Mississippi. For some years thereafter he superintended the progress of the work at the points designated, During the prosecution of this work at St. Louis there was much free crit icism and adverse prediction indulged in by the people of the threatened city. Heedless of this public clamor, the young Engineer officer pursued the even tenor of his way, aud finally convinced his critics by the best of logic, that of success, that there might be some intelligence and ability outside of political assemblies and newspaper offices. General Lee has described to the writer of this work the general method in which he achieved success in this difficult undertaking. His method was to force the current back into its original channel by driving piles and constructing cribs and wing-dams. The eddies thus created caused a deposit of sed iment to be made between the dams, which gradually filled up the place where the wash-out had occurred with solid mat ter, and diverted the unsteady stream back into its original course. Operations at the rapids also were prosecuted in accordance with the plans and under the directions of Lieutenant Lee, and an available channel gradually formed. Many years later, the commerce of the river requiring larger boats than could safely venture through the Des Moines channel, a shiprcanal was con structed on the western shore of the river at this place, not withstanding the fact that railroads then lined both shores of the stream. The commerce thus made available has supplied the wants of the millions who have since made of the upper Mississippi and of the plains of the Red River of the North the granary of North America. Cities have sprung up which, like 44 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. Minneapolis and St. Paul, count their inhabitants by the hun dred thousands; St. Louis, then a small town with a few thou sand inhabitants, has grown into a noble city peopled by more than three hundred and fifty thousand souls; and the worthless prairie-land of that day has now been largely converted into city lots of immense value. It is not claimed here that the engineering skill of Lieutenant Lee was in any sense the cause of this prosperity, but simply that he performed services that helped to render it possible. Although we have said so much in regard to the appearance and character of Robert E. Lee, yet General Meigs's testimony to that effect is so valuable, when we consider his opportunities of thoroughly knowing him, that we cannot omit it. He expresses himself as remembering with pleasure and affection "his intimate associations with Lieutenant Lee, a man then in the vigor of youthful strength, with a noble and commanding presence, and an admirable, graceful, and athletic figure. He was one with whom nobody ever wished or ventured to take a liberty, though kind and generous to his subordinates, admired by all women, and respected by all men. He was the model of a soldier and the beau ideal of a Christian man. ' ' Some letters of General Lee, written at this period, are suf ficiently characteristic to be of interest to the reader, and we may be excused for quoting them. One, written to his wife and dated " Louisville, June 5, 1839," contains the following passage : "You do not know how much I have missed you and the children, my dear Mary. To be alone in a crowd is very soli tary. In the woods I feel sympathy with the trees and birds, in whose company I take delight, but experience no interest in a strange crowd. I hope you are all well and will continue so, and therefore must again urge upon you to be very prudent and careful of those dear children. If I could only get a squeeze at that little fellow turning up his sweet mouth to 'keese Baba ' ! You must not let him run wild in my absence, and will have to exercise firm authority over all of them. This will not require severity, or even strictness, but constant atten tion and an unwavering course. Mildness and forbearance, EARL Y LIFE. 45 tempered by firmness and judgment, will strengthen their affec tion for you, while it will maintain your control over them." We are fortunately enabled to add to this a letter of much value as detailing incidents in the life of the young lieutenant of Engineers while on duty in the West. The Dick referred to may remain incognito, as his personality is of no import ance to the narrative. The letter is addressed externally to "Lieut. J. E. Johnston, Topographical Engineers, Washing ton, D. C," but internally "My Dear Colonel," the title by which General Johnston was then familiarly known to his intimate friends: "St. Louis, 26th July, 1839. " My Dear Colonel : Upon my return here some few days since from the Rapids I found your letter of the ist. It did me good to hear of the boys, especially as it was all good. Kan's fishing-project I fear is more natural than feasible, and its merits in so benighted a place as Washington will never be appreciated. I now contemplate you, therefore, as one of the stars in General Scott's staff. While up the river I fell in with Dick, and escorted him from Galena to Burlington, his head quarters. General Brooke happened at Galena while we were there, and, besides the pleasure of meeting him again, we had much sport in fighting the battles of Old Point over again. But it was done temperately and in a temperance manner, for the general has forsworn strong potations, and our refreshment consisted of only soda-water and ice-cream, delicacies that had been untasted by the general for the last nine years, and four times a day did we pay our respects to the fountain and freezer. Dick had been up to Dubuque to let out one of his roads, and, finding some spare days on his hands, 'accoutred as he was,' he plunged into a pleasure-party for the Falls of St. Anthony that came along in fine spirits with music playing and colors flying. Would you like to hear of his apparel? A little short- sleeved, short-waisted, short-skirted, brown linen coat, well acquainted with the washboard, and intended for a smaller man than our friend; a faded blue calico shirt; domestic cloth pants; a pair of commodious brogans; and a hat torn, broken, and discolored. Now, hear him laugh as he presents himself 46 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. for a dance, arms akimbo, and you have him before you. I believe, though, it was a concerted thing with him, for whom should he meet but his Indian friend ' Hole-in-the-Day ' and his faithful Red She, who showed him his old blanket that she religiously wrapt herself in, but upon examining his fingers her good copper rings were not there! He complains bitterly of his present waste of life, looks thin and dispirited, and is acquainted with the cry of every child in Iowa. He is well practised in pork-eating and promiscuous sleeping, and is a friend to Quakers, or rather their pretty daughters "News recently arrived that the Sioux had fallen upon a party of Chippeways and taken one hundred and thirty scalps. The Hole-in-the-Day, Dick's friend, had gone in advance with the larger party, and they did not come up with him. It is expected that this chief, who is represented as an uncommon man, will take ample revenge, and this may give rise to fresh trouble. You will see the full accounts in the papers " Bliss is well at the Rapids, with the whole fleet, and I hope jerking out the stones fast. "R. E. Lee." We must pass with more rapidity over the few subsequent years of his career. As already said, he was made captain of Engineers in 1838. In 1840 he resumed his legitimate duties of military engineer, and in 1842 was sent to Fort Hamilton in New York harbor, where he was occupied for several years in improving the defences. In 1844 he was appointed on the board of visitors to the Military Academy at West Point. These services occupied him until the year 1846, when the breaking out of hostilities between the United States and Mexico opened a wider field for the exercise of his abilities as a military engineer, and offered his first opportunity for that practical education in the art of war which was afterward to bear such abundant fruit. CHAPTER III. THE MEXICAN WAR. Causes of the War.— A Daring Scout.— Siege of Vera Cruz.— Cerro Gordo.— Passage of the Pedregal. — Contreras, Churubusco, Chapultepec— Letter from Mexico.— Encomium from General Johnston. J" X 1846 war was declared between the United States and J- the neighboring republic of Mexico — a war in which Rob ert E. Lee bore a prominent part, and in which he gained great distinction both as an able engineer and as a gallant and daring soldier. His connection with this war forms so important a chapter in his history that some brief account of its causes and the general course of its events becomes here necessary. Texas while yet a sub-province of the republic of Mexico had attracted a considerable population of immigrants from the United States, who confided in the promise of the Mexi can Cortes, promulgated in 1824, that as soon as it had gained sufficient importance it should be erected into an independent state of the republic, and be made ' ' free, sovereign, and inde pendent in whatever exclusively related to its internal govern ment and administration. ' ' The foreign immigration which took place on the faith of this proclamation called forth in 1830 a counter-decree from Bustamente, then President or tyrant of the republic, in which he prohibited the ingress of foreigners. To execute his edicts he introduced a considerable force of Mexican soldiers into Texas, which was thus virtually placed under military rule. This act called forth strong opposition among the inhab itants, and the soldiers were forced to leave the country. Bus- tamente's rule ended in 1832, he being succeeded by Santa Anna as President. Shortly afterward Texas petitioned to be erected into a separate state, as promised in the act of 1824. Austin, the agent sent by the Texans to the capital city, being 47 48 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. unable to obtain any reply to his petition from the Mexican Government, wrote to the Texan authorities and advised them to organize a state government without waiting for the action of the Mexican Congress. This action was considered treasonable, and Austin was arrested and imprisoned for over a year. Santa Anna had meanwhile overthrown the Mexican constitution and made himself military dictator of the "republic of Mexico," so called. The people of Texas resented this usurpation, organ ized a state government, and raised troops to resist the invasion which they had every reason to expect. They were not mis taken. Troops invaded the province, and an engagement took place at Gonzales on the 2d of October, 1835. This was the first step in a war which resulted in the inde pendence of Texas. In the battle of San Jacinto, April 21, 1836, the Mexicans suffered a complete defeat, and Santa Anna was taken prisoner. One of the terms of his release was the recognition of the independence of Texas, which had been erected into a republic on the 17th of March, with David G. Burnett for its first President. On the 3d of March, 1837, the independence of this new power was recognized by the United States, two years after ward by France and England, and very soon by most of the European states. As early as August 4, 1837, Texas proposed to unite herself with the United States. This proposition was declined by the administration of President Van Buren, and was not enter tained till the term of President Tyler, when a resolution of Congress was passed setting forth the terms of a union of the republic of Texas with the United States. This proposition was formally adopted by the people of Texas assembled in convention on July 4, 1845, and a new constitution was formed preparatory to the admission of the young republic as a State of the Federal Union. The independence of Texas had never been acknowledged by Mexico, and this action of the United States Government gave serious offence, which was evidenced by a remonstrance from General Almonte, the Mexican minister resident at Wash- THE MEXICAN WAR. 49 ington, who immediately afterward demanded his passports and left the country. All friendly intercourse between the United States and Mexico now ceased. Mr. Polk, who was then Pres ident, apprehending an invasion of Texan soil, sent General Zachary Taylor, with about five thousand men, to guard the new State of the American Union. Early in August, 1845, ne took position at Corpus Christi, near the mouth of the Neuces River. On the 13th of January, 1846, he was ordered to ad vance to the Rio Grande, and reached the east bank of that river on March 28th, where he erected a fortress, called Fort Brown, directly opposite the Mexican city of Matamoras. On the 26th of April, General Ampudia, the Mexican com mander, gave notice that he considered hostilities commenced, and on the same day a force of 63 American soldiers were attacked on the Texan side of the river, and all killed or captured. This was the first blood shed in the war. Two other battles took place on Texan soil — one near Palo Alto, where a Mexican army of about 6000 men was defeated; and the other at Resaca de la Palma, where the same army was utterly routed and the soil of Texas freed of its invaders. A few days afterward General Taylor crossed the river, took possession of Matamoras, and carried the war definitely into Mexican territory. Fifty thousand volunteers were called for, and the army of General Taylor was rapidly reinforced by recruits from Texas and the adjoining States. The plan of military operations now adopted at Washington was to invade Mexico on three different lines : one was from Matamoras to the interior, under the lead of General Taylor; another toward New Mexico and California, under the lead of General Kearney; while a third column, under General Wool, was to seize the northern departments of Mexico. With the latter column Captain Lee first entered the field of war. The young officer of Engineers remained with General Wool's command until ordered to join the expedition of General Scott, and while with it he performed very important service, as in stanced in the story, related by himself, of a scouting-expedi- tion. This incident is of such interest as illustrative of the romance of war and of the daring of its hero that we here 4 50 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. briefly repeat it, as told by a friend who had heard him per sonally relate it: Shortly before the battle of Buena Vista, General Wool, being ignorant of the position and movements of the enemy, but having been positively assured that Santa Anna had crossed the mountains and was encamped with his whole army at a point only twenty miles distant, determined to send out a scouting-party to ascertain the truth of this report. Captain Lee, who was present, at once volunteered to perform this duty. His offer was accepted, and he was directed to procure a guide and order a company of cavalry to meet him at the outer picket-line as escort. By some means, however, he missed the picket-post and his escort, and ere long found him self several miles beyond the lines with no company but his guide. This was a young Mexican who knew the country, and whom Captain Lee had promised the contents of a pocket- pistol if he should play false. Dangerous as it was to proceed alone, to return was to abandon the enterprise for that night, and the daring scout galloped on. At a point about five miles from the reported place of encampment of the Mexican army the moonlight displayed numerous tracks of mules and wagons in the road. No artillery-tracks were visible, but these might have been obliterated by the others, and there was abundant reason to conclude that a strong foraging- or reconnoitering-party had passed here. The information thus obtained would have sat isfied many officers, yet it was not sufficiently positive for Captain Lee, who determined to go on till he reached the picket-posts of the enemy. To his surprise, he found no pickets. He concluded that he had missed them as he had those of his own army, and had ridden within the Mexican lines. In confirmation of this opinion, he soon found himself in view of what appeared to be large camp-fires on a hillside at no great distance. His guide, who was by this time in a pitiable state of fright, begged him earnestly to return, saying that there was a stream of water just beyond, and that he knew that Santa Anna's whole army was encamped on the other side. THE MEXICAN WAR, 51 But the daring scout was not yet quite satisfied, and, direct ing the guide to await his return, he galloped boldly forward. Soon he perceived what appeared to be the white tents of a large encampment. Reaching the banks of the stream, he heard beyond it loud talking and the usual noises of a camp. By this time, however, he was near enough to be able to make better use of the moonlight, and discovered that his white tents were simply a large flock of sheep, and that his army was a train of wagons and the drovers of a large herd of cattle, mules, etc. Riding into their camp, he quickly learned from them that Santa Anna had not yet crossed the mountains, and that there were no Mexican forces in that locality. He galloped back with this important news to the army, where he found his friends in a state of serious apprehension as to his safety, the intended escort having reported his disap pearance. "But," said General Lee, "the most delighted man to see me was the old Mexican, the father of my guide, with whom I had been last seen by any of our people, and whom General Wool had arrested and proposed to hang if I was not forthcoming. ' ' Though he had ridden forty miles that night, he was in the saddle again after a three hours' rest. He guided a body of cavalry to and fai beyond the point to which he had gone the night before, and succeeded in ascertaining definitely the posi tion, force, etc. of the enemy. The signal victory of General Taylor at Buena Vista, in which a force of 20,000 Mexicans under Santa Anna was put to rout by 5000 Americans, virtually ended the war in the northern Mexican states. Meanwhile, during January and February, 1847, General Scott was collecting a large force in the neighborhood of Tampico to operate against Vera Cruz and the city of Mexico. Captain R. E. Lee joined this force by the particular request of General Scott. About the last of February, General Scott embarked his troops and sailed for Vera Cruz, and on the 9th of March landed his army of 12,000 men a short distance south of that city, which he immediately proceeded to invest. The city was surrounded by a wall and defended by a powerful fortress, the 52 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. castle of San Juan de Ulloa, the number of guns being about 400. It was garrisoned by 5000 Mexican troops under General Morales. The establishment of batteries and the other details of the siege were directed by Captain Lee, who prosecuted his labors with such vigor that by the 22d the batteries were ready to commence the bombardment which resulted on the 29th in the surrender of Vera Cruz and the adjacent fortifications. For his services on this occasion Captain Lee was favorably mentioned by General Scott in his report of the siege of Vera Cruz. Having gained a secure base of operations, General Scott advanced toward the city of Mexico; but on reaching Cerro Gordo, the point where the National Road emerges from the Tierra Caliente, he found himself confronted by General Santa Anna with a numerous army, which this general had, in spite of his defeat at Buena Vista, thoroughly reorganized and put in position to oppose Scott's advance. Cerro Gordo was of such formidable strength that a direct attack was deemed injudicious, and therefore it became neces sary to adopt other means for its reduction. In the words of General Scott, ' ' Reconnoissances were pushed in search of some practicable route other than the winding, zigzag road among the spurs of mountains, with heavy batteries at every turn. The reconnoissances were conducted with vigor under Captain Lee at the head of a body of pioneers, and at the end of the third day a passable way for light batteries was accomplished without alarming the enemy, giving the possibility of turn ing the extreme left of his line of defence and capturing his whole army, except the reserve, that lay a mile or two higher up the road. Santa Anna said that he had not believed a goat could have approached him in that direction. Hence the sur prise and the results were the greater." A large force was sent along the route thus made passable, and, though it was discovered by the enemy before it had quite reached the point desired, it had gained a position which enabled it to storm and carry the heights of Cerro Gordo and rout the Mexican army, Santa Anna being defeated and forced to retire with great loss. General Scott, in his report of this battle, says: THE MEXICAN WAR. 53 "I am compelled to make special mention of Captain R. E. Lee, Engineer. This officer was again indefatigable during these operations in reconnoissances as daring as laborious, and of the utmost value. Nor was he less conspicuous in plant ing batteries and in conducting columns to their stations under the heavy fire of the enemy. ' ' An interesting incident which occurred during one of the reconnoissances mentioned by General Scott was related to the writer by John Fitzwalter, who acted as a guide to Captain Lee during this campaign, and who himself was so daring as to gain from the Mexicans the title of Juan Diablo, or, to put it in plain English, John the Devil. During the reconnoissance in question Captain Lee had ven tured too far from his supporting column, and unexpectedly found himself in the midst of the enemy and in a position of great danger. He was forced to take refuge beneath a fallen tree, near which was a spring to which the Mexicans frequently came for water. While he lay hidden in this perilous covert hostile soldiers frequently passed over the tree, and even sat down on it and entered into conversation, without discovering the- somewhat nervous individual beneath it. He was obliged to remain there until the coming of night enabled him to retire from the dangerous locality. It may not be amiss to mention at this point that Captain Lee was not the only one of his family who took part in these operations. His elder brother, Lieutenant Sidney Smith Lee of the navy, served in the bombardment of Vera Cruz in com mand of a detachment of seamen who worked the guns in the trenches. These guns were under the general direction of Cap tain Lee, who has often been heard to relate with what anxiety after each discharge he would look to see' if his brother was safe, and how reassured he felt when he saw his white teeth gleaming through the smoke. Early in these operations Captain Lee had been appointed on the personal staff of General Scott, who had the greatest con fidence in his judgment and ability, and was always strongly influenced by his opinion in council. In the subsequent campaign in the Valley of Mexico to Cap- 54 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. tain Lee is mainly due the capture of Contreras and the reduc tion of Churubusco — successes which opened the way for Gen eral Scott to the walls of Mexico. A distinguished officer (General Henry J. Hunt) who partici pated in the Mexican campaign thus describes the operations at Contreras: " On the 19th of August, 1847, General Scott's headquarters were at San Augustin, a small village four or five miles south of Churubusco. The main road running south from the city of Mexico forks at Churubusco, one branch going to San Augustin, while the other runs in a south-westerly direction, and passes to the east of Contreras and of a somewhat elevated plateau beyond or south of Contreras. The distances from Churubusco to the plateau and from the plateau to San Augus tin are each about equal to the distance from San Augustin to Churubusco. This triangular space, included between the two roads and a ridge of hills south of San Augustin as the third side, is called the Pedregal. This Pedregal is a vast surface of volcanic rocks and scoria broken into every possible form, pre senting sharp ridges and deep fissures, exceedingly difficult even in the daytime for the passage of infantry, and utterly impassable for artillery, cavalry, or single horsemen. There are occasional intervals, especially near San Augustin, where small fields have been made and tilled; but these little oases grow smaller and more infrequent toward the west, and a mile or two from the plateau cease altogether, so that the country from above Contreras to the range of hills on the south is an almost unbroken field of desolation, such as lava would pre sent if in a state of ebullition. Indeed, it appears like a sea of such lava suddenly congealed, with here and there a clump of hardy bushes and dwarf trees which have managed to force an existence from the apparently sterile rocks. By taking advantage of the small open spaces a difficult, crooked, and hardly passable road — not much better than a mule-track — had been opened from San Augustin to the plateau, in front of which it joins the road from the city of Mexico. On this plateau General Valencia had intrenched his fine division, about six thousand strong, with twenty-four guns, which com- THE MEXICAN WAR. 55 pletely commanded the approach from San Augustin. A mile or more north of Contreras and the neighboring hamlet of An- selda, and on the main city road, lay General Santa Anna with a portion of the reserves of the Mexican army. "On the morning of the 19th, General Scott ordered Pil low's and Twiggs's divisions to move from San Augustin to ward the plateau, the ground having been previously carefully reconnoitered by Captain R. E. Lee, assisted by Lieutenants Beauregard and Tower of the Engineers. Pillow was directed to improve tlie road with his force, and, if possible, make it practicable for artillery, while Twiggs was thrown in advance to protect the working-parties. ' ' General Scott in his official report, written that same day, says: 'By three o'clock this afternoon the advanced divisions came to a point where the new road could not be continued except under the direct fire of twenty-two pieces of the ene my's artillery (most of them of large calibre), placed in a camp strongly intrenched to oppose our operations, surrounded by every advantage of ground, and, besides, being reinforced hourly by immense bodies of cavalry and infantry, which, coming from the city over an excellent road beyond the vol canic fields, were consequently entirely beyond the reach of our cavalry and artillery. " 'Arriving on the ground an hour later, I found that Pil low's and Twiggs's divisions had advanced to dislodge the enemy, picking their way (all officers on foot) along his front, and extending themselves toward the road from the city and the enemy's left The battle, though mainly stationary, continued to rage with great violence until nightfall.' "In the mean time, portions of Riley's, Persifer Smith's, Shields' s, and Cadwallader' s brigades had made their way across the Pedregal to Contreras, whence they watched the approach of the Mexican troops from the city. Captain Lee accompa nied these troops, and the nature of the ground can perhaps best be understood by the description given of it by one who passed over it at the time. "He says : ' Late in the morning of the 19th the brigade of which my regiment was a part (Riley's) was sent out from San 56 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. Augustin in the direction of Contreras. We soon struck a region over which it was said no horses could go, and men only with difficulty. " 'No road was available; my regiment was in advance, my company leading, and its point of direction was a church-spire near or at Contreras. Taking the lead, we soon struck the Pedregal (a field of volcanic rock like boiling scoria suddenlv solidified), pathless, precipitous, and generally compelling rapid gait in order to spring from point to point of rock, on which two feet could not rest, and which cut through our shoes. A fall upon this sharp material would have seriously cut and in jured one, whilst the effort to climb some of it cut the hands. " ' Such was the general character of the portion crossed by my regiment, and I believe by the brigades, though many, not pushing as I did, may have picked out a circuitous and better route. " 'Just before reaching the main road from Contreras to the city of Mexico we reached a watery ravine, the sides of which were nearly perpendicular, up which I had to be pushed and then to pull others. " ' On looking back over this bed of lava or scoria, I saw the troops, much scattered, picking their way very slowly, while of my own company, some eighty or ninety strong, only five men crossed with me or during some twenty minutes after. " 'With these five I examined the country beyond, and struck upon the small guard of a paymaster's park, which, from the character of the country over which we had passed, was deemed perfectly safe from capture. " ' My men gained a paymaster's chest well filled with bags of silver dollars, and the firing and fuss we made both fright ened the guard with the belief that the infernals were upon them and made our men hasten to our support. " ' Before sundown all of Riley's— and, I believe, of Cadwalla- der's, Smith's, and Pierce's brigades — were over, and by nine o'clock a council of war, presided over by Persifer Smith and counselled by Captain R. E. Lee, was held at the church. " ' I have always understood that what was devised and finally determined upon was suggested by Captain Lee; at all events, THE MEXICAN WAR. 57 the council was closed by his saying that he desired to return to General Scott with the decision of General Smith, and that, as it was late, the decision must be given as soon as possible, since General Scott wished him to return in time to give direc tions for co-operation. " 'During the council and for hours after the rain fell in tor rents, whilst the darkness was #so intense that one could move only by groping. " 'To illustrate: my company again led the way to gain the Mexican rear, and when, after two hours of motion, light broke sufficiently to enable us to see a companion a few feet off, we had not moved four hundred yards, and the only persons pres ent were half a dozen officers and one guide. " 'Captain Lee left the council to join General Scott. His tory gives him the credit of having succeeded, but it has always seemed incredible to me when I recollect the distance amid darkness and storm, and the dangers of the Pedregal which he must have traversed, and that, too, I believe, entirely unaccom panied. Scarcely a step could have been taken without danger of death ; but that to him, a true soldier, was the willing risk of duty in a good cause. I would not believe it could have been made, that passage of the Pedregal, if he had not said he made it.' "General Scott in the report from which we have already quoted, says of this same night: 'It was already dark, and the cold rain had begun to fall in torrents on our unsheltered troops. Wet, hungry, and without the possibility of sleep, all our gallant corps, I learn, are full of confidence, and only wait for the last hour of darkness to gain the position whence to storm and carry the position of the enemy. Of the seven officers despatched since about sundown from my position, opposite the enemy's centre, and on this side of the field of rocks and lava, to communicate instructions to the hamlet (Contreras), not one has succeeded in getting through those difficulties, increased by darkness. They have all returned, " ' But the gallant and indefatigable Captain Lee of the Engi neers, who has been constantly with the operating forces, is just in from Shields, Smith, Cadwallader, etc. to report as 58 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. above, and to request that a powerful diversion be made against the centre of the intrenched camp to-morrow morning. ' ' ' Brigadier-general Twiggs, cut off from the portion of his division beyond the impracticable ground, and Captain Lee, are gone to collect the forces remaining on this side, with which to make that diversion about five o'clock in the morning.'* ' ' The troops were collected, the diversion made, and the result of the combined movement, made possible only by Captain Lee's services, was the brilliant victory of Contreras early on the following morning. "Subsequently, General Scott, whilst giving testimony before a court of inquiry, had occasion to refer to these operations, and he thus speaks of the service rendered on this occasion by Captain Lee: " 'Captain Lee, Engineers, came to me from the hamlet with a message from Brigadier-general Smith, I think, about the same time (midnight). He, having passed over the difficult ground by daylight, found it just possible to return to San Augustin in the dark — the greatest feat of physical and moral courage performed by any individual, in my knowledge, pending the campaign. ' ' ' When we remember that Captain Lee left the council-room at Contreras to pass over miles of such ground as we have de scribed, in a pitch-dark night, without light or company, with the additional danger of wandering either to the right or left and thus falling into the hands of Valencia or Santa Anna, the risk of being met by some of those straggling bands of Mex icans which we had seen in the Pedregal, with no guide but the wind as it drove the cold rain in torrents against his face, or an occasional flash of lightning to give him a momentary glimpse of the country around him,— it will be acknowledged that General Scott, considering the object for which this was done, the manner of doing it, and the results, has characterized this deed of devotion by the only terms, exalted as they are, that could appropriately describe it."f * See Ex. Doc. No. 6j, Senate, ist Session 30th Cong., p. 73. f General Hunt has given the following interesting incident which occurred at the meeting of the Massachusetts Branch Cincinnati Society, held at Boston, July 4, 1871 : THE MEXICAN WAR. 59 In the battle that followed the events so fully described by General Hunt, Captain Lee bore an important part. The move ment against the enemy commenced at three o'clock in the morning, a tedious march through darkness, rain, and mud, under the guidance of Captain Lee, bringing the assailing columns by sunrise to an elevation in the rear of the ene my's forces. An assault was at once made, the intrenchments of the enemy stormed, and in seventeen minutes after the charge was ordered the surprised Mexicans were in full flight and the American flag floating proudly over their works. The subsequent movements may be briefly described. The victory of Contreras being complete, General Scott next ad vanced to Coyoacan, a strongly-fortified place, which Captain Lee was sent to reconnoitre with Captain Kearney's troop, First Dragoons, supported by Major Loring's rifle regiment. Another reconnoissance was sent under Lieutenant Stevens of the Engineers toward the strongly-fortified convent of San Pablo in the hamlet of Churubusco, one mile distant. Captain Lee, having completed his first reconnoissance, was next ordered to conduct Pierce's brigade, by a third road, to a point from which an attack could be made on the enemy's right and rear, thus favoring the movement on the convent and tending to cut off the line of retreat to the capital. Shields " Upon that occasion General Silas Casey was admitted to the society. As usual, a speech of welcome was made. With admirable taste he ignored in his acknowledgment the Civil War, but gave them interesting points on the Mexican War (he commanded the stormers of Twiggs's division at Chapultepec), and in his speech he referred to me. So, as usual on such occasions, they had me up. I was ' dead broke ' on matter for a speech, but it occurred to me that, as the Pedregal was fresh in my mind, I would give them a little more Mexican history, and I recited, glibly enough, the story. Of course I did not mention the name of the hero. I saw that they all thought it was General Casey. I kept dark until the close, amidst repeated demands of ' Name him ! Name him ! ' When I got through and the name was again vociferously demanded, I replied, ' It is a name of which the old army was and is justly proud — that of Robert E. Lee, then a captain of Engineers, and since world-wide in fame as the distinguished leader of the Confederate armies.' "For a moment there was unbroken silence, then such a storm of applause as is sel dom heard. I remarked that I had been desirous to test the society, which represented all shades of political opinions, and was glad to see they could recognize heroism and greatness even in a former enemy." 60 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. was ordered to follow Pierce closely and to take command of the left wing. The battle, thus ordered, soon raged violently along the whole line. Shields, in particular, was hard pressed and in danger of being overwhelmed by the hosts of the foe. Tidings of this threatened disaster were brought to General Scott by Captain Lee, who was at once ordered to conduct two troops of the Second Dragoons and the Rifles to the support of the left wing. The contest ended in the repulse of the enemy and a brilliant victory for General Scott's army. This victory was followed by another, on the 8th of Sep tember, at the Molino del Rey. The troops were now rapidly approaching the capital city of Mexico, and the Engineer offi cers, Captain Lee, Lieutenant Beauregard, and others, were kept engaged in reconnoissances, which they performed with great daring and success. Then succeeded one of the most daring exploits of the war, that brilliant charge by which were stormed the heights of Chapultepec, a steep hill bristling with walls, mines, and batteries, yet up which our infantry col umns rushed with a fiery valor and impetuosity which the Mexicans were quite unable to withstand. The heights were carried and the enemy put to flight. In this brilliant affair Captain Lee was wounded, and, though eager to advance, was compelled to retire from loss of blood. In his official report General Scott again spoke of him in words of the highest compliment, remarking that he was ' ' as distin guished for felicitous execution as for science and daring," and further stated that ' ' Captain Lee, so constantly distinguished, also bore important orders from me (September 13th) until he fainted from a wound and the loss of two nights' sleep at the batteries. ' ' It is evident, in fact, that General Scott had formed an ex alted opinion of the valor and military genius of his young captain of Engineers. He makes, indeed, throughout the reports of his Mexican campaign frequent mention of three officers of the Engineer corps who were afterward to achieve high distinction in another field— Captain R. E. Lee, First Lieutenant P. G. T. Beauregard, and Second Lieutenant G. THE MEXICAN WAR. 6 1 B. McClellan. Yet there is every evidence that Captain Lee was his special favorite, and there is hardly a despatch in which his name is not honorably mentioned. We may add to the above the statement made by the Hon. Reverdy Johnson, that he "had heard General Scott more than once say that his suc cess in Mexico was largely due to the skill, valor, and undaunt ed energy of Robert E. Lee. ' ' Years afterward General Scott was heard to declare, ' ' Lee is the greatest military genius in America. ' ' • These brilliant services were not left without that recogni tion which is most dear to the heart of a soldier. Lee was steadily promoted. His gallant conduct at Cerro Gordo brought him the brevet rank of major; his services at Contreras and Churubusco brought him the additional brevet of lieutenant- colonel; and after Chapultepec he was nominated for the brevet rank of colonel — distinctions fully earned by his skill and valor. The victory last mentioned was immediately followed by the capture of the forts which guarded the roads leading into the city and the occupation of the Mexican capital. This virtu ally ended the war. There was some guerilla warfare, but no battles of importance, after this achievement, the Mexicans giving up the contest as hopeless. The terms on which peace was granted, as is well known, were highly advantageous to the United States, and perhaps in no just sense disadvantageous to Mexico, for the provinces which were ceded to the United States, though they have been raised to such a high value by Anglo-Saxon enterprise and energy, were almost worthless in the hands of the supine Mex icans. The indemnity which the Mexican Government received for these provinces was probably of more value to it, at that time, than the provinces themselves, and possibly the vast wealth in gold and silver which they contained might have yet been undiscovered had the Mexican rule continued, as it had remained undiscovered for previous centuries of Spanish dominion. The remarks here made are preparatory to a quotation which we design to make from a hitherto unpublished letter by Gen- 62 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. eral Lee, in which he shows a shrewd political judgment and a correct idea of the proper method of dealing with vacillating diplomatists, though it savors rather of the soldier than of the politician. The letter also contains a passage indicative of General Lee's quiet love of a joke which is too good to omit. It is dated "City of Mexico, 12 April, 1848," and is written to one of his young lady-cousins. We quote only those parts of public interest, beginning with the witticism alluded to: ' ' It seems that all in Alexandria are progressing as usual, and that nothing will stop their marrying and being given in marriage. Tell Miss she had better dismiss that young divine and marry a soldier. There is some chance of the lat ter being shot, but it requires a particular dispensation of Prov idence to rid her of the former. Since the reception of your letter we have had the official notification of the ratification of the treaty by our Senate, brought on by Major Graham, and have learned of the arrival at Vera Cruz of the commissioner, Mr. Sevier, who has been preceded by the attorney-general, Mr. Clifford. I fear this hot despatch of envoys will cause the Mexicans to believe that we are over-anxious to accept their terms, and that they will be as coy, in proportion as we ap pear eager, to ratify on their part. They are very shrewd, and it will be difficult to get them to act before trying the strength of the new commissioner and making an effort for a mitiga tion of terms. The opportunity afforded them for pow-wow- ing they will be sure not to lose, but the time thus consumed, so precious to us, we cannot regain. In my humble opinion it would have been better to have sent out the naked instru ment to General Butler, with instructions to submit it to the Mexican Government, and if within the prescribed time they thought proper to ratify it to pay them down the three mil lions and march the army home; but if not, to tear up the paper and make his arrangements to take the country up to the line from Tehuantepec to Osaqualco or whatever other southern boundary they should think proper for the United States. I think we might reasonably expect that they would lose no time in ratifying the present treaty. I might make a rough diplomatist, but a tolerably quick one." THE MEXICAN WAR. 63 The same letter gives us some insight into the methods by which Colonel Lee managed to kill dull time during his long detention in the city of Mexico. We may be pardoned for making a further quotation: "I rode out a few days since for the first time to the church of Our Lady of Remedios. It is situated upon a hill at the termination of the mountains west of the city, and is said to be the spot to which Cortez retreated after being driven from the city on the memorable Noche Triste. I saw the cedar tree at Popotla, some miles nearer the city, in which it is said he passed a portion of that night. The ' trees of the Noche Triste, ' so called from their blooming about the period of that event, are now in full bloom. The flower is a round ellipsoid, and of the most magnificent sqarlet color I ever saw. I have two of them in my cup before me now. I wish I could send them to you. The holy image was standing on a large silver mag uey-plant, with a rich crown on her head and an immense silver petticoat on. There were no votaries at her shrine, which was truly magnificent, but near the entrance of the church on either side were the offerings of those whom she had relieved. They consist of representations in wax of the parts of the human body that she had cured of the diseases with which they had been affected. And I may say there were all parts. I saw many heads severed from the trunks. Whether they represented those that she had restored I could not learn. It would be a difficult feat. ' ' We should be glad to give further details of his life while thus detained in the city of Mexico waiting on the slow movements of diplomacy. But there is no such informa tion extant Undoubtedly he was not idle during those slow-moving months, but occupied himself in exploring the surrounding country and in studies incidental to his pro fession. He was too full of health, vitality, earnestness, and ambition to be willing to rest content while there were new progress to make and new information to be attained; and as he was free from those small vices and cared not for those petty pastimes in which so many of his companions passed their hours of leisure, there can be no doubt that his energy 64 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. took the direction of study and observation, and that he was steadily though unknowingly fitting himself for the great part which he was destined in the future to play. In fact, as regards this we are not confined to conjecture, but may relate an anecdote in point as told by General Magruder: ' ' After the fall of Mexico, when the American army was en joying the ease and relaxation which it had bought by toil and blood, a brilliant assembly of officers sat over their wine dis cussing the operations of the capture and indulging hopes of a speedy return to the United States. ' ' One among them rose to propose the health of the captain of Engineers who had found a way for the army within the city, and then it was remarked that Captain Lee was absent, Magruder was despatched to bring him to the hall, and, depart ing on his mission, at last found the object of his search in a remote room of the palace busy on a map. ' ' Magruder accosted his friend and reproached him for his absence. The earnest worker looked up from his labors with a calm, mild gaze which we all remember, and, pointing to his instruments, shook his head. ' ' ' But, ' said Magruder in his impetuous way, ' this is mere drudgery. Make somebody else do it and come with me. ' " ' No,' was the reply — ' no, I am but doing my duty.' " It is but just to add that we are indebted for much .of our information concerning Captain Lee's life and exploits in Mex ico to General Wilcox, who has kindly prepared for this work a long and valuable series of reminiscences of the Mexican War, and of Lee's connection therewith. In addition to the laudatory quotations from Scott's reports, General Wilcox pre sents some similarly favorable remarks from other prominent commanders in that war. General Persifer Smith, in his re port of Contreras and Churubusco, says: "In adverting to the conduct of the staff I wish to record particularly my admira tion of the conduct of Captain Lee of the Engineers. His reconnoissances, though pushed far beyond the bounds of pru dence, were conducted with so much skill that their fruits were of the utmost value, the soundness of his judgment and his personal daring being equally conspicuous." General Shields, THE MEXICAN WAR. 65 who with General Pierce attacked in the rear of Churubusco, in his report says: "As my command arrived I established the right upon a point recommended by Captain Lee of the Engi neers, in whose skill and judgment I had the utmost confi dence. ' ' A testimonial to the same effect is given by General Twiggs in his report of the battle of Cerro Gordo, in which his division carried the heights and stormed the fortifications of the enemy. He remarks: "Although whatever I may say may add little to the good reputation of Captain Lee of the Engineer corps, yet I must indulge in the pleasure of speaking of the invaluable services which he rendered me from the time I left the main road until he conducted Riley's brigade to its position in rear of the enemy's strong work on the Jalapa road. I consulted him with confidence and adopted his suggestions with assur ance. His gallantry and good conduct on both days, 17th and 18th of April, deserve the highest praise. ' ' Colonel Riley, in his report of the same engagement, says: "Although not appropriately within the range of this report, yet, coming under my immediate observation, I cannot refrain from bearing testimony to the intrepid coolness and gallantry exhibited by Captain Lee of the Engineers when conducting the advance of my brigade under the heavy flank fire of the enemy." General Twiggs, in his report of the battle of Contreras, further says: "To Captain Lee of the Engineers I have again the pleasure of tendering my thanks for the exceedingly valu able services rendered throughout the whole of these opera tions. ' ' General Wilcox first made the acquaintance of Robert E. Lee at the siege of Vera Cruz, and says of him at that time: "I was much impressed with his fine appearance, either on horse or foot. Then he was in full manly vigor, and the handsomest man in the army." General Wilcox concludes: " I have given a brief outline of the operations in Mexico, in order that the references made to Captain Lee in the official reports of his superiors might be properly appreciated. It will be seen that the compliments, 66 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. won by him were deserved — that he was active, untiring, skil ful, courageous^ and of good judgment. He is referred to as making roads over difficult routes, locating and constructing batteries, bringing over the Pedregal in the night important information that enabled the commanding general to give orders exactly applicable to the field of Contreras, and which were so brilliantly executed at an early hour the next morning, and in which the diversion under Colonel Ransom, directed by Captain Lee, had such good results, having been converted into a real attack. The quotations then show on what important missions he was sent during the conflict at Churubusco; that then he was sent to look at the base and hospital at Mixcoac, to see that it was made as secure as possible, for at it were the sick and wounded, reserve ordnance, etc. ; and, finally, that he was wounded at Chapultepec slightly, and pretty well worn out from excessive work by night and day. It could hardly have been otherwise than that a captain with such encomiums from his superiors would be greatly distinguished should occasion ever be presented. All who knew him were prepared to accept him at once as a general when he was assigned to the command of the Army of Northern Virginia, and his success, great as it was, was only what had been anticipated. "C. M. Wilcox." To General Hunt, who has already contributed so freely to this chapter, we are indebted for other reminiscences of Cap tain Lee of a very interesting character. The first of the two anecdotes given below relates to an earlier period of Lee's life, but, as it is referred to in the second, an incident of the Mexi can War, they are both given here. They yield important glimpses into the personal feelings and character of the sub ject of this memoir : "In 1843-44, I was stationed at Fort Hamilton, New York harbor. Captain Lee was the Engineer officer in charge of the works there, and I saw much of him. He was then about thirty-five years of age, as fine-looking a man as one would wish to see, of perfect figure and strikingly handsome. Quiet and dignified in manner, of cheerful disposition, always pleas- THE MEXICAN WAR. 67 ant and considerate, he seemed to me the perfect type of a gen tleman. His family, then with him, consisted of Mrs. Lee, their little daughter Mary, and the two boys, Rooney (W. H. F.) and Custis, and formed a charming portion of our lit tle society. He was a vestryman of the little parish church of Fort Hamilton, of which the post-chaplain was the rector, and as thorough in the discharge of his church as of other duties. ' ' But the Tractarian movement had reached America ; Tract No. XC. had been published. Puseyism was a bone of conten tion. The excitement invaded our little parish, and it created feeling, for the ' Low-Church ' members vehemently suspected the rector of 'High-Church' views because of certain suspi cious prayers that he used to which they had not been accus tomed. From all this Captain Lee kept aloof, and, as he was altogether too important a member to make his views a mat ter of indifference, various were the efforts made to draw him out — each party hoping for his powerful support — but with out success, for he always contrived in some pleasant way to avoid any expression of opinion that would commit him to either faction. ' ' One evening he came into the quarters of one of us young sters, where a number of officers and one or two of the neigh bors were assembled. Soon the inevitable subject came up and was discussed with considerable warmth, and, on the parts of two or three, with some feeling. Captain Lee was quiet, but, to those who understood him, evidently amused at the efforts to draw him out. On some direct attempt to do so he turned to me and in his impressive, grave manner said, ' I am glad to see that you keep aloof from the dispute that is disturbing our little parish. That is right, and we must not get mixed up in it ; we must support each other in that. But I must give you some advice about it, in order that we may under stand each other : Beware of Pussyism ! Pussyism is always bad, and may lead to unchristian feeling ; therefore beware of Pussyism P "The ludicrous turn given by his pronunciation, and its aptness to the feeling that one or two had displayed, ended the 68 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. matter in a general burst of laughter, for the manner more than the words conveyed his meaning. It became rather a joke at my expense, however, for sometimes when several of us met he would look at me in a grave way, shake his head, and say, ' Keep clear of this PussyismP And that was as near as they ever got to committing Captain Lee to a Church quarrel. ' ' There were several young officers at Fort Hamilton at the time, some of whom afterward became prominent — notably Duncan, who so greatly distinguished himself in the Mexican War, and Sedgwick, between whom and Captain Lee a warm friendship existed, and who was killed at Spottsylvania fight ing his old comrade. "After leaving Fort Hamilton I met Captain Lee but once or twice until he came to Vera Cruz with General Scott, in the spring of 1847, when our old relations, which had been as inti mate as the difference in our ages would permit, were renewed. After the surrender of Vera Cruz there was a report that the churches in town would not be opened for service, for fear that they might be ' desecrated by the heretics. ' The object and effect of this upon the people could be easily divined, and Gen eral Scott sent to the proper authorities to borrow a couple of churches for the ensuing Sunday, as he had excellent chap lains. The hint was taken, and the churches all opened. There was one outside the walls near which one of our batteries had been constructed, and the edifice was somewhat injured in the cannonade, but it too was opened. "As I had not been to church for a long time, I availed myself of this opportunity, but already on my arrival found the place crowded. As with all Catholic churches in that country, there were no pews. The congregation — mostly wo men—were on their knees in the body of the church, whilst •the galleries and all other available space were filled by our volunteers, full of curiosity, for but few of them had ever seen the Catholic service. It was but a few years since the ' Native American ' excitement, accompanied by violent demonstrations against Catholics, and the sacking of their churches in some of our large towns, had raged, and the feeling was not yet en tirely over. THE MEXICAN WAR. 69 "I found not only that the church was full, but the door was blocked by a crowd of our soldiers. Patiently making my way, I finally got inside the door where I could see the altar. All present were on their knees or standing except on the left, where midway of the church a single bench had been brought and set against the wall. On this bench, in full uni form, epaulettes, and sword, sat General Scott and his staff, the general himself at the end nearest the altar, then his aid, Lieutenant Williams, then Captain Lee, Lieutenants Beaure gard, Say, etc. The bench seemed full, but a few minutes afterward, looking in that direction, I caught Captain Lee's eye. He was evidently looking for this opportunity, for he motioned me toward him and made a movement indicating that there was room for me beside him. I had been longer in Mexico than these new-comers, and in my dilapidated old campaign dress felt that I would be a little out of place in the brilliant party. However, standing was tiresome, and I grad ually picked my way to the bench, and found that he had a place ready for me by his side. ' ' It was evident that the service was a special one. Soon the acolytes were going round the church making the wor shippers close up until a clear space was formed all round the congregation. Then one of the acolytes went to the altar, lighted a large thick wax candle, and brought it to General Scott. At first the general did not seem to comprehend it, but, taking in the situation, he took the candle and immedi ately handed it to Mr. Williams. The volunteers stared with open mouths. It was understood that General Scott, if suc cessful in his campaign, must be a Presidential candidate at the next election. Hostility to the Catholic Church was the element with the ' American ' party. The matter was getting interesting. In a moment or two the acolyte returned with another, but not so large or honorable a candle as the first. Finding the first one in the aid's hands and General Scott unprovided, he looked rather dazed, but acted promptly — blew out his light, went back to the altar, got another large one, and brought it to the general, who had to take it. I, being next to Williams, carefully looked away, and saw nothing 70 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. until the acolyte returned with the smaller candle lighted for me, which I took, and others were given to Captain Lee and the rest of the staff. "Then we were requested to rise, were wheeled 'by twos' to the left, which brought General Scott in front of me and Captain Lee on my right. Soon a side-door opened just in front of General Scott, and an array of priests in gorgeous vestments filed out and formed in our front. Everything was clear enough now — a Church procession, in which General Scott and his staff — including poor me in my shabby old un dress — had the place of honor. I looked at Captain Lee. He had that dignified, quiet appearance habitual to him, and looked as if the carrying of candles in religious processions was an ordinary thing with him. The music — and very good music it was — commenced, and the procession moved round the church. We had passed the altar, when an idea occurred to me upon which I could not refrain from acting, and I touched Captain Lee's elbow. He very properly gave me a rebuking look, but upon my repeating the touch he bent his head to ward me and whispered, ' What is it ?' — ' Captain Lee ?' — 'Well?' — 'I really hope there is no Pussyism in all this?' I glanced at him ; his face retained its quiet appearance, but the corners of his eyes and mouth were twitching in the struggle to preserve his gravity. ' ' After we got into the City of Mexico, I frequently met him, but he was always busy. In the ensuing spring he ex amined the western part of the valley, and on his daily return to the city generally passed through Tacubaya, two miles west of it, where my battery was stationed, occupying a large haci enda in the suburbs, with gardens and orange-groves in blos som, in which there were great numbers of beautiful hum ming-birds. It was a pleasant spot, and Captain Lee almost always stopped for half an hour with me to enjoy its beauties. I remember nothing special in these visits except his desire to heal the differences between General Scott and some of his subordinate officers and the efforts he was making in that direction, about which he conversed with me. He was a peacemaker by nature." THE MEXICAN WAR. 7 1 We are fortunate in being able to add to the foregoing record the following highly valuable testimony, contributed expressly to this work by General Joseph E. Johnston, one of the ablest and most distinguished commanders in the Confederate army. Like all who knew Robert E. Lee, General Johnston testifies to his noble character and agreeable manner, and concludes with an interesting instance of his warm sympathy: " No one among men but his own brothers had better oppor tunity to know General Lee than I. We entered the Military Academy together as classmates, and formed then a friendship never impaired. It was formed very soon after we met, from the fact that my father served under his in the celebrated Lee's Legion. We had the same intimate associates, who thought, as I did, that no other youth or man so united the qualities that win warm friendship and command high respect. For he was full of sympathy and kindness, genial and fond of gay conver sation, and even of fun, that made him the most agreeable of companions, while his correctness of demeanor and language and attention to all duties, personal and official, and a dignity as much a part of himself as the elegance of his person, gave him a superiority that every one acknowledged in his heart. He was the only one of all the men I have known who could laugh at the faults and follies of his friends in such a manner as to make them ashamed without touching their affection for him, and to confirm their respect and sense of his superiority. ' ' I saw strong evidence of the sympathy of his nature the morning after the first engagement of our troops in the Valley of Mexico. I had lost a cherished young relative in that ac tion, known to General Lee only as my relative. Meeting me, he suddenly saw in my face the effect of that loss, burst into tears, and expressed his deep sympathy as tenderly in words as his lovely wife would have done. J. E. Johnston." CHAPTER IV. THE INDIAN CAMPAIGN. On Engineering Duty at Baltimore. — Made Superintendent of West Point. — Promoted Lieutenant-colonel of Second Cavalry. — Regiment Ordered to Texas. — Character of Indian Warfare. — Campaigning against the Comanches. — The Cortinas Raid. — Return to Arlington. AFTER the conclusion of the treaty negotiations with Mex- ¦£*- ico, Colonel Lee returned home with the army, and was again assigned to duty in the corps of military Engineers, and stationed at Soller's Point, near Baltimore, where he was placed in charge of the defensive works there constructing. His successive assignment to duty in connection with the erec tion of fortifications at such important points as Hampton Roads, New York harbor, and Baltimore gives evidence that he was highly esteemed as a military engineer, and the charac ter of the works upon which he was thus engaged still attests his ability in this direction. In fact, to his thorough train ing in engineering science was added a quick and correct per ception which enabled him to quickly grasp the military req uisites of a situation and to make the best possible provision for its defence. An incident occurred during this period of his life which it will be of interest to transcribe,, both as showing the high estimation in which he was then held as a soldier and his exalted sense of the duty he owed to his country. It was related by Jefferson Davis in his address at the Lee Memorial meeting in Richmond, November 3, 1870: "He came from Mexico crowned with honors, covered by brevets, and recognized, young as he was, as one of the ablest of his country's soldiers. And to prove that he was estimated then as such, not only by his associates, but by foreigners also, I may mention that when he was a captain of Engineers, sta- 72 THE INDIAN CAMPAIGN. J2s tioned in Baltimore, the Cuban Junta in New York selected him to be their leader iu the revolutionary effort in that island. They were anxious to secure his services, and offered him every temptation that ambition could desire, and pecuniary emolu ments far beyond any which he could hope otherwise to acquire. He thought the matter over, and, I remember, came to Wash ington to consult me as to what he should do. After a brief discussion of the complex character of the military problem which was presented, he turned from the consideration of that view of the question by stating that the point on whicli he wished particularly to consult me was as to the propriety of entertaining the proposition which had been made to him. He had been educated in the service of the United States, and felt it wrong to accept service in the army of a foreign power while he held his commission. Such was his extreme delicacy, such the nice sense of honor of the gallant gentleman we deplore. But when Virginia, the State to which he owed his first and last allegiance, withdrew from the Union, and thus terminated his relations to it, the same nice sense of honor and duty which had guided him on a former occasion had a different application and led him to share her fortune for good or for evil. ' ' For three years, from 1849 to I852, Colonel Lee was engaged in the construction of the fortifications at Baltimore. His ser vice there ended on September 1, 1852, on which date he was appointed superintendent of the Military Academy of West Point, to succeed Captain Brewerton. In this position he remained till April 1, 1855, when he was promoted to a com mand in the cavalry arm of the service. This, under the law, incapacitated him for further duty as superintendent of West Point, and he was succeeded in that office by Major J. G. Barnard. His administration had been a highly efficient and successful one. He improved the discipline of the Academy and brought it up as a military institution to a higher proficiency than it had ever previously attained. During his administration the course of study was extended, under order of the Secretary of War, dated August 28, 1854, to five years, and several improve ments were made to the Academy and its surroundings. These 74 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. consisted of a new wharf and road, a spacious and excellent riding-hall, etc. We may at this point fitly quote from a private letter written by Colonel Lee on August 6, 1853, to a young friend of his who was about to engage in business, as serving to show the per sonal interest which he then and always took in whatever con cerned the welfare of his friends and acquaintances. He ap pears to have been — and was, in fact — the confidant and adviser of a great number of the young men belonging to the best class of Virginia families. To him they were constantly writing for information, assistance, encouragement, and advice, and upon his opinion they based their own actions: ' ' I am glad to find that you have also a prospect of employ ment with Mr. Manning. Choose between them that which best affords a prospect of advancement and improvement. You are perhaps aware that a young man entering on railroad ser vice, and bringing no experience, is expected to take a subor dinate position, no matter what his qualifications, at the bottom of the ladder, and to prove by his work his capabilities for advancement. Bear this constantly in mind, my dear Conny, and work your own promotion. Recollect what depends on your exertions, and how much you owe your mother's love, sister's affection, the expectations of family and friends. You must excuse my anxiety on your behalf, my interest in your welfare, and my ardent desire to see you do justice to yourself and credit to your name." The great acquisition of territory that followed the Mexican War and the frequent Indian outbreaks in the frontier States and Territories rendered an increase of the army necessary for the protection of the greatly-extended border-line and of the new population that was crowding into the fertile region of the West. Therefore, Congress in 1855 passed an act authorizing the raising of two new regiments of infantry and two of cav alry. The principal grades in these regiments were filled by selections from those officers who had most highly distinguished themselves in the war with Mexico. Of the two new cavalry regiments, the First was placed under the command of Colonel E. V. Sumner, with Brevet THE INDIAN CAMPAIGN. 75 Colonel J. E. Johnston as lieutenant-colonel, while the same grade in the Second Cavalry, which was commanded by Colonel A. S. Johnston, was assigned to Brevet Colonel R. E. Lee. As soon as these regiments were organized and equipped, the First Cavalry was assigned to Kansas, while the Second was sent to Western Texas for the defence of the settlers and domesticated Indians against the incursions of the nomadic tribes which infested those regions, and which embraced as their most for midable members the Comanches, the Apaches, and their kin dred tribes. During the fall and winter of 1855-56 the Second Cavalry was recruited and organized at Jefferson Barracks. Colonel Lee in this work brought to bear with great effect his fine power of organization and discipline. The winter at Jefferson Barracks was so severe that little could be done in the way of drilling and setting up the regiment, but when spring opened that branch of regimental work was pushed forward with great activity, and the regiment rapidly acquired proficiency in drill and the rules of discipline. Colonel Lee contributed much to this desirable end by his influence and example. When the spring had sufficiently advanced to ensure firm roads over the alluvial soil of Missouri and Arkansas the Second Cavalry began its long march to Western Texas. Colonel A. S. Johns ton and Colonel Hardee were the only field officers present, Col onel Lee and Major Thomas having obtained leave of absence to transact personal business. The route taken led the regi ment past Forts Smith and Wachita. The latter fort was at that time garrisoned by two batteries of artillery; Major H. J. Hunt commanded the post. When the regiment approached the fort it was received with a salute of thirteen guns, which Colonel Johnston at the head of his regiment most grace fully acknowledged. Johnston was in the prime of life, tall and graceful, with a superb military bearing. The regiment encamped in the vicinity of the fort. After completing their arrangements all officers partook of a collation that had been provided for them by the officers of Fort Wachita — an enter tainment which was greatly enjoyed by both guests and hosts. "Johnston gave his regiment a day's rest ere he pro- 76 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. ceeded on his march. The officers of the regiment frequently spoke of Colonel Lee in the highest terms of praise, and seemed to look forward with pleasure to the time when he should join them. The writer, who was at that time stationed at Fort Wachita, was in a position to understand the character of the service that awaited the new cavalry regiment, and this it may be of interest to describe. The theatre on which this gallant regiment was to operate was the region embraced by the Rio Grande on the south and the Arkansas River on the north, and extending from the west ern boundary of the Indian Territory to the eastern confines of New Mexico. This extensive territory was occupied exclu sively by wild animals and Comanche Indians. The Comanches were the hereditary lords of this immense domain, and for generations it had been their custom to levy contributions on their neighbors with an unsparing hand. They were also in the habit of making frequent raids into the northern Mexican states, and sometimes extended their excur sions to the confines of Louisiana and Arkansas, murdering and pillaging the defenceless inhabitants, and then returning to their strongholds with immense booty. They were often pursued, but, being well mounted on strong, active ponies, almost invariably eluded their pursuers. Since the admission of Texas into the Union and the acquisition of New Mexico and other Mexican territory, the United States had made con stant efforts to suppress Indian depredations on our Western frontiers and in the newly-acquired territories. The system of defence adopted was the establishment of a chain of military posts on the Western frontier and in the In dian country. The military establishment of the United States being on a very meagre scale, these posts were insufficiently garrisoned to afford entire protection. At the time the Second Cavalry was ordered to Texas the Comanches had been unu sually active in their predatory excursions. It was therefore expected that the regiment would have to perform much ardu ous service. A finer body of troops than the Second Cavalry was never seen. The colonel was a perfect soldier, and his subalterns were THE INDIAN CAMPAIGN. J J unsurpassed for ability and conduct. As a proof of the superior ity of these officers it may be said that this regiment turned out during the war more distinguished men than any other regi ment in the arm}-. Besides Johnston, Lee, Hardee, and Thomas, it furnished Van Dorn, Palmer, Hood, Fitz Lee, Stoneman, Kirby Smith, Fields, and others not remembered, all of whom became general officers in either the Confederate or the Federal service. As soon as the regiment reached its destination it was split up into detachments which were sent on expeditions in differ ent directions. In order to illustrate the character of the service which it was required to perform, the writer may give an exam ple that came within his personal knowledge. In the spring of 1854 a party of emigrants was pursuing its way through the western part of Texas. It was accompanied by a newly-mar ried couple, a Mr. and Mrs. Wilson. They were both young, and had determined to cast their lot in Western Texas. The party was discovered just before it reached its destination by a band of Comanches, who attacked and murdered all with the exception of Mrs. Wilson, whose youth and beauty excited the admiration of the Comanche chief. The news of this mas sacre was reported at a military post by a mail-party the day after it happened. A mounted company was at once sent in pursuit of the marauders, accompanied by an experienced guide. On reaching the place of the massacre it appeared from signs that the Comanche band was large and had proceeded with its booty in a north-western direction toward the confines of New Mexico. A rapid pursuit was immediately instituted, and after many long and wearisome marches succeeded in over taking the hostiles among the Pecos Hills, not far from Santa Fe. They were immediately attacked and defeated. Mrs. Wilson was found with them, and rescued and sent to Santa Fe, where she was kindly received and finally returned to her friends. The Second Cavalry was employed in the arduous and danger ous duty thus assigned to it until the outbreak of the Civil War, and performed much useful service in repressing the activity of its savage foes and in punishing them for their outrages. 78 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. The "memorandum-book" kept by Colonel Lee during this period furnishes interesting information concerning his own movements and those of the regiment, and from these notes and his letters we can gain a fair idea of his life during the Indian campaign. From these memoranda we learn that he left Alexandria on February 12, 1856, to join his regiment, and reached it at Fort Mason, Texas, on March 25th. He was then directed by Colonel Johnston to proceed to Camp Cooper — situated in the Comanche Reserve on the Clear Fork of the Brazos, thirty-five miles from its mouth — and take command of the first and fifth squadrons of the regiment, there stationed. He reached this post on April 9th, and writes under date of the 12th to the following effect: ' ' We are on the Comanche Reserve, with the Indian camps below us on the river belonging to Catumseh's band, whom the Government is endeavoring to humanize. It will be uphill work, I fear. Catumseh has been to see me, and we have had a talk, very tedious on his part and very sententious on mine. I hailed him as a friend as long as his conduct and that of his tribe deserved it, but would meet him as an enemy the first moment he failed to keep his word. The rest of the tribe (about a thousand, it is said) live north of us, and are hostile. Yesterday I returned his visit, and remained a short time at his lodge. He informed me that he had six wives. They are riding in and out of camp all day, their paint and ' ornaments ' rendering them more hideous than nature made them, and the whole race is extremely uninteresting. ' ' Shortly afterward Colonel Lee with five companies made an expedition to the head- waters of the Brazos and Wachita rivers, which occupied him several months. The principal result of this expedition was the acquisition of geographical information, for at that time the Comanches were on their annual pilgrimage to the north of the Arkansas River in search of game for their winter supply of provisions. Of his subsequent life in Texas interesting glimpses are ob tained from his letters. The Comanches seem to have made plentiful work for the soldiers. Thus on August 25, 1856, he THE INDIAN CAMPAIGN. 79 speaks of a party of these restless savages who had been on a maurauding expedition into Mexico, "which is a cloak to cover all their thefts aud murders. ' ' They were then seeking to steal north around the cavalry camp, divided into small par ties to escape detection. He was about to send out a company of troopers in pursuit, with directions to follow them for twenty days if necessary. He says : ' ' These people give a world of trouble to man and horse, and, poor creatures ! they are not worth it." Again, in January, 1857, he reports several encounters be tween the troops and maurauding Indians, who were severely punished. " It is a distressing state of things that requires the application of such treatment, but it is the only corrective they understand, the only way in which they can be brought to keep within their own limits. ' ' During this period, however, he himself was absent from his command, having been summoned to Fort Brown, on the Rio Grande, to serve on a court-martial. Here his chief enjoyment seems to have been in the natural surroundings. He writes: ' ' My daily walks are alone, up and down the banks of the river, and my pleasure is derived from my own thoughts and from the sight of the flowers and animals I there meet with. The birds of the Rio Grande form a constant source of interest, and are as numerous as they are beautiful in plumage. I wish I could get for you the roots of some of the luxuriant vines that cover everything, or the seeds of the innumerable flowers. ' ' He returned to Camp Cooper on April 18, 1857. On Juty 23d orders came for Colonel Johnston to report in person at Washington and to turn over to his lieutenant-colonel the com mand of the regiment. On October 21st Lee received notice by telegraph of the death of G. W. P. Custis, his wife's father, and returned to Arlington, reaching there on November nth. An officer who served under him during this period writes of him as follows, bearing the same testimony as all of his friends: "He examined everything thoroughly and conscien tiously until master of every detail, ever too conscientious to act under imperfect knowledge of any subject submitted to him. And with all his stern sense of duty he attracted the go MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. ' love, admiration, and confidence of all. The little children always hailed his approach with glee, his sincerity, kindliness of nature, and cordial manners attracting their unreserved confidence. ' ' Returning to Texas after his visit home, he resumed com mand of the regiment. As to the character of his life there we have already said enough. There were no serious encounters with the Indians, but a multitude of petty affrays, sufficient to break the monotony of camp-life, yet not of such importance as to claim special attention. He was in Washington again in the autumn of 1859, and on this occasion played a part in the famous "John Brown raid," which we shall describe in the next chapter. After this affair he returned to duty with his regiment, under orders from headquarters of February 9, i860, which assigned him to the command of the department of Texas. Reaching there on February 20th, he found work prepared for him in the pursuit of one Cortinas, a notorious brigand who had been crossing the Rio Grande and committing depredations on Texan soil. Efforts were made to overtake and arrest this land-pirate, but without success. The vicinity of Mexican territory and the supineness of the Mexican authorities gave him every opportunity to cross and recross the river at will, now making a raid into Texas, now seeking a covert in Mex ico, after the established and time-honored custom of the brio-- ands of the Rio Grande. Colonel Lee's journal contains the following notes in refer ence to this troublesome individual: "March 16th. Continued my route, report having reached me that Cortinas was ascending the Rio Grande. "March 20th. Could get no account of Cortinas' s where abouts, or learn that he had ever ascended the Rio Grande higher than La Mesa. "April 10th. Resumed journey; nearly all the ranches on the road have been burned— those spared by Cortinas burned by the Rangers. "April nth. Resumed journey; reached the scene of Cor tinas' s defeat by Major Heintzelman. THE INDIAN CAMPAIGN. 8 1 "May 7th. Have been engaged corresponding with the Mex ican authorities; succeeded in getting them to issue orders for the arrest of Cortinas He has left the frontier and withdrawn to the Ceritos with his property, horses, etc. ' ' These few extracts will give some slight idea of the difficul ties experienced by these frontier garrisons, which had to guard with a few troopers a long and thinly-inhabited frontier, and were prevented, for fear of international complications, from following brigands and savages across the river into Mexican territory, while the Mexicans themselves made little or no effort to suppress these outrages — perhaps winked at them. Had Colonel Lee received the privilege of pursuing his foes upon Mexican soil, as some of his successors in the frontier department have done, the story of these marauders would probably have been a very different one. As he remarked in the letter quoted in our last chapter, he might have made "a rough diplomatist, but a tolerably quick one. ' ' Events, however, were arising which were destined to ab ruptly end this active but unsatisfactory life on the frontier, and to bring him into a field of operations more worthy of his talents, and one destined to give him a worldwide fame. The detail of the causes and character of these events must be left to a subsequent chapter. CHAPTER V. A DIVIDED COUNTRY. Colonel's Lee's Views on Slavery. — The John Brown Raid. — Letters on Secession. — Mr. Lincoln Inaugurated. — Fort Sumter Bombarded. — Virginia Secedes. — Lee, Blair, and Scott. — Lee Resigns his Commission. — Appointed Commander-in-chief of the Virginia Forces. WE have in the preceding chapters covered the earlier events in the life of Robert E. Lee, and brought our work up to the date of the opening of one of the most stupen dous events of modern times, the terrible Civil War between the Northern and Southern sections of the United States. It is now necessary to go back and briefly consider the preliminary events leading to this contest, and their effect upon Lee's beliefs and feelings, as expressed in letters from Texas dating back for several years before the era of secession. The most exciting political question of that era was the irri tating one of slavery, which had aroused the feelings of con testants on both sides of the much-debated problem to a degree of passion seldom before known in our Congressional chambers, and was dangerously heating the minds of the whole people, both South and North. This question, which a few years be fore was confined to a few political fanatics, had rapidly spread over the Northern and North-western States, and now nearly divided the political parties of those sections. This rapid spread of abolitionism and of the spirit of dissen sion caused the conservatives of both the North and the South to feel serious alarm for the safety of the Union. Colonel Lee was of the latter class, being by education a firm supporter of constitutional liberty. In a letter from Texas dated December 27, 1856, he thus expresses himself: " .... I have just received the Alexandria Gazette from the 20th of November to the 18th of December, inclusive. A DIVIDED COUNTRY. 83 Besides the usual good reading matter, I am interested in the relation of local affairs, and infer from the quiet and ordinary course of events that all is going on well, especially (I hope) at Arlington. "The steamer also brought the President's Message, the reports of the various heads of departments, etc., so that we are assured that the Government is in operation and the Union in existence I was much pleased with the President's Message. His views of the systematic and progressive efforts of certain people at the North to interfere with and change the domestic institutions of the South are truthfully and faith fully expressed. The consequences of their plans and purposes are also clearly set forth. These people must be aware that their object is both unlawful and foreign to them and to their duty, and that this institution, for which they are irresponsible and non-accountable, can only be changed by them through the agency of a civil and servile war. ' ' There are few, I believe, in this enlightened age who will not acknowledge that slavery as an institution is a moral and political evil. It is idle to expatiate on its disadvantages. I think it is a greater evil to the white than to the colored race. While my feelings are strongly enlisted in behalf of the latter, my sympathies are more deeply engaged for the former. The blacks are immeasurably better off here than in Africa, mor ally, physically, and socially. The painful discipline they are undergoing is necessary for their further instruction as a race, and will prepare them, I hope, for better things. How long their servitude may be necessary is known and ordered by a merciful Providence. Their emancipation will sooner result from the mild and melting influences of Christianity than from the storm and tempest of fiery controversy. This influence, though slow, is sure. The doctrines and miracles of our Sa viour have required nearly two thousand years to convert but a small portion of the human race, and even among Christian nations what gross errors still exist! While we see the course of the final abolition of human slavery is still onward, and give it the aid of our prayers, let us leave the progress as well as the results in the hand of Him who sees the end, who chooses 84 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. to work by slow influences, and with whom a thousand years are but as a single day. Although the Abolitionist must know this — must know that he has neither the right nor the power of operating, except by moral means; that to benefit the slave he must not excite angry feelings in the master; that, although he may not approve the mode by which Providence accomplishes its purpose, the results will be the same; and that the reasons he gives for interference in matters he has no concern with holds good for every kind of interference with our neighbor, — still, I fear he will persevere in his evil course. " . . . . Is it not strange that the descendants of those Pil grim Fathers who crossed the Atlantic to preserve their own freedom have always proved the most intolerant of the spirit ual liberty of others ?' ' The political excitement in 1857 continued to be increased by the contest between the Pro-slavery and Free-soil parties for political supremacy in Kansas, until it was at such a height that argument was superseded by the pistol and the rifle. Sev eral bloody encounters ensued. The district was so overrun by riot and bloodshed that it became necessary to sustain the civil authority by a large military force. The troops soon ended the disturbances, dispersed the political factions, and forced their leaders, through fear of punishment, to flee from the Territory. This event, however, served to greatly intensify the prevail ing political excitement. The Abolition party had already, in 1856, proved strong enough not only to nominate a candi date, John C. Fremont, for the Presidency, but to gain for him 114 electoral votes, being but 60 votes less than those cast for James Buchanan, the successful candidate. In the interval between this election and that of i860 the strength of the Anti- slavery party rapidly augmented, and there was much reason to believe that it would be successful in its next effort By the autumn of 1858 the country had become greatly aroused through the agitation incidental to the approaching Presiden tial campaign and the heated debates in Congress. Durino- the succeeding year this political excitement was raised to a dangerous pitch by an event which then occurred, and which, A DIVIDED COUNTRY. 85 as Lee was directly connected with it, needs to be described more in detail. The event referred to is what is known in the history of that period as the "John Brown raid." John Brown, a fanatical leader of the Free-soil party, who with his sons had played a prominent part in the Kansas difficulties, had since the sup pression of that outbreak been secretly engaged in organizing a plan for the production of a servile insurrection in the South. In October, 1859, with the aid of a party of sixteen whites and five blacks, into whom he had infused his own enthusiasm and reckless disdain of consequences, he actually invaded Virginia, and seized the Government arsenal and other buildings at Har per's Ferry, with a desperate boldness that created the greatest consternation in the town and the surrounding country. The moment that news of this invasion reached Washington the Government authorities took active measures to oppose it and capture the insurgents. General Scott was absent from Washington at the time, but Colonel Lee happened to be pres ent, having shortly before arrived from Texas on* a visit to his family at Arlington. He was immediately sent for by the Secretary of War, and asked to take command of a battalion of marines and proceed to Harper's Ferry, at which point a force of militia, hastily gathered from the adjoining counties, had previously assembled. Colonel Lee, on arriving at Harper's Ferry, found that the insurgents had already failed in their main object, that of stir ring up the slaves of the vicinity to join them as a nucleus for spreading the fire of insurrection throughout the negro popula tion of the South. The occupation of the Government build ings under cover of night was the extent of their success, and they were here closely confined by the beleaguering militia. With a considerable degree of shrewdness, however, Brown had ordered the seizure of some of the principal citizens, whom he held as hostages in the engine-house in the armory yard, to which he had retired with his adherents. Colonel Lee on arriving at once stationed his marines around this building, and sent Lieutenant J. E. B. Stuart, who accom panied him, with a flag of truce to demand the surrender of the 86 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. insurgents, promising to protect them and secure them a legal trial. This demand Brown refused to comply with, and required on his part permission to march out with his men, arms, and prisoners as far as the second toll-gate. At this point he pro posed to release his prisoners, and would then be ready to fight the troops if he could not escape. It was out of the question to accept such a proposal. The envoy remonstrated with the insurgents, and tried to convince them of their folly. He only received for answer that if at tacked they would kill their hostages. Among the latter was Colonel Lewis Washington, who resided in that neighborhood, and who at this moment boldly exclaimed, ' ' Never mind us — fire!" Colonel Lee is reported to have remarked, on hearing these words, "The old Revolutionary blood does tell." Before sending Lieutenant Stuart to hold this parley Colonel Lee had devised a scheme of action which was to be put into effect if the insurgents should refuse to surrender. In this event the lieutenant was directed to raise his arm as a signal, when the marines would rush upon the door of the engine- house, and so occupy the insurgents by the suddenness of their attack as to save the lives of the prisoners. The scheme was successfully executed. The marines rushed upon the door, forced it in, captured the building, and released the hostages uninjured. The result here described is briefly but clearly given in Lee's memorandum-book: "Waited until daylight, as a number of citizens were held as hostages whose lives were threatened. Tuesday about sun rise, with twelve marines under Lieutenant Green, broke in the door of the engine-house, secured the insurgents, and released the prisoners unhurt. All the insurgents killed or mortally wounded but four— John Brown, Stevens, Coppie, and Shields." The insurgents in their turn had fired upon their invaders with some effect. They would probably have been lynched by the excited citizens but for the presence of Colonel Lee and his marines. He handed them over to the civil authorities as di rected from Washington, and returned to Arlington. We have, in the preceding chapter, briefly described the life of Colonel Lee during the last year of his residence in Texas. A DIVIDED COUNTRY. 87 Then in command of the department, he was, as we have seen, kept busily engaged in the pursuit of the brigand Cortinas and in other duties. In the midst of his arduous labors he from time to time cast anxious glances at the threatening aspect of the political horizon, and with a foreboding heart watched the cloud grow darker and more angry until the storm burst in the North and rolled South, whence it thundered back until the popular tempest rent the country in twain. The triumph of the party that had caused so much alarm throughout the South by the election of Mr. Lincoln to the Presidency in i860 spread consternation among the conservatives of both sections, and especially among those of the South, since the radical hostility was directed principally at them. Nevertheless, there were many who hoped that the fears of the despondent were ground less, and that the country would be saved. But when Congress assembled in December it was soon discovered that the spirit of conciliation had departed from the deliberative body of the nation, and that there was no prospect of an amicable settle ment of the political questions that had divided the country; and therefore the Southern representatives advised their con stituents to prepare for a withdrawal from the Union — peaceably if possible, forcibly if necessary. South Carolina, being the first to act, passed her ordinance of secession about the last of December, and the other Cotton States speedily followed her example. From Texas in January, 1861, Colonel Lee expresses him self on the condition of the country as follows: "I received Everett's Life of General Washington, which you sent me, and enjoyed its perusal. How his spirit would be grieved could he see the wreck of his mighty labors! I will not, however, permit myself to believe, until all the ground for hope has gone, that the fruit of his noble deeds will be destroyed and that his precious advice and virtuous example will so soon be forgotten by his countrymen. As far as I can judge from the papers, we are between a state of anarchy and civil war. May God avert both of these evils from us! I fear that mankind for years will not be sufficiently Christianized to bear the absence of restraint and force. I see that four States 88 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. have declared themselves out of the Union: four more will ap parently follow their example. Then, if the Border States are brought into the gulf of revolution, one half of the country will be arrayed against the other. I must try and be patient and await the end, for I can do nothing to hasten or retard it." From the above it may be observed with what pain and re gret Colonel Lee witnessed the progressive steps leading toward the dissolution of the Union. In further illustration of this feeling, and of the political knowledge and wisdom of the writer, we may quote from another letter of the same date. It is addressed to his son from ' ' Fort Mason, Texas, Janu ary 23, 1861," and contains the following highly interesting passage: "The South, in my opinion, has been aggrieved by the acts of the North, as you say. I feel the aggression, and am willing to take every proper step for redress. It is the princi ple I contend for, not individual or private benefit. As an American citizen I take great pride in my country, her pros perity, and her institutions, and would defend any State if her rights were invaded. But I can anticipate no greater calamity for the country than a dissolution of the Union. It would be an accumulation of all the evils we complain of, and I am willing to sacrifice everything but honor for its preservation. I hope, therefore, that all constitutional means will be exhausted be fore there is a resort to force. Secession is nothing but revo lution. The framers of our Constitution never exhausted so much labor, wisdom, and forbearance in its formation, and surrounded it with so many guards and securities, if it was intended to be broken by every member of the Confederacy at will. It is intended for 'perpetual union,' so expressed in the preamble, and for the establishment of a government, not a compact, which can only be dissolved by revolution or the the consent of all the people in convention assembled. It is idle to talk of secession. Anarchy would have been estab lished, and not a government, by Washington, Hamilton, Jef ferson, Madison, and all the other patriots of the Revolution. .... Still, a Union that can only be maintained by swords and bayonets, and in which strife and civil war are to take the A DIVIDED COUNTRY. 89 place of brotherly love and kindness, has 110 charm for me. I shall mourn for my country and for the welfare and progress of mankind. If the Union is dissolved and the Government disrupted, I shall return to my native State and share the mis eries of my people, and save in defence will draw my sword on none." In February, 1861, the seven Cotton States united them selves into an independent republic under the designation of the Confederate States of America, and selected for its capital Montgomery', Alabama. The Border slaveholding States still adhered to the Union, hoping that after party passion should subside the final separation of the States would be prevented, and that the government under which they had attained a re markable degree of wealth and prosperity would be preserved. At that time there was much speculation as to the policy Mr. Lincoln would adopt, and his inaugural address was awaited with impatience. At his inauguration on the 4th of March the address in which he declared his future policy was regard ed as enigmatical, and various opinions were formed as to the probable course of the new President on the exciting ques tions which agitated the country. It was generally believed that his course would be conservative; at least it was thought that "honest old Abe," as Mr. Lincoln was familiarly called, would be governed by a desire for conciliation. It is proba ble that the intention of Mr. Lincoln was at first to adopt a national policy, as in his inaugural address, which seemed calm and dispassionate, he assured the country that he had no pur pose to interfere with the institution of slavery where it already existed, and that, in his opinion, he had no right to do so. Yet he denounced the doctrine of the right of secession from the Union as unconstitutional, and declared his firm purpose to hold, occupy, and possess the places and property in the South belonging to the Federal Government. This announcement was received in the South as equivalent to a declaration of war. Wishing to effect an amicable adjustment of the questions at issue, especially that of the surrender of Fort Sumter, the new Confederacy sent commissioners to Washington for that pur pose. They were, however, not officially received by Mr. Lin- 90 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. coin, but were led to believe that his intentions toward the Con federacy were amicable, and that he would in due time order a peaceable surrender of Fort Sumter. With that belief the com missioners returned to Montgomery. Soon after the departure of the Confederate commissioners from Washington, Mr. Lin coln sent a formidable expedition to Charleston harbor for the relief of the fort. As soon as the attitude of Mr. Lincoln was discovered at Montgomery the Confederate authorities ordered the immediate reduction of Fort Sumter. Before attacking the place General Beauregard demanded its peaceable surrender, which being refused by its commander, Major Anderson, the fort was assailed by all the Confederate batteries which could be brought to bear upon it. After a bombardment of thirty- two hours Major Anderson was forced to capitulate on the 13th of April, 1861. On the 15th of April, the second day after the fall of Fort Sumter, Mr. Lincoln issued a proclamation calling for 75,000 volunteers, and a few days later he issued proclamation's ordering the blockade of the Southern ports and suspending the writ of habeas corpus. These acts were immediately resented by Vir ginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Missouri by the with drawal of these States from the Union and their entrance into the Southern Confederacy, while Kentucky refused to comply with the call for troops and declared a neutrality. Maryland also refused to furnish troops, but from her geographical posi tion was forced to submit. On the other hand, the non-slave- holding States obeyed the President's proclamation and promptly furnished troops. Seeing the gigantic preparations which were being made by the United States to coerce them, the Southern States with similar activity prepared for their defence. The rupture which had thus divided the country reduced the officers of the army and navy to the alternative of either appearing in arms against their native States or of resigning their commissions in the service of the United States. All those of Southern birth, with few exceptions, adopted this latter course, and joined their fellow-countrymen "for weal or woe." Colonel Lee, who had been summoned from Texas to report in person to the com- A DIVIDED COUNTRY. 91 mander-in-chief at Washington, reached that city on March ist, and was there at the time of the events above described. On the 17th of April, 1861, the ordinance of secession was passed in the convention of Virginia. This cast the die for Colonel Lee. The sentiments expressed in his letters and his strong sense of the debt of allegiance he owed to his native State effectually prevented him from remaining any longer an officer of the United States army, and obliged him by every sentiment of duty and affection to cast his lot with the State of his nativity and with the numerous friends and relatives who made this State their natal home. Yet his final decision was not reached without severe mental trouble, nor without efforts on the side of the Government to preserve his highly-valued services to the Federal army. In fact, an offer of a most allur ing character, and which must have won over any one with less than his supreme sense of duty, was made to him — no less an offer, in short, than the supreme command of the Federal army. That this fact has been denied we are aware, yet there exists indubitable evidence of it. We have been fortunate enough to obtain a highly valuable letter from a near relative of General Lee describing a conversation with Mrs. Lee on this subject. This letter, it is true, does not settle the point in question, but it gives information no longer attainable concerning General Lee's feelings and actions at that time which is of the utmost importance. We extract the most significant portions of this letter: ' ' The first time I saw her (Mrs. Lee), shortly after the breaking out of the war, she related to me all that Robert Lee had suffered at the time of his resignation — that from the first commence ment of our troubles he had decided that in the event of Vir ginia's secession duty (which had ever been his watchword) would compel him to follow. She told me what a sore trial it was to him to leave the old army, to give up the flag of the Union, to separate from so many of his old associates {particu larly General Scott, for whom he always felt the greatest regard), and to be censured by many whose good opinion he valued. She told me of the interviews between General Scott 9 2 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. and himself, in which he used every argument he could bring to bear to induce him to remain with the Union. She men tioned an interview he had with Blair, in which he taunted him with its being his dislike to parting with the negro which made him remain with the South. This accusation Robert Lee indignantly denied, saying that if he owned all the negroes in the South he would gladly yield them up for the preservation of the Union. She mentioned that General Scott, in one of their interviews, said that in the event of his resignation, which from his advanced age must soon become a necessity, if Robert had remained with the North he (General Scott) believed he would be given the command of the Union army. She did not say that any offer had been made by the Government, but that in the event of his resignation he (General Scott) felt sure that Robert Lee would be offered his position. This may have been only General Scott's own opinion, formed from his admiration and appreciation of his high qualities as a soldier. I remem ber hearing at the time that General Scott had pronounced him the officer who had most distinguished himself in the Mexican War, and also that he had advised his Government to leave no stone unturned, if possible, to secure him to their side, saying at the same time that Robert Lee would be worth fifty thousand men to them." In regard to this offer of the command of the army by Mr. Blair to Colonel Lee, as referred to in the foregoing letter, we have positive corroborative evidence, submitted by a person to whom Mr. Blair himself stated it as a fact. This evidence occurs in a letter written by a well-known resident of Washing-- ton, and from which we take the following extract: ' ' I have never seen the account (of the offer to General Lee of the command of the Federal army) worded just as I had it from Mr,. Blair. The following is an accurate — I think a very nearly verbatim — report of it: " Mr. Blair: I come to you on the part of President Lin coln to ask whether any inducement that he can offer will pre vail on you to take command of the Union army ? "Colonel LEE: If I owned the four millions of slaves, I would cheerfully sacrifice them to the preservation of the A DIVIDED COUNTRY. 93 Union, but to lift my hand against my own State and people is impossible." The most valuable testimony concerning this question, how ever, is that of General Lee himself, as given -in a letter ad dressed to the Hon. Reverdy Johnson of date February 25, 1868. In this letter he uses the following language: "I never intimated to any one that I desired the command of the United States army, nor did I ever have a conversation but with one gentleman, Mr. Francis Preston Blair, on the subject, which was at his invitation, and, as I understood, at the instance of President Lincoln. "After listening to his remarks I declined the offer he made me to take command of the army that was to be brought into the field, stating, as candidly and courteously as I could, that, though opposed to secession and deprecating war, I could take no part in an invasion of the Southern States. "I went directly from the interview with Mr. Blair to the office of General Scott — told him of the proposition that had been made to me and my decision. Upon reflection after re turning home, I concluded that I ought no longer to retain any commission I held in the United States army, and on the second morning thereafter I forwarded my resignation to General Scott ' 'At the time I hoped that peace would have been preserved — that some way would be found to save the country from the calamities of war; and I then had no other intention than to pass the remainder of my life as a private citizen. ' ' Two days afterward, on the invitation of the governor of Virginia, I repaired to Richmond, found that the convention then in session had passed the ordinance withdrawing the State from the Union, and accepted the commission of commander of its forces which was tendered me. These are the simple facts of the case." The Mr. Blair who made this offer to Colonel Lee has here tofore been stated to have been Montgomery Blair, Postmaster- General of President Lincoln's Cabinet. The letter here quoted, however, settles the fact that it was Francis Preston Blair, Sr., father of Montgomery Blair, who was then a member 94 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. of Mr. Lincoln's Cabinet. Mr. F. P. Blair held no official position. In the interviews between General Scott and Colonel Lee it is stated that the veteran commander earnestly sought to per suade the younger officer not to throw up his commission, telling him that it would be the greatest mistake of his life. But to all his pleadings Colonel Lee returned but one answer — that his sense of duty was stronger with him than any prospects of advancement, replying to the appeal not to send in his resig nation in the following words: "I am compelled to: I cannot consult my own feelings in this matter. ' ' The final result of the endeavors here indicated was Colonel Lee's resignation of his commission in the United States army, as indicated in the following letter addressed to General Scott: "Arlington, Va., April 20, 1S61. "General: Since my interview with you on the 18th inst I have felt that I ought not longer to retain my commission in the army. I therefore tender my resignation, which I request you will recommend for acceptance. It would have been pre sented at once, but for the struggle it has cost me to separate myself from a service to which I have devoted the best vears of my life and all the ability I possessed. During the whole of that time — more than a quarter of a century — I have expe rienced nothing but kindness from my superiors and a most cordial friendship from my comrades. To no one, general, have I been as much indebted as to yourself for uniform kind ness and consideration, and it has always been my ardent desire to merit your approbation. I shall carry to the grave the most grateful recollections of your kind consideration, and vour name and fame will always be dear to me. "Save in the defence of my native State, I never desire again to draw my sword. Be pleased to accept my most earnest wishes for the continuance of your happiness and pros perity, and believe me most truly yours, "R. E. Lee." From the foregoing letter it will be seen what anguish A DIVIDED COUNTRY. 95 Colonel Lee must have felt in parting from his old commander and the service in which for thirty years he had occupied an honorable and distinguished position, and which still allured him with the most brilliant prospects. All must acknowledge that no selfish or unpatriotic motive influenced him in refusing to draw his sword against his native State, to which from early boyhood he had been taught by the wisest and the purest in the land he owed his first allegiance. Here it is also just to remark that all of those who resigned their commissions in the sendee of the United States to cast their lot with their native States were influenced by the same pure and unselfish motives. On the same day in which this graceful and dignified letter was penned Colonel Lee wrote to his sister, Mrs. Marshall, then residing in Baltimore, expressing the same sentiments with the same earnestness and feeling: "My Dear Sister : I am grieved at my inability to see you. I have been waiting for a more convenient season, which has brought to many before me deep and lasting regret. Now we are in a state of war which will yield to nothing. The whole South is in a state of revolution, into which Virginia, after a long struggle, has been drawn; and, though I recognize no necessity for this state of things, and would have forborne and pleaded to the end for redress of grievances, real or supposed, yet in my own person I had to meet the question whether I should take part against my native State. With all my devo tion to the Union, and the feeling of loyalty and duty of an American citizen, I have not been able to make up my mind to raise my hand against my relatives, my children, my home. I have therefore resigned my commission in the army, and, save in defence of my native State, with the sincere hope that my poor services may never be needed, I hope I may never be called on to draw my sword. " I know you will blame me, but you must think as kindly of me as you can, and believe that I have endeavored to do what I thought right. To show you the feeling and struggle it has cost me I send a copy of my letter to General Scott which accompanied my letter of resignation. I have no time for more. 96 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. .... May God guard and protect you and yours, and shower upon you every blessing, is the prayer of your devoted brother, "R. E. Lee." That General Lee sacrificed much in this action need scarcely be said. In addition to the high position offered him in the United States army, he yielded his private fortune, with his beautiful home, Arlington, a home endeared by historic asso ciations and by many years of happy married life, a home of unsurpassed beauty of situation, and adorned with all that men most value, now destined to be the sport of rude soldiers, its priceless relics scattered, its beautiful surroundings desecrated, its choicest attractions destroyed. That this would be its fate he could not well have doubted. That he might become a houseless wanderer upon the face of the earth was within the limits of probability. He was daring all, risking all, for a principle, yet duty was a far stronger force in his soul than earthly advancement, and there is nothing to show that these considerations ruled with him for a moment. Not, "What will be to me most profitable?" but, "What does duty command?" was the question which forced itself upon his attention, and the instant he had decided upon this vital point all lesser con siderations dropped from his mind, and he gave himself heart and soul to the service of his native State. As soon as it was known that Colonel Lee had retired from the United States army the governor of Virginia tendered him the appointment of major-general and commander-in-chief of the forces of Virginia, and on the 23d of April, in the presence of the Convention and of a large assemblage of citizens, Mr. Janney, president of the Convention, presented to him his com mission in the following address: "In the name of the people of our native State, here repre sented, I bid you a cordial and heartfelt welcome to this hall, in which we may almost hear the echoes of the voices of the statesmen, the soldiers, and the sages of bygone days who have borne your name and whose blood now flows in your veins. We met in the month of February last charged with the solemn duty of protecting the rights, the honor, and the interests of A DIVIDED COUNTRY. 97 the people of this commonwealth. We differed for a time as to the best means of accomplishing that object, but there never was at any moment a shade of difference among us as to the great object itself; and now, Virginia having taken her posi tion, as far as the power of this Convention extends, we stand animated by one impulse, governed by one desire and one de termination, and that is, that she shall be defended, and that no spot on her soil shall be polluted by the foot of an invader. " When the necessity of having a leader for our forces be came apparent, all hearts and all eyes, by the impulse of an instinct which is a surer guide than reason itself, turned to the old county of Westmoreland. We knew how prolific she had been in other days of heroes and statesmen ; we knew she had given birth to the Father of his country, to Richard Henry Lee, to Monroe, and last, though not least, to your own gal lant father; and we knew well by your deeds that her produc tive power was not exhausted. Sir, we watched with the most profound and intense interest the triumphal march of the army led by General Scott, to which you were attached, from Vera Cruz to the capital of Mexico. We read of the sanguinary conflicts and the blood-stained fields, in all of which victory perched upon our banners. We knew of the unfading lustre which was shed upon the American arms by that campaign, and we know also what your modesty has always disclaimed, that no small share of the glory of those achievements was due to your valor and your military genius, v "Sir, one of the proudest recollections of my life will be that I yesterday had the honor of submitting to this body the confirmation of the nomination, made by the governor of this State, of you as commander-in-chief of the naval and military forces of this commonwealth. I rose to put the question, and when I asked if this body would advise and consent to that appointment, there rushed from the hearts to the tongues of all the members an affirmative response, which told with an emphasis that could leave no doubt of the feeling whence it emanated. I put the negative of the question for form's sake, but there was an unbroken silence. " Sir, we have by this unanimous vote expressed our convic- 7 98 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. tions that you are at this day, among the living citizens of Vir ginia, first in war, and we pray God most fervently that you may so conduct the operations committed to your charge that it may soon be said of you that you are first in peace, and when that time comes you will have gained the still prouder distinc tion of being first in the hearts of your countrymen. " Yesterday your mother, Virginia, placed her sword in your hands upon the implied condition — which we know you will keep to the letter and in the spirit — that you will draw it only in defence, and that you will fall with it in your hand rather than the object for which it was placed there shall fail." To this he replied : "Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: Profoundly impressed with the solemnity of the occasion, for which I must say I was not prepared, I accept the position assigned me by your partiality. I would have much preferred had your choice fallen upon an abler man. Trusting in Almighty God, an approving conscience, and the aid of my fellow-citizens, I devote myself to the service of my native State, in whose behalf alone will I ever again draw my sword. ' ' The impressiveness of the scene was much enhanced by the striking person and graceful manner of General Lee, who then appeared in the full vigor of manhood. Referring to the above scene, Hon. A. H. Stephens says: ' ' All the force which personal appearance could add to the power and impressiveness of the words, as well as the senti ments uttered by him, was imparted by his manly form and the great dignity as well as grace in his every action and move ment. All these, combined, sent home to the breast of every one the conviction that he was thoroughly impressed himself with the full consciousness of the immense responsibility he had assumed. A more deeply interesting or solemn scene of the character I never witnessed." At this time General Lee was in the prime of a healthful and vigorous life. He was fifty-four years of age, a man of finely- shaped and well-knit body, and of fully-developed faculties of mind. He was of graceful manner and grave and dignified A DIVIDED COUNTRY. 99 bearing, though he could be kind and even playful on occasion. All his previous life, all the training of mind and body he had undergone, had been devoted to the building up of a nature capable of a great enterprise, of physical powers and intel lectual development fitted to the mighty work now before him, and he entered the arena of civil war fully prepared to under take and to perform one of the most stupendous labors ever engaged in by mortal man. CHAPTER VI. OPENING OF THE CIVIL WAR. Military Contrast of North and South. — General Lee organizes an Army. — Topography of Seat of War. — Lines of Operation. — Federal Advance. — Battle of Manassas. — Result of the Victory. — The Author's First Interview with General Lee. AT the commencement of hostilities there was great inequal- l\ ity between the North and the South in all essentials ne cessary for the vigorous prosecution of war. With the Northern States remained a thoroughly-organized government, with all of its machinery intact and capable of a rapid expansion to meet sudden emergencies. The army and navy, though small, had a complete organization, which formed a nucleus about which forces of any magnitude might be rap idly gathered. There was also a treasury into which flowed the revenue of a wealthy and prosperous nation, ever ready to furnish the sinews of war. On the other hand, the Southern States were destitute of everything requisite even for defence, except the stout hearts and ready hands of their sons and the scanty supplies found in the arsenals and the navy-yards within their borders. On the secession of Virginia, Governor Letcher called into service the entire military force of the State, which consisted of an unorganized militia, a few companies of volunteers which had been previously armed and equipped, and the cadets of the State military institution, two or three hundred in number. The other Southern States were no better provided for than Virginia. The cadets and volunteers were the only available force that could be obtained for the seizure of the Gosport navy- yard and the arsenal at Harper's Ferry. When General Lee accepted the command of the forces of Virginia, he was not ignorant of her unprovided condition, and 100 OPENING OF THE CIVIL WAR. ioi he was fully aware of the immense responsibility he assumed in undertaking her defence with the inadequate means at hand. But his native State was threatened with what he regarded as an unjustifiable invasion, and by every principle of honor and the duties of citizenship he was bound to defend her with heart and hand against all odds. Being a thorough master of the art of war, he at once comprehended the situation and prompt ly adopted measures to provide for it. The governor's call for men met with a prompt response from all parts of the State, and Lee proceeded vigorously with the work of organization. Companies were rapidly raised and equipped as well as circum stances would admit, and formed into regiments which were sent to the front for the occupation of important points, where they were brigaded and formed into divisions. There was no scarcity of men, but much difficulty was experienced in obtain ing arms and equipments for the gallant volunteers. The lim ited supply of arms possessed by the State was soon exhausted, and it became necessary to supply deficiencies by collecting all the private arms that could be found ; so the sporting rifle and fowling-piece were necessarily substituted for the musket, while in the absence of the sabre the cavalry was armed with the lance fabricated by the artisans of the country. Lee was not content with simply providing for the present emergency, but caused steps to be rapidly taken for the manufacture of cannon and for providing ammunition and small-arms for the future use of the army. Notwithstanding the enormous dif ficulties to be surmounted, the Virginia forces ere long rose to the proportions of a grand army. Among the inconveniences with which the commanding general had then to contend was one which meets every per son in a position of importance — that of solicitation to provide places of trust and emolument for relatives and friends on con siderations of family ties and affectionate interest rather than of devotion to the public good. How he met demands of this kind the following letter will serve to show, as also to indi cate the sentiments which then ruled in his mind. It is dated immediately after he assumed command of the Vir ginia troops: 102 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. "Richmond, 25 April, 1861. "My Dear : I have received your letter of 23d. I am sorry your nephew has left his college and become a soldier. It is necessary that persons on my staff should have a know ledge of their duties and an experience of the wants of the service to enable me to attend to other matters. It would other wise give me great pleasure to take your nephew. I shall remember him if anything can be done. I am much obliged to you for Dr. M 's letter. Express to him my gratitude for his sentiments, and tell him that no earthly act could give me so much pleasure as to restore peace to my country. But I fear it is now out of the power of man, and in God alone must be our trust. I think our policy should be purely on the defensive — to resist aggression and allow time to allay the passions and permit Reason to resume her sway. Virginia has to-day, I understand, joined the Confederate States. Her policy will doubtless, therefore, be shaped by united counsels. I cannot say what it will be, but trust that a merciful Providence will not dash us from the height to which his smiles have raised us. I wanted to say many things to you before I left home, but the event was rendered so imperatively speedy that I could not. ' ' May God preserve you and yours ! Very truly, "R. E. Lee." Having proved his great powers of organization and adminis tration, General Lee soon exhibited his remarkable skill as a tactician and strategist. Being well acquainted with the topography of Virginia, which was obviously destined to become a grand theatre of war, he skilfully availed himself of this knowledge for the approaching campaign. In order to show how this was accomplished, it is necessary in advance to describe the topography of a large portion of Virginia, so far as to delineate the natural features which were destined to influence military operations, such as mountains, rivers, val leys, peninsulas, and swamps, and also roads. The Potomac, which formed a part of the eastern boundary, served as a primary base for the armies of invasion, and, taken in connection with the Chesapeake and with Hampton Roads, OPENING OF THE CIVIL WAR. I03 afforded an easy line of communication between this base and the army operating in the country contiguous to those waters The interior rivers, such as the Rappahannock and the Rap- ldan, furnished good defensive lines and convenient inter mediate bases for aggressive operations, and the York and the James became important auxiliaries to the armies that operated on the peninsula lying between those rivers. The Dismal Swamp, the Blue Ridge, and the successive ridges of the Alleghany Mountains were adapted to serve, in the hands of an able general, as powerful barriers and impenetrable masks for secret or delicate manoeuvring. The railroads and the principal turnpikes also bore an important part in giving character and direction to military operations. The grand theatre of war may be divided into five strategic divisions, which are distinctly marked out by the natural features of the country. First comes Western Virginia, lying between the Alleghany Mountains and the Ohio River; next in order is the Valley of Virginia; then the area embraced by the Blue Ridge and the Rappahannock; then the peninsulas between that river, the York, and the James, and the country south of the James, including Petersburg; and lastly, the peninsula formed by the James and the Appomattox. Western Virginia being separated from the main theatre of war by mountain-barriers, and bordered on two sides by hostile territory, was difficult to defend. The Shenandoah Valley, being a wealthy region and well calculated for flank or turn ing movements, became a favorite field of operations, while the other strategical divisions afforded fine fields for attack and defence and for manoeuvring. About the last of May, General Lee had organized, equipped, and sent to "the field more than 30,000 men, and various regi ments were in a forward state of preparation. At that time the Confederate authorities held his military capacity in such high estimation as to retain him at Richmond, which had then become the seat of government, as acting commander-in-chief of the Confederate forces until his services were urgently de manded elsewhere. During the month of June the Federal plan of operations 104 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. became obvious and the Confederate line of defence developed. It was thought by the Washington authorities that the capture of Richmond would be the most speedy way to master the revolution. Therefore the United States put forth its strength for that purpose, and Richmond became the object of future operations. A defensive line was established by the Confed erate military authorities, the left of which nestled among the mountains of Western Virginia, while its right rested on the Dismal Swamp, the line embracing the Shenandoah Valley, the Orange and Alexandria and the. Manassas Gap railroads, the lower Potomac, Yorktown, and Norfolk. At the same time the Federal forces occupied an exterior line extending from the Ohio River to Fortress Monroe, and including a part of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, the Potomac, the Chesa peake Bay, and Hampton Roads. The effective Confederate force in Virginia by the last of June amounted to about 65,000 men, distributed as follows: 5000 in Western Virginia, under General Robert Garnett; 15,000 in the Shenandoah Valley, under General J. E. John ston; 20,000 at Manassas and Bull Run, commanded by General Beauregard; about 8000 at Acquia Creek and on the lower Potomac, under General T. H. Holmes; while the remainder were comprised within the commands of Magruder at York- town and Huger at Norfolk. At the same time, the Federal forces at Fortress Monroe, under Butler; at Washington, under McDowell; at Williams- port, under Patterson ; and on the border of Western Virginia, under McClellan, aggregated at least 100,000 men. Although it was well known that the Federals had selected Richmond for their objective point, their real line of operation was still in obscurity. There was at Washington a diversity of opinion regarding the plan to be adopted: some proposed to establish the base of operations at Fortress Monroe, and then to proceed up the Peninsula by way of Yorktown and Wil liamsburg; others recommended the assumption of a base at some convenient point on the Rappahannock, whence an ad vance might be made by the shortest line to Richmond. But the majority favored the line of the Orange and Alex- OPENING OF THE CIVIL WAR. 1 05 andria Railroad as far as Manassas Junction, and thence south ward by Fredericksburg. This line was ultimately taken, for the reason that Washington would not be left uncovered while the army was forcing its way toward Richmond. The advantages of the several lines of operations suggested will appear during the progress of this narrative. About the ist of June a collision occurred between a part of the forces of Magruder and Butler on the Peninsula, and early in July Gar nett was defeated in North-western Virginia by McClellan. These affairs were initiatory to the more serious conflict at Manassas. It may be said at this point that whilst there will necessarily be in this work much in which the subject of the memoir is not directly concerned, many scenes and incidents in which he did not personally appear, it should not be forgotten that it was his master mind and hand that first collected and prepared and set in motion from the smallest and most discouraging beginnings the means of defence that afterward became so mighty. As to the actual extent of these means of defence at the period of secession, some interesting information may be ob tained from the statements of General Josiah Gorgas, the able chief of ordnance of the Confederate States. He remarks that when he assumed his place as chief of ordnance he found in all the arsenals within the Confederacy only 15,000 rifles and 120,000 inferior muskets, with some old flint muskets at Rich mond and Hall's rifles and carbines at Baton Rouge. There was no powder, except small quantities at Baton Rouge and at Mount Vernon, Ala. , relics of the Mexican War. There was very little artillery, and no cavalry arms or equipments. It is but just to this able officer to state that his services in managing the ordnance department were invaluable to the Confederacy. He strenuously objected to the project of destroying the cotton and tobacco, and advised their use to purchase arms and muni tions by aid of blockade-runners. It may be said that there was scarcely ever a demand on him which he was not prepared to meet, and that, in the words of General J. E. Johnston, " He created the ordnance department out of nothing." 106 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. The Federal preparations by the ist of July were near com pletion. At that time General McClellan with a large force advanced into West Virginia, while General Patterson entered the Shenandoah Valley at the head of twenty-five thousand men. General McDowell was at Washington with a splen didly-appointed army, ready to cross the Potomac at that point. On the 8th of July, McClellan attacked and defeated a small Confederate force in West Virginia, killing its gallant com mander, General Robert Garnett. Patterson had in the mean time advanced toward Martinsburg, meeting with but little opposition. From that place he slowly advanced, while Gen eral Joseph E. Johnston retired . toward the vicinity of Win chester. While these operations were in progress in the Valley and West Virginia, Generals McDowell and Beauregard were pre paring for the real contest on the line of the Orange and Alex andria Railroad. By referring to the map of Virginia it will be perceived that the position of Manassas is one of consider able strategic importance. The intersection of the Manassas Gap and the Orange and Alexandria railroads and the con vergence of several common roads make it a place of easy concentration. The Warrenton and Leesburg turnpikes, the roads to Fredericksburg, and the important passes of the Blue Ridge were of great military importance, while the Manassas Gap Railroad afforded a rapid line of communication between the Valley and the position at Manassas. The occupation of this position by a large Confederate force doubtless confirmed the Federals in the adoption of that route for their advance upon Richmond ; for to have taken either the route of the Peninsula or the one by way of the Rappahannock before having dislodged this force would have endangered the safety of Washington. The Federals' plan of operation being devel oped, General Beauregard prepared to receive their attack. For that purpose he occupied a range of low hills about a mile in the rear of, aud nearly parallel to, Bull Run, a small stream four miles east of Manassas Junction. His right rested on the Occoquan, his centre on the Orange and Alexandria OPENING OF THE CIVIL WAR. 107 Railroad, and his left on the Warrenton turnpike. This turn pike, continuing nearly parallel with the railroad, crosses Bull Run by a stone bridge of a single span of about thirty feet. This stream, flowing between steep banks, offers a formida ble obstruction to an army advancing in battle array. It was strongly picketed with infantry from the stone bridge down, covering the entire Confederate front. For some distance above the bridge the stream was only lightly picketed with cavalry. Beauregard, impressed with the belief that the Fed erals would direct their main effort against his right wing in order to force it back and turn his position on that flank, with the view of cutting off his communication with Richmond, directed his chief attention to that part of his line. For the greater security of this position, and for increased facility in gaining information, he established strong outposts at Fairfax Court-house and Centreville, points a few miles east of Bull Run. By the middle of July, McDowell was ready for the intended movement with the best appointed army that had ever been seen in America. It had been created under the fostering care of the President and under the eye of the veteran Scott. It therefore lacked nothing its critical commander could suggest in the way of equipments and means for transportation and sup plies. On the 1 6th of July this proud army entered Virginia, confident of a triumphant march to Richmond. On the 17th, General McDowell drove in the Confederate outposts at Cen treville and Fairfax Court-house, and on the 18th appeared in force before the Confederate lines on Bull Run. An active skirmish ensued, under cover of which the Federal commander made a critical reconnoissance. Finding that the Confederate centre and right were too formidable to ad,mit of an encourag ing hope of success, he abandoned the preconceived plan of forcing the right and withdrew his forces to Centreville, where he intended to operate by the road from Sudley Ford to Manas sas, which was discovered to have been undefended by General Beauregard in his anxiety concerning his right. A battle being now inevitable, Generals Johnston and Holmes were directed to reinforce Beauregard. Such was the condition of affairs on the 18th of July. On the 19th and 20th the Fed- 108 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. eral army remained inactive except in making partial recon noissances. This unlooked-for delay enabled General T. H. Holmes to reach the vicinity of Manassas with his command, consisting of 1265 infantry, six pieces of light artillery, and one company of cavalry, 90 men. General J. E. Johnston also arrived about noon on the 20th inst. with a portion of Bee's and Bartow's brigades, numbering 2732 infantry, 300 cavalry under Stuart, and Imboden's and Pendleton's batteries, to which were afterward added Barksdale's Mississippi regiment, which had arrived from Lynchburg, and Hampton's Legion of 600 men. Jackson's brigade, 2611 strong, had reached Manassas Junction the evening previous, as had the Seventh and Eighth Georgia regiments. Early in the morning of the 21st, McDowell, contrary to the expectations of the Confederates, had crossed Bull Run at Sudley's Ford, and nearly gained their left before he was dis covered. At this critical moment he was gallantly attacked by Colonel N. G. Evans with a small brigade, and held in check until Generals Bee, Bartow, and Hampton could put their troops in position. Leaving a force to oppose Evans, McDowell con tinued to advance and attack General Bee. A brilliant conflict ensued, in which Bartow's regiment and Hampton's Legion participated. At length these troops were forced back until supported by the brigades of Cocke and Jackson. The inter position of Jackson enabled Bee to re-form his brigade and continue the conflict. * The positions of the other part of the army being remote, reinforcements could not be readily sent to those engaged. Notwithstanding the great odds against them, these troops maintained their ground, until about the middle of the afternoon they were suddenly reinforced by Kirby Smith's brigade, which had been detained by a railroad accident. Smith attacked vigorously on the flank of the Federals, who, being thus * It is to this event we owe a title that has become famous in history, that of Stone- ¦wall Jackson. Bee approached Jackson, and pointed to the shattered columns that were huddled together in the woods, exclaiming, " General, they are beating us back." — " Sir, we'll give them the bayonet," replied Jackson. Bee, rushing back to his troops, rallied them with the words, "There is Jackson standing like a stone wall ; let us deter mine to die here, and we will conquer." In a few moments afterward Bee fell mortally wounded, holding in his hand the sword which South Carolina had presented him. OPENING OF THE CIVIL WAR. 109 unexpectedly assailed at the moment when victory seemed in their grasp, paused, wavered, and then gave way. Being now pressed in front and flank, they fell into confusion; then a panic ensued, and the whole army became a disorganized mass, rush ing wildly toward Washington. There was never a more com plete victory, but it was dearly bought at the price of Bee, Bartow, and many other gallant soldiers. Pending the battle, Richmond was greatly agitated. The pale faces of the women and the anxious looks of the men plainly bespoke intense anxiety. The telegraph-office was con stantly surrounded by dense crowds eager to catch every item of news from the field of battle. At one time the despatch would state an advantage gained by the Confederates; then a gleam of joy would pervade the crowd and the good news would be proclaimed by an exultant shout. At another time it would tell that the Federals were gaining ground, when anxiety and doubt would dispel the previous joy, and the crowd would sink into gloomy silence and dark forebodings. As the day wore on several hours elapsed without news. The suspense was then agonizing. Conjecture suggested the most disastrous results, and at last rumor whispered that Johnston and Beauregard had been defeated, the telegraph had been seized, and McDowell was in full march upon Richmond. These groundless rumors filled the city with consternation, but about four o'clock they were succeeded by the intelligence that the enemy was giving away, and that Bee, Jackson, and others had held the field against all odds until the opportune arrival of Kirby Smith caused the defeat of the Federal army. A little later another telegram announced a glorious victory for the Confederates — that Johnston and Beauregard were masters of the field, and that McDowell had been routed and his entire army was in rapid flight for Washington. This news created a reaction of feeling beyond description. The people were lifted from the depths of despair to the height of joy, and the city was filled with the wildest exultation. This, however, was soon moderated by the recollection that the sweetness of victory must necessarily be followed by the bitterness of grief. After the battle followed tidings of the casualties. First I IO MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. came news that Bee and Bartow were slain, and Jackson and Smith were wounded. Then followed the long lists of killed and wounded, composed of those less conspicuous in the army, but not less dearly loved at home. The perusal of these lists soon spread mourning throughout the land, and the natural respect for the bereaved checked all further demonstration of victory. Scenes of terror and grief such as those above described yield sad evidence to the fact that the miseries of. war are by no means confined to the camp and field, but are yet more keenly felt at home. • Some of the principal features of the Federal plan of the campaign were that McDowell with a powerful central army should advance on the Orange and Alexandria Railroad, crush Beauregard at Manassas, and proceed by the most favorable route to Richmond, while Butler from Fortress Monroe threat ened the Confederate forces on the Peninsula, and Patterson occupied Johnston in the Valley. In case the latter should retire beyond the Blue Ridge, Patterson was to promptly rein force McDowell. Johnston, however, skilfully eluded his adver sary, and by rapid movements over the Manassas Gap Railroad joined Beauregard on the eve of battle with the greater part of his forces, leaving his antagonist in ignorance of his move ments until it was too late for him to execute the latter part of his instructions. Therefore McDowell had to contend single- handed with the combined forces of Johnston and Beauregard. The rapid concentration of the Confederate forces and the splendid victory at Manassas are conclusive evidences of the masterly combination that led to those results. Soon after the battle of Manassas, Lee, Johnston, and Beau regard were created generals, and General Lee was assigned to the command of the department of West Virginia. The signal defeat of McDowell, which was so complete as to paralyze the Federal plan of operations for months, has been the subject of much discussion, and the search for its causes has been productive of numerous theories, from which we shall select that of Mr. Stephens in his War between the States. He says: "Great as was the skill of Generals Johnston and Beauregard OPENING OF THE CIVIL WAR. 1 1 1 in the disposition and movements of their squadrons, that of McDowell was also very great. His whole plan of operations from the beginning to the end showed military genius of the highest order. The result, therefore, did not so much depend upon the superior skill of the commanders on the Confed erate side as upon the high objects and motives with which they, as well as those under them, were inspired. Johns ton and Beauregard were both often in the thickest of the fight, leading in person, with colors in hand, on to the charge regiments whose officers had fallen. They and those who fol lowed them .... were animated by the sentiments uttered by Mr. Davis in his message at Montgomery and received the day before at Richmond. "The struggle with them was not for power, dominion, or dignity, nor for fame, but to resist palpable and dangerous assumptions of power and to repel wanton aggressions upon long-established rights. They fought for those principles and institutions of self-government which were the priceless her itage of their ancestors. "On the other side, thousands of those who were sent on this expedition set out not only with reluctance, but with the consciousness that the whole movement was wrong. They had volunteered for no such purpose. They had tendered their ser vices with the sole view of defending the capital. It was under the impression and belief, so extensively created at the North, that the Confederates intended to take Washington, that much the greater portion of this immense army had with very patri otic motives rushed to the rescue. Their object was to defend their own rights against an expected assault, and not to make aggressions upon the rights of others." The period at which we have now arrived is that in which A. L. Long, the writer of this work, first entered into personal relations with General Lee — relations which ere long became intimate and were destined to continue throughout the war. Arriving in Richmond shortly after the battle of Manassas, he, in company with Colonels Loring and Stevenson and Lieu tenant Deshler, all of whom had resigned their commissions in the United States army, waited upon General Lee to offer their 1 1 2 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. services to the Confederacy. Loring and Stevenson, being old acquaintances of the general and superior in rank to their two companions, naturally received his attention first This gave the writer an opportunity of observing his personal appearance and surroundings. The impression received it will be of inter est to describe after we have detailed the incidents of the inter view. Having ended his interview with Loring and Stevenson, the general addressed himself to Deshler and Long. His words were few, but directly to the point. After a few commonplace remarks he informed Long that he had been appointed major and chief of artillery of the Army of North-western Virginia; that Colonel Loring had been created brigadier-general and assigned to its command, and that Long should report to him for further orders. Stevenson received the appointment of colonel and assistant adjutant-general for the Army of North western Virginia. Deshler was made captain of artillery and assigned to the same army. When this interview was about concluded, General Lee remarked that it was necessary to strike the enemy in North-western Virginia without delay, and asked Loring when he would be ready to set out for his command. Loring replied that two or three days would be necessaiy for his preparation. In this, Major Long's first interview with General Lee, he was struck with the ease and grace of his bearing and his courteous and mild but decided manner; and the high opinion he then formed of him was fully sustained in the intimate rela tions which afterward existed between them. Though at that time he had attained the age of fifty-four years, his erect and muscular frame, firm step, and the animated expression of his eye made him appear much younger. He exhibited no exter nal signs of his rank, his dress being a plain suit of gray. His office was simply furnished with plain desks and chairs. There were no handsomely-dressed aides-de-camp or staff officers filling the anteroom. There was not even a sentinel to mark the mili tary headquarters. His only attendants were Captain Walter Taylor — afterward Colonel Taylor — adjutant-general of the Army of Northern Virginia, and two or three clerks. OPENING OF THE CIVIL WAR. 1 13 General Lee was remarkable for his rapid despatch of busi ness and ready appreciation of character — qualities which are indispensable to a commander-in-chief. Having been appoint ed, as has been stated, major-general and commander-in-chief of the Virginia forces a few days after the secession of that State, he entered with alacrity upon the arduous duty of form ing an army from new levies. Such was his wonderful talent for organization that in the space of two months he was able to equip for the field sixty regiments of infantry and cavalry, besides numerous batteries of artillery, making an aggregate of nearly 50,000 men. Nor was equipment for service the whole of the duty performed. The valiant behavior of these new troops not long afterward on the field of Manassas showed that the essential of drill had by no means been neglected, and that, though inferior to their antagonists in equipment, they were their superiors in most of the qualities which go to the making of effective soldiery. They formed the germ and rudi ment of that gallant Army of Northern Virginia which was to prove its mettle on many a hard-fought field, and under the lead of its great commander to win a glory from which its final fate can in no just sense detract. 1 CHAPTER VII. THE WEST VIRGINIA CAMPAIGN. General Garnett Defeated. — De Lagnel's Adventure. — Loring's Operations. — General Lee takes Command. — The Cheat Mountain Ambush. — Its Failure. — Letter to Governor Letcher. — Movements on the Kanawha. — West Virginia Abandoned. — Description of Traveller. BEFORE proceeding to describe the operations in North western Virginia it will be necessary to glance at the con dition of that section and the previous military operations that had been carried on within its limits. This section of Virginia did not cordially coincide in the ordinance of secession that had been passed by the State Convention, inasmuch as a consider able part of its inhabitants were opposed to secession, or, in other words, were Unionists. A large number, however, of its most influential citizens were ardent Southern supporters, and there was also an intermediate class, indifferent to politics, which was ready to join the party which might prove the strongest; besides, it soon became apparent that the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad was destined to exercise an important in fluence on military movements; therefore this section became an object of interest to both sides. At first, the Confederate colonel Porterfield was sent with a few companies to operate on the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, but this force was too small and illy provided with the essentials for service, so that it could effect nothing. Shortly afterward General Robert Garnett was sent by the Confederate authorities to seize the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad and to confirm the North-western Virginians in their allegiance to the State. Garnett, with a force of about 5000 men, reached the railroad in June and occupied Laurel Hill. About the same time General McClellan crossed the Ohio into North-western Virginia with the view of gaining the adherence of its inhabitants to the Federal Government ih THE WEST VIRGINIA CAMPAIGN. 1 15 and to protect the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. Having a greatly superior force, he made it his first object to attack Gar nett before that general could be reinforced (Colonel Pegram with a considerable detachment being defeated by General Rosecrans with a part of McClellan's force), and Garnett was obliged to retreat in order to save the rest of his little army. McClellan pursued, and, overtaking the rear-guard at Crad- dock's Ford, a skirmish ensued, in which Garnett was killed. The adjutant-general, Captain Corley, assisted by other members of Garnett' s staff, safely continued the retreat, and placed the remnant of the army where it could rest and recruit. An adventure may be related in connection with Garnett' s de feat which exhibited great courage, endurance, and address. De Lagnel was an old army officer, and commanded the artil lery of Pegram' s detachment. When attacked by Rosecrans at Rich Mountain he fought his guns with great gallantry and effect; his men behaved well until the enemy began to close upon them; they then fled, leaving De Lagnel almost alone. Undaunted by the desertion of his men, he served a gun him self until disabled by a severe wound. Then, amid the con fusion of a defeat, he escaped to a laurel-thicket near by, in which he concealed himself until the enemy had disappeared. He then found shelter under the roof of a friendly mountaineer. His kind host and hostess concealed and attended him until his wound was healed and his strength restored. He then deter mined to join the Confederate forces, which had again entered North-western Virginia, but to do so it was necessary to pass through the Federal lines. To accomplish this, he concluded to assume the character of a mountaineer, being supplied by his host with a herder's garb with the exception of shoes. Then, with a well-filled wallet over his shoulder and a staff in his hand, he bade adieu to his kind friends and launched forth into the mountains. After wandering among them for several days he fell in with the Federal pickets. On being questioned by them, he so well sustained the character he had assumed that all the pickets were easily passed until he reached the last outpost that separated him from his friends. Here he was more strictly examined than he had hitherto been, but by his 1 1 6 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. wit fully sustained the character he had adopted, and was told to continue his way; but just as he was about to depart one of the guards observed his boots, which, though soiled and worn, still exhibited signs of a fashionable make. Upon this the examination was renewed, and with all his ingenuity he could not escape detection; his boots had betrayed him. These traitors were drawn off, and in the leg of one the name of "De Lagnel" was found, and he was at once recognized as the officer whose disappearance at Rich Mountain had led to so much inquiry. He was sent a prisoner of war to the Fed eral headquarters, where he was courteously received. (It may be here remarked that General McClellan was always distin guished for courtesy and kindness to those whom the chances of war placed in his power.) The defeat of General Garnett left McClellan in undisputed possession of all North-western Virginia. In order to secure his acquisition, he strongly occupied some of the principal mountain-passes and took other measures for its permanent occupation. A few days later the total defeat of McDowell at Bull Run considerably changed the order of things. McClel lan was called to take the command of the Army of the Poto mac, and the greater part of his force was withdrawn, leaving only a few thousand men to hold North-western Virginia. The result of McClellan's success in that quarter proved to be of much greater importance than was at first apprehended, by disheartening its loyal inhabitants and encouraging the doubt ful or indifferent to give their adhesion to the Federal Govern ment. The Confederate authorities, being aware of the import ance of Western Virginia at that time both in a. political and military point of view, determined to send there a force suffi ciently strong to reoccupy and retain possession of it. There had been assembled in the neighborhood of Staunton five or six thousand men for the purpose of reinforcing General Gar nett. These troops were ordered to advance on the 15th of July, under the command of General Henry R. Jackson, on the Parkersburg turnpike, to re-enter Western Virginia, and to occupy some convenient position until the remainder of the forces intended to operate in that quarter should arrive. Lor- THE WEST VIRGINIA CAMPAIGN. JI7 ing, whom we have seen assigned to the command of the Army of North-western Virginia, was an officer of considerable repu tation. He had served with distinction in the Mexican War, had subsequently become colonel of a regiment of mounted rifles, and for several years prior to his resignation had com manded the department of New Mexico, where he acquired an experience in mountain-service. His appointment therefore gave general satisfaction. His staff was composed chiefly of experienced officers — Colonel Carter Stevens, adjutant-gene ral; Major A. L. Long, chief of artillery; Captain Corley, chief quartermaster; Captain Cole, chief commissary; Lieutenant Matthews, aide-de-camp, and Colonel Starks, volunteer aide- de-camp — and as the country was full of enthusiasm on account of the recent victory at Manassas, he was about to enter upon his -new field of operations under the most favorable auspices. General Loring, accompanied by his staff, left Richmond on the 22d of July, the day after the battle of Manassas. On the 24th he arrived at Monterey, a small village about sixty miles west of Staunton, where he found Jackson, who informed him that on arriving at the Greenbrier River he had found Cheat Mountain Pass so strongly occupied by Federals that he deemed it unadvisable to attempt to carry it by a direct attack. So he retired, leaving Colonel Edward Johnston, with the Twelfth Georgia regiment and Anderson's battery, to occupy the Alle ghany Mountain Pass, and, posting Rust's Arkansas regiment and Baldwin's Virginia regiment in convenient supporting dis tance of Johnston, he established himself at Monterey, with Fulk- erson's and Scott's Virginia regiments, the First Georgia regi ment (Colonel Ramsey's), Major Jackson's cavalry, and Shoe maker's battery. Having heard of a pass about forty miles west, near Huntersville, by which Cheat Mountain might be turned, he sent Colonel Gilliam with his own Virginia regi ment and Colonel Lee's Sixth North Carolina regiment, being a force of about 2000 men, to occupy this pass, and had ordered the remaining troops intended for the Army of North-western Virginia to proceed direct from Staunton to Huntersville. This was the condition of affairs when General Loring arrived at Monterey and assumed command. He remained several days 1 1 8 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. in the neighborhood of Monterey, examining the condition of the troops and reconnoitering the position of the enemy on Cheat Mountain. Cheat Mountain Pass is a narrow gap near the top of the mountain whose natural strength had been greatly increased by the art of engineers since its occupation by the Federals. It was approachable from the east only by the Parkersburg turnpike, which, ascending the rugged side of the mountain, enters this narrow defile and winds its way through it for nearly a mile before it begins the western descent. The Federals, finding this pass unoccupied, and foreseeing the importance the Parkersburg turnpike would be to the Confed erates in their attempt to reoccupy West Virginia, seized it and fortified it, and now held it with a force of about 2500 men. The remainder of the Federal force was in the vicinity of Bev erly, a village a few miles west of Cheat River. General Loring, having satisfied himself that a direct attack on Cheat Mountain Pass was impracticable, and that there was no force of the enemy near the west base of Cheat Mountain except that of Beverly, determined to take command of the force which had been ordered to rendezvous at Huntersville and advance by the pass that Colonel Gilliam had been directed to occupy to the rear of the enemy's position on Cheat Mountain. He therefore directed Jackson to advance his whole force, which at this time amounted to 6000 men, to the Greenbrier River, and hold himself in readiness to co-operate when the advance was made from Huntersville, and then proceeded to that place to make arrangements for the proposed move ment. When Loring arrived at Huntersville, about the ist of August, he found already there Maney's, Hatten's, and Savage's Tennessee regiments, Campbell's Virginia regi ment, a battalion of Virginia regulars, 400 strong, commanded by Colonel Munford, Major W. H. F. Lee's squadron of cav alry, and Marye's and Stanley's batteries of artillery. Colonel Gilliam was at Valley Mountain Pass, fifteen miles west of Huntersville, with two regiments, and two other regiments, Burke's Virginia and a Georgia regiment, were en route from Staunton. The force of Loring on the Huntersville line THE WEST VIRGINIA CAMPAIGN. 119 amounted in round numbers to 8500 effective men. The gen eral's staff were particularly active in their efforts to prepare for a speedy advance. Colonel Stevenson, adjutant-general, and Captains Corley and Cole, chief quartermaster and com missary, being experienced officers, rendered valuable service in organizing the troops and in collecting transportation and supplies. Major A. L. Long, in addition to his duties as chief of artillery, had assigned him those of inspector-general. The troops were well armed and equipped, all of them were accus tomed to the use of arms, and many were expert marksmen, and a large proportion had received military instruction in the various volunteer companies of which they had been members. The troops were in fine spirits, and desired nothing more than to be led against the enemy. It was obvious to all those about the general that the success of the proposed movement depend ed upon its speedy execution. It was impossible that the occu pation of Valley Mountain by a force as large as that of Gilliam could escape the observation of the Federals, and its position would expose the design of the Confederates. Delay would enable the Federals to seize all the important passes on the route, and fortify them so strongly that they would effectually arrest the advance of any force. Yet, notwithstanding the great value of time in the execution of the movement contemplated by General Loring, he seemed to regard the formation of a depot of supplies at Huntersville and the organization of a supply-train as a matter of first importance. He appeared to overlook the fact that the line from Huntersville to Bever ly, only forty miles long, was to be only temporary — for so soon as Cheat Mountain Pass was opened he would withdraw his supplies from Staunton over the Parkersburg turnpike — and also that the country along his line abounded in beef and grain. While Loring is preparing to advance we will take a view of affairs in other quarters. After the withdrawal of McClellan, General Rosecrans was assigned to the command of the depart ment of Western Virginia. At the same time a large portion of the troops in that department were withdrawn for the defence of the capital. The Federal force in Western Virginia at the 120 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. time Loring assumed command of the Army of North-western Virginia was only about six or seven thousand men, about half of which, under the command of General Reynolds, occupied the Cheat Mountain Pass. The other portion, commanded by General Cox, was designed for operations on the line of the Kanawha. General Rosecrans was one of the most energetic and skilful of the Federal commanders. As soon as he found himself in command of the department of Western Virginia he set about increasing his force and strengthening his position. Taking advantage of the political disaffection among the West ern Virginians, he obtained many recruits, which, with recruits from other quarters, rapidly increased his force. The Confed erate authorities in the mean time, being informed of the advance of General Cox to the Kanawha, sent a force of about 5000 men to oppose him under the command of General Wise, and appointed General Robert E. Lee to the command of the department of Western Virginia. He had displayed such re markable administrative ability in the organization of the Vir ginia troops that he was retained at the head of the Confederate military bureau till the time of his appointment to the command of this department. Although aware of the difficulties to be met with in a mountainous country like Western Virginia, he unflinchingly accepted this new command, and entered upon his arduous task with no other feelings than those for the good of his country. When Lee arrived at Huntersville, he found General Loring busily engaged in forming his dep6t of supplies and organizing his transportation-train. Several days had already elapsed, and several days more would be necessary before he could complete his preparations for an advance. The arrival of Lee at Huntersville as commander of the department took Loring by surprise. Having been his superior in rank in the old army, he could not suppress a feeling of jealousy. Lee was accompanied by his aides-de-camp, Colonel John A. Wash ington and Captain Walter H. Taylor. After remaining sev eral days at Huntersville without gaining any positive infor mation from Loring in regard to the time of his probable advance, he proceeded to join Colonel Gilliam at Valley Moun tain. He took with him Major Lee's cavalry, not as an escort, THE WEST VIRGINIA CAMPAIGN. 1 21 but for the purpose of scouting and reconnoitering. It had now been eight or ten days since Gilliam had first arrived at Valley Mountain Pass. At that time he learned from the inhabitants and his scouts that the road to Beverly was unoc cupied. But within the last day or two a force of the Federals had advanced within less than a mile of his front, and then retired. Lee at once busied himself about gaining information respecting the position of the enemy. He soon learned that the Federals had taken possession of a strong pass ten miles in front of Valley Mountain, and were actively engaged in forti fying it. When Loring arrived, about the 12th of August, the Federals had been reinforced, and this position had been so greatly strengthened that General Lee deemed it unadvisable to attempt a direct attack, so the only course now to be pursued was to gain the Federal flank or rear. General Lee, as we already know, had been distinguished in the Mexican War as a reconnoitering officer, and Scott had been mainly indebted to his bold reconnoissances for the brilliant success of his Mexican campaigns. Rank and age had not impaired the qualities that had formerly rendered him so distinguished. He brought them with him to the mountains of Virginia. There was not a day when it was possible for him to be out that the general, with either Colonel Washington or Captain Taylor, might not be seen crossing the mountains, climbing over rocks and crags, to get a view of the Federal position. Ever mindful of the safety of his men, he would never spare himself toil or fatigue when seeking the means to prevent unnecessary loss of life. By way of illustrating his boldness as a reconnoitering officer, an anecdote may be related as told by Captain Preston, adjutant of the Forty-eighth Vir ginia regiment (Colonel Campbell's). The regiment being on picket, he, seeing three men on an elevated point about half a mile in advance of the line of pickets, and believing them to be Federals, asked his colonel to let him capture them. Per mission being obtained, he selected two men from a number of volunteers who had offered to accompany him, and set forth to capture the Federal scouts. Dashing through the brushwood and over the rocks, he suddenly burst upon the unsuspecting 122 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. trio, when lo! to his amazement, General Lee stood before him! To add to the difficulties of a campaign in the mountains, the rainy season set in: it began to rain about the middle of August, and continued to do so without much cessation for six weeks; in the mean time, the narrow mountain-roads became saturated and softened, so that the passage of heavy trains of wagons soon rendered them almost impassable : while the wet weather lasted any movement was simply impossible. The troops, being new and unaccustomed to camp-life, began to suffer from all the camp-diseases. Typhoid fever, measles, and home-sickness began to spread among them, so that in the course of a few weeks nearly one-third of the army was ren dered hors de combat by sickness. Amid this accumulation of difficulties Lee preserved his equanimity and cheerfulness; his chief aim now was to ameliorate as much as possible the sufferings of his men. During this period of inactivity he exerted himself to find a practicable route leading to the rear of Cheat Mountain Pass, the route by which Loring had proposed to reach it being now effectually closed. The possession of the pass was of great importance to the Confed erates, as the Parkersburg turnpike was the principal line over which operations could be successfully carried on in North western Virginia. Individual scouts were employed, both from among the well-affected inhabitants and the enterprising young soldiers of the army: Lieutenant Lewis Randolph, of the Vir ginia State regulars, was particularly distinguished for the boldness of his reconnoissances. Early in September, Gene ral Jackson reported to Loring that Colonel Rust, Third Arkansas regiment, had made a reconnoissance to the rear of Cheat Mountain Pass, and had discovered a route, though diffi cult, by which infantry could be led. Soon after Colonel Rust reported in person, and informed General Lee of the practica bility of reaching the rear of the enemy's position on Cheat Mountain, from which a favorable attack could be made, and requested the general, in case his information was favorably considered, to permit him to lead the attacking column, to consist of his regiment and such other troops as the general THE WEST VIRGINIA CAMPAIGN. 1 23 might designate. Another route was in the mean time dis covered, leading along the western side of Cheat Mountain, by which troops could be conducted to a point on the Parkersburg turnpike about two miles below the Federal position in the pass. This being the information that General Lee had been most desirous of obtaining, he determined to attack the enemy without further delay. The opposing forces were at this time about equal in numbers. Loring's force was now 6000, Jack son's about 5000 strong. Reynolds's force had been increased to about 11,000 men; of these, 2000 were on Cheat Mountain, and about 5000 in position on the Lewisburg road in front of Loring. The remainder of Reynolds's force was held in re serve near the junction of the Parkersburg turnpike and the Lewisburg road. Lee determined to attack on the morning of the 12th of September. The plan was that Colonel Rust should gain the rear of the Federal position by early dawn and begin the attack. General Anderson, with two Tennessee regi ments from Loring's command, was to support him, while Jackson was to make a diversion in front. Cheat Mountain Pass being carried, Jackson with his whole force was to sweep down the mountain and fall upon the rear of the other Federal position; General Donaldson with two regiments was to gain a favorable position for attacking the enemy on the Lewisburg road in flank or rear; and Loring was to advance by the main road on the Federal front. In case of failure Ander son and Donaldson were to rejoin Loring, and Rust was to find his way back to Jackson. The troops gained their designated positions with remarkable promptness and accuracy in point of time, considering the distance and the difficulties to be over come. Colonel Rust's attack on Cheat Mountain was to be the signal for the general advance of all the troops. It was anxiously expected from early dawn throughout the day. On every side was continuously heard, ' ' What has become of Rust ?" " Why don' t he attack ?" " Rust must have lost his way. ' ' The Ten- nesseeans under Anderson became so impatient that they re quested to be led to the attack without waiting for Rust, but Anderson thought that he must be governed by the letter of I24 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. his instructions and declined granting the request of his men. Thus we see a plan that offered every prospect of success come to naught by the failure of a subordinate officer to equal the expectations of his commander. Anderson and Donaldson, finding that their situation was becoming critical, being liable to discovery and being between two superior forces, rejoined Loring on the 13th. On the same day Colonel Rust reported in person his operations, which amounted to this : He had heard nothing of Anderson ; he passed the day watching the Federals, who were in a state of unconscious security, and then retired, his presence not having been sus pected. When Rust rendered his report, General Lee, per ceiving the deep mortification he felt at the great blunder he had committed, permitted him to rejoin his regiment. A council of war was then held, in which it was decided that the position of the Federals was too strong to be attacked in front with any reasonable prospect of success, and that a flank attack was now out of the question, inasmuch as the Federals had been aroused by the discovery of the danger which had so recently threatened them. The troops were therefore ordered to resume their former positions. During the operations just related there had been but little skirmishing, and the Confeder ate loss had been slight. One circumstance, however, occurred which cast a gloom over the whole army. Colonel J. A. Wash ington while making a reconnoissance fell into an ambuscade and was killed. He had by his soldierly qualities and high gentlemanly bearing gained the esteem of all. Too much praise cannot be bestowed upon the troops for their courage and patient endurance in this campaign, and Colonels Burke, Gilliam, Campbell, Lee, Munford, Maney, Hatten, and Savage were worthy of the gallant fellows that it had fallen to their lot to comm'and. The failure of this well-devised operation was due to one of those errors of judgment to which all warlike movements are liable, and through which many a neatly-laid scheme has come to naught. The system of operations had been clearly defined in General Loring's order of September 8th, but the unavoidable difficulty in producing concert of action between THE WEST VIRGINIA CAMPAIGN. 125 divided troops, and the hesitation of each commander to act on his own responsibility, stood in the way of success, and caused an inglorious withdrawal of the ambushed forces, from whom such a very different result was reasonably expected. In this connection may be given General Lee's stirring ap peal to the patriotism of the troops, issued at the same time with General Loring's special order to the commanders of the columns of attack : " Headquarters, Valley Mountain, " September 8, 1861. "The forward movement announced to the Army of1 the North-west in Special Order No. 28, from its headquarters, of this date, gives the general commanding the opportunity of exhorting the troops to keep steadily in view the great prin ciples for which they contend, and to manifest to the world their determination to maintain them. The eyes of the coun try are upon you. The safety of your homes and the lives of all you hold dear depend upon your courage and exertions. Let each man resolve to be victorious, and that the right of self-government, liberty, and peace shall in him find a defender. The progress of this army must be forward. "R. E. Lee, ^General commanding" We here append a letter from General Lee to Governor Letcher bearing upon this campaign, which has been so variously criticised and generally misunderstood: "Valley Mountain, Sept. 17, 1861. "My Dear Governor: I received your very kind note of the 5th inst. just as I was about to accompany General Lor ing's command on an expedition to the enemy's works in front, or I would have before thanked you for the interest you take in my welfare and your too flattering expressions of my abil ity. Indeed, you overrate me much, and I feel humbled when I weigh myself by your standard. I am, however, very grateful for your confidence, and I can answer for my sin- 126 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. cerity in the earnest endeavor I make to advance the cause I have so much at heart, though conscious of the slow progress I make. " I was very sanguine of taking the enemy's works on last Thursday morning. I had considered the subject well. With great effort the troops intended for the surprise had reached their destination, having traversed twenty miles of steep, rug ged mountain-paths, and the last day through a terrible storm, which lasted all night, and in which they had to stand drenched to the skin in the cold rain. Still, their spirits were good. When morning broke I could see the enemy's tents on Valley Rive"r at the point on the Huttonsville road just below me. It was a tempting sight. We waited for the attack on Cheat Mountain, which was to be the signal, till io A. m. ; the men were cleaning their unserviceable arms. But the signal did not come. All chance for surprise was gone. The provisions of the men had been destroyed the preceding day by the storm. They had nothing to eat that morning, could not hold out an other day, and were obliged to be withdrawn. The party sent to Cheat Mountain to take that in the rear had also to be with drawn. The attack to come off from the east side failed from the difficulties in the way; the opportunity was lost and our plan discovered. " It is a grievous disappointment to me, I assure you. But for the rain-storm I have no doubt it would have succeeded. This, governor, is for your own eye. Please do not speak of it; we must try again. Our greatest loss is the death of my dear friend Colonel Washington. He and my son were recon noitering the front of the enemy. They came unawares upon a concealed party, who fired upon them within twenty yards, and the colonel fell pierced by three balls. My son's horse received three shots, but he escaped on the colonel's horse. His zeal for the cause to which he had devoted himself carried him, I fear, too far. ' ' We took some seventy prisoners and killed some twenty- five or thirty of the enemy. Our loss was small besides what I have mentioned. Our greatest difficulty is the roads. It has been raining in these mountains about six weeks. It is impos- THE WEST VIRGINIA CAMPAIGN. 127 sible to get along. It is that which has paralyzed all our efforts. "With sincere thanks for your good wishes, ' ' I am very truly yours, "R. E. Lee. " His Excellency Gov. John Letcher." We will now examine into the condition of affairs on the line of the Kanawha. General Wise entered the Kanawha Valley in August. Gen eral Cox was then near Charleston. After some manoeuvring, Wise fell back to the junction of the New River and the Gauley, where he was joined by General Floyd, whose force now numbered between eight and ten thousand men. Being uncertain whether Cox would advance up the New River line or upon that of the Gauley, he posted a force under Wise on the New River line, while he occupied a favorable position on the Gauley. At Carnifex Ferry, Floyd and Wise were in easy supporting distance of each other, but there was no cordiality between them. About the 15th of September, General Floyd, seeing that it was the evident intention of Rosecrans to attack him, ordered Wise to his support; which order Wise failed to obey, and Floyd was left to receive alone the attack of a greatly superior force, which, however, he succeeded in repulsing with considerable loss, but, being still unsupported by Wise, he was obliged to retire. Among the casualties on the side of the Confederates, Floyd had received a painful wound in the arm. Wise having finally joined Floyd, they fell back to a position on the James River and Kanawha turnpike, near the Hawk's Nest. About the last of September, General Rosecrans, having reinforced Cox, took command in person and advanced on the James River and Kanawha turnpike, gradually pushing back Floyd and Wise in the direction of Lewisburg, it being his intention to turn the Confederate position on Valley Mountain and the Greenbrier River. Such was the condition of affairs on the line of the Kanawha at the close of the Valley Mountain campaign. Lee, perceiving that the operations on the Kanawha 128 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. were not progressing favorably, determined to take control of affairs in that quarter himself. He therefore directed Loring to detach Gilliam with his own regiment (the battalion of State regulars) and a section of artillery to occupy Valley Mountain Pass, and proceeded with the remainder of his force to rein force General Floyd. General Lee arrived at Meadow Bluff about the 7th of October, where he found Floyd. Meadow Bluff is a small village near the eastern base of Sewell Moun tain. Floyd had proposed making a stand there, but Wise had halted on the top of the mountain, five miles in rear, where he had determined to fight. The hostility that had previously existed between the two generals had not been diminished by the affair of Carnifex Ferry; the arrival of General Lee was therefore fortunate, as it most probably prevented a disaster, since Rosecrans was advancing, and would have been able to strike both Wise and Floyd in detail. Lee found Wise occupy ing the eastern crest of Sewell Mountain. Being satisfied with the position, he determined to hold it and give battle to Rose crans if he persisted in advancing. So he ordered Floyd to return and support Wise. Lee had barely time to complete his arrangements when Rosecrans appeared on the opposite crest. Each army now occupied a mountain-crest nearly parallel, sep arated by a gap or depression forming a notch in the mountain about a mile wide, over which it was difficult to pass except by the James River and Kanawha turnpike, which crosses it. Both positions were naturally very strong. The Confederate force being greatly inferior to that of the Federals, and Rosecrans having assumed the offensive, Lee naturally expected to be attacked before Loring could come up; he therefore actively employed his skill as an engineer in adding to the natural strength of his position. Rosecrans, discovering the formidable preparations of the Confederates, prudently forbore to attack them. The arrival of Loring on the 9th placed General Lee's force almost on an equality with that of the Federals. The force of Lee now amounted to about 15,000 men. The troops were in fine spirits and anxious to be led to the attack, but the general, ever mindful of the safety of his men, re strained their ardor. On one occasion, when several of his THE WEST VIRGINIA CAMPAIGN. 1 29 commanders were urging an attack, he remarked: "I know, gentlemen, you could carry the enemy's lines, but we cannot spare the brave men who would lose their lives in doing it. If Rosecrans does not attack us, we will find a way to reach him that will not cost us so dearly. ' ' After waiting several days for General Rosecrans to attack, he began to make prepa rations for a flank movement to gain Rosecrans' s rear, who no longer manifested a disposition to continue the aggressive. Floyd and others who had a good knowledge of the routes in the vicinity of Sewell Mountain reported to Lee a practicable route for artillery and infantry leading about ten miles to the rear of the Federal position. Upon this information he con ceived the plan of sending a column of 5000 men by this route at night, to fall at dawn upon the Federals' rear, while a strong demonstration was being made in front. Had this plan been executed, it would most likely have been successful, but Rosecrans escaped the trap by a night retreat. Great was the disappointment of the troops when they discovered that the Federals had retired and the prospect of a battle had van ished. As soon as the retreat of the Federals was discovered pursuit was ordered, but Lee soon perceived that it would be impossi ble to overtake Rosecrans and bring him to a successful engage ment in the rough, mountainous country through which he was retreating; and, not wishing to harass his troops unnecessarily, he ordered them to return to their several positions, and Rose crans was allowed to pursue his retreat unmolested to the Ka nawha Valley. Lee knew that with the bravery of his troops and the strength of his position he could repel any attack that the Federals could make, while, on the other hand, if he attacked them in their position the result, even if success ful, would be attended with great loss. He therefore deter mined to give Rosecrans every opportunity to attack before taking the offensive himself, which, as we have seen, Rose crans prevented by abandoning his own plans and retreating. The season was now so far advanced that it was impossible to continue active operations in Western Virginia. Snow had already fallen and the roads had become almost impassable. 130 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. Lee therefore deemed it necessary to withdraw the troops from Sewell Mountain. About the ist of November the different columns were sent to their various destinations. The campaign had been pronounced a failure. The press and the public were clamorous against him. No one stopped to in quire the cause or examine into the difficulties that surrounded him. Upon him alone were heaped the impracticability of mountains, the hostility of the elements, and the want of har mony of subordinate commanders. The difficulties to be en countered in Western Virginia were so great and the chances of success so doubtful that the Confederate authorities aban doned the idea of its further occupation. Therefore the greater part of the troops that had been serving in Western Virginia were ordered where their services would be more available, and Lee was assigned to the command of the department of South Carolina, Georgia, and Florida. While the operations on Big Sewell were in progress Rey nolds made a descent from Cheat Mountain and attacked the Confederate position on the Greenbrier. This attack was promptly met by General H. R. Jackson, and repulsed with considerable loss. Soon after his return to Huntersville, Gen eral Loring was instructed to report to General T. J. Jackson (Stonewall Jackson), then commanding in the Shenandoah Valley, to participate in a contemplated winter campaign. About the same time Major Long received orders from the War Office to report to General Lee in the department of South Carolina, Georgia, and Florida. The inactivity of the forces on the Potomac that succeeded the battle of Manassas had a powerful influence on the cam paign in Western Virginia, as it permitted the Federals to collect a force sufficiently powerful to render insurmountable difficulties which, under the most favorable circumstances, were exceedingly embarrassing. Had the Confederates made an ad vance across the Potomac and boldly threatened Washington in August or September, the nervous fear which then possessed the Federal authorities for the safety of that city would have caused them to draw forces from all quarters to defend their capital. The pressure on L,ee in Western Virginia would have THE WEST VIRGINIA CAMPAIGN. 131 thus been relieved, and it is within the scope of military prob ability that he would have regained all that had been lost in that section, and have taken measures for its future preserva tion and the permanent occupation of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, which became of such immense importance to the- Federal Government as the connecting-link between the West ern States and the Eastern theatre of war. In connection with this West Virginia campaign we may revert to another matter of considerable interest, that relating to Lee's favorite horse "Traveller," a noble animal which attained almost as much celebrity in the Army of Northern Virginia as the gallant form which he bore through so many fields of battle. He was purchased during this campaign, and served his master royally throughout the whole duration of the war and for many years afterward. We are fortunately able to give a history and description of this celebrated charger from Lee himself. It was dictated to his daughter Agnes, with cor rections in his own handwriting, apparently in response to some artist who had asked for a description of the animal. The en thusiasm with which the general speaks of his companion of so many days of peril and hardship shows the spirit of a true horseman and a nature capable of kindly affection and compan ionship for every creature with which he came into intimate relations: " If I was an artist like you, I would draw a true picture of ' Traveller, ' representing his fine proportions, muscular figure, deep chest and short back, strong haunches, flat legs, small head, broad forehead, delicate ears, quick eye, small feet, and black mane and tail. Such a picture would inspire a poet, whose genius could then depict his worth and describe his en durance of toil, hunger, thirst, heat, cold, and the dangers and suffering through which he has passed. He could dilate upon his sagacity and affection and his invariable response to every wish of his rider. He might even imagine his thoughts through the long night-marches and days of battle through which he has passed. But I am no artist, and can only say he is a Confeder ate gray. I purchased him in the mountains of Virginia in the autumn of 1861, and he has been my patient follower ever since 132 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. — to Georgia, the Carolinas, and back to Virginia. He carried me through the seven days' battle around Richmond, the Sec ond Manassas, at Sharpsburg, Fredericksburg, the last day at Chancellorsville, to Pennsylvania, at Gettysburg, and back to the Rappahannock. From the commencement of the campaign in 1864 at Orange till its close around Petersburg the saddle was scarcely off his back, as he passed through the fire of the Wil derness, Spottsylvania, Cold Harbor, and across the James River. He was almost in daily requisition in the winter of 1864-65 on the long line of defences from the Chickahominy north of Rich mond and Hatcher's Run south of the Appomattox. In the cam paign of 1865 he bore me from Petersburg to the final days at Appomattox Court-house. ' ' You must know the comfort he is to me in my present retirement. He is well supplied with equipments. Two sets have been sent to him from England, one from the ladies of Baltimore, and one was made for him in Richmond; but I think his favorite is the American saddle from St. Louis. * Of all his companions in toil, 'Richmond,' 'Brown Roan,' 'Ajax,' and quiet ' Lucy Long, ' he is the only one that retained his vigor to the lastf The first two expired under their onerous burden, and the last two failed. You can, I am sure, from what I have said, paint his portrait. ' ' To General Lee's description of his noble horse may be added some few further particulars of his appearance and history. He was sixteen hands high, of a dark iron-gray color, and when purchased about five years old. He was strong and active, but perfectly docile, and as calm as his master under fire. General Lee had always a strong affection for him, which he manifested * This saddle has its story, which is worth relating. When Colonel Lee resigned from the United States army and repaired to Richmond to offer his services to his native State, his baggage, which had just reached New York, was seized by the authorities. Among his effects was a saddle of peculiar form which he preferred to all others. He immedi ately wrote to St. Louis, to the maker, desiring to have another like it if he was willing to take the risk of receiving his pay. The saddle was at once sent, and the soldier did not let the busy occupation of war make him forget to send the full price to the maker through a safe channel. He rode this saddle all through the war and throughout his after-life. f The horse ridden by Lee in the Mexican War was named " Grace Darling." THE WEST VIRGINIA CAMPAIGN. 1 33 on many occasions. Six years after the war "Traveller" had become almost milk-white, having grown hoary with age and honors. He died very soon after the decease of his master, his death arising from lockjaw caused by his tread ing on a nail which penetrated his foot and could not be withdrawn. CHAPTER VIII. THE SOUTH COAST DEFENCES. General Lee in Charleston. — A Great Conflagration. — Topography of the Coast. — Its Defences. — General Lee's Engineering Operations. — His Mode of Life. — Ordered back to Richmond. HAVING received orders to report to General Lee on the South Atlantic coast, the writer arrived in Charleston on the eve of the great fire that laid half of that beautiful city in ruins. The fire-alarm was heard by him on his way to the Mills House, but as fires are of frequent occurrence in cities, he gave little heed to it, as the conflagration seemed small and at a great distance from the hotel. General Lee had arrived a little before from his headquarters at Coosawhatchie. Soon after the arrival of Major Long he reported to Lee, who was in the hotel-parlor with Captains Taylor and Ives and some others. After a short conversation all separated for the night, little thinking that they would soon be compelled to seek safety in flight. Before retiring they observed that the fire had increased in volume, but it was not yet of sufficient mag nitude to cause uneasiness. About eleven o'clock the general had Major Long called, who found him viewing the fire from the parlor window. To their amazement, it had acquired the proportions of a conflagration enveloping a quarter of the city. General Lee remarked that as the fire seemed beyond control and was advancing toward the hotel, it would be necessary to prepare to leave at a moment's notice. Mrs. Long was informed how matters stood, and in a few minutes was ready and repaired to the parlor, where she found Mrs. Washington, the wife of Captain Washington of General Lee's staff. By this time many of the guests of the hotel had assembled in the parlor, com menting anxiously on the terrible prospect. In order to get a better view of the desolating scene, General Lee, Major Long, 134 THE SOUTH COAST DEFENCES. 1 35 and some others assembled on the roof of the hotel, which towered far above the adjacent houses. From this position a scene of awful sublimity met the eye: more than one-third of the city appeared a sea of fire, shooting up columns of flame that seemed to mingle with the stars. From King street east ward to the river, extending back more than a mile, stores and dwellings, churches and public buildings, were enveloped in one common blaze, which was marching steadily and rapidly across the city. The mind was held fascinated by the fierce rage of the devouring element, until the thought was turned upon the helpless victims that crowded the streets as far as the eye could reach bending beneath the household goods that had been rescued from destruction, and struggling with might and main to gain a place of safety. Wagons, carts, and all kinds of vehicles loaded with every conceivable article were pressing women and children in dense masses to the sidewalks, and sometimes the combustible, articles with which the carts and wagons were loaded became ignited by the sparks that swept from time to time along the streets, thus increasing the con fusion that reigned among the bewildered multitude. Turning from the human misery below to the increasing fury of the conflagration, the question arose, Why has the demon of de struction been permitted to rage an unopposed destroyer of the Queen City of the South Atlantic, transforming her matchless beauty to hideous ruin? The reservoir, which was supplied by the water of the bay, had been drained by the receding tide, and the fire companies had been depleted by the demands of war; consequently, the city became a helpless victim. The fire had by twelve o'clock reached the immediate vicinity of the hotel, and the flames were lapping themselves about the opposite houses. Just as the party was about to descend from its post of observation a body of soldiers appeared, headed by General Ripley (these were the troops brought by their gallant leader from Sullivan's Island to rescue the city). Now the flames were about to meet their first real opposition, and the hotel, whose huge bulk covered an important district, claimed especial attention. On returning to the parlor the ladies were found with bundles and babies ready to decamp. 136 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. It was indeed time to move, for the hotel had become a scene of great confusion, and the heat from without was oppressive, while the only remaining chance of escape was by a back stair way through the cellar. General Lee took one baby in his arms and Major Long took another, they being preceded by a guide with a lantern to light the way. Mrs. Long and Mrs. Washington, accompanied by Taylor and Ives, brought up the rear. On emerging from the cellar the group were met by the glare and heat of the burning buildings on the opposite side of the street. An omnibus was a few yards distant, into which all hurried, and were driven off amid a shower of sparks and cinders to the house of Mr. Alston on the Battery, which, in the absence of the family, was kindly put at General Lee's dis posal by young Mr. Alston, who had remained in the city. The fire was subdued during the night, and the morning revealed a hideous ruin extending from the Ashley to the Cooper River, and bearing fearful testimony to the magnitude of the conflagration. The hotel was saved, and after order was restored its comfortable quarters were resumed. But the scene without was entirely changed: the superb edifices of the pre vious day had been converted into smoking beams and totter ing walls, and the happy people of the day before were mourn ful spectators of the desolation that surrounded them. In this impressive manner Major Long was introduced to a companion ship with General Lee which was destined to last throughout the war. The defences of the coast, embracing numerous vital points, chiefly occupied General Lee's attention during his period of service . in this southern department. The character of the work to be done and the method in which he performed it here call for description. The line of coast extending from the entrance of Chesapeake Bay to the mouth of the Rio Grande presents innumerable bays, inlets, and harbors, into which vessels could run either for predatory incursions or with the intention of actual inva sion. The Federals having the command of the sea, it was certain that they would take advantage of this open condition of the coast to employ their naval force as soon as it could be THE SOUTH COAST DEFENCES. 1 37 collected, not only to enforce the blockade whicli had been declared, but also for making inroads along our unprotected ocean border. That the system of defence adopted may be understood it is necessary to describe a little in detail the to pography of the coast. On the coast of North Carolina are Albemarle and Pamlico Sounds, penetrating far into the interior. Farther south, Cape Fear River connects with the ocean by two channels, the south-west channel being then defended by a small enclosed fort and a water battery. On the coast of South Carolina are Georgetown and Charleston harbors. A succession of islands extends along the coast of South Carolina and Georgia, sep arated from the main land by a channel which is navigable for vessels of moderate draught from Charleston to Fernandina, Florida. There are fewer assailable points on the Gulf than on the Atlantic. Pensacola, Mobile, and the mouths of the Mississippi were defended by works that had hitherto been regarded as sufficiently strong to repulse any naval attack that might be made upon them. Immediately after the bombard ment and capture of Fort Sumter the work of seacoast defence was begun, and carried forward as rapidly as the limited means of the Confederacy would permit. Roanoke Island and other points on Albemarle and Pamlico Sounds were fortified. Bat teries were established at the south-east entrance of Cape Fear River, and the works on the south-west entrance of that river were strengthened. Defences were constructed at Georgetown and at all assailable points on the north-east coast of South Ca rolina. The works of Charleston harbor were greatly strength ened by earthworks and floating batteries. The defences from Charleston down the coast of South Carolina and Georgia were confined chiefly to the islands and salient points bearing upon the channels leading inland. Defensive works were erected at all important points along the coast. Many of the defences, being injudiciously located and hastily erected, offered but lit tle resistance to the enemy when attacked. These defects were not surprising when we take into consideration the inexperience of the engineers and the long line of seacoast to be defended. As soon as a sufficient naval force had been collected by the 138 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. Federals, an expedition under the command of General But ler was sent to the coast of North Carolina, and captured sev eral important points. A second expedition, under Admiral Dupont and General T. W. Sherman, was sent to make a de scent on the coast of South Carolina. On the 27th of Novem ber, Dupont attacked the batteries that were designed to defend Port Royal harbor, and almost without resistance carried them and gained possession of Port Royal. This is the best harbor in South Carolina, and is the strategic key to all the South Atlantic coast. Later, Burnside captured Roanoke Island and established himself in Eastern North Carolina without resist ance. The rapid fall of Roanoke Island and Port Royal struck consternation into the hearts of the inhabitants along the entire coast. The capture of Port Royal gave the Federals the entire possession of Beaufort Island, which afforded a secure place of arms for the troops, while the harbor gave a safe anchorage for the fleet. Beaufort Island almost fills a deep indenture in the main shore, from which it is separated for the greater part of its extent by a narrow channel which is navigable throughout Its northern extremity extends to within a few miles of the Charleston and Savannah Railroad. The main road from Port Royal to Pocotaligo crosses the channel at this point. The evacuation of Hilton Head, on the south-western extremity of Beaufort Island, followed the capture of Port Royal. This exposed Savannah, only about twenty-five miles distant, to an attack from that direction. At the same time, the Federals having command of Helena Bay, Charleston was liable to be assailed fron North Edisto or Stono Inlet, and the railroad could have been reached without opposition by the road from Port Royal to Pocotaligo. Such was the state of affairs when General Lee reached Charleston, in the early part of November, 1861, to assume the command of the department of South Carolina, Georgia, and Florida. His vigorous mind at once comprehended the essential features of the situation, and with his accustomed energy he prepared to overcome the many difficulties that pre sented themselves. Directing fortifications to be constructed on the Stono, the Edisto, and the Combahee, he fixed his head- THE SOUTH COAST DEFENCES. 139 quarters at Coosawhatchie, the point most threatened, and di rected defences to be erected opposite Hilton Head and on the Broad and Salcatchie to cover Savannah. These were the points requiring immediate attention. He superintended in person the works overlooking the approach to the railroad from Port Royal, and soon infused into his troops a part of his own energy. The works he had planned rose with magical rapidity. A few days after his arrival at Coosawhatchie, Dupont and Sherman sent their first reconnoissance in that direction, which was met and repulsed by shot from the newly-erected batteries; and now, whether the Federals advanced toward the railroad or turned in the direction of Charleston or Savannah, they were arrested by the Confederate batteries. The people, seeing the Federals repulsed at every point, regained their confidence, and with it their energy. We may, at this point, introduce a letter addressed to two of his daughters shortly after his journey South, as it gives, in his own words, his opinion of the preceding state of the coast defences, together with some interesting matter relating to his home life: "Savannah, 22 Nov., 1861. " My Darling Daughters: I wish I could see you, be with you, and never again part from you. God only can give me that happiness. I pray for it night and day. But my prayers, I know, are not worthy to be heard I am much pleased at your description of Stratford and your visit there. It is en deared to me by many recollections, and it has always been the desire of my life to be able to purchase it. Now that we have no other home, and the one we so loved has been for ever des ecrated, that desire is stronger with me than ever. The horse- chestnut you mention in the garden was planted by my mother. I am sorry the vault is so dilapidated. You do not mention the spring, one of the objects of my earliest recollections. How my heart goes back to those happy days ! . . . . This is my second visit to Savannah. I have been down the coast as far as Amelia Island to examine the defences. They are poor indeed, and I have laid off work to employ our people a month. 140 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. I hope our enemy will be polite enough to wait for us. It is difficult to get our people to realize their position " Your devoted father, "R. E. Lee." The most important points being now secured against imme diate attack, the general proceeded to organize a system of sea coast defence different from that which had previously been adopted. He withdrew the troops and material from those works which had been established on the islands and salient points, which he could not defend, to a strong interior line, where the effect of the Federal naval force would be neutral ized. After a careful reconnoissance of the coast he designated such points as he considered it necessary to fortify. The most important positions on this extensive line were Georgetown, Charleston, Pocotaligo, Coosawhatchie, and Savannah. Coosaw hatchie, being central, could communicate with either Charles ton or Savannah in two or three hours by railroad, so in case of an attack they could support each other. The positions between Coosawhatchie and Savannah, and those between Charleston and Coosawhatchie, could be reinforced from the positions con tiguous to them. There was thus a defensive relation through out the entire line. At this time there was great want of guns suitable for sea coast defence. Those in use had been on the coast for more than thirty years, and were of too light a calibre to cope with the powerful ordnance that had been introduced into the Fed eral navy. It was therefore desirable to arm the batteries now constructed with heavy guns. The ordnance department being prepared to cast guns of the heaviest calibre, requisitions were made for eight- and ten-inch columbiads for the batteries bor dering on the channels that would be entered by gunboats. The heavy smooth-bore guns were preferred to the rifle cannons for fixed batteries, as experiments had shown that the crushing effect of the solid round shot was more destructive than the small breach and deeper penetration of the rifle-bolts. The difference of range was not important, as beyond a certain dis tance the aim could not be accurate. By the last of December THE SOUTH COAST DEFENCES. 1 41 many batteries had been completed and other works were being rapidly constructed. When the new year of 1862 opened there was a greater feeling of security among the people of South Carolina and Georgia than had been felt for several months. The information received from every quarter led to the belief that the Federal Government was making preparations for a powerful attack upon either Charleston or Savannah. In an ticipation of this attack every effort was made to strengthen these places. General Ripley, who commanded at Charleston, and General Lawton, the commander at Savannah, ably sec onded Lee in the execution of his plans, while Generals Evans, Drayton, and Mercer assisted him at other points. The ord nance department, under the direction of its energetic chief, Colonel Gorgas, filled with wonderful promptitude the various demands made upon it. This greatly facilitated the comple tion of the defences. The Federal troops on Beaufort Island were inactive during the months of December, January, and February, and the fleet was in the offing blockading Charleston and Savannah. About the ist of March the Federal gunboats entered the Savannah River by way of the channel leading from Hilton Head. The small Confederate fleet was too weak to engage them, so they retained undisputed possession of the river. They then estab lished batteries to intercept the communication between Fort Pulaski and the city of Savannah. This fort commands the entrance to the Savannah River, twelve miles below the city. A few days after getting possession of the river the Federals landed a force under General Q. A. Gillmore on the opposite side of the fort. General Gillmore, having completed his bat teries, opened fire about the ist of April. Having no hope of succor, Fort Pulaski, after striking a blow for honor, surren dered with about 500 men. The house at Coosawhatchie selected by General Lee for headquarters was of just sufficient capacity for himself and military family, which consisted of Captain Thornton Wash ington, adjutant-general, Captains Walter H. Taylor and Man- igault, aides-de-camp, Captain Ives, engineer officer, Captain Walker, cavalry officer, and Major A. L Long, chief of artil- 142 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. lery. Though not habitually present, may be added Captain Stephen Elliot, whose perfect knowledge of the coast enabled him to render the most valuable service. The general was as unpretending in the interior arrangement of his quarters as were his exterior surroundings. His simple camp-equipage and that of his staff comprised the entire furniture of the house. The table-service consisted of a neat set of tin-ware, plates, dishes, and cups made to fit into each other for conve nience in packing. The bill of fare corresponded in frugality to the plainness of the furniture. The general occupied the head of his table, and always seasoned the meal with his good- humor and pleasant jests, often at the expense of some member of the staff who seemed to miss the luxuries of the table more than himself. The extensive line of operations that demanded his attention caused Lee to be almost constantly on the move, first at one place, and then at another, where important work was in prog ress. It was remarkable how his quiet, confident manner stimulated the men to exertion whenever he came among them. On these occasions he more forcibly impressed one with the magnetic influence of the power of genius over in feriors than in any man the writer of this memoir ever saw. When inspecting the defences of Charleston harbor the mind of the writer naturally was carried back to the time of his first acquaintance with Fort Moultrie. At that time the political harmony of the country was agitated by a ripple of discontent which was soon dispelled, and Charleston was permitted ten years of uninterrupted prosperity. Then she stood in her wealth, beauty, and commercial importance queen among the cities of the Southern Atlantic. Now war had closed her spa cious harbor and the flames had consumed her wealth and de stroyed her beauty. Though oppressed by misfortune, she still proudly bore her crest, determined to preserve her honor un tarnished to the close of her existence. It was only necessary to perfect the defences on James and John's Islands to entirely secure Charleston from attack sea ward. This being done, this city was enabled, with the skill of the engineer and the bravery of the troops under the direc- THE SOUTH COAST DEFENCES. H3 tion of Generals G. T. Beauregard, Sam Jones, and others, to sustain, considering the power of the engines brought against her, one of the most remarkable sieges on record. About the middle of March, Lee was directed to proceed to Richmond. By that time he had established a strong interior line of defence extending from Winyaw Bay to the mouth of St. Mary's River. This line, being bravely and skilfully de fended, proved to be an impenetrable barrier to the combined efforts of the land and naval forces of the enemy constantly employed on the coast, until it was carried by Sherman in his unopposed march through Georgia and South Carolina. In order that the importance of this series of defensive works may be understood, it is necessary to know what it accom plished. It protected the most valuable agricultural section of the Confederacy, ensured the safety of Charleston and Savan nah, and covered the principal line of communication between the Mississippi and the Potomac. Besides these important results it produced a desirable effect by diffusing among the inhabitants a sense of security they had not felt for many months. When Lee took his departure the command devolved upon General Pemberton, a brave and experienced officer. He was well acquainted with the plan of operation adopted, and was therefore able to advance successfully the works that necessarily remained incomplete. Major Long remained on duty with Pemberton until May, when he received orders to report to General Lee in Richmond. At that time a general depression was felt throughout the Confederacy, caused by the results fol lowing the battle of Shiloh, the death of General Albert Sid ney Johnston, the fall of New Orleans, and the tremendous losses occasioned by the evacuation of Yorktown and Norfolk. The Southern campaign of General Lee which we have just described presents a remarkable example of a successful oppo sition of science and art to mere physical power. With sur prising strategic ability he selected the important points of a long and difficult line, and with equal tactical skill adopted measures for their defence. The infantry was disposed for mutual support, while the artillery, in groups of a few guns, 144 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. was placed in batteries at intervals, so as to cover extensive districts, and at the same time to be able to bring a heavy con centric fire on intermediate points. This combination was the most effective that could have been devised to prevent the in cursion of gunboats. We may also observe that there is a striking contrast between the vigor and energy displayed on the one side and the supine- ness manifested on the other. The Federal commander, in stead of making after his easy capture of Port Royal a rapid movement toward the railroad at Pocotaligo and Charleston by the Edisto, or toward Savannah by way of Hilton Head — in either of which movements he would at that time have met with little or no opposition — contented himself with gathering the harvest of cotton found on Beaufort Island and providing a refuge for the fugitive slaves from the neighboring planta tions ; thus giving a petty financial enterprise and a negro sen timentality precedence over military operations of the highest importance; while his active opponent erected, unmolested, an insurmountable barrier to his future advance. CHAPTER IX. THE PENINSULAR CAMPAIGN. The Defences of the Peninsula. — Cruise of the Merrimac. — Siege of Yorktown by McClellan's Army. — General Johnston's Plan of Operations. — It is not Accepted. — Retreat of the Confederate Army. — Battle of Williamsburg. — Surrender of Nor folk. — The Federal Fleet Repulsed. — Battle of Seven Pines. — General Lee takes Command. BEFORE proceeding with this narrative it may be well to review previous operations, especially those that had taken place on the Peninsula and about Norfolk. To gain a clear idea of them a description of the peninsula embraced by the York and James rivers, Hampton Roads, and Chesapeake Bay is necessary. Its principal natural features are — the Chick- ahominy, a stream of considerable length; the Warwick, an estuary of the James which rises in the neighborhood of York- town; and the primeval forest, interspersed with farms and plantations. Its surface is generally level, except along, the Chickahominy and the James, where it is diversified by low ranges of hills. The strip between the Warwick and Hamp ton Roads is marshy and easily inundated. Old Point, Hampton Roads, Yorktown, Williamsburg, Newport News, and Sewell' s Point are also included in its topography. Norfolk, situated on the Elizabeth River a few miles from its junction with Hampton Roads, is surrounded by a flat, sandy country, bor dered on the south by the Dismal Swamp, and terminated on the north and east by Hampton Roads and Chesapeake Bay. The town of Portsmouth and Gosport navy-yard lie on the Elizabeth River, directly opposite. The first act of the governor of Virginia upon the secession of the State was to seize the Gosport navy-yard and provide for the security of the James and York rivers. This measure was of the highest importance, as the safety of the capital and 10 145 146 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. of an important portion of the State depended on their security. The vessels of war captured in Norfolk harbor and the immense quantity of naval stores found at the navy-yard were of incal culable value to the Confederacy. The defences of Norfolk and the mouth of the James River were assigned to General Huger, while those of Yorktown and the Peninsula were en trusted to General Magruder. These officers had obtained high distinction in the United States army, and the zeal and energy they exhibited in the new work to which they had been assigned fully entitled them to the highest confidence of the Confederacy. The Federals, at the same time, were also active in their preparations on the Peninsula. General Butler appeared almost simultaneously with Huger and Magruder at the head of large forces, for the double purpose of defending Fortress Monroe from Confederate attack and of operating either against Nor folk or Yorktown as circumstances might suggest. On the 8th of June, 1861, Butler sent a strong reconnoitering party toward Yorktown. This force was met at Big Bethel Church, a few miles from the village of Hampton, by Colonel D. H. Hill, with a detachment of infantry, supported by Colonel G. W. Randolph's battalion of artillery, and was repulsed with heavy loss. This was the first conflict of arms since the fall of Fort Sumter, and, although small in point of numbers, its moral effect was considerable by inspiring the Confederates with con fidence, while it had a depressing influence upon the Federals. After this affair the Federals made no other demonstration on the Peninsula until the ensuing spring. During the interim Magruder and Huger applied themselves with skill and industry to the completion of the defences of their respective positions, while the naval department was active in its preparations at the Gosport navy-yard. Magruder first occupied himself in securing the command of the York River by the erection of strong batteries at Yorktown and Gloucester Point, where the river is less than a mile wide; then he completed his land- defences to the Warwick near its head, subsequently extending them down that river to its mouth. The strip of land between the Warwick and the James, being marshy, could be easily THE PENINSULAR CAMPAIGN. 147 rendered difficult, if not impracticable, for military movements by inundation, for which purpose dams had been built on the Warwick. General Huger, on his part, protected Norfolk on the land side by a system of defences extending from the Dis mal Swamp to the Elizabeth River, and secured that river and the mouth of the James by strong batteries, the most important of which were those on Crany Island and Sewell' s Point. Being connected by a part of the James, the works of Magruder and Huger formed a continuous defensive line from the Dismal Swamp to Yorktown, of such strength that its reduction could only be accomplished by the tedious process of a siege, and could be turned only on the right by way of Albemarle Sound, and on the left by the Rappahannock River. In either case, through their possession of an interior line, the Confederates could have easily anticipated such a movement. Referring to the part of this line traversing the Peninsula, General Magruder says: "Deeming it of vital importance to hold Yorktown on the York River, and Mulberry Island on the James River, and to keep the enemy in check by an intervening line until the authorities might take such steps as should be held necessary to meet a serious advance of the enemy -in the Peninsula, I felt compelled to dispose my forces in such a manner as to accom plish these objects with the least possible risk under the cir cumstances of great hazard which surrounded the little army I commanded. I had prepared, as my real line of defence, posi tions in advance at Harwood's and Young's mills. Both flanks of this line were defended by boggy and difficult streams and swamps. In addition, the left flank, reaching to the York River, was defended by elaborate fortifications at Ship's Point, connected by a broken line of redoubts crossing the heads of the various ravines which empty into the York River and Wormley's Creek, and terminating at Fort Grafton nearly in front of Yorktown. The right flank was defended by the for tifications at the mouth of the Warwick River and at Mulberry Island Point, and the redoubts extending from the Warwick to the James River. Intervening between the two hills was a wooded country about two miles in extent. This wooded line, 148 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. forming the centre, needed the defence of infantry in sufficient force to prevent any attempt on the part of the enemy to break through it. In my opinion, this advanced line with its flank defences might have been held by 20,000 troops. With 25,000 I do not believe it could have been broken by any force the enemy could have brought against it." On examining the theatre of operations embracing Norfolk and Yorktown, it will be observed that those places bear a defensive relation to each other, so that the fall of one would necessarily involve the evacuation or capture of the other. While the military authorities at Washington were discussing the several lines of operation of which Richmond was the ob jective point, that by way of Norfolk was suggested ; but as the Peninsula presented not only a shorter line, but also fewer difficulties than the Norfolk one, it was adopted as the field of operation. McClellan in answer to the question, ' ' During the early part of last winter could not a force of 30,000 or 40,000 men have been concentrated suddenly at Fortress Monroe, and Norfolk captured and the Merrimac destroyed without incur ring any great hazard to us?" said, "Such a thing was pos sible, but would have been difficult, and I do not think it would have promoted the general objects of the war. I looked upon the fall of Norfolk as a necessary consequence of a movement upon Richmond. ' ' Question : ' ' Would not the destruction of the Merrimac have been a great point gained, and have ren dered the move upon Richmond, by way of the James or York River, very much more safe?" Answer: "As things turned out, yes. But I do not think the importance of the Merrimac was appreciated until she came out. I remember very well that the Navy Department thought that the Congress and the, Cumberland were capable of taking care of the Merrimac. The question of taking Norfolk after the Merrimac made its appearance and destroyed the Congress and Cumberland was seriously discussed. The conclusion arrived at was, that it was better not to depart from the direct movement upon Rich mond under all the circumstances of the case." * * See " McClellan's Testimony before the Congressional Committee on the Conduct of the War," vol. i. p. 425. THE PENINSULAR CAMPAIGN. 1 49 By the ist of March, 1862, the famous iron-clad Merrimac was ready for service, and other vessels of similar character were rapidly approaching completion. The Merrimac on the 8th of March made her first cruise, in which she encountered a part of the Federal fleet in Hampton Roads and destroyed two first-class frigates. On the 9th she attacked the Monitor, the especial boast of the Federals, and, while inflicting consid erable damage on this antagonist, sustained herself but little injury. The Confederate authorities at this time believed that with the Merrimac and the other vessels of war, when com pleted, the tide-water section of Virginia would be secure, both by land and water, against the attack of the land and naval forces of the enemy. We will now turn our attention to the operations on the Potomac. After the battle of Manassas, General Johnston continued to direct military affairs on the Potomac and in the Shenandoah Valley. There were, however, no operations of a general character during the fall and winter. The occupa tion of Centreville, the defeat of the Federals at Ball's Bluff by General Evans, and the expedition against Romney led by General T. J. Jackson were the principal events that occurred during that period. The main body of the army went into winter quarters at Centreville, and that position was strongly fortified. The proximity of General Johnston was looked upon with an anx ious eye at Washington, where his force was exaggerated to more than double its real strength. When General McClellan entered upon the defence of the Federal capital, about the end of July, 1861, he found himself surrounded with difficulties of no ordinary character. The army which afterward became so distinguished as the Army ofthe Potomac consisted of about 50,000 men, mostly fugitives from the late field of Manassas who had returned to their colors. McClellan was therefore obliged to shoulder at once the oner ous task of reorganizing, recruiting, and disciplining the army while at the same time he provided for the completion of the exterior defences of the city. In each of these duties he dis played great administrative abilities. He also manifested in 150 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. the course of his labors much firmness and self-control in re sisting newspaper taunts and the impatience of the Federal authorities, which urged him to the field before his arrange ments were complete. He could not, however, be turned from his purpose of perfecting his army and the defences of Wash ington in all their details before he advanced. This, through patient labor, he accomplished by the opening of spring, 1862, when he was in condition to leave Washington in se curity and enter the field at the head of an army of 150,000 men, perfect in all its appointments, in addition to a large reserve force organized for the defence of the capital during his absence. Though Johnston's force did not then much exceed 40,000 men, the Federal mind was still deluded with the belief that it was much greater, and McClellan was confident that he would have to encounter at Centreville and Manassas a force of at least 80,000 men strongly intrenched. General Johnston, perceiving that this delusion would be speedily dissipated by a collision with an army numerically four times greater than his own, prepared to evacuate Centreville and Manassas at the mo ment McClellan should commence his advance. This looked-for event occurred on the 8th of March, 1862, whereupon Johnston retired behind the Rappahannock. General McClellan, on finding Centreville and Manassas evacuated and the railroad bridge over the Rappahannock destroyed, prepared for an immediate transfer of his army to the Peninsula by way of the Potomac. The greater part of his army having arrived, he appeared in front of Magruder on the 4th of April with the main body of his forces, accompanied by a powerful siege-train of Parrot guns and mortars. Before his arrival at this locality McClellan was ignorant of the defences on the Warwick, and had been misled by his map in regard to the topography of tlie contiguous country; there fore he made a careful personal examination of the works on the Warwick previous to deciding on a plan of attack. His reconnoissance convinced him that Magruder' s position could not be carried by assault, and he determined to reduce it by regular approaches. For that purpose he promptly commenced THE PENINSULAR CAMPAIGN. I 5 1 the erection of his primary batteries beyond the effective range of Magruder' s guns — one and a half miles. The Peninsula having become the principal theatre of war in Virginia, and Magruder' s force, of less than 11,000 strong, being now inadequate for its defence, General Johnston was directed to send thither all his available troops and assume in person the command of that important field of operation. By the 20th of April all of the designated reinforcements had arrived. We shall here give a brief summary of the opposing armies: The Federals had on the Peninsula, under the immediate command of General McClellan, 115,000 men; in the Valley and on the line of the Orange and Alexandria Railroad, 30,000 men, commanded by Generals Banks and Shields; and on the Potomac, a reserve of 40,000, under General McDowell — mak ing an aggregate of 185,000 men. Opposed to this force the Confederates had on the Peninsula 53,000 men, under the immediate command of General Johns ton, with Ewell and Jackson on the upper Rappahannock; in the Valley, something over 16,000 men; and 18,000 at Norfolk, commanded by Huger — making a total of 90,000 men. These numbers will not differ materially from the statements given by the opposing generals. There was also a small local force at Richmond, and a much larger one of a similar character in and about Washington. Besides the Federal land-forces there was a powerful naval force in Hampton Roads, opposed by a small Confederate one in Norfolk harbor, consisting of the Merrimac and a few river gunboats. At this time General J. E. Johnston bore the highest mili tary reputation in the Confederacy, since by his manoeuvring with Patterson in the Valley, his splendid success at Manassas, and his masterly retreat from Centreville he had acquired a world-wide renown. Before entering upon his new command he presented to the President a plan of operations entirely different from that which had been previously adopted. It, however, involved the risk of such great sacrifices that it was disapproved of by Mr. Davis and his military advisers, General Randolph, Secretary of War, and General Lee. 152 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. Johnston, regarding Magruder's line on the Peninsula inde fensible, thus explains his plan: "Instead of only delaying the Federal army in its approach, I proposed that it should be encountered in front of Richmond by one quite as numerous, formed by uniting there all the available forces of the Confed eracy in North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, with those at Norfolk, those on the Peninsula, and those near Rich mond, including Smith's and Longstreet' s divisions, which had recently arrived. The great army thus formed, surprising that of the United States by an attack when it was expecting to besiege Richmond, would be almost certain to win ; and the enemy, defeated a hundred miles from Fort Monroe, their place of refuge, could scarcely escape destruction. Such a victory would decide not only the campaign, but the war, while the present plan could produce no decisive results. "The President, who had listened with apparent interest, replied that the question was so important that he would hear it fully discussed before making his decision, and desired the writer of this work [General Johnston] to meet General Ran dolph (Secretary of War) and General Lee in his office at an appointed time for the purpose : upon advice, Mr. Davis author ized the invitation of Major-generals Smith and Longstreet to the conference." In the mean time General Johnston proceeded to Yorktown, and after a personal examination of Magruder's position re turned to Richmond with his opinion in regard to its strength unchanged. General Johnston continues : ' ' The conference began more than an hour before noon by my describing, at the President's request, General Magruder's defensive arrange ments, as I had previously done to him, and representing that General McClellan's probable design of molesting our batteries at Gloucester Point and Yorktown, and turning our position by transporting his army up the river, could not be prevented, so that the adoption of a new plan was necessary "In the discussion that followed General Randolph, who had been a naval officer, objected to the plan proposed because it included at least the temporary abandonment of Norfolk, which would involve the probable loss of the materials for THE PENINSULAR CAMPAIGN. I 53 many vessels of war contained in the navy-yard there. Lee opposed it because he thought that the withdrawal from South Carolina and Georgia of any considerable number of troops would expose the important seaports of Charleston and Savan nah to the danger of capture. He thought, too, that the Peninsula had excellent fields of battle for a small army contending with a great one, and that we should for that rea son make the contest with McClellan's army there. Long- street, owing to his deafness, took little part in the conference. " The writer of these pages maintained that all to be accom plished, by any success attainable on the Peninsula, would be to delay the enemy two or three weeks in his march to Rich mond, for the reasons already given, and that success would soon give us back everything temporarily abandoned to achieve it and would be decisive of the war as well as of the campaign. "The President decided in favor of the opinion of General Lee, and ordered General Johnston to take command of the Army of the Peninsula, adding the departments of Norfolk and the Peninsula to that of Northern Virginia."* General Johnston further relates : "I assumed my new com mand on the 17th. The arrival of Smith's and Longstreet' s divisions had increased the army on the Peninsula to about 53,000 men, including 3000 sick. It was opposed to 133,000 Federal soldiers. Magruder's division formed the Confederate right, Longstreet' s the centre, D. H. Hill's the left, and Smith's the reserve. The field-works at Gloucester Point and Yorktown on the left flank, and Mulberry Point on the right, were occu pied by 8000 men. In this position we had nothing to do but to finish the works begun between Yorktown and the head of the inundations, and observe the enemy's operations. They were limited to a little skirmishing at long range and daily cannonading, generally directed at Magruder's left or Long- street's right, and the construction of a long line of batteries in front of Yorktown and beyond the range of our old-fash ioned ship-guns. These batteries, our scouts reported, were of about one hundred of the heaviest Parrot guns and above thirty mortars. A battery on the shore three miles (pilot's * See Johnston's Narrative of Military Operations, pp. 113— 116. I 54 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. distance) below Yorktown received the first guns mounted. Shots of the first volley, fired to get the range of the Confed erate works, fell in the camp of the reserve, a mile and a half beyond the village Finding on the 27th that the Fed eral batteries would be ready for action in five or six days, the War Department was informed of the fact, and of the inten tion to abandon Yorktown and the Warwick before the fire of that artillery should be opened upon our troops. The sugges tion made in the conference in the President's office was also repeated — to form a powerful army near Richmond of all the available forces of the Confederacy, and to fall upon McClel lan's army when it should come within reach. Major-general Huger was instructed at the same time to prepare to evacuate Norfolk, and Captain S. S. Lee, commanding the navy-yard at Gosport, to remove to a place of safety as much of the val uable property it contained as he could. ' ' Learning that the Federal batteries would be ready for action on the 4th of May, General Johnston evacuated Yorktown and its defences on the night of the 3d, and retired with his whole army toward Richmond. Since Magruder's position was never put to the test, the difference of opinion respecting it must be reconciled by speculative criticism. The next morning McClel lan found himself again baffled by his wily antagonist, and saw the batteries he had so carefully constructed doomed to silence. General McClellan on the morning of the 4th of May took possession of Yorktown and instituted a vigorous pursuit of Johnston's retreating columns. The rear-guard, under Longstreet, being overtaken at Wil liamsburg, was compelled to halt and offer battle to check the rapid advance of the enemy. General Johnston was also obliged to turn back D. H. Hill's division to support his rear-guard. The greater part of the forenoon of the 5th was occupied in skirmishing, but in the afternoon a spirited com bat ensued between the Confederate rear-guard under General Longstreet and the Federal advance under General Sumner, which continued until terminated by night. In this affair Hill and Early on the part of the Confederates, and Hooker, Hancock, and Kearny ou that of the Federals, THE PENINSULAR CAMPAIGN. 155 were conspicuously prominent. Both sides claimed the victory, but the result was that Johnston gained the time he required to extricate his trains, whicli had been retarded by the bad condi tion of the roads, while the Federals were left masters of the field by the withdrawal of the Confederate rear-guard. With out any other interruption worthy of note Johnston continued his retreat to the Chickahominy. The movements here described were immediately followed by the surrender of Norfolk in accordance with the suggestion of General Johnston. Though the yielding of this important place with its highly valuable navy-yard was strongly opposed by members of the Cabinet at Richmond, yet the impossibility of holding it after the retreat of the army from the Peninsula became evident, and it was ordered to be abandoned. In ac cordance therewith, General Huger destroyed the dockyards and removed the stores, and on the 10th of May evacuated the place, withdrawing its garrison to Richmond. On the next day a Federal force from Fortress Monroe, under the command of General Wool, occupied the town. Hopes were entertained of saving the Merrimac, a vessel which had done such noble service for the Confederacy, and caused such serious disaster to the Federal navy. But it was quickly perceived that its draught of water was too great to permit it to ascend the James River to Richmond, and there was no alternative but its destruction. It was therefore blown up by order of its commander, Commodore Tatnall. The inevitable result of the loss of the Merrimac was the opening of the James River to the Federal gunboats, which was at once taken advantage of by a fleet composed of the Monitor, Galena, Aroostook, Port Royal, and Naugatuck, under Commodore Rogers. This fleet ascended the stream to within twelve miles of Richmond, where it was arrested by the fire of Fort Darling on Drury's Bluff. A four hours' en gagement took place, which resulted in the withdrawal of the fleet, considerably the worse for the vigorous play of the Con federate battery. Yet, despite this check to the approach to Richmond by water through the repulse of a strong fleet of gunboats by a fortifica- 156 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. tion of no great strength, it was evident that the evacuation of the defences at the mouth of the James, with the loss of the Merrimac, would greatly embarrass the future defence of Richmond. McClellan slowly continued his pursuit of Johns ton by the principal roads and the York River. The ascent of the James River by the Federal gunboats obliged General Johnston to cross the Chickahominy in order to defend Rich mond against their attack, as well as to protect it from the advance of McClellan. About the 20th, Johnston took a position near Richmond covering the roads leading to the lower James and the Penin sula. His right rested on the James near Drury's Bluff, the scene of the engagement with the gunboats, and his left on the Chickahominy a little above New Bridge. The force with drawn from Yorktown, having experienced some loss on its retreat, now amounted to about 50,000 men. In addition to these General Johnston embraced in his command the troops under Huger at Petersburg, Anderson at Fredericksburg, and Branch near Hanover C. H, making an aggregate of about 22,000 men. His active force, therefore, at this time was 70,000 men. He also included in his command the force under General Jackson of between 15,000 and 20,000, then operating in the Valley of Virginia. The Federal army of the Peninsula at this time exceeded 100,000 men, divided into five corps d'armee, two of which, commanded by Heint- zelman and Keyes, crossed the Chickahominy on the 23d, and advanced to the Fair Oaks Station on the York River Railroad. On the 24th Casey's division of Keyes' corps was advanced to Seven Pines, a mile and a half in advance of Fair Oaks, when it took a position across the Williamsburg road and cov ered it by earth-works and batteries. The other division of Keyes' corps was in position to support Casey, and Heintzel- man's corps was stationed on the railroad near Fair Oaks Station. When Johnston discovered that a portion of the Federal army had crossed the Chickahominy, he ordered Huger to Richmond and Anderson to join Branch at Hanover C. H. Branch was attacked and roughly handled by a part of THE PENINSULAR CAMPAIGN. 157 Porter's corps on the 27th, but being opportunely joined by Anderson he was able to maintain his position, and the Fed erals fell back to Mechanicsville. Anderson and Branch were then ordered to Meadow Bridge, opposite that place. General D. H. Hill was ordered, on the 30th, to make a reconnoissance of the Federal position at Seven Pines. This duty was assigned to the brigades of Rodes and Garland. The former advanced by the Charles City road and the latter by the Williamsburg road. The Federal position was soon developed and reported to General Johnston. An attack was ordered to be made the next morning. The divisions of Longstreet and D. H. Hill were to be formed in two lines across and at right angles to the Williamsburg road. Huger' s division was to move to the right of Longstreet, and Hill to the Charles City road opposite the left flank of the Federal position, and then to co-operate with Longstreet in the attack. The division of G. W. Smith on the left moved by the Nine Mile road to its junction with the New Bridge road, there to act either in opposing reinforce ments that might be sent across the Chickahominy during the engagement, or on the right flank of the Federal force about to be attacked, as circumstances might suggest. Magruder's division formed the reserve. The division commanded by A. P. Hill occupied the position in front of Mechanicsville. The cavalry constituted the extreme left of the Confederate line. As soon as the troops had gained their designated positions Longstreet was to attack in front, and the troops on his right and left were to support him. On the afternoon and night of the 30th a heavy fall of rain caused the water of the Chickahominy to rise so high that it was rendered impassable. The corps of Keyes and Heintzel- man were thus isolated from the other Federal corps. This intervention of the elements afforded the Confederates an op portunity of giving the Federals an effective blow, which, however, was not taken advantage of as promptly as might have been expected. Considerable delay occurred by the fail ure of the troops to get into position. Longstreet, after impa tiently awaiting the arrival of Huger until nearly two o'clock 158 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. in the afternoon, determined to attack without further delay. He therefore advanced his own and D. H. Hill's divisions, and attacked the first position of the Federals, which was gallantly carried in the face of a terrible fire of artillery and musketry. The Federals were forced back upon their supports, which in turn were compelled to yield to the impetuous assault of the Confederates and were borne back to Fair Oaks Station, where, being confronted by the corps of Heintzelman, then fresh, the divisions of Longstreet and Hill were obliged to pause. All that was now required for the complete destruction of two Federal corps was the prompt co-operation of Smith's division, which had remained inactive during the attack of Longstreet from two until four o'clock. When this division did advance it was too late to accomplish what might have been easily done a short time before, for the waters of the Chickahominy had sufficiently subsided during the day to admit of the passage of the other corps of the enemy. This delay gave the Federals time to send over reinforcements. When the battle of Seven Pines had begun General McClel lan ordered General Sumner to hold his corps in readiness to support the troops on the south side of the Chickahominy. That officer, in order to prevent delay, placed his corps under arms and moved the heads of his columns to the river. This promptness on the part of General Sumner enabled him to reach the field in time to meet Smith's division as it advanced to attack the troops of Heintzelman and Keyes in flank, and a sharp engagement ensued which lasted till nightfall without decisive result. In the movements here detailed and the severe engagement with which they closed Lee took no active part, his position continuing that of military adviser of the President without command in the field. This inactivity, however, was by no means to his taste, and on the 30th he sent the writer (Colonel Long) on a visit to Johnston to tell him that he would be glad to participate in the battle. He had no desire to interfere with his command, but simply wished to aid him on the field to the best of his ability and in any manner in which his services would be of most value. General Johnston expressed gratifi- THE PENINSULAR CAMPAIGN. I 59 cation at this message, and the hope that General Lee would ride out to the field, with the desire that he would send him all the reinforcements he could. On the morning of the 31st, before nine o'clock, General Lee and President Davis rode out to General Smith's head quarters on the Nine Mile road, where they joined General Johnston. They remained there for some time during the progress of the battle, in which, however, General Lee took no part. At the close of the day's fight a serious event took place, which was destined to greatly change the aspect of affairs and bring into active service the great commander, whose remarkable abilities had hitherto been confined to sec ondary details of the service, and who had yet been given no proper opportunity to display his genius on the field. The event in question was the wounding of Johnston, who received a severe hurt at the close of the day's fight, and was carried from the field, disabled for the time from any active service. The command devolved upon General G. W. Smith, the officer next in rank. The battle closed with nightfall, the contending forces re maining upon the field in the positions they had occupied at the cessation of the engagement. On the next morning there was a partial renewal of the battle between a portion of the contending forces. This lasted until about eleven o'clock, when the fighting closed on both sides without any important results. On this day (June ist), however, occurred the notable circum stance to which we have above alluded, as it withdrew General Lee from his partial retirement and placed him in a position in which his extraordinary military genius gained the first oppor tunity for its full display. Shortly after the wounding of Johns ton a decision was reached by President Davis, which he com municated at an early hour of the next morning to Smith, to the effect that Lee had been assigned to the command of the Army of Northern Virginia. This decision was expected by and agreeable to General Smith, who was sick, and in an unfit condition to take command of the army. Immediately after being relieved, indeed, he retired from the service, which he 160 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. did not re-enter till a subsequent period, when he had recov ered from his disability. At a later hour of the same day Lee repaired in person to Smith's headquarters and relieved him of the command of the army. It was a vital incident, and one fraught with moment ous consequences. From that time the motto of the Army of Northern Virginia was "Forward!" under the control of its valiant and skilful commander, who was destined to lead it to victory on many a hard-fought field, and finally, when its reduction in numbers forced it into a defensive attitude, to withstand for months its overwhelming foe, and never submit until only a meagre and starving fragment of that gallant army remained, too few and too exhausted to yield any glory in their conquest to the victorious enemy. CHAPTER X. THE SEVEN DAYS' FIGHT. Recapitulation. — Lee Takes Command. — Selects and Fortifies his Position. — Extracts from Long's Notebook. — Lee Decides to Attack the Enemy. — Dispositions for the Assault. — Battle of Gaines's Mill. — Federal Defeat. — McClellan's Retreat. — Fra- zier*s Farm. — Malvern Hill. — The Federals reach Harrison's Landing. HITHERTO, in our detail of the opening events of the Civil War, the name of General Lee has scarcely ap peared, his position, while of great importance, being one to keep him from public prominence. From this time forward he becomes the central figure of the war, and in order to prop erly appreciate the circumstances attending this change of con ditions it is necessary to briefly recapitulate a portion of the preceding chapter. In the winter of 1862 the Confederate Congress created the office of "military adviser to the President," with the view of lightening the arduous duties which devolved upon him as commander-in-chief of the Confederate forces. Lee was se lected to fill this position, and about the 13th of March, 1862, he entered upon his duties. The staff allowed him consisted of a military secretary with the rank of colonel and four aides with the rank of major. General Lee offered to Major A. L. Long the position of military secretary, and selected for his aides-de-camp Majors Randolph Talcott, Walter H. Taylor, Charles S. Ven- able, and Charles Marshall. When the writer reported for duty, about the middle of May, he found the general actively engaged in superintending the erection of defences on the James River near Richmond. The battery and obstructions at Drury's Bluff were so advanced that the great alarm that had been felt for the safety of the city upon the evacuation of Norfolk began to subside, as there was no longer the fear of an immediate attack. The Federal gunboats had entered the 11 161 I 62 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. James, and on the 15th the battery at Drury Bluff was at tacked by the enemy's fleet, consisting ofthe iron-clads Galena and Naugatuck, a monitor, and two gunboats. These vessels were skilfully handled and gallantly fought. The Galena approached within four hundred yards of the battery, and then opened a spirited fire with her powerful guns; the Nau gatuck and monitor closely supported her, while the gunboats delivered their fire at a longer range. After a hotly-contested conflict the fleet was repulsed with heavy loss. The Galena was so severely damaged as to be rendered unfit for future service, while the other vessels were more or less injured ; the battery sustained but slight damage. This defeat of the gun boats by an incomplete earthwork of only five guns for the first time caused a just value to be placed on defences of that character, which thenceforth became a conspicuous element in defensive operations. At this time the safety of Richmond was entirely due to the skill and energy of General Lee, for upon the evacuation of Norfolk the James was left entirely open from its mouth to Richmond, and the hastily-constructed defence at Drury's Bluff was the only barrier interposed between that city and a hostile fleet. After crossing the Chickahominy, about the 20th, General J. E. Johnston assumed the defence of Richmond. He attacked the enemy at Seven Pines on the 31st of May, and was severely wounded, as we have seen, near the close of the action. That event was immediately followed by the appointment of Lee to the command of the Army of Northern Virginia. Though regretting the cause that led to his assign ment to the command of the army, he was pleased to be released from the duties of the office for those of the field, which were far better suited to his active and energetic disposition. He carried with him to the field the same personal staff that had been allowed him in Richmond. On the afternoon of the istof June, General G. W. Smith, on whom the command of the army had devolved when General Johnston was wounded, resigned his command to General Lee, and shortly after retired on account of bad health. It soon appeared that there was considerable depression in tbe army, THE SE VEN DA YS' FIGHT. 1 63 the natural consequence of the incidents of war. As some of the officers were apprehensive that the army would not be able to maintain its position should it be attacked, Lee thought it advisable to assemble his principal officers for deliberation on its condition at an early period. In reference to this point, Mr. Davis, in his Rise and Fall of the Confederacy, chap, xxiii., vol. ii., says: "The day after General Lee assumed command I was riding out to the army, when I saw at a house on my left a number of horses, and among them one I recognized as belonging to him. I dismounted and entered the house, where I found him in consultation with a number of his general officers. The tone of the conversa tion was quite despondent, and one especially pointed out the inevitable consequence of the enemy's advance by throwing out bayoux and constructing successive parallels." Farther on he refers to a want of co-operation that existed among the different divisions during the battle of Fair Oaks and Seven Pines, which was productive of natural distrust that might have resulted in serious demoralization had it not been speedily corrected. The council met, as had been previously ordered, on the Nine Mile road, near the house which had been occu pied by Smith as his headquarters. The principal officers of the army were present, and were almost unanimous in the opinion that the line then occupied should be abandoned for one nearer Richmond which was con sidered more defensible. The line in question was that which had been adopted by Johnston prior to the occupation in force of the south bank of the Chickahominy by the enemy, and was the strongest the country presented ; but now the dispirited condition of our troops and the occupation in force by the enemy of the south side of the river caused the most prominent Confederate officers to doubt their ability to hold it, and consequently they urged its evacuation and withdrawal to a position nearer Richmond. Lee thus found himself in a situation of great embarrassment. He did not then possess the fame he was destined soon to acquire. He was also unknown to that army, and lacked its confidence. Under these disadvantages he was obliged to assume the re- I 64 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. sponsibility of maintaining a position pronounced untenable by his principal officers, or of hazarding the safety of Richmond by a withdrawal of his forces that would inevitably result in a forced occupation of the outer defences of the capital and its complete investiture by the enemy, which would have ensured the speedy capture of the city. Lee, who had long been accus tomed to rely upon himself, quickly decided on the course to be adopted. It was evident that the present position of the army must be maintained or that Richmond must be abandoned to the enemy, and the loss of Richmond at this time would have been of incalculable injury to the Confederate cause. He therefore, in opposition to the opinion of his subordinates, determined to hold the position in which he found the army ; but before making known his determination he made a careful reconnoissance of the whole position, and then declared his intention of holding it, ordering it to be immediately fortified in the most effective manner. General Lee then reorganized his forces and established a strong defensive line. He selected, with slight alterations, the position then occupied by his troops. This line extended from Chaffin' s Bluff, on the James River, crossing the river road about four miles, and the Darby Town, Charles City, Wil liamsburg, and Nine Mile roads, about five miles from Rich mond to a point on the Chickahominy a little above New Bridge, and then continued up that stream to Meadow Bridge. The army consisted of six divisions. Longstreet' s division formed the right, while those of Huger, D. H. Hill, Magruder, Whiting, and A. P. Hill, in the order named, extended to the left. The division of A. P. Hill constituted the left of the Confederate position. The greater part of Stuart's cavalry was on the left, picketing on the Rappahannock and having a small force in observation at Fredericksburg. The duty of constructing a fortified line was apportioned among the divis ions, each commander being responsible for the defence in his own front. Very soon a continuous line of breastworks ap peared, and as these arose the spirits of the men revived and the sullen silence with which their labor began gave place to jokes and laughter. Those who had entered upon the work THE SE VEN DA YS ' FIGHT. 1 65 with reluctance now felt recompensed by the sense of safety it gave them. The defences daily increased until they were suf ficiently strong to resist any attack that was likely to be made upon them. In the mean time the stragglers and convalescents began to return, and the army gradually increased. Lee daily appeared upon the lines, and after a few days his presence in spired the troops with confidence and enthusiasm. McClellan established his headquarters on the south side of the Chicka hominy about the same time that Lee assumed the command of the Army of Northern Virginia. The Federal army, after deducting the casualties of the late battle, amounted to about 100,000 men for duty; 75,000 of this force were on the south side of the Chickahominy, the remainder on the north of that stream, extending as high up as Mechanicsville. From this position a junction would be easily formed with McDowell's corps of 40,000 men, which, although a part of McClellan's forces, was persistently held in the neighborhood of Freder icksburg as a covering force for Washington. The writer is fortunately able to add some personal details of General Lee's actions and mode of life during this period, from a notebook which he then began and kept up throughout the war, and which has been of great value to him in securing accuracy of statement during the preparation of this work. Though it is not his purpose to quote directly from this note book as a rule, yet a selection from its opening pages, which are particularly full of descriptive detail, may be of interest and value, as placing the new commander upon his first entry into an important field of active service in the Civil War more directly before the reader. He therefore here subjoins the entries for several days, beginning with June 3d, the date of the opening entry: "fune 3d. — The day has been a very busy one. The gen eral went to the lines early in the morning, and did not return until afternoon. The work was in rapid progress all along the line. The men appeared in better spirits than the day before, and seemed to be interested in their work. When he arrived on General Toombs's part of the line he found that general had been true to his word; he had 'no picks nor spades,' but 1 66 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. he was having logs piled up for his defence. General Lee laughed at this freak of Toombs's, and remarked, 'Colonel Long, when General Toombs gains a little more experience he will be convinced that earth is a better protection against can non-balls than logs.' The general continued: ' There is a great difference between mercenary armies and volunteer armies, and consequently there must be a difference in the mode of disci pline. The volunteer army is more easily disciplined by en couraging a patriotic spirit than by a strict enforcement of the Articles of War.' We hear from the Federal newspapers and our spies that McClellan is prevented from advancing by the softness of the ground and his belief that he has a greatly superior force in his front. If he continues to wait two days longer, we will not thank him for his forbearance. "fune Lth. — The general did not go out to-day, being occu pied with office-work. He had double duty upon him — the reorganization of the army and the providing for the defence of its position. Our headquarters are very comfortable. The front room on the house floor is the adjutant-general's office. The general's private office is in rear of this. There all the confidential business of the army is transacted, the general's usual attendant being his military secretary or some other member of his personal staff. In the front room the general business of the army is transacted by the adjutant-general and his assistants. General Lee and his household mess together. The mess arrangements are not very ostentatious. Our meals are served and despatched without any very great ceremony. The general is always pleasant at meals, and frequently hurls a pleasant jest at some member of his staff. Captain P. Mason is the assistant adjutant-general: he had been previously at tached to General Johnston's staff. We were visited to-day by several high officials from Richmond. Their visit was more from curiosity than any special business. The general bears interruption with great equanimity. "fune 5th. — The general was on the lines early to-dav. The work has progressed very satisfactorily, and the confidence of the men increases as the work advances. The general made a partial reconnoissance of the Federal position. This embraces THE SEVEN DA YS' FIGHT. 167 a front of about four miles, the right resting on the Chicka hominy a little below New Bridge, and the left on the White Oak Swamp. Our line extends from Chaffin's Bluff to a point a little above Mechanicsville, a distance of about twelve miles. Our main force, however, confronts that of General McClellan lying south of the Chickahominy. ''fune 6th. — The general visited that portion of the line to-day occupied by Huger, Longstreet, and D. H. Hill. The troops were in good spirits, and their confidence in General Lee is rapidly increasing. The defences are now so far ad vanced that they will offer a formidable resistance to an open attack. General McClellan has not yet shown any disposition to advance. He has two balloons out to-day. Our troops are, however, so well sheltered by the timber that his balloon recon noissances will avail him but little. While the works are advancing, General Lee does not forget the discipline of his army. This he entrusts mainly to his division and brigade commanders, all of whom are men of ability, and some of them men of considerable military experience. General Lee is no martinet, but he requires his subordinates to strictly enforce the rules of discipline. Among the major-generals are Longstreet, Magruder, D. H. Hill, and A. P. Hill. These have already been distinguished for gallantry and ability. Among his brigadiers are Pickett, Wilcox, D. R. Jones, Hood, and Field. These officers have also acquired considerable reputation, and, having been graduates of West Point and members of the old army, are well qualified to instruct and discipline their troops. "fune 7th. — The general did not visit the lines to-day, but sent Colonel Long to inspect that portion of the line in the neighborhood of Mechanicsville. A. P. Hill's division occu pied that portion of the line. Hill's defences are as well advanced as those of any part of the line. His troops are in fine condition. He designates his division ' the Light Divis ion. ' Hill is every inch a soldier, and is destined to make his mark. This afternoon Mr. Davis visited headquarters. The relations between General Lee and Mr. Davis are very friendly. The general is ever willing to receive the suggestions of the 1 68 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. President, while the President exhibits the greatest confidence in General Lee's experience and ability, and does not hamper him with executive interference. "fune 8th, Sunday. — Divine service held in the different brigades of the army. General Lee attended service at one of the right-wing brigades, attended by some of his staff. Visited the lines "fune 16th. — General Lee, accompanied by Colonel Long, made a reconnoissance of the Federal position on the north side of the Chickahominy. There was then, on that side of the line, a Federal force of about 25,000 men, commanded by General Fitz John Porter. The main body of this force occu pied a. position near Mr. Gaines's house, and one division, five or six thousand strong, was posted at Mechanicsville. During this reconnoissance General Lee turned to the writer and re marked, ' Now, Colonel Long, how can we get at those peo ple?' This mode of designating the enemy was common with him. ' ' The Chickahominy between New Bridge and Mechanics ville is narrow, and to facilitate its passage could be easily bridged. Fitz John Porter's position was sufficiently exposed to invite attack, and, the force at Fredericksburg having been withdrawn, General Lee determined to assume the aggressive. This determination, however, was communicated only to his military family until he had fully matured his plan of opera tion, which he then submitted to Mr. Davis in a personal interview." Lee's headquarters at this time were on the Nine Mile road, a position which gave him a good oversight of the army and brought all portions of the lines within easy reach. Yet the batteries, rifle-pits, and earthworks which had been erected with so much labor under his personal supervision were des tined to have no further utility than that already adverted to— the infusion of confidence into the previously dispirited army. It was not the purpose of the commanding general to remain upon the defensive and await the slow but sure advances of the enemy. He, on the contrary, formed the bolder decision of hurling the force under his command against tlie serried bat- THE SEVEN DA YS' FIGHT. 1 69 talions of the foe, as indicated in the last-quoted extract from the notebook. When McClellan crossed the Chickahominy it was thought he would advance immediately upon Richmond. This expec tation was disappointed, however, for instead of advancing he began to fortify his position. The right wing rested on the Chickahominy a little below New Bridge, and the left extended to the White Oak Swamp, embracing a front of about four miles, nearly parallel with that of the Confederates. The op posing lines were separated by an interval but little exceeding a mile, but each was obscured from the other's view by the intervening forest The picket-lines were often within close musket-range of each other. At first there was a good deal of picket-skirmishing, but this was soon discontinued by mu tual consent, and a lively exchange of newspapers, coffee, and tobacco succeeded it. The strength of the Confederate force was always greatly over-estimated by McClellan, and his frequent and urgent calls for reinforcements exposed his want of confi dence in his own strength. General Lee knowing this uneasy, insecure feeling of his antagonist, and McDowell's force, which had always been a thorn in his side, being about this time withdrawn from Fredericksburg for the support of Banks and Shields in the Valley, prepared, as we have said, to assume the offensive. He conceived the bold plan of crossing the Chick ahominy, and, attacking the Federal right wing, to force it back and seize McClellan's line of communication with his base of operations. This plan being successfully executed, the Federal general would be compelled to save his army as best he could by retreat Preparatory to the execution of this plan General J. E. B. Stuart was ordered to make a reconnoissance in the rear of the Federal position. This officer, with a force of about 1000 cavalry, executed his instructions with great boldness and success. He made the entire circuit of the Fed eral army and gained much important information. This movement, indeed, was so skilful and brilliant that it has been classed among the most daring cavalry raids ever made. In addition to the information gained he captured many prisoners and destroyed Federal stores to the value of I 70 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. seven million dollars ; and all this with the loss of but a single man, the lamented Captain Latane, who fell while leading a successful charge against a superior force of the enemy. He finally recrossed the Chickahominy, almost in the face of the enemy, with the same intrepidity he had shown at every step of his progress, and with a prestige of daring and success that for years clung to his banner and gained him the reputation of being the most dashing and brilliant cavalry leader of the war. His design being confirmed by Stuart's successful reconnois sance, Lee proceeded to organize a force requisite for the accom plishment of his proposed enterprise. The troops that could be conveniently spared from North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia were ordered to Richmond. By the 20th of June, Major-general T. H. Holmes, with 6000 men from North Caro lina ; Brigadier-general Ripley, with 6000 from South Caro lina ; and Brigadier-general Lawton, with 5000 from Georgia, had arrived in Richmond. At the same time General Jackson was ordered to withdraw secretly from the Valley and proceed with such expedition as would enable him to reach Hanover Junction by the afternoon of the 25th of June. In order to mask his designs from the Federals, Lee directed Whiting's division and Lawton' s brigade to proceed to Staunton, appar ently with the view of reinforcing Jackson, but really under orders to return immediately and join that general on the 25th at Hanover Junction. This movement further strengthened McClellan in his opinion of Lee's vastly superior force, and completely blinded him in regard to the real intentions of that general. General Lee determined to attack the Federal right wing on the morning of the 26th of June. Jackson was directed to move to Atlee's Station on the Central Railroad. A. P. Hill was directed to cross the Chickahominy at Meadow Bridge as soon as Jackson arrived in supporting distance, attack the Federals at Mechanicsville, and drive them from that place, so that the bridge on the Richmond and Mechanicsville road might be open for the advance of the other troops ; Longstreet and D. H. Hill were ordered to move their divisions as near as prac ticable to the Mechanicsville bridge without discovering them- THE SE VEN DAYS' FIGHT. I 7 1 selves to the observation of the Federals ; while Magruder, Huger, and Holmes held the lines that were now completed, with instructions to watch closely the movements of the enemy in their front and act as circumstances might suggest. The effective force of the Army of Northern Virginia, including that brought by Jackson from the valley, as shown by the field returns of June 24th or 25th, amounted to a little more than 81,000 men : 30,000 of these were left in observation under Magruder, while Lee led 50,000 to the attack of the Federal force north of the Chickahominy, which amounted to about 25,000 men, commanded by Fitz John Porter. One division of this force, about 6000 or 7000 strong, under the command of General J. B. Reynolds, occupied Mechanicsville at the ex treme right of the Federal position. The main body, under the immediate command of Porter, was posted near Cold Har bor or Gaines's Mill, about six miles below Mechanicsville, and connected by bridges with the main body of the Federal army south of the Chickahominy. Jackson, having bivouacked at Ashton on the night of the 25th, and his men being fatigued by previous long marches, did not reach his designated position in line of battle until the afternoon of the>26th. This delay was very embarrassing to Lee, and greatly increased the difficulty of executing his plan of operations, as it exposed his design to the enemy and allowed him time to prepare for the approaching storm. Gen eral A. P. Hill, on the arrival of Jackson — about four o'clock — crossed the Chickahominy and made a spirited attack on the Federal force at Mechanicsville and compelled it to retire to a position which had been previously prepared beyond the Beaver Dam, a small stream about one mile south-east of the village. The way being now open, the divisions of Long- street and D. H. Hill began to cross the Chickahominy. Rip ley's brigade, which was the first to cross, was ordered to sup port A. P. Hill in his attempt to dislodge the Federals from their new position. Failing in their first attempt to dislodge them, the approach of night prevented any other being made to carry their position. Reynolds, finding his position would be turned, retired during the night to Gaines's Mill. On the 172 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. morning of the 27th, Lee formed his army into three columns. The division of A. P. Hill, forming the centre, moved by the main road from Mechanicsville to Gaines's Mill ; Longstreet moved by a road between this and the Chickahominy7 ; while Jackson and D. H. Hill moved by a road to the left which in tersected the Mechanicsville road a mile and a half beyond Gaines's Mill or Cold Harbor. Stuart with his cavalry cov ered the left flank of the army as it advanced. The guide, having received indefinite instructions from Jackson, led his column by a road that intersected with the Mechanicsville road before reaching Gaines's Mill. This brought the head of Jackson's column against Hill's troops. Jackson, being obliged to countermarch in order to gain the right road, caused a delay of several hours in the operations of General Lee and materially affected his plan of attack. It was his intention that when Jackson reached the Mechanicsville road he should form his troops in order of battle and attack the Federal right, while A. P. Hill attacked the centre and Longstreet the left The Federal position near Gaines's Mill was a plateau bound ed on the north-west side by a bluff eighty or ninety feet in elevation, which, curving to the north and east, gradually diminished into a gentle slope. The plateau was bounded on its north side by a stream flowing along its base, whose banks gradually widened and deepened until, when reaching the bluff, they had gained the width of eight or ten and the depth of five or six feet, thus forming a natural ditch. Three lines of breastworks, rising one above the other, had been construct ed upon the base of the bluff, and its crest was crowned with artillery. Three lines of Federal infantry occupied the bluff, and one line extended along the north-east crest for more than a mile, and batteries of artillery were in position in rear of the infantry. The Federal position was very strong, and to carry it required the greatest bravery and resolution on the part of the assailants. McClellan, being now aware of Lee's real de sign, reinforced Porter, increasing his force to about 40,000 men. When the columns of Hill and Longstreet had arrived in easy attacking-distance, General Lee caused them to halt in order to give Jackson time to gain his position. Waiting until THE SE VEN DA YS ' FIGHT. 1 7 3 one o'clock, Lee ordered Longstreet and A. P. Hill to com mence the attack. The Confederate skirmishers advanced and drove in the Federal pickets. While the column of Longstreet advanced by the road to Dr. Gaines's house, and that of Hill by the main Mechanicsville road, the Federal position was hid den from Hill by the intervening woods. Deploying several reg iments to support his skirmishers, he pushed them through the woods. Very soon the Federal line was developed by a heavy fire of musketry. Hill's column then deployed and advanced to the attack on the Federal centre. When Longstreet arrived at Gaines's house he was in full view of the Federal left. Taking advantage of an intervening ridge, the crest of which was parallel with and about three hundred yards from the Federal lines, he deployed his troops under its cover. Hearing Hill's attack, Longstreet approached to gain the Federal left. His first line on reaching the crest of the ridge was met by a storm of shot and shell; without falter ing it swept down the slope toward the Federal position in the face of a terrible fire of artillery and musketry until arrested by the wide and steep banks of the stream at the foot. Being unable to cross it, this line was obliged to fall back. These troops, although much cut up, re-formed for a second attack. Several Confederate batteries were served with considerable effect in covering the advance of the infantry. D. H. Hill, on reaching the scene of action, took position on the left of A. P. Hill and engaged the enemy. The battle having become gen eral, General Lee sent several staff officers to bring up Jackson's troops to the support of Hill and Longstreet. Whiting's divis ion and Lawton' s brigade were the first to arrive. Whiting was directed to fill the interval between Longstreet and A. P. Hill, and Lawton was sent to the left of D. H. Hill to engage the Federal right. Generals Ewell, Elzey, and Winder, as they arrived, were sent to the support of the Hills, and one brigade was sent to the support of Longstreet. Jackson led in person the remainder of his troops against the Federal right. The battle had raged with great fury for more than two hours, and the Federal lines seemed as unshaken as when it first began. The Confederates had been repulsed in several attempts to force I 74 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. them. The day was now drawing to a close, and Lee decided to end the conflict by a charge of the whole line. The word " Charge!" as it passed along the line, was responded to by a wild shout and an irresistible rush on the Federal position. The Texas brigade, led by the gallant Hood, was the first to penetrate the Federal works. It was immediately followed by other regiments, and in a few minutes the whole position was carried and the plateau was covered with a mass of fugitives. The Federals were in full flight, pursued by the Confederates, who delivered deadly volleys at every step. While General Lee was attacking Porter's position at Gaines's Mill, Magruder made a spirited demonstration against that of McClellan on the south side of the Chickahominy. This double attack served to bewilder McClellan, and caused him to withhold reinforcements that would otherwise have been sent to Porter. This battle is considered by many as the most stubbornly-contested battle of the war. It is true that the troops on both sides displayed great valor and determina tion, and proved themselves worthy of the nation to which they belonged. Porter deserves much credit for the skilful selection of his position and the gallant manner in which he defended it. The victory was complete. When night closed the Confederates were in undisputed possession of the field. The next morning Lee directed Stuart with his cavalry, sup ported by Ewell' s division of infantry, to seize the York River Railroad. McClellan was thus cut off from his base of sup plies, and reduced to the necessity of retreating by one of two routes — the one by the Peninsula, the other by the James River, under the cover of the gunboats. He chose the latter as the shortest and easiest. General Lee remained on the 28th on the north side of the Chickahominy in observation of McClellan's movements. In structions were sent at the same time to Magruder to keep a vigilant watch on the Federals and without delay report any movement that might be discovered. These instructions were not as faithfully executed as they should have been, for the retreat of the Federals had commenced on the morning of the 28th, and was not discovered until the morning of the 29th, THE SEVEN DAYS' FIGHT. I 75 when the Federal lines were found by two engineer officers, Captains Meade aud Johnston, to be abandoned, although the Confederate pickets were in many places less than half a mile from the Federal lines. The safe retreat of McClellan to the James is mainly due to the advantage thus gained. When General Lee on the morn ing of the 29th found that the Federal army was in retreat he ordered an immediate pursuit. All of the troops on the north of the Chickahominy, with the exception of the divisions of Ewell and Jackson, and Stuart's cavalry, which were to remain in observation lest the Federals might change their line of retreat, were ordered to recross that stream with the view of overtaking the retreating columns. General Lee on recrossing the Chickahominy found Magruder, Huger, and Holmes pre paring to pursue the retreating Federal army. At twelve o'clock the pursuit was commenced, and about three Magruder came upon Sumner's corps, which was in position near Savage's Station. General Heintzelman having retired, Sumner's and Franklin's corps had to receive Magruder's attack unsupported. Sumner held his position with great obstinacy until night ended the conflict. This determined stand enabled the Federal army to make a safe passage of the White Oak Swamp. In the after noon of the 29th, Jackson was directed to cross the Chicka hominy and relieve Magruder in the pursuit. Lee directed the other divisions of his army to march by several roads leading in the direction of McClellan's line of retreat, with the view of striking his column in the flank while Jackson pressed him in the rear. About three o'clock on the 30th, Lee, with the divisions of Longstreet and A. P. Hill, struck the Federal column at Frazier's Farm, and a fierce combat ensued which was closely contested until night. Contrary to his expectations, he was not supported in this attack by Generals Jackson and Huger, consequently McClellan again escaped and continued his retreat during the night to Malvern Hill. The delay on the part of General Jackson was very unusual. The explanation of his delay on this occasion was that, being greatly exhausted by long marches and battles for more than a week, he sought a short repose. His staff, out of mistaken 176 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. regard for their general, permitted him to sleep far beyond the time he had allowed himself. When he awoke he was greatly chagrined at the loss of time that had occurred, the damage of which he was unable to repair. Though General Lee accom plished all that was at first proposed, yet had the parts assigned to some of his subordinates been performed with the exactness that was naturally expected, the results of his operations would have been far greater than those shown in the sequel. On the morning of the ist of July it was discovered that McClellan had occupied in force the strong position of Malvern Hill, while his powerful artillery swept every approach, and the shot of the gunboats fell beyond the Confederate lines. After a careful reconnoissance of McClellan's position, Lee determined to attack his left. His first line, composed of the divisions of Magruder, D. H. Hill, and Jackson, was advanced under cover of the wood near the base of the hill. Magruder was ordered to attack the Federal left, while Hill and Jackson threatened their centre and right. The attack was delayed until near sundown, when Magruder made a most gallant assault. By dint of hard fighting his troops gained the crest of the hill and forced back the Federal left, but were in turn driven back. The firing continued along the line until ten o'clock. The Confederates lay upon their arms where the battle closed, ready to resume the fight as soon as the daylight should appear. Under the cover of the night McClellan secretly retired, his retreat being facilitated by a heavy fall of rain, which deadened the sound of his withdrawal. The Confederates the next morning, groping through the dense fog, came upon the abandoned lines. This was the first information they had of the retreat. McClellan had now gained the protection of the Federal gunboats; therefore Lee did not immediately pursue, but ordered a day's rest, which the troops greatly needed. McClellan continued his retreat to Harrison's Land ing on the James River, where he took up a position. Lee ad vanced the next day to that neighborhood and after a careful re connoissance of the Federal lines deemed it inadvisable to attack, and, as there was no probability of the Army of the Potomac THE SEVEN DAYS' FIGHT. 177 speedily resuming operations, he returned to his former camp near Richmond to rest, recruit, and reorganize his army. While in the vicinity of Harrison's Landing the attack of Colonel J. Thompson Brown's artillery upon the Federal gun boats afforded a brilliant episode to the last scene of the mili tary drama that had just been acted. The loss sustained by both armies during the recent opera tions was considerable; that, however, caused by exhaustion and illness probably equalled the casualties of actual battle. The number of Confederate killed and wounded amounted to about 10,000, whilst the Federal loss exceeded this. Review ing the operations that have just been described, we cannot fail to observe the important results achieved by the skill and energy of an able commander. On the ist of June, General Lee assumed the command of an army that did not exceed 50,000 men. With this force he erected defences to withstand any attack that might be made against them, and besides in less than a month increased his army to 80,000 men, without giving up one foot of territory and without endangering either public or private property. He also raised its discipline and spirit to such a height that he was enabled to take the offen sive and force his adversary, notwithstanding his superiority of numbers and the finely-appointed state of his army, to abandon a base of operations that had occupied almost the exclusive attention of his Government for more than a year, incurring in doing so a heavy loss of material. McClellan, after establishing himself at Harrison's Landing, called for large reinforcements to enable him to resume active operations. It was decided to order Burnside from North Car olina to reinforce the Army of the Potomac. When Lee re gained his former camp near Richmond he immediately set about reorganizing his army. His victory over McClellan had filled the Confederacy with joy, and the men who had left the army a short time before broken down and depressed returned full of spirit and energy. Before the end of July the Army of Northern Virginia, with the addition of one or two brigades from South Carolina aud Georgia, numbered about 70,000 effective men. This army, 12 I 78 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. having to a great extent supplied itself by captures from the Federal army, was better armed and equipped than it had pre viously been. Lee had formed it into two corps, giving one to Longstreet and the other to Jackson, officers who had proved themselves fully worthy of the important commands conferred upon them. As they have borne a most distinguished part in the events which form the subject of this narrative, it is proper that a sketch of them should be given. They were both graduates of the national Military Academy, and each on receiving his diploma entered on a military career. Longstreet was Jackson's senior, having graduated at West Point in 1842, while Jackson did not complete his academic labors until four years later. These chieftains, whose career seemed to be united by destiny, were entirely dissimilar in person and character. Longstreet in his younger days possessed a figure remarkable for manly beauty, which in maturer years, though much expanded, was still commanding and graceful, and his person was further rendered agreeable by a social and genial manner. To his superior physical qualities was added mental ability of considerable scope. On the other hand, though physically and mentally inferior to Longstreet, Jack son possessed an iron mind, with a determination and perse verance that enabled him to accomplish great results. He did not have the genial and attractive manner of his distinguished contemporary, but exhibited a quiet reserve, amounting almost to austerity, which, being taken in connection with his strict observance of the faith of the Covenanter, might warrant the idea of finding his counterpart among the Ironsides of Crom well. The breaking out of the war with Mexico in 1846 afforded the youthful aspirants to military renown a rich har vest of fame, and in the brilliant campaign of General Scott in the Valley of Mexico, Jackson as lieutenant of artillery and Longstreet on the staff of General Garland gathered abundant laurels, and at the close of the war each received from the Gov ernment as a reward of merit the brevet rank of major. After the restoration of peace, finding the inactivity of gar rison-life distasteful to him, Jackson resigned his commission THE SEVEN DA YS' FIGHT. 1 79 in the army and accepted a professorship in the Virginia Mili tary Institute, which he filled with honor until the civil rupture - between the States. Longstreet in the mean time remained in the army, where he had conferred on him the position of pay master, with the full rank of major. At the commencement of the war between the States both Longstreet and Jackson tendered their services to their native States, and as we progress with our narrative it will be seen to what distinction each rose in defence of the Southern Con federacy. It would be unjust to General Lee to pass unnoticed some of the criticisms that have been made on the foregoing campaign by General Dick Taylor in his sprightly work, Destruction and Reconstruction. Among some of his random remarks we find one to the following effect: "General Lee was without maps or efficient guides, and was himself and staff unacquainted with the topography of his field of operations, which materially resulted in blunders on the part of his subordinate com manders. ' ' Mr. Davis reiterated the above assertion in his History ofthe Confederacy, vol. ii. chap, xxiv., pp. 142, 144: "It is an extra ordinary fact that, though the capital had been threatened by an attack from the seaboard on the right, though our army had retreated from Yorktown up the Chickahominy, and after en camping there for a time had crossed the river and moved up to Richmond, yet when, at the close of the battles around Richmond, McClellan retreated and was pursued toward the James River, we had no maps of the country in which we were operating; our generals were ignorant of the roads, and their ' guides knew little more than the way from their homes to Richmond "It was after a personal and hazardous reconnoissance that General Lee assigned General Holmes to his last position ; and when I remonstrated with General Lee, whom I met returning from his reconnoissance, on account of the exposure to which he had subjected himself, he said he could not get the required information, and therefore had gone himself. ' ' The blame implied in these remarks in reference to the want 180 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. of maps should be placed where it properly belongs — with the war-directing authority at Richmond. It is from the topo graphical bureaus of governments that the geographical and topographical knowledge requisite for a campaign should be obtained; and in the present instance neither Johnston nor Lee had opportunities to cause reconnoissances and surveys to be made, which were necessary for the construction of maps. The statement in regard to Lee's want of knowledge of the topography of his field of operations and the inferiority of his guides is incorrect. The blunders complained of were more the result of inattention to orders and want of proper energy on the part of a few subordinate commanders than of lack of knowledge of the country. For years Lee had been accustomed to traverse the country between the White House and Rich mond, and from Richmond to the different estates of his friends on the lower James. He was therefore well acquainted with the country on both sides of the Chickahominy, and it was natural that he should apply his previous information to his present purposes. The inhabitants of that region supplied efficient guides, and his staff officers had been employed in making themselves acquainted with the roads and natural fea tures of the country over which the army was likely to operate. Moreover, a few days before his attack on McClellan, Stuart was sent on a reconnoissance to the rear of the Federal army to acquire information that might be useful in carrying out his plan of attack, and during the battle Baker's regiment of cav alry was kept in the vicinity of Malvern Hill to observe the enemy. Just before the battle of Frazier's Farm, Mr. Davis with his staff arrived at the position then occupied byr General Lee ; almost immediately thereafter the enemy's batteries opened a lively fire, sending a shower of shells into startling proximity. Lee then, accompanied by several of his staff, proceeded to make a personal observation of the field of battle; which prac tice had been and continued to be his custom. After satisfying himself of the condition of affairs, he proceeded to join Long- street at his field headquarters, where he found Mr. Davis, when the conversation referred to above took place. Mr. Davis clearly THE SEVEN DA YS ' FIGHT. 1 8 1 misunderstood General Lee's remark in regard to his lack of information, since he could but have expressed a desire to sat isfy himself by personal observation, and not have professed ignorance of the general features of the locality occupied by the armies. (The map accompanying this chapter is a copy of the official map used by General Lee during this campaign. It was filed with his report of these operations in the War Depart ment, C. S. A., by the special direction of General Lee.) CHAPTER XI. POPE OUTGENERALLED. The New Federal Commander. — Lee's March Northward. — Pope's Retreat. — Jackson's Flanking Movement. — Capture of the Stores at Manassas. — Lee's Narrow Escape. — A LadyLin Distress. — Thoroughfare Gap. — Longstreet's Corps joins Jackson. — Sec ond Battle of Manassas. — Pope's Defeat. — Telegrams. THE short and disastrous campaign of Pope affords a strik ing commentary on the timid policy that characterized the Federal Government in its prosecution of the war, as had been previously illustrated by the injudicious interference of Mr. Lincoln with military operations in the field, and his obvious want of confidence in General McClellan. This was manifested by withholding from him McDowell's corps of 40,000 men, whose co-operation was calculated on in the advance upon Rich mond, and subsequently by allowing his fears for the safety of Washington to neutralize a powerful force in the Valley of Virginia, which might have, by timely co-operation, given a different turn to the Richmond campaign. Besides execu tive interference, military operations were further embarrassed by the introduction of an inquisitorial tribunal known as the "Congressional Committee on the Conduct of the War." It was through this engine of mischief that the popular curi osity of the North was feasted with news from the seat of war, by which feuds were bred in the army, and which became the source from which the Confederates were supplied with tlie most important information, thus paving the way for those disastrous blows which fell upon the Federal arms. Pope in his interviews so dazzled with his brilliant plan of operations the authorities who, from their seat in Washington, directed military affairs that they dislocated the plan of McClellan, withdrew the Army of the Potomac from its position on the James, and threw the whole of that army into Pope's scheme 182 POPE OUTGENERALLED. 183 of victory. He tells President Lincoln, General Halleck, and the Secretary of War at the White House, and repeats to the Congressional Committee at the Capitol, that with McClellan's army, 200,000 strong, he could not only dissipate every danger that threatened the capital, but could make a victorious march to New Orleans. Great, then, must have been the disappoint ment at Washington, after such glorious prospects, on witness ing the precipitate retreat of the Federal army on which such high hopes had been centred. Pope's chastisement should also serve to admonish the future military tyro to mask his igno rance by curbing his arrogance when thrown by a credulous government into a position far beyond his capacity. As there was no probability of McClellan's immediately re suming active operations against Richmond, Lee determined, by assuming the offensive and threatening the Federal capi tal, to force him to make an entire change in his plan of cam paign. With that view he despatched Jackson with three divisions of infantry and a proportionate amount of artillery to the neighborhood of Gordonsville, while remaining himself at Richmond with Longstreet' s corps, D. H. Hill's and Ander son's divisions of infantry, and Stuart's cavalry in observation of McClellan, who was now slowly recovering from the stun ning effect of his defeat. Having learned through the news papers and other sources that there was a conflict of opinion between General McClellan and Mr. Lincoln in regard to future operations, and knowing the Federal President's anxiety con cerning the safety of his capital, Lee rightly concluded that any movement in that direction would cause McClellan's opinion to be overruled and the Army of the Potomac to be withdrawn from the James for the defence of Washington. There had not been as yet any understanding between the bel ligerents in regard to the treatment and exchange of prisoners. It was now very desirable that some plan on this subject should be established. General Dix on the part of the Federals and General D. H. Hill on that of the Confederates were commis sioned to form a plan for the exchange of prisoners. They met and framed a cartel on very liberal principles, which was agreed to by both Governments. The exchange of prisoners 1 84 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. began under it, but was discontinued later by the Federal Gov ernment. About the ist of August, the advance of the Fed eral army having reached Culpeper Court-house, Jackson moved to the Rapidan and took a position in the vicinity of Orange Court-house. Being there joined by two small brigades of cavalry, commanded by W. E. Jones and Beverly Robertson, his strength was increased to about 20,000 men. The forces under Banks, Fremont, and McDowell, amounting to 50,000 men, were formed into an army, the command of which was given to General Pope, who, in assuming the command, intro duced himself in a very bombastic order, in which he an nounced his intention of conducting the war on very different principles from those that had been previously adopted. In his pseudo-Napoleonic order to his soldiers he said: "I constantly hear of taking strong positions and holding them — of lines of retreat and bases of supplies," and enjoined them to dismiss all such ideas as unworthy of soldiers commanded by one who had been used to see only ' ' the backs of his enemies. ' ' His headquarters were to be " in the saddle, ' ' and he had come from the West, ' ' from an army whose business it has been to seek the adversary, and to beat him when found — whose policy has been attack, and not defence." Before the Committee on the Conduct of the War he grandiloquently declared that he meant to "lie off on the flanks of the rebels," and that with an army equal to McClellan's he would promise to march straight from Washington to New Orleans. We need scarcely say that before he was many days older this vain-glorious boaster found that there were obstacles in the way of his pro jected march, that the intrenchments around Washington were a safer place than his ' ' headquarters in the saddle, ' ' and that ' ' lines of retreat and bases of supplies ' ' were very good things in an emergency. By reference to the map of Virginia the principal points mentioned in this narrative may be observed. About the time that Jackson reached the Rapidan, Pope arrived at Culpeper Court-house, and extended his advance corps toward the Rapi dan. The Federal cavalry finding the Rapidan occupied by the Confederates, the leading corps took up a position along a POPE OUTGENERALLED. 1 85 range of low hills near Cedar Mountain, about four miles west of Culpeper Court-house. Having learned that a part of the Federal force had not arrived there, Jackson determined to attack Pope before his army could be united. He therefore secretly recrossed the Rapidan, and by a rapid movement on the 9th of August gained the position near Cedar Mountain before the Federals were aware of his design. The battle was hotly contested for several hours, when the Federals were de feated and driven back to Culpeper Court-house. Jackson held the field until he had secured the fruit of his victory and buried the dead. He then recrossed the Rapidan. Among the gal lant soldiers who fell in this engagement none were more deeply regretted than General Charles S. Winder, in tribute to whose memory I cannot do more than refer to the order of General Jackson announcing his death. McClellan had re mained quiet at Harrison's Landing during the month of July, resting and recruiting his army. At the same time he made a requisition upon the Government for a reinforcement of 50,000 men to enable him to resume his advance upon Richmond. President Lincoln declined furnishing him this reinforcement upon the ground that he had not so large a force available for that purpose. About the last of July, General Halleck, commander-in- chief of the Federal army, visited the Army of the Potomac, which at that time numbered 90,000 effective men. At a council of the principal officers of the army it was found that a majority was opposed to renewing the advance upon Richmond, while McClellan and two or three of his most ex perienced officers were in favor of it. Halleck therefore prom ised McClellan a reinforcement of 20,000 men to enable him to carry out his plan, that being the largest force that could be then furnished for that purpose. The Federal authorities at Washington were not cordial in their support of McClellan's plan of operations. They were in favor of changing the base of operations from the James to the Potomac River, to operate with Pope on the Rapidan. The advance of Jackson to Gor donsville, above mentioned, and his subsequent advance upon the position of General Pope near Culpeper Court-house, caused 1 86 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. the Federal authorities to determine upon the immediate with drawal of the Army of the Potomac from the James. The circumstances here detailed very considerably modified the military situation, and enabled General Lee to act with a skill and boldness which was destined to astonish and alarm the Federal authorities quite as much as his notable defeat of McClellan had done. He divined, with the intuition of genius, that his presence and that of his army could be spared from the immediate vicinity of Richmond, and might be able to teach General Pope that the road to New Orleans was ' ' a hard road to travel." Preliminary to future operations he sent forward Longstreet's corps to join Jackson in the vicinity of Gordons ville, and about the middle of August proceeded in person to assume the direction of affairs in that quarter. On reaching the locality of the projected movements he found Jackson occupying the line of the Rapidan, while Long- street's force was encamped in the neighborhood of Gordons ville. The army, including Stuart's cavalry, at this time amounted to 65,000 effective men, while the opposing army of Pope numbered 50,000, and occupied a position between Cul peper Court-house and the Rapidan. Lee at once determined to assume the offensive, and with that purpose in view he moved his whole army below Orange Court-house to a position south of Clark's Mountain, where he could avail himself of the fords of the Rapidan on the flanks of the Federal army. He reached this position on August 17th, the movement having been effected, under cover of the forest, without the knowledge of General Pope. The absence of Stuart's cavalry delayed the army in this position till the morning of the 20th, and enabled Pope — who, through an unlucky accident, became aware of the movement of his shrewd adversary — to beat a hasty retreat. The cavalry had been employed in observation on the lower Rappahannock and the York rivers, and were thus, unfortunately, not avail able at the moment when their presence would have been of the most essential service. On the 18th, Lee and his staff ascended Clark's Mountain, and reconnoitered the Federal position. In plain view before POPE OUTGENERALLED. 1 87 them lay Pope's army, stretched out in fancied security, and to all appearance in utter ignorance of the vicinity of a powerful foe. It was evident from that elevated position that the two armies were about equally distant from Culpeper Court-house, and that the Confederate force was in a position to gain the Federal rear. The absence of the cavalry, however, prevented an immediate advance, and Lee retained his position till the next day, satisfied that the enemy was still in ignorance of his danger. On the afternoon of the 19th the signal-station on the top of the mountain notified the Confederate commander that a change had occurred in the situation of affairs. The enemy had evidently taken the alarm. There was a bustle in the camp that indicated a move, as if Pope had suddenly learned the peril of his position and was preparing for a hasty flight toward the Rappahannock. As it afterward appeared, Pope had learned of Lee's vicinity through the capture of Lieutenant Fitzhugh of Stuart's staff, on whom had been found a letter revealing the fact of the movement of the Confederate army. On gaining this import ant and somewhat startling information, he had immediately given orders to break camp and retreat in all haste to the line of the Rappahannock. During this interval General Stuart himself had run a serious risk of capture. The main body of the cavalry, under Fitz Lee, failing to make their appearance at the point where Stuart awaited them, he had become impa tient, and advanced with some members of his staff to meet them. On the night of the 17th he occupied a house at Ve- diersville, intending to continue his search for the cavalry the next morning. At an early hour of that morning a squadron of Federal cavalry which was out reconnoitering suddenly made its appearance in front of the house which sheltered the Confederate general. The surprise was complete, but, fortu nately, the Federals did not dream of the valuable prize within their reach. Ere they were able to grasp the situation Stuart had become aroused and apprised of his imminent peril. He instantly sprang up, and without hat or haversack rushed for the rear door of the house. There he sprang on his horse with out heed of saddle or accoutrements and rode hastily into the 1 88 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. woods, followed by those members of his staff who had accom panied him. The Federals learned only too late of the valuable prize which had slipped through their fingers, and had to con tent themselves with the hat and haversack of the dashing leader of the Confederate cavalry. The retreating Federal army was followed by Lee in rapid pursuit, but it had crossed the Rappahannock by the time he reached the vicinity of that stream. Pope on crossing the river took up a position on the left bank, his left covering Rappahannock Station, his right extending in the direction of Warrenton Springs. Lee confronted him on the right bank of the river. The two armies remained thus opposed two or three days, during which nothing oceurred except some unimportant skirmishing between the cavalry and the outposts. When it became known at Washington that Pope had been compelled to retreat and recross the Rappahannock, the Fed eral authorities made every effort to rapidly reinforce him by troops drawn from the Army of the Potomac and from Burn- side's force, which had been withdrawn from North Carolina. General Lee, in order to retard the forwarding of troops and supplies to the Federal army, ordered Stuart to turn Pope's right, gain his rear, inflict as much damage as he could upon the Orange and Alexandria Railroad, and gain information of the enemy's movements. Stuart, in compliance with his in structions, crossed the Rappahannock late in the afternoon of the 21st, a few miles above Warrenton Springs, with a brigade of cavalry, and, screening his movement by the mountain- spurs and intervening forests, he proceeded toward the village of Warrenton, passing that place after nightfall, and advanced direct upon Catlett's Station on the railroad. Arriving in the midst of a violent storm, he surprised and captured the Federal encampment at that place, which he found to contain General Pope's headquarters. He secured Pope's letter-book and papers with many other valuable articles. On account of the heavy fall of rain the timbers of the rail road bridge at Catlett's were so saturated with water that Stuart was unable to burn it, and, being pressed for time, he failed to greatly damage the railroad. He returned, bringing with him POPE OUTGENERALLED. 189 his valuable booty, without the loss of a man. By the capture of Pope's papers Lee gained an accurate knowledge of the situation of the Federal army. Acting on it, he ordered Jack son to advance his corps to Jeffersonton and secure the bridge over the Rappahannock at Warrenton Springs. Jackson moved up the river, leaving his train to follow under the escort of Trimble's brigade. The Federals, being tempted by the ap pearance of a large train in their vicinity, sent a strong detach ment to intercept it. Trimble, reinforced by Hood's brigade of Longstreet' s corps, met this detachment, and after a fierce combat drove it back with heavy loss. Jackson, on arriving at Jeffersonton in the afternoon of the 22d, found that the bridge on the Warrenton turnpike had been destroyed by the Federals. The river being low, he succeeded in sending Early's brigade with one of Lawton' s Georgia regiments across the river on an old mill-dam to act as a corps of observation. During the night the river was made impassable by heavy rains. The next day, the Federals beginning to appear in great force, Early with great dexterity took a position in a wood adjacent to the river, so as to effectually conceal his lack of strength. The river having fallen during the day, he recrossed at night without loss. The Federals burned the railroad bridge of Rap pahannock Station, and moved their left higher up the river. On the 23d, Lee ordered Longstreet' s corps to follow Jackson and mass in the vicinity of Jeffersonton. The headquarters of the army was also moved to that place. In the afternoon a demonstration was made by a part of the artillery of Jackson's corps on the Federal position at Warrenton Springs, to create a diversion in favor of Early, which provoked a spirited reply from the Federal batteries. General Longstreet made a feint on the position of Warren ton on the morning of the 24th, under cover of which Jack son's corps was withdrawn from the front to the vicinity ofthe road from Jeffersonton to the upper fords of the Rappahannock. Jackson was then directed to make preparation to turn the Federal position and seize their communications about Manas sas Junction. Longstreet continued his cannonade at intervals throughout the day, to which the Federals replied with increas- 190 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. ing vigor, showing that Pope was massing his army in Lee's front. It was the object of Lee to hold Pope in his present posi tion by deluding him with the belief that it was his inten tion to force a passage of the river at that point, until Jackson by a flank movement could gain his rear. Longstreet, on the morning of the 25th, resumed his cannonade with increased energy, and at the same time made a display of infantry above and below the bridge. Jackson then moved up the river to a ford eight miles above; crossing at that point and turning eastward, by a rapid march he reached the vicinity of Salem. Having made a march of twenty-five miles, he bivouacked for the night. Stuart's cavalry covered his right flank, the move ment being masked by the natural features of the country. The next morning at dawn the march was resumed by the route through Thoroughfare Gap. The cavalry, moving well to the right, passed around the west end of Bull Run Mountain and joined the infantry at the village of Gainesville, a few miles from the Orange and Alexandria Railroad. Pressing forward, still keeping the cav alry well to the right, Jackson struck the railroad at Bristoe Station late in the afternoon, where he captured two empty trains going east. After dark he sent a detachment under Stuart to secure Manassas Junction, the main dep6t of sup plies of the Federal army. The cavalry moved upon the flanks of this position, while the infantry, commanded by Trimble, assaulted the works in front and carried them with insignificant loss, capturing two batteries of light artillery with their horses and a detachment of 300 men, besides an immense amount of army supplies. The next morning, after effectually destroying the railroad at Bristoe, Jackson left Ewell with his division and a part of Stuart's cavalry to retard the Federals if they should advance in that direction, and moved his main body to Manassas, where he allowed his troops a few hours to refresh themselves upon the abundant stores that had been captured. About twelve o'clock the sound of artillery in the direction of Bristoe announced the Federal advance. Not hav ing transportation to remove the captured supplies, Jackson POPE OUTGENERALLED. 191 directed his men to take what they could carry off, and ordered the rest to be destroyed. General Ewell, having repulsed the advance of two Federal columns, rejoined Jackson at Manassas. The destruction of the captured stores having been completed, Jackson retired with his whole force to Bull Run and took a position for the night, a part of his troops resting on the battle-field of the previous year. Pope, on hearing of the interruption of his communications, sent a force to get information of the extent of the damage that had been done to the railroad. Upon learn ing that Jackson was in his rear, he immediately abandoned his position on the Rappahannock and proceeded with all despatch to intercept him before he could be reinforced by Lee. His advance having been arrested on the 27th by Ewell, he did not proceed beyond Bristoe that day. Lee on the 26th with drew Longstreet' s corps from its position in front of Warrenton Springs, covering the withdrawal by a small rear-guard and artillery, and directed it to follow Jackson by the route he had taken the day before. The trains were ordered to move by the same route and to keep closed on Longstreet' s corps. On the evening of this day Longstreet, accompanied by Lee and his staff, reached the vicinity of the small village of Orleans, where the corps bivouacked for the night. We may at this point, as a break to the uniformity of the war-narrative, introduce some personal details concerning General Lee, and particularly those in relation to a very narrow escape which he made from capture by a squadron of Federal cavalry. His peril was quite as great as had been that of Stuart a few days before, while the danger of disaster to the Confederate cause was tenfold greater. This incident has never yet been told, and we may be pardoned for pausing in our narrative to re late it. On the evening in question Mrs. Marshall, a hospitable lady residing in the vicinity of Orleans, invited Generals Lee and Longstreet to partake of a repast which she had prepared for them on hearing of their approach. After enjoying the meal, whose abundance was in pleasant contrast to their usual scanty ' camp-fare, they passed an agreeable evening with the ladies. 192 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. Lee threw off the stern- bearing of the soldier and assumed that of the genial cavalier, while Longstreet laid aside his ordinary reticence and made himself very entertaining. At the conclusion of the evening's entertainment the guests in formed their hostess that they must be astir very early the next morning, as the march would be resumed by the dawn of day. Yet, early as they were, their hospitable hostess was up before them, and to their surprise when ready to depart they found a sumptuous breakfast awaiting them. After partaking of this the whole party bade adieu to Mrs. Marshall and her household, and took their places at the head of the advancing column just as day began to dawn. On approaching the neigh borhood of Salem the general and his staff found themselves at some distance in advance of the column, having ridden briskly onward in the fresh morning air. At this moment a quartermaster, who had luckily been still farther in advance, came dashing back at full speed and in a high state of excite ment, calling out loudly as he approached, ' ' The Federal cav alry are upon you !" Almost at the same instant the head of a galloping squadron was seen moving briskly toward them and only a few hundred yards distant. It was a moment of imminent peril, and one that needed quick decision and skilful action. The general was accom panied only by his staff and couriers, some ten or twelve men in all. But these were men who were fully ready to devote their lives or liberties to the safety of their great commander. They instantly formed across the road and impulsively bade L,ee to retire, promising to retard the enemy until he had gained a safe distance. The Federal cavalry, seeing this line of horsemen, which occupied the full width of the road, and presuming that it was the head of a considerable troop, halted, gazed upon it for a moment, and then wheeled and rode off in the opposite direction. The quick action of the staff alone saved General Lee from capture. Had they been seen by the opposing squadron before they formed in line the Confederate commander and his staff would undoubtedly have been captured. Or if a bold dash had been made by the Federal squadron, Lee could scarcely have* POPE OUTGENERALLED. 193 escaped. This incident is the more worthy of relation as it was the only case during the war in which the Confederate leader was in imminent danger of capture. In this connection may be mentioned another incident which occurred on the same morning. A patriotic lady who resided in the vicinity of Salem, and who was naturally desirous to greet the great general as he passed, rode out for this purpose, in company with her daughters, in their family carriage, which was drawn by a pair of handsome and spirited horses. Unfor tunately for her, she was met by the body of Federal cavalry just spoken of, who, without ceremony and despite entreaties, dispossessed her of her magnificent bays, and left the dejected lady and her daughters sitting helpless in their carriage in the middle of the road. When General Lee rode up to the spot he found the distressed party in a house by the wayside, in which they had taken refuge. With his usual gallantry and courtesy he dismounted and strove to cheer up the unfortunate lady, expressing his deep sympathy with her mishap, and regretting his inability to relieve her from her difficulty by supplying her with another pair of horses. Since the war the lady has fre quently repeated this anecdote, and, though glad of the oppor tunity it gave her for an interview with the famous warrior, she has .never become quite reconciled to the price which she paid for it — the loss of her favorite bays. The corps bivouacked for the night in the vicinity of Salem. On the morning of the succeeding day, the 27th, a messenger appeared bringing the important and cheering news of the suc cess of Jackson at Bristoe and Manassas. These tidings were received with enthusiasm by the soldiers, who, animated with high hopes of victory, pressed on with the greatest energy, and that evening reached the plains a few miles west of Thorough fare Gap, in the Bull Run Mountains, through which Jackson's column had passed a few days previously. Thoroughfare Gap was reached about noon of the 28th. It was quickly found to be occupied by a Federal force. Some slight attempt was made to dislodge the enemy, but without success, as their position proved too strong, and it seemed as if the movement of the Confederate army in that direction was 13 194 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. destined to be seriously interfered with. Meanwhile, nothing further had been heard from Jackson, and there was a natural anxiety in regard to his position and possible peril. Unless the mountains could speedily be passed by Longstreet' s corps the force under Jackson might be assailed by the whole of Pope's army, and very severely dealt with. Under these critical circumstances General Lee made every effort to find some available route over the mountains, sending reconnoissances to right and left in search of a practicable pass. Some of the officers ascended the mountain during the evening, and perceived from its summit a large force which lay in front of the Gap. Meanwhile, the sound of cannonading was audi ble from the other side of the range, and it was evident that an engagement was taking place. The moment was a critical one, and the most phlegmatic commander might have been par doned for yielding to excitement under such circumstances; yet Lee preserved his usual equanimity, and permitted his face to show no indication of the anxiety which he must have felt. That he was lost in deep reflection as he surveyed the moun tain-pass in front was evident, yet neither in looks nor words did he show that he was not fully master of himself and of the occasion. And the absence of any overmastering anxiety was shown in another manner. Mr. Robison, a gentleman who lived near the Gap, invited Lee and his staff to take dinner with him; and this meal was partaken of with as good an appetite and with as much geniality of manner as if the occa sion was an ordinary one, not a moment in which victory or ruin hung trembling in the balance. Fortunately, circumstances favored the Confederate cause. One of the reconnoitering parties found a woodchopper, who told them of an old road over the mountain to which he could guide them, and which might be practicable for infantry. Hood was at once directed to make an effort to lead his divis ion across the mountain by this route. This he succeeded in doing, and the head of his column reached the other side of the range by morning. Another route had also been discovered by which Wilcox was enabled to turn the Gap. In the mean time, Pope himself had been playing into the POPE OUTGENERALLED. 195 hands of his adversary. He had ordered McDowell to retire from the Gap and join him to aid in the anticipated crushing of Jackson. McDowell did so, leaving Rickett's division to hold the Gap. In evident ignorance of the vicinity of Long- street's corps, this force was also withdrawn during the night, and on the morning of the 29th Lee found the Gap unoccupied, and at once marched through at the head of Longstreet' s col umn. On reaching Gainesville, three miles beyond the Gap, he found Stuart, who informed him of Jackson's situation. The division was at once marched into position on Jackson's right Pope had unknowingly favored the advance of the Con federate commander. His removal of McDowell from his position had been a tactical error of such magnitude that it could not well be retrieved. The object of the movement had been to surround Jackson at Manassas Junction, upon which place the several corps of the army were marching by various routes. Pope wrote in his order to McDowell, ' ' If you will march promptly and rapidly at the earliest dawn upon Manas sas Junction, we shall bag the whole crowd." The scheme was a good one, but for two unconsidered contingencies. Had Jackson awaited the enemy at Manassas Junction, he would have found himself in a trap. But he did not choose to do so. When the van of the Federal columns reached the Junction, they found that the bird had flown. And Longstreet' s corps, which might have been prevented from passing the Bull Run range, had been given free opportunity to cross to the aid of Jackson, who on the night of the 27th and morning of the 28th left the Junction and made a rapid march to the westward. The error was a fatal one to the hopes of the boasting West ern general. The cannonade at the Gap on the 28th had informed Jack son of Lee's proximity. He at once took a position north of the Warrenton turnpike, his left resting on Bull Run, near Sudley Church, and his right extending toward Gainesville. The distance of this position from the Warrenton road varied from one to two miles, the greater part of the left embracing a railroad cut, while the centre and right occupied a command- I96 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. ing ridge. In this position Jackson could easily unite with Lee on his passing Thoroughfare Gap, or, failing in that and being hard pressed, he could retire by the east end of Bull Run Mountain and unite with Lee on the north side of that moun tain. The divisions of Ewell and Taliaferro formed the right and centre of Jackson's line of battle, while that of A. P. Hill constituted his left. Jackson had barely completed his arrange ments when a heavy column of Federal infantry (King's divis ion of McDowell's corps) appeared on the Warrenton turnpike. In order to delay its advance several batteries were placed in position, which by a well-directed fire caused them to halt; at the same time Jackson ordered Taliaferro to deploy one brigade across the Warrenton turnpike, holding his other brigades in reserve. Ewell was directed to support him. About three o'clock the Federals bore down in heavy force upon Ewell and Taliaferro, who maintained their positions with admirable firmness, repelling attack after attack until night. The loss on both sides was considerable. Among the wounded on the side of the Confederates were Generals Taliaferro and Ewell, the latter seriously, having to lose his leg. Jackson, with barely 20,000 men, now found himself con fronted by the greater part of the Federal army. Any com mander with less firmness would have sought safety in retreat But having heard the Confederate guns at Thoroughfare Gap, he knew that Lee would join him the next day. Therefore he determined to hold his position at all hazards. By the morning of the 29th, as we have already described, Hood's division had reached the south side of the mountain, and early in the day was joined by the remainder of Long- street's corps by way of the open Gap. While these important movements were in progress, Pope had resumed his attack upon Jackson, and was pressing him with his whole force, hoping to crush him before he could be relieved by Lee. On the arrival of Lee, Pope discontinued his attack, and retired to the position which the year before had been the scene of the famous battle of Bull Run, or Manas sas. Lee then took a position opposite, with Longstreet' s corps occupying a lower range of hills extending across and at right POPE OUTGENERALLED. 197 angles to the Warrenton turnpike, while Jackson occupied the line of railroad before mentioned, which, slightly deviating from the general direction of Longstreet' s position, formed with it an obtuse crotchet, opening toward the enemy. An elevated ridge connecting Jackson's right with Longstreet' s left, forming the centre of the Confederate position, was strongly occupied with artillery to fill the interval between Longstreet and Jackson. The hills on the right were crowned by the Washington Artillery, commanded by Colonel Walton. The remainder of the artillery was distributed at prominent points throughout the line, while Stuart's cavalry covered its flanks and observed the movements of the enemy. Since Pope's retreat from Culpeper Court-house he had been fre quently reinforced by detachments from the armies of McClel lan and Burnside. The greater part of those armies having now joined him, and the remainder being in supporting-dis tance, his arrogance revived, and, being sure of an easy vic tory, he sent the most sanguine despatches to the authorities at Washington. In preparation for battle he took a position embracing a succession of low ridges, nearly parallel to, and about a mile from, the line assumed by Lee. About midway between the two armies lay a narrow valley, through which meandered a small brook, whose low murmurs seemed to invite the weary soldier to slake his thirst with its cool and limpid waters. The afternoon of the 29th was principally occupied in preparation. Longstreet' s corps, on the right, was formed in two lines. Jackson, on the left, having been considerably reduced by rapid marching and hard fighting, could present only a single line with a small reserve. On the morning of the 30th an ominous silence pervaded both armies. Each seemed to be taking the measure of its antagonist. Lee saw threatening him the armies of Pope, McClellan, and Burnside, whose combined strength exceeded 150,000 men, while his own army was less than 60,000 strong. Notwithstanding this disparity of numbers, the presence of Lee, Jackson, and Longstreet inspired the troops with confi dence far exceeding their numerical strength. About eight o'clock the Federal batteries opened a lively cannonade upon 198 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. the Confederate centre, which was responded to with spirit by the battalions of Colonel Stephen D. Lee and Major Shoe maker. This practice having continued for an hour, both sides relapsed into silence. This was the prelude to the ap proaching contest. Between twelve and one o'clock the can nonade was resumed in earnest. The thunder of cannon shook the hills, while shot and shell, shrieking and hissing, filled the air, and the sulphurous smoke, settling in black clouds along the intervening valley, hung like a pall over the heavy col umns of infantry which rushed into the "jaws of death." Pope, having directed his principal attack upon the Confeder ate left, advanced his infantry in powerful force against Jack son, whose single line behind the friendly shelter of railroad cuts and embankments received this mighty array with tre mendous volleys of musketry, hurling back line after line, only to be replaced by fresh assailants. Each moment the conflict became closer and more deadly. At times the roar of musketry gave place to the clash of bayonets, and at one point, after the Confederates had exhausted their ammunition, the assailants were repelled with stones which had been thrown up from a neighboring excavation. At the critical moment when the fate of Jackson's corps was trembling in the balance, Col onel Lee dashed with his artillery into a position that enfiladed the Federal right wing and hurled upon it a storm of shot and shell. At the same moment Longstreet' s infantry rushed like a tempest against Pope's left, driving everything before it. This assault was irresistible, and speedily decided the fortune of the day. Pope's left wing gave way before it at every point, and his right, being assailed in flank and threatened in rear, relaxed its efforts and began to retire. The Confederates, seeing the enemy in retreat, pursued with a shout that rose above the din of battle, and pressed him with such vigor that he soon fell into disorder and broke into rapid flight toward Bull Run. The pursuit was continued until arrested by the cover of night. After the storm of battle the field presented a scene of dreadful carnage. Thirty thousand men hors de combat, wrecks of batteries and the mangled car casses of horses, gave proof of the desperate character of the POPE OUTGENERALLED. 199 conflict Pope left upon the field 15,000 killed, wounded, and prisoners, while his army was greatly reduced by stragglers, who, imbued with the sentiment, "He who fights and runs away will live to fight another day, ' ' sought refuge far beyond the range of battle. The Confederate loss was also heavy, the killed and wounded being numbered at between 7000 and 8000. Beside the heavy losses in personnel sustained by the Federals, a large amount of valuable property fell into the hands of the victor, the most important of which was twenty-five thousand stand of small-arms and twenty- three pieces of artillery; also a large amount of medical stores was subsequently taken at Centreville. Pope retired to Centreville, where he was opportunely joined by Generals Sumner and Franklin with 25,000 fresh troops, upon which Pope endeavored to rally his army. General Lee, being well aware that powerful reinforcements from McClellan's and Burnside' s armies and from other sources had been ordered to join Pope, did not deem it advisable to immediately pursue the retreating enemy, but prudently paused to ascertain what force he had to contend with before renewing the conflict After the close of the battle Colonel Long made a personal reconnoissance of the whole field and reported to Lee. Wishing to strike the enemy another blow before he could recover from the effects of his repulse, Lee by rapid movement turned Centreville on the ist of September, and took a position on the Little River turnpike, between Chantilly and Ox Hill, with the view of intercepting his retreat to Wash ington. This movement was covered by Robertson's cavalry, while Stuart advanced to Germantown, a small village a few miles east of Ox Hill, where he discovered the Federal army in retreat. After a sharp attack Stuart was obliged to retire before a superior force. About dusk A. P. Hill's division en countered a large detachment of the enemy at Ox Hill. A brief but sanguinary combat ensued, whose dramatic effect was greatly heightened by a furious thunderstorm, which burst upon the combatants almost simultaneously with the clash of arms. A singular opportunity was thus presented for contrast ing the warring of the elements with the strife of man, and 200 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. of comparing the acts of man with the power of Omnipotence. It was seen how greatly peals of thunder and vivid lightning, intensified by the darkness of night, enfeebled the flash and roar of musketry and cannon. The combatants being sep arated by night and storm, Hill's division occupied the field, while the Federals resumed the retreat. In this engagement they numbered among their slain two distinguished officers (Generals Kearny and Stephens), whose loss was regretted by friends in both armies. Pope made good his retreat during the night, and we once more see the fugitives from Manassas seek ing a refuge within the defences of Washington. Since Pope, on assuming the command of the Army of the Potomac, expressed his disregard for lines of communica tion and plans of operation, declaring that his headquarters should always be found in the saddle, it may be interesting to know the effect the advantage taken by Lee of this novelty in the art of war had upon the Federal authorities in Washing ton. I shall therefore introduce some of the correspondence between President Lincoln, McClellan, Halleck, and Pope : "August 29, 1862 — 2.30 p.m. "What news from direction of Manassas Junction? What generally ? "A. Lincoln." "August 29, 1862 — 2.45 p.m. ' ' The last news I received from direction of Manassas was from stragglers, to the effect that the enemy was evacuating Centreville and retiring toward Thoroughfare Gap. This is by no means reliable. ' ' I am clear that one of two courses should be adopted : First, to concentrate all our available forces to open commu nication with Pope ; second, to leave Pope to get out of his scrape, and at once use all our means to make the capital per fectly safe. No middle course will now answer. Tell me what you wish me to do, and I will do all in my power to accomplish it. I wish to know what my orders and author ity are. I ask for nothing, but will obey whatever orders POPE OUTGENERALLED. 201 you give. I only ask a prompt decision, that I may at once give the necessary orders. It will not do to delay longer. "Geo. B. McClellan, a Major-general. ' ' "August 29, 1862. ' ' Yours of to-day just received. I think your first alterna tive — to wit, to concentrate all our available forces to open com munication with Pope — is the right one. But I wish not to con trol. That I now leave to General Halleck, aided by your counsels. "A. Lincoln." "August 29, 1862. "I think you had better place Sumner's corps, as it arrives, near the fortifications, and particularly at the Chain Bridge. The principal thing to be feared now is a cavalry raid into this city, especially in the night-time. Use Cox's and Tyler's bri gades and the new troops for the same object, if you need them. Porter writes to Burnside from Bristoe, 9.30 p. m. yesterday, that Pope's forces were then moving on Manassas, and that Burnside would soon hear of them by way of Alexandria. "General Cullum has gone to Harper's Ferry, and I have only a single regular officer for duty in the office. Please send some of your officers to-day to see that every precaution is taken at the forks against a raid; also at the bridges. "H. W. Halleck, " General-in-chief." "August 30,1862. "Franklin's and all of Sumner's corps should be pushed forward with all possible despatch. They must use their legs and make forced marches. Time now is everything. Send some sharp-shooters on train to Bull Run. The bridges and property are threatened by bands of Prince William cavalry. Give Colonel Haupt all the assistance you can. The sharp shooters on top of cars can assist in unloading trains. "H. W. Halleck, " General-in-chief." 202 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. "August 30, 1862. "Sumner's corps was fully in motion by 2.30 p.m., and Franklin's was past Fairfax at 10 A. M., moving forward as rapidly as possible. I have sent the last cavalryman I have to the front ; also every other soldier in my command, except a small camp-guard. The firing in front has been extremely heavy for the last hour. "Geo. B. McClellan, ' ' Major-general. ' ' "Centreville, August 31, 1862. " Our troops are all here and in position, though much used up and worn out. I think it would perhaps have been greatly better if Sumner and Franklin had been here three or four days ago ; but you may rely upon our giving them as desperate a fight as I can force our men to stand up to. I should like to know whether you feel secure about Washington should this army be destroyed. I shall fight it as long as a man will stand up to the work. You must judge what is to be done, having in view the safety of the capital. The enemy is already push ing a cavalry reconnoissance in our front at Cub Run — whether in advance of an attack to-day I don't know yet. ' ' I send you this that you may know our position and my purpose. "Jno. Pope, ' ' Major-general. ' ' CHAPTER XII. ADVANCE INTO MARYLAND. Purpose of the Invasion of Maryland. — The Army Moves North. — Condition and Spirit of the Troops. — Proclamation Issued. — Jackson Advances on Harper's Ferry. — Its Capture. — McClellan at Frederick. — Lee's Army Order Found. — Position of Con federate Army Battle of Boonsboro' Gap. — Federal Success. — Lee's Stand at Sharpsburg. — McClellan Attacks. — The Battle. — Its Results. — Anecdotes of Lee. BEFORE proceeding with the operations of the Army of Northern Virginia, it is necessary to refer briefly to a por tion of the political history of the Confederacy bearing on mili tary affairs. At the commencement of hostilities the Confederate Govern ment determined to conduct the war purely on defensive prin ciples. In view of the immense superiority of the North over the South in all the essentials for creating armies and the pros ecution of war, this was the true policy to be adopted. It must be remembered, however, that a strictly non-aggressive system does not always ensure the best defence; for it frequently hap pens that a judicious departure from the defensive to bold and energetic offensive measures is productive of the most desirable results, and that it is far better to govern the course of events than to passively yield to its control. At an early period of the war a favorable opportunity occurred for applying the prin ciple above mentioned. The occasion here referred to is that of the battle of Manas sas, in July, 1861, when the defeat of McDowell's army left the Federal capital defenceless. At that time a prompt and vigor ous advance of the Confederate army upon Washington City would very probably have resulted in its capture, and a pene tration into Maryland would have gained the adherence of that State to the Confederacy. This course, however, was rejected — partly on the ground that the capture of Washington would firmly unite the political parties of the North and obliterate 203 204 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. the hope of a speedy termination of the war, and partly for the reason that the military preparation for an advance was incomplete. This latter objection could have been easily over come by an energetic commander with the cordial support of the Government. And subsequent events clearly proved that an erroneous conception dictated the timid policy that was pursued. It is now obvious that the capture of Washington and an invasion of Maryland in 1861 could not have more firmly united the political parties of the North than the mortifying defeat of the army at Manassas had done. Moreover, the year that had since elapsed had been so industriously improved by the Fed eral Government that the defences of Washington were now complete and the political bonds of Maryland were firmly riveted. With the view of shedding additional light on this period of the history of the war, we shall here introduce a scrap of per sonal information. On the 2d of September succeeding Pope's defeat, Colonel Long wrote from the dictation of General Lee to President Davis in substance as follows: As Virginia was free from invaders, the Federal army being within the defences of Washington, shattered and dispirited by defeat, and as the passage of the Potomac could now be effected without opposi tion, the present was deemed a proper moment, with His Ex cellency's approbation, to penetrate into Maryland. The pres ence of the victorious army could not fail to alarm the Federal authorities and make them draw forces from every quarter for the defence of their capital, thus relieving the Confederacy from pressure and — for a time, at least — from the exhaustion incident to invasion. The presence of a powerful army would also revive the hopes of the Marylanders, allow them a free exercise of their sympathies, and give them an opportunity of rallying to the aid of their Southern friends. Above all, the position of the army, should it again be crowned with victory, would be most favorable for seizing and making the best use of the advantages which such an event would produce. In conclusion, a few remarks were made in regard to the condi tion of the army. ADVANCE INTO MARYLAND. 205 In anticipation of the President's concurrence, General Lee immediately began the preparation for the invasion of Mary land. On the 3d he put tlie army in motion, and on the 4th took a position between Leesburg and the contiguous fords of the Potomac. The inhabitants of this section of country, hav ing been crushed by the heel of oppression, were now trans ported with the cheering prospect of liberty. The presence of the army whose movements they had anxiously and proudly watched filled them with unbounded joy. Their doors were thrown open and their stores were spread out in hospitable profusion to welcome their honored guest. Leesburg, being on the border, had at an early period fallen into the hands of the enemy. All of the men who were able had joined the army, and many of those who were unfit for service had retired within the Confederate lines to escape the miseries of the Northern prison; so that the women and children had been left almost alone. Now all these gladly returned to their homes, and tender greetings on every side penetrated to the deepest recesses of the heart and made them thank God that misery and woe had been replaced by happiness and joy. The strength of the Confederate army at this time, including D. H. Hill's division, did not exceed 45,000 effective men; yet, though it had been greatly reduced in numbers during the cam paign through which it had just passed, its spirit was raised by the victories it had achieved. Its numerical diminution was not so much the result of casualties in battle as that of losses incident to long and. rapid marches with insufficient supplies of food and the want of shoes. It frequently happened that the only food of the soldiers was the green corn and fruit gath ered from the fields and orchards adjacent to the line of march, and often the bravest men were seen with lacerated feet pain fully striving to keep pace with their comrades, until, worn out with pain and fatigue, they were obliged to yield and wait to be taken up by the ambulances or wagons, to be carried where their wants could be supplied. The invasion of Maryland being determined on, the army was stripped of all incumbrances, and, from fear that the sol diers might be induced to retaliate on the defenceless inhabit- 206 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. ants for outrages committed by the Federal troops upon the people of the South, stringent orders were issued against strag gling and plundering. These orders were strictly enforced throughout the campaign. Lee's earnestness in this particular will be shown later in the chapter. General Lee at the beginning of this march was suffering from a painful hurt which to some extent disabled him through out the Maryland campaign. On the day after the second battle of Manassas he was standing near the stone bridge, sur rounded by a group of officers, when a squadron of Federal cavalry suddenly appeared on the brow of a neighboring hill. A movement of excitement in the group followed, with the effect of frightening the general's horse. The animal gave a quick start, and his master, who was standing beside him with his arm in the bridle, was flung violently to the ground with such force as to break some of the boues of his right hand. This disabled him so that he was unable to ride during the greater part of the campaign. The army was at this time in anything but a presentable condition. ( The long marches, hard fighting, and excessive hardships they had gone through since leaving Richmond had by no means improved the appearance of the men, and, in the words of General Jones, who commanded Jackson's old " Stone wall ' ' division, ' ' never had the army been so ragged, dirty, and ill provided for as on this march. ' ' Yet never were the men in better spirits. They crossed the river to the music of the popular air, ' ' Maryland, my Maryland, ' ' while their hearts beat high with hopes of new victories to be won in that far North from which the hosts of their invaders had come, and with desire to wrest their sister-State of Maryland from the iron grasp of the foe. The Marylanders in the ranks felt a natural sentiment of exultation at the cheering prospect of relieving their native commonwealth from what was to them a hateful bondage, while the Virginians — many of whom now looked for the first time on that noble stream which formed the northern boundary of the Confederacy — were filled with joyful expectations of " conquering a peace," perhaps in the fields of Pennsylvania, or at least of making the North suffer in its ADVANCE INTO MARYLAND. 207 own homes some of the horrors of war which it had freely inflicted upon the South. The passage of the Potomac was successfully accomplished on tlie 5th. The infantry, artillery, and trains crossed at Wliite's and Cheek's fords, the cavalry having previously crossed with instructions to seize important points and cover the movements of the army. From the Potomac, General Lee advanced to Frederick, at which place he arrived on the 6th and established himself behind the Monocacy. He at the same time seized the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, and the principal roads to Baltimore, Washington, Harper's Ferry, and the upper Potomac. From this important position radiated several lines upon which he could operate. Those toward Harper's Ferry, Baltimore, and Pennsylvania were unoccupied, while that in the direction of Washington was held by the Federal army. As the principal object of the present advance into Maryland was to create a diversion in her favor in order that if so dis posed she might array herself beside her sister Southern States, General Lee determined to remain at Frederick a sufficient time to allow the Marylanders to rally to his support. At the commencement of hostilities many brave Marylanders had flocked to the Confederacy, and there were soon seen in the Southern ranks Elzey, G. H. Steuart, Bradley, Johnson, Mc Lean, Marshall, Andrews, and a host of others of a like noble and generous spirit. Many of these gallant gentlemen were now with the army, anxious to assist in rescuing their State from the Federal authority. On the 7th, General Lee issued the following proclamation. "Headquarters Army N. Va., Near Frederick Town, 8th September, 1862. "To THE People of Maryland: "It is right that you should know the purpose that has brought the army under my command within the limits of your State, so far as that purpose concerns yourselves. ' ' The people of the Confederate States have long watched with the deepest sympathy the wrongs and outrages that have been inflicted upon the citizens of a Commonwealth allied to 208 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. the States of the South by the strongest social, political, and commercial ties. "They have seen with profound indignation their sister- State deprived of every right and reduced to the condition of a conquered province. ' ' Under the pretence of supporting the Constitution, but in violation of its most valuable provisions, your citizens have been arrested and imprisoned upon no charge and contrary to all forms of law; the faithful and manly protest against this outrage made by the venerable and illustrious Marylander to whom in better days no citizen appealed for right in vain was treated with scorn and contempt; the government of your chief city has been usurped by armed strangers; your legislature has been dissolved by the unlawful arrest of its members; freedom of the press and of speech has been suppressed; words have been declared offences by an arbitrary decree of the Federal executive, and citizens ordered to be tried by a military com mission for what they may dare to speak. ' ' Believing that the people of Maryland possessed a spirit too lofty to submit to such a government, the people of the South have long wished to aid you in throwing off this for eign yoke, to enable you again to enjoy the inalienable rights of freemen and restore independence and sovereignty to your State. ' ' In obedience to this wish our army has come among you, and is prepared to assist you with the power of its arms in regaining the rights of which you have been despoiled. "This, citizens of Maryland, is our mission, so far as you are concerned. ' ' No constraint upon your free will is intended ; no intimi dation will be allowed. ' ' Within the limits of this army at least, Marylanders shall once more enjoy their ancient freedom of thought and speech. ' ' We know no enemies among you, and will protect all, of every opinion. "It is for you to decide your destiny freely and without constraint. "This army will respect your choice, whatever it may be; ADVANCE INTO MARYLAND. 209 and, while the Southern people will rejoice to welcome you to your natural position among them, they will only welcome you when you come of your own free will. "R. E. Lee, '''General commanding." This was coldly received, and it soon became evident that the expectation of hearty co-operation from Maryland was fal lacious. The Marylanders as a people sympathized with the Confederates, but stood aloof because they did not wish to see their State become the theatre of war. It was not without surprise that General Lee discoveredj upon reaching Frederick, that Harper's Ferry was still garri soned. He had expected on entering Maryland that it would be at once abandoned, as it should have been had ordinary military principles been observed. ,Its continued occupation subjected its defenders to imminent danger of capture. Yet, through a military error, its occupation was unfavorable to the success of the Confederate movement, particularly if there was any idea entertained by General Lee of invading Pennsylvania. It would not do to leave this strongly-fortified post, on the direct line of communication of the army, in possession of the enemy; yet to reduce it needed a separation and retardation of the army that seriously interfered with the projected move ments, and might have resulted adversely to the Southern cause but for the rapidity of Jackson's marches and the errors of Colonel Miles, the commander of the garrison. This will appear when we come to describe. the subsequent events. Yet, whatever might be the effect, its reduction was abso lutely necessary ere any further operations of importance could be undertaken. Nor could the whole army be judiciously used for this purpose. Not only is it extremely unusual for a com mander to use his whole force for a service which can be per formed by a detachment, but in this case it would have neces sitated a recrossing of the Potomac, with the strong probability that McClellan would take sure measures to prevent a return of the army into Maryland. This service, had the claims of senior rank been alone 14 2IO MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. considered, should have been intrusted to Longstreet; but it was given to Jackson on account of his superior qualifications for duty of this character, Longstreet making no objection. Jackson was therefore directed to move his corps on the morn ing of the ioth by way of Williamsport to Martinsburg, to capture or disperse the Federal force at that place, and then . proceed to Harper's Ferry and take steps for its immediate reduction. At the same time, Major-general McLaws was ordered to move with his and Anderson's divisions by the most direct route upon Maryland Heights, to seize that important position and co-operate with Jackson in his attack on Harper's Ferry. Brigadier-general Walker was instructed to recross the Potomac with his division and occupy Loudoun Heights for the same purpose. The several movements were executed with wonderful celerity and precision. Jackson on leaving Frederick marched with great rapidity by way of Middletown, Boonsboro', and Williamsport, near which latter place he forded the Potomac on the nth and entered Virginia. Here he disposed his forces so as to pre vent an escape of the garrison of Harper's Ferry in this direc tion and marched upon that place, the rear of which he reached on the 13th. On his approach General White evacuated Mar tinsburg and retired with its garrison to Harper's Ferry. On reaching Bolivar Heights, Jackson found that Walker was already in position on Loudoun Heights, and that McLaws had reached the foot of Maryland Heights, the key to Harper's Ferry, since it is the loftiest of the three heights by which that place is surrounded, and is sufficiently near to reach" it even by musketry. Harper's Ferry, in fact, is a mere trap for its garrison, since it lies open to cannonade from the three heights named ; so that the occupation of these renders it com pletely untenable. Colonel Miles had posted a small force under Colonel Ford on Maryland Heights, retaining the bulk of his troops in Harper! s Ferry. Instead of removing his whole command to the heights, which military prudence plainly dictated, and which his subordinates strongly recommended, he insisted upon a literal obedience to General Halleck' s orders to hold Harper's ADVANCE INTO MARYLAND. 211 Ferry to the last extremity. In fact, Maryland Heights was quickly abandoned altogether, Ford but feebly resisting McLaws and retiring before his advance, first spiking his guns and hurl ing them down the steep declivity. This retreat left Maryland Heights open to occupation by the assailing force, and it was not long ere McLaws had succeeded in dragging some guns to the summit of the rugged ridge and placing them in position to command the garrison below. Jackson and Walker were already in position, and, by the morning of the 14th, Harper's Ferry was completely invested. During the day the summits of the other hills were crowned with artillery, which was ready to open fire by dawn of the 15th. There was never a more complete trap than that into which the doomed garrison had suffered itself to fall. Escape and resistance were alike impossible. Maryland Heights might easily have been held until McClellan came up had the whole garrison defended it, but its abandonment was a fatal movement. They lay at the bottom of a funnel-shaped opening commanded by a plunging fire from three directions and within reach of volleys of musketry from Maryland Heights. Two hours of cannonade sufficed to prove this, and at the end of that time Colonel Miles raised the white flag of surrender. The signal was not immediately perceived by the Confederates, who con tinued their fire, one of the shots killing the Federal com mander. The force surrendered numbered between 11,000 and 12,000 men, while there fell into Jackson's hands 73 pieces of artillery, 13,000 stand of arms, 200 wagons, and a large quan tity of military stores. Pending the reduction of Harper's Ferry, General Lee moved by easy marches with two divisions of Longstreet' s corps to the neighborhood of Hagerstown, leaving D. H. Hill with his division and a detachment of cavalry to serve as rear-guard, with instructions to hold the Boonsboro' pass of South Moun tain. By taking a position between Williamsport and Hagers town a junction could be easily effected with the troops operat ing against Harper's Ferry, and on the reduction of that place Lee would have a secure line of communication through the Valley of Virginia, which would enable him to advance into 212 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. Pennsylvania or to assume such other line of operation as cir cumstances might suggest. Since the advance of the Confederate army into Maryland no considerable Federal force had appeared, and as yet only. some unimportant cavalry affairs had occurred. After the evacuation of Virginia the Army of the Potomac had been augmented by the addition of the Army of Virginia and that of General Burnside, giving it an effective strength of about 90,000 men. This force was assigned to the command of General McClellan for active operations, and was put in mo tion about the 6th of September. Although it was knowu in Washington that Lee had crossed the Potomac, McClellan was checked in his movements by General Halleck, who was still apprehensive that the ubiqui tous Jackson or Stuart might suddenly appear before the city of Washington. When it became known that Lee had left Frederick and was advancing toward Hagerstown, McClellan advanced with greater confidence, and an attempt was made to relieve Har per's Ferry. Franklin was sent to force his way through Crampton's Pass, in the South Mountain range. This pass was defended by Mumford's cavalry, supported by a part of McLaws' s division, under General Cobb, who had been sent back with three brigades under orders to hold Crampton's Pass until Harper's Ferry had surrendered, "even if he lost his last man in doing it." This pass is in the rear of, and but five miles from, Maryland Heights, and its occupation by the Fed erals would have seriously imperilled the Confederate opera tions. It was gallantly defended against the strong force of assailants, and, though Franklin succeeded in forcing his way through by the morning of the 15th, he was too late : Miles was already on the point of surrender. McLaws at once with drew his force from Maryland Heights, with the exception of one regiment, and formed a line of battle across Pleasant Val ley to resist the threatening corps. The surrender of the gar rison immediately afterward left him a free line of retreat. He crossed the Potomac at the Ferry, and moved by way of Shep- herdstown to rejoin Lee at Sharpsburg. The Confederates AD VANCE INTO MAR YLAND. 2 1 3 had in this enterprise met with the most complete and grati fying success. The Federal army, moving with great caution and delibera tion, reached Frederick on the 12th. Here occurred one of those untoward events which have so often changed the course of wars, and which in this instance completely modified the character of the campaign. A copy of General Lee's order directing the movements of the army accidentally fell into the hands of McClellan, who, being thus accurately informed of the position of the forces of his opponent, at once determined to abandon his cautious policy and boldly assume the offensive. He therefore pressed forward with the view of forcing the South Mountain passes, held by Hill, and of intruding himself between the wings of the Confederate army, with the hope of being able to crush them in detail before they could reunite. The order in question, addressed to D. H. Hill, was found by a soldier after the Confederate evacuation of Frederick, and was quickly in McClellan's possession. Hill has been blamed for unpardonable carelessness in losing it; yet, as the original order was still in his possession after the war, it is evident that the one found must have* been a copy. The mystery is made clear by Colonel Venable, one of General Lee's staff-officers, in the following remark: "This is very easily explained. One copy was sent directly to Hill from headquarters. General Jackson sent him a copy, as he regarded Hill in his command. It is Jackson's copy, in his own handwriting, which General Hill has. The other was undoubtedly left carelessly by some one at Hill's headquarters." However that be, its possession by McClellan immediately reversed the character of his move ments, which were changed from snail-like slowness to ener getic rapidity. In his own words, ' ' Upon learning the contents of this order, I at once gave orders for a vigorous pursuit. ' ' The detachment by General Lee of a large portion of his army for the reduction of Harper's Ferry was made with the rea sonable assurance that that object could be effected and a junc tion formed before General McClellan would be in position to press him. Though this expectation proved well based, yet it was imperilled by the unforeseen event above mentioned. 214 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. The rapid movements to which the finding of Lee's order gave rise brought the leading corps of the Federal army in front of Hill's position upon South Mountain on the afternoon of the 13th. This mountain is intersected by three passes in front of Boonsboro'. The main, or central, pass is traversed by the Frederick and Boonsboro' turnpike; the second, three-fourths of a mile south-east of the first, is crossed by the old Sharps burg turnpike; the third is an obscure pass behind the elevated crest, about a quarter of a mile north-west of the turnpike. General Hill's right occupied the south-east pass, and his left held the central. The centre was posted on a narrow mountain-road connecting the right and left. The pass on the left was watched by a small cavalry force. The position of Hill was strong, as it was only assailable by the pike on the left and the road on the right and along the rugged mountain-sides. Early on the morning of the 14th, General McClellan advanced to the attack, directing his principal efforts against the south east pass. Hill maintained his position with his usual firmness and intrepidity, and his troops exhibited the same gallantry that had characterized them on various fields. At this time the position of the several corps of the Confed erate army was the following: Jackson was at Harper's Ferry, about fifteen miles from Sharpsburg; Longstreet, at Hagers town, a somewhat greater distance to the north of Sharpsburg; and D. H. Hill, at Boonsboro' Gap, eastward of these positions; while McClellan's whole force, with the exception of the de tachment sent toward Harper's Ferry, lay east of the Gap. Had the Gap been left undefended, as it has been recently suggested it should have been, there would have been nothing to hinder McClellan from inserting his army between the two sections of the Confederate forces and attacking them in detail. The occu pation of Sharpsburg by the enemy would have placed Lee in a difficult and dangerous position. Had he retired across the Potomac, as it has been suggested was his proper course to pur sue, it would have been a virtual abandonment of his trains and artillery, which were then extended along the road between Hagerstown and Sharpsburg, and could have been reached by McClellan with his cavalry in an hour or two from Boonsboro'. ADVANCE INTO MARYLAND. 21 5 The battle of Boonsboro' was therefore necessary to the security of the army; and when, on the night of the 13th, Lee received information of the rapid advance of McClellan, he at once took steps for the effective reinforcement of General Hill. Longstreet' s corps was put in motion for this purpose early in the morning of the 14th, and, fortunately, arrived at the Gap in time to prevent Hill's brave men from being overwhelmed by the superior numbers of the enemy. This timely reinforcement secured the Confederate position. McClellan, finding that his efforts against the centre and right were unavailing, at length discontinued them, with the inten tion of renewing the conflict at a more assailable point. The contest during the morning had been severe and the loss on each side considerable. On the side of the Confederates, the chief loss fell on the brigade of Brigadier-general Garland. This brigade numbered among its slain its gallant commander, who fell while bravely opposing a fierce attack on South-east Pass. When General Lee reached Boonsboro' with Longstreet' s corps, he sent forward Colonel Long, Major Venable, and other members of his staff, to learn the condition of affairs in front. The pass on the left proved to be unoccupied, and a heavy Federal force was tending in that direction. In anticipation of an attack from this quarter, Hood's division was deployed across the turnpike and Rodes's was posted on the ridge over looking the unoccupied pass, with Evans's brigade connecting his right with Hood's left. There was a small field in front of Evans and Hood, while Rodes was masked by the timber on the side of the mountain. About three o'clock the battle was renewed by McClellan, who with great energy directed his main attack against Rodes. This was successfully resisted until nightfall, when Rodes's troops gave way before the assault of a superior force. The possession of the ground that had been held by Rodes gave the Federals the command of the central pass, but they could not immediately avail themselves of their success, on account of the intervening darkness. The Confederate position was now untenable, and its evac uation became necessary. The withdrawal of the rear-guard 2 1 6 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. was assigned to General Rodes, the successful execution of the movement being in a great measure due to the sagacity and boldness of Major Green Peyton, adjutant-general of Rodes's division. At ten o'clock the next morning the Confederate army was safely in position at Sharpsburg. At Boonsboro', McClellan had displayed more than usual pertinacity in his attacks upon the Confederate position; yet these were met by the troops of Longstreet and Hill with a firm ness worthy of the veterans of Manassas and the Chickahominy. Although Lee had been forced into an unexpected battle when his army was divided, he baffled McClellan in his designs by retarding him so as to gain time for the reduction of Harper's Ferry and to place himself where he could be easily joined by Jackson. On the morning of the 15th, Harper's Ferry was surrendered, and about noon General Lee received the report of its capture. Two courses now presented themselves to the general, each of which involved results of the highest importance. He might either retire across the Potomac and form a junction, in the neighborhood of Shepherdstown, with the forces that had been employed in the reduction of Harper's Ferry, or maintain his position at Sharpsburg and give battle to a superior force. By pursuing the former course the object of the campaign would be abandoned and the hope of co-operation from Maryland for ever relinquished. The latter, although hazardous, if success ful would be productive of results more than commensurate with the risk attending its execution. Having a sympathy for the Marylanders, to whom he had offered his services, and a confidence in the bravery of his troops and the strength of his position, he adopted the latter course, and prepared to receive the attack of General McClellan. Jackson's troops were hurried from Harper's Ferry and a strong defensive position was carefully selected. It embraced the heights fringing the right bank of the Antietam east and south-east of the village of Sharpsburg and a range of hills stretching north-west to the Potomac. Lee's right and centre were protected by stone fences and ledges of rock, and his left AD VANCE INTO MAR YLAND. 2 1 7 was principally covered by a wood. The right and centre were occupied by Longstreet's corps, D. H. Hill's division, and Lee's, Walton's, and Garnett' s artillery, while Jackson's corps and Stuart's cavalry occupied the left. The Federal forces having been much shattered by the battle of the 14th, McClellan did not resume his advance until late on the morning of the 15th, and did not appear before Sharpsburg until afternoon. He employed the following day chiefly iu preparations for the battle. The corps of Hooker, Mansfield, Sumner, and Franklin, constituting his right, were massed opposite the Confederate left. The hills east of the Antietam which formed the centre of the Federal position were crowned by a powerful artillery, and Burnside' s corps, which occupied the left, con fronted the Confederate right. Porter's corps formed the re serve, while the cavalry operated on the flanks. Late in the afternoon Mansfield and Hooker crossed the Antietam opposite Longstreet's left. Some preliminary skirmishing closed the day. Both armies now lay on their arms, conscious that the next day would be marked by the most desperate battle that had yet been witnessed in the country. The Confederates, who had never known defeat, confident in themselves, confi dent in the strength of their position, and confident in their glorious leader, although less in numbers than their opponents by more than one-half, never doubted that victory would again rest on their tattered banners. The Federals, on their part, burning to obliterate the marks of defeat they had lately borne, were impatient for the approaching struggle. The Federal force present on the field amounted to 90,00a men; that of the Confederates, including the division of A. P. Hill, then at Harper's Ferry in charge of prisoners and captured property, amounted to 40,000. At dawn on the 17th the corps of Mansfield and Hooker ad vanced to the attack; they were met by the divisions of Ander son and Hood with their usual vigor. Being greatly outnum bered, these divisions were reinforced by Evans's brigade and the division of D. H. Hill. The contest continued close and determined for more than an hour, when the Federals began to give way. They were hotly pressed. Hooker was wounded, 2 1 8 MEMOIRS OF R OBER T E. LEE. Mansfield was killed, and their corps were irretrievably shat tered when relieved by the fresh corps of Sumner and Frank lin. The Confederates, who had advanced more than a mile, were gradually borne back to their original position. McClel lan now directed his chief attack upon Lee's left, with the hope of forcing it back, so that he might penetrate between it and the river and take the Confederate position in reverse. This attack was received by Jackson's corps with intrepidity. The veterans under Early, Trimble, Lawton, and Starke gal lantly held their ground against large odds. At an opportune moment the Confederate line was reinforced by the division of McLaws and Walker. The entire Confederate force, except D. R. Jones's division, on the right, was now engaged. The roar of musketry and the thunder of artillery proclaimed the deadly conflict that raged. These deafening sounds of bat tle continued until about twelve o'clock, when they began to abate, and about one they ceased. The Federals had been re pulsed at every point, and four corps were so much broken by loss and fatigue that they were unable to renew the contest. After the battle had concluded on the left General Burnside prepared to assault the Confederate right with 20,000 fresh troops. He had remained inactive during the forenoon; but when the attack on the Confederate left had failed, he pro ceeded to force the passage of the Antietam at the bridge south east of Sharpsburg, on the Pleasant Valley road, and at the ford below. These points were gallantly maintained by Toombs's brigade of Jones's division until about four o'clock, when they were carried. General Burnside then crossed the Antietam and formed his troops under the bluff. At five o'clock he advanced, and, quickly dispersing the small division of D. R. Jones, gained the crest of the ridge south of the town. At that moment the division of A. P. Hill, 4500 strong, just arrived from Harper's Ferry, was on the road which traverses its western slope. Seeing the Fede ral line on its flank, the division faced to the right, and, taking advantage of the stone fence that bordered the road, delivered such destructive volleys that the Federals were forced to retire as suddenly as they had appeared. Sharply followed by Hill ADVANCE INTO MARYLAND. 2IQ and raked by the artillery, Burnside was forced to recross the Antietam. Just as the sun disappeared in the west the last of Burnside' s corps gained the eastern side. Thus closed the bat tle of Sharpsburg. The Federal troops fought well and did honor to their gallant leaders, but, being compelled to attack a strong position defended by men who had been justly cha racterized as the finest soldiers of the age, they failed to obtain the mastery of the field. The casualties on both sides were heavy; the numbers have never been accurately stated. On the side of the Federals were Mansfield killed, Major-general Hooker wounded, and a number of other distinguished officers killed or wounded; on the side of the Confederates, Brigadier- general Starke was killed and Brigadiers Lawton, Ripley, and G. B. Anderson were wounded, and a number of others were put hors de combat. Anderson afterward died of his wound. Among the cases of individual gallantry, one of the most conspicuous was that of General Longstreet, with Majors Fair fax and Sorrell and Captain Latrobe of his staff, who, on ob serving a large Federal force approaching an unoccupied por tion of his line, served with' such effect two pieces of artillery that had been left without cannoneers that the Federals were arrested in their advance and speedily forced to retire beyond the range of the guns. During the night General Lee prepared for the renewal of the battle the next day. A part of his line was withdrawn to the range of hills west of the town, which gave him a very strong and much better field than that of the previous day. He remained in his new position during the 18th, prepared for battle ; but General McClellan, perceiving that his troops had been greatly disorganized by the battle of the previous day, declined resuming the attack until the arrival of 15,000 fresh troops that were hastening to his support. Foreseeing that no important results could be achieved by a second battle with McClellan's augmented forces, and being unwilling to sacrifice unnecessarily his gallant men, Lee with drew during the night to the south side of the Potomac, and on the 19th took a position a few miles west of Shepherds- town. 220 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. When McClellan learned, on the morning of the 19th, that the Confederate position had been evacuated, he ordered an immediate pursuit, which, however, proved unavailing, as the Confederate rear-guard was disappearing in the defile leading from the ford below Shepherdstown when the Federal advance appeared on the opposite heights. A few batteries were then put into position, and a harmless cannonade commenced, which was kept up in a desultory manner during the greater part of the day. Late in the afternoon a large detachment approached the ford, and about nightfall dislodged General Pendleton, who had been charged with its defence, and effected a crossing with out serious opposition. This occurrence was reported about midnight to General Lee, who immediately despatched orders to Jackson to take steps to arrest the Federal advance. The divis ion of A. P. Hill, moving with rapidity, reached the mouth of the defile leading to the river just as the Federal detachment was debouching from it, and attacked this force with such im petuosity that it was compelled to retire with heavy loss across the Potomac. McClellan made no further attempt to continue offensive operations for several weeks, this interval being passed in the neighborhood of Sharpsburg in resting and reorganiz ing his forces. This campaign, especially the battle of Sharps burg, has been the subject of much discussion, in which the Northern writers generally claim for the Federal arms a com plete victory ; but the historian of the Army of the Potomac, with greater impartiality, acknowledges Antietam (or Sharps burg) to have been a drawn battle. This admission is corrob orated by the evidence of General McClellan in his testimony before the Congressional Committee on the Conduct of the War, since he admitted that his losses on the 17th had been so heavy, and that his forces were so greatly disorganized on the morn ing of the 18th, that, although General Lee still maintained a defiant attitude, he was unable to resume the attack. Swin- ton, however, claims for the Army of the Potomac a political victory, with apparent justice ; but in reality his claim is with out foundation, for Lee was politically defeated before the occurrence of a collision with McClellan by his failure to induce the Marylanders to rally in any considerable force to ADVANCE INTO MARYLAND. 221 his standard ; and even when McClellan, by accident, became aware of the disposition of his forces and his intentions, he was establishing a line of communication that would enable him to engage his opponent with no other hope of political results than such as would naturally arise from a victory, whether gained north or south of the Potomac. The severe chastisement that had been inflicted on the Army of the Po tomac is evident from the long prostration it exhibited, not withstanding the facility with which it received reinforcements and supplies. As a relief to the tale of war and bloodshed through which this chapter has carried us, we may relate some incidents of the battle of Sharpsburg of a lighter and more personal character. Lee's position during the engagement was on a hill to the east of Sharpsburg, which gave him an oversight of the whole field. While standing here conversing with Longstreet and attended by some members of his staff, D. H. Hill rode up on an errand to the general. He was admonished to dismount, as his conspicuous appearance might draw the fire of the enemy. He declined to do so, however, as he was in great haste to deliver an important communication. A minute afterward a puff of smoke was seen to rise from a distant Federal battery, and a shell came whirling toward the group. It had been well aimed, and, though a little too low for the horseman, was in the direct line for his horse. It passed very near General Lee, who was standing by the horse's head talking with Hill, and, striking the animal's fore legs, took them both off below the knee. The poor brute fell on his knees, and remained in that position, with his back at an awkward slant, while his startled rider was making ineffectual efforts to dismount. He threw his legs in the usual manner over the cantle of the saddle, but in his haste found it impossible to get off his horse, while the ludicrous spectacle whicfT he presented brought a roar of laugh ter from the persons present. ' ' Try it the other way, ' ' suggested Longstreet. "Throw your legs over the pommel and see if you cannot get off that way." Hill obeyed the suggestion, and finally succeeded in dismounting. He was good-natured enough to take part in the merriment which his adventure had 222 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. excited. The shell, however, had not yet finished its death- dealing work. It went on and fell into a Confederate regiment behind a hill, where it killed several men. Another anecdote of the Sharpsburg engagement is of inter est as descriptive of an instance of General Lee's losing his temper — a circumstance which happened only twice, to my knowledge, during my long acquaintance with him. He was not wanting in temper, but was, on the contrary, a man of decided character and strong passions; yet he had such complete control of himself that few men ever knew him to deviate from his habitual calm dignity of mien. On the occasion here alluded to Lee was riding along a little in rear of the lines, when he came across a soldier who had stolen and killed a pig, which he was surreptitiously conveying to his quarters. Positive orders having been given against pillage of every kind, this flagrant disregard of his commands threw the general into a hot passion. Though usually greatly disinclined to capital punishment, he determined to make an example of this skulking pilferer, and ordered the man to be arrested and taken back to Jackson with directions to have him shot Jack son, on receiving the culprit, could not quite see the utility of his execution, when men were already scarce, and it struck him that it would answer the purpose quite as well to put the fellow in the front ranks of the army at the most threatened point and let the enemy perform the work assigned to him. He accordingly did so, placing him where his chance of being shot was a most excellent one. The fellow, though fond of surrep titious pork, was not wanting in courage, and behaved gallantly. He redeemed his credit by his bravery, and came through the thick of the fight unscathed. If a commonplace witticism be not out of order here, it may be said that, though he lost his pig, he "saved his bacon." While on the subject of Lee's self-command it may be of interest to quote some incidents from Colonel Taylor's Four Years with General Lee as illustrative of his strong power over his feelings even on the most trying occasions: ' ' Tidings reached General Lee soon after his return to Vir ginia (from Maryland) of the serious illness of one of his daugh- ADVANCE INTO MARYLAND. 223 ters, the darling of his flock. For several days apprehensions were entertained that the next intelligence would be of her death. One morning the mail was received, and the private letters were distributed, as was the custom, but 110 one knew whether any home-news had been received by the general. At the usual hour he summoned me to his presence to know if there were any matters of army routine upon which his judg ment and action were desired. The papers containing a few such cases were presented to him; he reviewed and gave his orders in regard to them. I then left him, but for some cause returned in a few moments, and with my accustomed freedom entered his tent without announcement or ceremony, when I was startled and shocked to see him overcome with grief, an open letter in his hands. That letter contained the sad intel ligence of his daughter's death " His army demanded his first thought and care; to his men, to their needs, he must first attend, and then he could surren der himself to his private, personal affairs. Who can tell with what anguish of soul he endeavored to control himself and to maintain a calm exterior, and who can estimate the immense effort necessary to still the heart filled to overflowing with ten- derest emotions and to give attention to the important trusts committed to him, before permitting the more selfish indul gence of private meditation, grief, and prayer ? ' Duty first ' was the rule of his life, and his every thought, word, and action was made to square with duty's inexorable demands." There is another anecdote told by Colonel Taylor bearing upon the same trait of character and his consideration for the feelings of others, with which this chapter may be closed : " He had a great dislike to reviewing army communications; this was so thoroughly appreciated by me that I would never present a paper for his action unless it was of decided import ance and of a nature to demand his judgment and decision. On one occasion, when an audience had not been asked of him for several days, it became necessary to have one. The few papers requiring his action were submitted. He was not in a very pleasant humor; something irritated him, and he mani fested his ill-humor by a little nervous twist or jerk of the neck 224 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. and head peculiar to himself, accompanied by some harshness of manner. This was perceived by me, and I hastily concluded that my efforts to save him annoyance were not appreciated. In disposing of some cases of a vexatious character matters reached a climax; he became really worried, and, forgetting what was due to my superior, I petulantly threw the paper down at my side and gave evident signs of anger. Then, in a perfectly calm and measured tone of voice, he said, ' Colonel Taylor, when I lose my temper don't you let it make you angry. ' ' ' Most men in his position would have dealt more severely with the petulance of a subordinate, and not have adminis tered this quiet and considerate rebuke by indicating that the loss of temper was not directed toward him and gave him no warrant for a display of anger. CHAPTER XIII. FREDERICKSB UR G. Lee's Address to the Army. — Stuart's Raid. — Selection of Headquarters. — A Rocky Camp. — Headquarter Incidents. — McClellan Removed. — Burnside Appointed Com mander. — Advance on Fredericksburg. — Lee Occupies the Heights. — Burnside Crosses the Rappahannock. — The Battle. — Terrible Slaughter. — Federals Repulsed at all Points. — Retreat Across the River.^ — Results. — The Winter Camp. — A Prac tical Joke on the Staff. — A Discriminative Hen. AFTER remaining a few days in the neighborhood of Shep- herdstown, General Lee gradually withdrew to a position between Bunker Hill and Winchester. Notwithstanding he had failed, from accidental causes, to accomplish the chief object of the invasion of Maryland, the expedition was not wholly without beneficial results, since it relieved Virginia from the presence of the enemy and gave her an opportunity to recover in a measure from the exhausting effect of war, while the spirit and confidence of the troops were not impaired by the unexpected termination of the campaign. In order to explain the achievements of this campaign, I shall here insert General Lee's address to his troops a few days after its termination: "Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia, October 2, 1862. "In reviewing the achievements of the army during the present campaign, the commanding general cannot withhold the expression of his admiration of the indomitable courage it has displayed in battle and its cheerful endurance of privation and hardships on the march. ' ' Since your great victories around Richmond you have de feated the enemy at Cedar Mountain, expelled him from the Rappahannock, and after a conflict of three days utterly re pulsed him on the plains of Manassas and forced him to take 15 225 226 , MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. shelter within the fortifications around his capital. Without halting for repose, you crossed the Potomac, stormed the heights of Harper's Ferry, made prisoners of more than n,6oo men, and captured upward of seventy pieces of artillery, all their small-arms, and other munitions of war. While one corps of the army was thus engaged the other ensured its success by arresting at Boonsboro' the combined armies of the enemy, advancing under their favorite general to the relief of their beleaguered comrades. ' ' On the field of Sharpsburg, with less than one-third his numbers, you resisted from daylight until dark the whole army of the enemy, and repulsed every attack along his entire front of more than four miles in extent. ' ' The whole of the following day you stood prepared to re sume the conflict on the same ground, and retired next morning without molestation across the Potomac. ' ' Two attempts subsequently made by the enemy to follow you across the river have resulted in his complete discomfiture and his being driven back with loss. Achievements such as these demanded much valor and patriotism. History records fewer examples of greater fortitude and endurance than this army has exhibited, and I am commissioned by the President to thank you in the name of the Confederate States for the undying fame you have won for their arms. ' ' Much as you have done, much more remains to be accom plished. The enemy again threatens us with invasion, and to your tried valor and patriotism the country looks with confi dence for deliverance and safety. Your past exploits give assurance that this confidence is not misplaced. "R. E. Lee, " General Commanding." The inactivity of General McClellan allowed General Lee several weeks of uninterrupted repose. During that interval the guardianship of the Potomac was confided to the cavalry and horse-artillery. , While thus employed General Stuart made a swoop into Pennsylvania, captured a thousand horses, and after making the entire circuit of the Federal army recrossed FREDERICKSB URG. 227 the Potomac with only the loss of three missing and three wounded. This achievement drew from Mr. Lincoln a very sarcastic criticism on his own cavalry, which, however, was not wholly merited, for it was no sooner learned that Stuart had crossed the border than Pleasanton made the most rapid pursuit that was ever performed by the Federal cavalry; but he arrived just in time to see the prey safe beyond the Potomac. Throughout the late campaign the duty of selecting a place for headquarters usually devolved upon the writer. The gen eral would say, ' ' Colonel Long has a good eye for locality : let him find a place for the camp. ' ' It was not always so easy to find a desirable situation, but, as the general was easily satis fied, the difficulties of the task were greatly lightened. Only once, to my recollection, did he object to the selection made for headquarters; this was on reaching the neighborhood of Winchester. The army had preceded the general and taken possession of every desirable camping-place. After a long and fatiguing search a farm-house was discovered, surrounded by a large shady yard. The occupants of the house with great satis faction gave permission for the establishment of General Lee not only in the yard, but insisted on his occupying a part of the house. Everything being satisfactorily settled, the wagons were ordered up, but just as their unloading began the general rode up and flatly refused to occupy either yard or house. No one expected him to violate his custom by occupying the house, but it was thought he would not object to a temporary occupa tion of the yard. Being vexed at having to look for another place for headquarters, I ordered the wagons into a field almost entirely covered with massive stones. The boulders were so large and thick that it was difficult to find space for the tents. The only redeeming feature the location possessed was a small stream of good water. When the tents were pitched, the gen eral looked around with a smile of satisfaction, and said, ' ' This is better than the yard. We will not now disturb those good people." While occupying this camp we were visited by several dis tinguished British officers — among them, Colonel Garnet Wolse- ley, who has since become prominent in history. Subsequently, 228 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. one of the number published the following account of General Lee and his surroundings: "In visiting the headquarters of the Confederate generals, but particularly those of General Lee, any one accustomed to see European armies in the field, cannot fail to be struck with the great absence of all the pomp and circumstance of war in and around their encampments. " Lee's headquarters consisted of about seven or eight pole- tents, pitched, with their backs to a stake-fence, upon a piece of ground so rocky that it was unpleasant to ride over it, its only recommendation being a little stream of good water which flowed close by the general's tent. In front of the tents were some three or four army-wagons, drawn up without any regularity, and a number of horses turned loose about the field. The servants — who were, of course, slaves — and the mounted soldiers called couriers, who always accompany each general of division in the field, were unprovided with tents, and slept in or under the wagons. Wagons, tents, and some of the horses were marked ' U. S. , ' showing that part of that huge debt in the North has gone to furnishing even the Con federate generals with camp-equipments. No guard or sentries were to be seen in the vicinity, no crowd of aides-de-camp loit ering about, making themselves agreeable to visitors and en deavoring to save their generals from receiving those who had no particular business. A large farm-house stands close by, which in any other army would have been the general's resi dence pro tem.; but, as no liberties are allowed to be taken with personal property in Lee's army, he is particular in setting a good example himself. His staff are crowded together, two or three in a tent; none are allowed to carry more baggage than a small box each, and his own kit is but very little larger. Every one who approaches him does so with marked respect, although there is none of that bowing and flourishing of forage-caps which occurs in the presence of European generals; and, while all honor him and place implicit faith in his courage and abil ity, those with whom he is most intimate feel for him the affec tion of sons to a father. Old General Scott was correct in saying that when Lee joined the Southern cause it was worth FREDERICKSB URG. 229 as much as the accession of 20,000 men to the ' rebels.' Since then every injury that it was possible to inflict the Northerners have heaped upon him. Notwithstanding all these personal losses, however, when speaking of the Yankees he neither evinced any bitterness of feeling nor gave utterance to a single violent expression, but alluded to many of his former friends and companions among them in the kindest terms. He spoke as a man proud of the victories won by his country and con fident of ultimate success under the blessing of the Almighty, whom he glorified for past successes, and whose aid he invoked for all future operations. ' ' Notwithstanding the ruggedness of this encampment, it proved unusually lively. Besides the foreign friends, we had numerous visitors from the army, also ladies and gentlemen from Winchester and the neighborhood, all of whom had some remark to make upon the rocky situation of our camp. This the general seemed to enjoy, as it gave him an opportunity of making a jest at the expense of Colonel Long, whom he accused of having set him down there among the rocks in revenge for his refusing to occupy the yard. Although there were no habit ual drinkers on the general's staff, an occasional demijohn would find its way to headquarters. While at this place one of the officers received a present of a jug of fine old rye. Soon after its advent General J. E. B. Stuart, with Sweeney and his banjo, arrived — not on account, however, of the jug, but, as was his wont, to give us a serenade. The bright camp-fire was sur rounded by a merry party, and a lively concert commenced. After a while the general came out, and, observing the jug perched on a boulder, asked with a merry smile, "Gentlemen, am I to thank General Stuart or the jug for this fine music?" By this time the men had come to know their leader. The brilliant campaigns through which he had led them had in spired them with love and confidence, and whenever he ap peared among them his approach was announced by ' ' Here comes Mars' Robert!" and he would be immediately saluted with the well-known Confederate yell, which called forth in other quarters the exclamation, "There goes Mars' Robert — ole Jackson, or an ole hare." 230 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. At this time a strong religious sentiment prevailed in the army, and every evening from the various camps might be heard the sound of devotional exercises. General Lee encour aged this sentiment by attending services whenever circum stances permitted. While indulging in the sweets of repose the army was grad ually increased, principally by the return of absentees, until the middle of October, when its effective strength amounted to about 60,000 men. Its efficiency had been much improved by the activity and energy of Colonel Corley, chief quartermaster, and Colonel Cole, chief commissary. These officers displayed great ability in furnishing the necessary requirements of the army in the field. Colonels Chilton, Murray, Henry Peyton, Captains Mason and Latham, of the adjutant- and inspector- general's department, contributed greatly to its high state of discipline, and General Lee made in his report honorable men tion of his personal staff. The cavalry, at this time between 3000 and 4000 strong, was distinguished as the finest corps of modern cavalry, and Stuart had justly become celebrated as a cavalry commander. His brigadiers, the two Lees, W. E. Jones, Robertson, Munford, Hampton, Lomax, and a host of others of less rank, were officers who would have graced the brightest days of chivalry, and the rank and file were composed of the best material of the South. Stuart was unequalled as an outpost officer. Throughout a line of fifty miles his eye and hand were everywhere present ; his pickets and scouts never slept ; the movements of the enemy were immediately discovered, and promptly reported to the commander-in-chief. When McClellan crossed the Potomac, Stuart withdrew his cavalry to a line embracing Bunker's Hill and Smithfield, extending on the right to the Shenandoah and on the left to the eastern base of North Mountain. The connection between this line of outposts and that east of the Blue Ridge was by the way of Snicker's Gap and Berry ville. The Federal army by the 15th of October had been concentrated in the neighbor hood of Harper's Ferry. The opposing armies were now only FREDERICKSB URG. 2 3 1 separated by their outposts, between which spirited encoun ters frequently occurred. The repose of a month had greatly improved in every way the Confederate army ; it had reached a high state of efficiency, and General Lee was fully prepared to meet General McClellan whenever he might think fit to advance to attack him in his position before Winchester. When McClellan resumed active operations two plans presented themselves. One was to bring Lee to an engagement in the Shenandoah Valley ; the other, to pass south of the Blue Ridge into Loudoun, Fauquier, and Culpeper, thus penetrating between the Confederate army and Richmond, its base of supplies. The first presented the disad vantage of attacking a formidable opponent in position, while retreat was hazardous by the proximity of two large and dif ficult rivers, the Shenandoah and Potomac. The other offered a wider scope for the operations of large armies, and in case of defeat, as on previous occasions, the protection of the defences about Washington could easily be gained. McClellan adopted the latter plan, and on the 23d of October commenced the pas sage of the Potomac south of Harper's Ferry, and by the ist of November his army had entered Loudoun and was slowly ex tending into Fauquier. He occupied the line of the Manassas Gap Railroad on the 5th, and at the same time the Federal out posts were extended to the neighborhood of Warrenton. When McClellan had crossed the Potomac and the direction of his advance was ascertained, Lee moved Longstreet's corps and the greater part of the cavalry to a position near Culpeper Court-house and established his outposts along the right bank of the Rappahannock. Jackson's corps was detained in the Valley until the Federal plans should be more fully developed. The delay that followed the battle of Sharpsburg and the deliberate manner in which McClellan resumed active operations did not accord with the impetuous character of the authorities of Washington, and were productive of a voluminous correspondence with Mr. Lincoln and General Halleck, in which the President and commander- in-chief exhibited marked disapprobation, which culminated in the removal of McClellan. That this step was injudicious 232 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. at that time was clearly demonstrated by the subsequent disas ters that befell the army. General McClellan had been in command of the Army of the Potomac more than a year. He had been assigned to its command when it was broken and dispirited by defeat, and had brought it up to a high state of efficiency. In the Peninsular campaign, in the spring of 1862, he accomplished more in two months than any subsequent commander of the Army of the Po tomac did in a much greater period. The results of the capture of Yorktown and Norfolk, the destruction of the Merrimac, and the possession of the York and the James rivers were not at the time fully appreciated. They, however, ultimately led to the fall of Richmond and the defeat and capture of the Army of Northern Virginia, and, had not his plans been frustrated by the Federal Executive by withholding at the important moment the co-ope ration of McDowell's corps of 40,000 men, then at Fredericks burg, this series of operations might have been followed by the capture of Richmond and stamped as one of the most brilliant campaigns on record. After a successful campaign, having reorganized and raised his army in point of numbers and equip ment to the highest state of military excellence, and having just entered upon a new field of operation with - every element of success that the foresight of a commander could give, Gen eral McClellan was relieved from command and placed in retire ment. The impression created at the time was that this step was a military necessity, but the course afterward displayed by the radical party would naturally lead to the inference that the removal of McClellan originated from political jealousy. His great personal popularity and his influence with the Demo cratic party, enhanced by military fame, would have made him a formidable political aspirant. A great diversity of opinion exists as to the military capacity of McClellan, and he has been both unduly praised and cen sured by his friends and foes. That his slowness and caution were elements on which the opposing general might safely count must be admitted, but that he had a high degree of military ability cannot be denied. His skill in planning move ments was certainly admirable, but their effect was in more FREDERICKSBURG. 233 than one instance lost by over-slowness in their execution. In this connection it will be of interest to give General Lee's own opinion concerning McClellan's ability, as related by a relative of the general, who had it from her father, an old gentleman of eighty years : "One thing I remember hearing him say. He asked Gen eral Lee which in his opinion was the ablest of the Union generals ; to which the latter answered, bringing his hand down on the table with an emphatic energy, ' McClellan, by all odds !' " This opinion, however, could but have referred to his skill as a tactician, as it is unquestionable that Lee availed himself of McClellan's over-caution and essayed perilous movements which he could not have safely ventured in the presence of a more active opponent. It was with surprise that the Confederate officers who knew the distinguished merit of Sumner, Sedgwick, Meade, and others learned that Burnside had been elevated above them, and General Burnside himself with diffidence accepted the high honor that had been conferred upon him. Mr. Lincoln, accompanied by General Halleck, visited the headquarters of the army near Warrenton, where a plan of operations was adopted. A rapid advance upon Richmond by the way of Fredericksburg was advised. It was supposed from the position of General Lee's forces that by gaining a march or two upon him Richmond might be reached and captured before that general could relieve it. All that prevented the immediate execution of this plan was the want of a pontoon-train, which was necessary for the passage of the Rappahannock. Having arranged to his satisfaction with General Halleck and Mr. Lincoln in regard to a prompt compliance with his requisitions for pontoons and supplies for the army, General Burnside, about the 15th of November, put the Army of the Potomac in motion, and on the 17th, Sumner's corps reached Fredericksburg. This energetic officer would probably have immediately crossed the Rappahannock by the fords above the town, and thus have saved much delay. He was, however, restrained by Burnside, who directed him to await the arrival 234 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. of the pontoons. At this time the river in the neighborhood of Fredericksburg was held simply by a small picket-force, and could have been forded without much difficulty. General Lee, having penetrated the designs of the Federal commander, pre pared to oppose them. About the 18th he sent reinforcements to Fredericksburg with instructions to retard, as far as practi cable, the Federal forces in the passage of the Rappahannock, and at the same time he sent orders to Jackson to join him as speedily as possible. Upon the supposition that Burnside would cross the Rappa hannock before he could form a junction of his forces, Lee pro posed to take a position behind the North Anna with part of Longstreet's corps, the force then about Richmond, and such other troops as might be drawn from other points, while, with Jackson's and the remainder of Longstreet's corps united, he moved in such a manner as might enable him to fall upon the flank and rear of the Federal army when it attempted the pas sage of that river. But when it was ascertained that Burnside was prevented from immediately crossing the Rappahannock by a delay in the arrival of his pontoons, Lee determined to move Longstreet's corps immediately to Fredericksburg and take possession of the heights opposite those occupied by the Federal force, as these heights afforded a stronger defensive line than the North Anna. In execution of this determination Longstreet's corps left the vicinity of Culpeper Court-house on the 24th, crossed the Rapidan at Raccoon Ford, and, proceeding by the Wilder ness road, reached Fredericksburg the next day\ In the mean time, Jackson was rapidly approaching from the Valley. The Army of the Potomac had been a week before Fredericksburg and the pontoons had not yet arrived, and what might have been effected a few days before without opposition could now be accomplished only by force. Even after passing the river Burnside would be obliged to remove from his path a formid able opponent before he could continue his advance upon the city of Richmond. On arriving at Fredericksburg, General Lee caused the heights south of the river to be occupied by artillery and in- FREDERICKSB URG. 235 fantry from Banks's Ford, four miles above, to the Massaponax, five miles below the city, while the cavalry extended up the river beyond the United States Ford and down as far as Port Royal. The prominent points were crowned with artillery covered by epaulments, and in the intervals were constructed breastworks for the protection of infantry. The heights closely fringe the river from Banks's Ford to Falmouth; thence they recede, leaving a low ground, which gradually increases in width to about two miles ; then the hills again abut upon the river a little below the mouth of the Massaponax, and, extend ing nearly parallel to that stream, abruptly terminate in broad, low grounds. These low grounds are traversed by the main road to Bowling Green and are intersected by several small streams. The most important of these is Deep Run, which empties into the Rappahannock a little more than a mile above the mouth of the Massaponax. That portion of the road em braced between Deep Run and the Massaponax is enclosed by embankments sufficiently high and thick to afford good covers for troops. We have here endeavored to describe some of the principal features of the Confederate position at Fredericksburg, that the plan of battle may be more clearly understood. Jackson's corps on its arrival at the end of November was posted a few miles south of the Massaponax, in the neighbor hood of Guinea Station on the Richmond and Fredericksburg Railroad. From this position he could easily support Long- street, or, in case Burnside attempted a passage of the Rappa hannock between the Massaponax and Port Royal, he would be ready to intercept him. After much delay the pontoon- train reached Fredericksburg. But then the position of Lee presented a formidable obstacle to the passage of the river at that point. General Burnside thereupon caused careful reconnoissances to be made both above and below, with the view of finding a more favorable point for crossing. But he invariably found wherever he appeared the forces of General Lee ready to oppose him. Finding no part of the river more suitable or less guarded than that about Fredericksburg, Burnside determined to effect a crossing at that place. Two points were selected — one oppo- 236 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. site the town, and the other two miles below, near the mouth of Deep Run — and early on the morning of the nth of Decem ber the work was begun under cover of a dense fog. A bridge was laid at the mouth of Deep Run, and Franklin's grand division passed over without opposition. In front of Freder icksburg, however, the case was different. The gallant Barks- dale with his brigade of Mississippians, to whom the defence of the town had been assigned, repelled every attempt to con struct the bridges until the afternoon, when the powerful artil lery of the Federal army was massed and a cannonade from one hundred and eighty guns was opened upon the devoted town, under cover of which troops crossed in boats under the direc tion of General Hunt, chief of artillery. Then Barksdale, fighting, retired step by step until he gained the cover of the road embankment at the foot of Marye's Heights, which he held until relieved by fresh troops. Burnside having devel oped his plan of attack, Lee concentrated his forces prepara tory for battle. His right rested on the Massaponax, and his left on the Rappahannock at the dam in the vicinity of Fal mouth. Jackson's corps, in three lines, occupied the space between the Massaponax and Deep Run, while Longstreet's corps, with artillery, occupied the remainder of the position. The flanks were covered by Stuart's cavalry and horse artillery. It was here for the first time that the Confederate artillery was systematically massed for battle. On his arrival at Fredericks burg, General Lee assigned to Colonel Long the duty of verifying and selecting positions for the artillery, in which he was assisted by Majors Venable and Talcott and Captain Sam Johnson. On the day of battle two hundred pieces of artillery were in position, and so arranged that at least fifty pieces could be brought to bear on any threatened point, and on Fredericksburg and Deep Run, the points of attack, a hundred guns could be concen trated. The artillery on Longstreet's front was commanded by Colonels Alexander, Walton, and Cabell, and that on Jack son's by Colonels Brown and Walker. The horse artillery was commanded by Major Pelham. These officers on all occasions served with marked ability. General Pendleton, chief of artil lery, exercised special control of the reserve artillery. FREDERICKSBURG. 237 As Jackson's corps had been extended some distance down the Rappahannock, it was not until the night of the nth that its concentration was completed. On the morning of the 12th of December, General Lee's entire force was in position, pre pared to receive the Federal attack. The strength of the op*- posing armies, as on previous occasions, was disproportionate. The effective strength of the Army of Northern Virginia was about 60,000, of which about 52,000 were infantry, 4000 artillery with 250 guns, and the cavalry composed the remain der. That of the Army of the Potomac exceeded 100,000 men and 300 pieces of artillery. 90,000 men had crossed the river — 40,000 of Sumner's grand division at Fredericksburg, and Franklin's grand division of 50,000 men at Deep Run. From this disposition of forces it was apparent that General Burnside designed a simultaneous attack upon the Confederate right and centre. Jackson's first line, composed of two brig ades of A. P. Hill's division, held the railroad ; a second line, consisting of artillery and the other brigades of Hill's division, occupied the heights immediately overlooking the railroad ; and the reserves, commanded by D. H. Hill, were in convenient supporting-distance. In the centre the most conspicuous feature was Marye's Heights, behind the town of Fredericksburg and separated from it by an open space of several hundreds yards in width. The telegraph road passing between the base of the heights and a strong embankment was occupied by two brigades — Cobb's and Kershaw's of Longstreet's corps — while the crest was crowned by a powerful artillery covered by a continuous line of earthworks. A reserve of two brig ades, commanded by Brigadier-general Ransom, occupied the reverse slope of the heights. [These troops did good service during the battle.] On the hills behind were grouped bat teries so disposed that the heights in front could be raked with shot and shell in case they were carried by the Federals. On the morning of the 13th of December, as the fog slowly lifted, a scene was unfolded which in point of grandeur has sel dom been witnessed. The Stafford Heights, from Falmouth to the Massaponax, were crowned with thickly-grouped batteries of artillery, while the shores of the Rappahannock were cov- 238 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. ered with dark masses of troops in battle array. Opposite the Confederate right the attacking force, in two lines, began to advance. Simultaneously the heights were wreathed in smoke and the thunder of artillery announced the commencement of battle. When the attacking column had become disengaged from the embankments of the river-road, Stuart's horse artil lery on the right and the artillery of Jackson's corps in front opened a destructive fire, which checked it for a brief space, until its own batteries could be placed in position to occupy the opposing artillery. It then moved steadily onward, and quickly dislodged the first Confederate line from the railroad, and disappeared in the wood that concealed the greater part of the second line. A deadly conflict ensued, which, although hidden by the forest, was proclaimed by the terrific clash of musketry. Very soon the troops that had advanced so gallan tly were seen to retire. At first a straggling few and then large masses came rushing out, followed by long lines of gray veterans, who dealt death at every step. General Meade, from the want of support after his gallant achievement, was com pelled to witness the present deplorable condition of his corps. Forty thousand of Franklin's grand division, remaining idly by, had beheld the defeat of their brave comrades without ex tending a helping hand. This apathy of Franklin was at the time regarded by the Confederates as remarkable. During the attack on the right preparations were in progress to assail the Confederate centre. Dense masses of troops, which had been previously concentrated in and about Fredericksburg, were now formed in columns of attack to be led against Marye's Heights. About noon the attack commenced. Column after column advanced to the assault, to be hurled back with terrible slaughter. Attack after attack was hopelessly renewed until the stoutest heart quailed at the dreadful carnage that ensued. Seeing his repeated efforts unavailing, General Burnside or dered a discontinuance of the conflict. The Confederates on the next day expected the battle to be renewed with greater vigor than had been displayed on the day before, but the Federals maintained a sullen silence, and at night recrossed the Rappa hannock. The next morning the spectator could hardly be- FREDERICKSBURG. 239 lieve his senses on beholding the great Federal army that had on the day previous lined the southern shore of the Rappa hannock now covering the heights of Stafford, bereft of that martial spirit it had exhibited a few days before. The dispir ited condition of the Federal army was not so much the con sequence of losses in battle as the effect of the want of co-ope ration and the fruitless results of misdirected valor. The appointment of General Burnside to the command of the Army of the Potomac had proved a mistake — more, how ever, from the combination of circumstances against him than from lack of conduct on his part. His successes in North Car olina had given him prominence, while his soldierly bearing and fine appearance evidently had their influence with Mr. Lincoln in the selection of him as commander-in-chief of the Army of the Potomac, while neglecting the superior claims of several others, two of whom — Generals Hooker and Frank lin — could never forget their sense of superiority sufficiently to render him cordial co-operation. Bourrienne gives us a maxim of Bonaparte that ' ' two great generals in the same army are sure to make a bad one. ' ' This maxim particularly applied in the present instance to the Army of the Potomac, where its truth was fully verified. The losses sustained, as stated by General Burnside, amounted to about 10,000, among whom was General Bayard, a young officer of great merit, whose loss was sincerely felt in the army as well as by a large circle of acquaintances. The Confederate loss was numerically much less than that sustained by the en emy. The Confederates, however, numbered among their slain Brigadier-generals Gregg and Cobb, and among their mortally wounded Colonel Coleman of the artillery. The fall of these noble and gallant spirits was deeply deplored by the army. In preparation for this battle General Lee had established his field headquarters on a spur of the ridge on which he had located his line of battle. From this position he had a com manding view of the adjacent valley, the Rappahannock from Fredericksburg to Massaponax, and the Stafford Heights be yond. This spur has since been known as Lee's Hill. On the day of battle Longstreet had his headquarters at the same place, 240 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. so that Lee was able to keep his hand on the rein of his "old war-horse ' ' and to direct him where to apply his strength. After the battle of Fredericksburg, General Lee retained his headquarters, established previous to the battle, at a point on the road midway between Fredericksburg and Hamilton Crossing, selected on account of its accessibility. Although there was a vacant house near which he could have occupied, he preferred, as in the instance we have recently given, to remain in camp, thus giving an example of endurance of hardship that might prove useful to his troops. The headquarters did not present a very imposing appearance. It consisted of four or five wall tents and three or four common tents, situated on the edge of an old pine field, and not far from a fine grove of forest trees, from which was obtained an abundant supply of excellent wood, while the branches of the old field-pine served to fortify the tents against the cold of winter and to make shelter for the horses. Though outwardly the winter quarters presented rather a dismal aspect, yet within cheerfulness prevailed. Notwith standing the responsibility of his position and the difficulties that surrounded him, General Lee usually maintained a cheer ful mien toward his staff, and at times indulged his humor for a practical joke in a manner which would have surprised an outsider who saw only the grave and dignified side of his character. As a companion-piece to the demijohn story pre viously told, we may give another in which General Lee was the active agent. On one occasion a demijohn was observed to be carried into his tent, which excited in the minds of those who beheld it visions of good wine or brandy. (The general well knew that several of his staff enjoyed a glass of wine, or even something stronger.) About twelve o'clock he walked out of his tent, and with a twinkle in his eye remarked, ' ' Per haps you gentlemen would like a glass of something?" All assenting, he directed Bryan, the steward of the mess, to carry the demijohn to the mess-tent and arrange cups for the gentle men. They followed him with pleasant anticipations of the unexpected treat. The general ordered the cork to be drawn and the cups filled. The disappointment of the expectants and Lee's enjoyment may be better imagined than described when FREDERICKSBURG. 24 1 the contents proved to be buttermilk. On another occasion he was much amused at the dissatisfaction expressed one morn ing at breakfast by a member of his staff at the tough biscuits, and at another's remarking, "You ought not to mind that; they will stick by you all the longer." It was a time when great scarcity of provisions prevailed throughout the army, and all were glad to get even a little fried bacon and tough biscuits, with cold water for a beverage: sugar and coffee were unknown luxuries. We were frequently visited by distinguished personages from Richmond and elsewhere. Among those deserving of especial mention were Colonel Freemantle of the British army and Captain Scheibert of the Prussian engineers. Scheibert re mained with us for some time; he was present at the battle of Chancellorsville, and accompanied us to Gettysburg, where Colonel Freemantle was also present. Both of these officers were highly esteemed at headquarters. Having for some time been reduced to very meagre fare, we were rejoiced to receive a present of a lot of chickens. 0ne of the hens so distinguished herself as to be worthy of a place in history. Bryan, the steward of General Lee's mess, having discovered that she daily contributed an egg, spared her life. She proved to be a very discriminating hen, for she selected the general's tent to make her daily deposit. Instinct seemed to teach her that he was fond of fowls and domestic ani mals. Every day she would walk to and fro in front of his tent, and when all was quiet walk in, find a place under his bed, and deposit her egg ; then walk out with a gratified cackle. Appreciating her partiality for him, he would leave his tent- door open for her to come in. This she kept up daily for weeks, Bryan always securing her contributions for the gen eral's breakfast. She chose a roosting-place in the baggage- wagon, and on breaking up camp to meet Hooker at Chancel lorsville, Bryan found room in the wagon for the hen. During the battle she seemed too much disturbed to lay, but as soon as the engagement was over she fell at once into her regular rou tine. She accompanied the army to Gettysburg. One night, when preparing for retreat, with the wagon loaded and every- 16 242 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. thing ready, the question was raised, "Where is the hen?" By that time everybody knew her and took an interest in her ; search was made in every direction, even General Lee join ing in it. She was found at last perched on the wagon, where she had taken her place of her own accord. She accompanied the army in all its marches and countermarches for more than a yrear, and finally came to rather an unsentimental end. In the winter of 1864, General Lee's headquarters was near Orange Court-house. The hen had become rather fat and lazy, and on one occasion, when the general had a distinguished visitor to dine with him, Bryan, finding it extremely difficult to pro cure material for a dinner, very inhumanly killed the hen, unknown to any of the staff. " At the dinner the general was very much surprised to see so fine a fowl ; all enjoyed it, not dreaming of the great sacrifice made upon the altar of hospi tality. When she was missed and inquiry made, Bryan had to acknowledge that he had killed her in order to provide some thing for the gentlemen's dinner. Several highly interesting letters written by General Lee to his wife and daughters at the period considered in the present chapter have been kindly handed to the writer with permission to publish them. As they possess both a personal and public significance, with some amusing comments upon army matters, he takes pleasure in laying them before the reader. General Lee's devotion to his family, his religious faith, and his sense of humor are all here strongly displayed. No better introduction can be offered than a sentence from a letter written by Miss Mildred Lee in reference to these letters : In them ' ' one has glimpses of a great war raging mercilessly, while the chief actor sits down, to the sound of shot and cannon, and pours out his heart in affection to his ' little daughters. ' ' ' From a letter to his daughter Mildred, written on Christmas, 1862, we make the following extract : ' ' I cannot tell you how I long to see you when a little quiet occurs. My thoughts revert to you, your sisters and mother ; my heart aches for our reunion. Your brothers I see occasion ally. This morning Fitzhugh rode by with his young aide-de camp (Rob) at the head of his brigade, on his way up the Rap- FREDERICKSBURG. 243 pahannock. You must study hard, gain knowledge, and learn your duty to God aud your neighbor : that is the great object of life. I have no news, confined constantly to camp and my thoughts occupied with its necessities and duties. I am, how ever, happy in the knowledge that General Burnside and his army will not eat their promised Xmas dinner in Richmond to-day. ' ' On the succeeding day he writes as follows to his daughter Agnes : "jCamp Fredericksburg, 26th December, 1862. "My precious LITTLE Agnes : I have not heard of you for a long time. I wish you were with me, for, always solitary, I am sometimes weary, and long for the reunion of my family once again. But I will not speak of myself, but of you I have only seen the ladies in this vicinity when flying from the enemy, and it caused me acute grief to witness their expos ure and suffering. But a more noble spirit was never displayed anywhere. The faces of old and young were wreathed with smiles and glowed with happiness at their sacrifices for the good of their country. Many have lost everything. What the fire and shells of the enemy spared their pillagers destroyed. But God will shelter them, I know. So much heroism will not be unregarded. I can only hold oral communication with your sister, and have forbidden the scouts to bring any writing, and have taken back some that I had given them for her. If caught it would compromise them. They only convey messages. I learn in that way she is well "Your devoted father, "R. E. Lee. " To Agnes Lee." We add two other letters, one written to his daughter Agnes, and one to Mrs. Lee : " Camp Fredericksburg, 6th February, 1863. "To Agnes LEE : I read yesterday, my precious daughter, your letter, and grieved very much when last in Richmond at not seeing you. My movements are so uncertain that I cannot 244 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. be relied on for anything. The only place I am to be found is in camp, and I am so cross now that I am not worth seeing any where. Here you will have to take me with the three stools — the snow, the rain, and the mud. The storm of the last twen ty-four hours has added to our stock of all, and we are now in a floating condition. But the sun and wind will carry all off in time, and then we shall appreciate our relief. Our horses and mules suffer the most. They have to bear the cold and rain, tug through the mud, and suffer all the time with hunger. The roads are wretched, almost impassable. I heard of Mag lately. One of our scouts brought me a card of Margaret Stuart's, with a pair of gauntlets directed to ' Cousin Robert.' .... I have no news. General Hooker is obliged to do something : I do not know what it will be. He is playing the Chinese game, trying what frightening will do. He runs out his guns, starts his wagons and troops up and down the river, and creates an excitement generally. Our men look on in wonder, give a cheer, and all again subsides in statu quo ante bellum. I wish you were here with me to-day. You would have to sit by this little stove, look out at the rain, and keep yourself dry. But here come, in all their wet, the adjutant- generals with the papers. I must stop and go to work. See how kind God is : we have plenty to do in good weather and bad "Your devoted father, "R. E. Lee." Extract from Letter to Mrs. Lee. "Camp Fredericksburg, 23d February, 1S63. "The weather now is very hard upon our poor bushmen. This morning the whole country is covered with a mantle of snow fully a foot deep. It was nearly up to my knees as I stepped out this morning, and our poor horses were enveloped. We have dug them out and opened our avenues a little, but it will be terrible and the roads impassable. No cars from Rich mond yesterday. I fear our short rations for man and horse will have to be curtailed. Our enemies have their troubles FREDERICKSBURG. 245 too. They are very strong immediately in front, but have withdrawn their troops above and below us back toward Ac- quia Creek. I owe Mr. F. J. Hooker no thanks for keeping me here. He ought to have made up his mind long ago what to do. — 24-th. The cars have arrived, and brought me a young French officer full of vivacity, and ardent for service with me. I think the appearance of things will cool him. If they do not, the night will, for he brought no blankets. , "R. E. Lee." CHAPTER XIV. CHANCELLORSVILLE. Conscript Act passed. — Deficiency of Army Stores. — Lee's Position. — Hooker succeeds Burnside. — Federal Advance. — Description of Chancellorsville. — Lee's Movements. — The Federals Driven Back. — Last Interview of Lee and Jackson. — The Flank Movement. — The Federal Defeat. — Jackson Wounded., — The Battle of the 3d. — Hooker Withdraws. — Sedgwick's Advance. — He is Defeated and Recrosses the River. — Results of the Battle. — Life and Character of Jackson. — Reorganization of the Army. — Financial Difficulties of the Government. THE Army of Northern Virginia in the winter of 1862-63 began to feel seriously the want of judicious legislation. There had neither been formed an adequate plan for recruiting the army, nor had a reliable financial system been adopted. When the country was full of enthusiasm the ranks of the army were filled by voluntary enlistment, but when the novelty of war disappeared and the depreciating value of the pay of the soldier was seen, this mode could no longer be relied on, and it became necessary to resort to conscription. This measure, being regarded by many as too despotic for a republic, was taken hold of with- reluctance, but after much delay and fruit less discussion Congress in 1862 passed a conscript act as the only means that could be devised for the preservation of the army. Having neglected at the beginning of the war to take advan tage of the abundant resources of the country to establish a firm financial basis upon which the pecuniary demands of the country could safely rest, the Confederate legislators were obliged, in order to meet the demand upon the treasury, to resort to a system of inflation, without providing for a corre sponding reflux ofthe fiscal tide to the treasury; consequently, each new issue was followed by a proportionate decline in the value of the currency. Besides the want of money and men, the Army of Northern 246 CHANCELLORSVILLE. 247 Virginia was deficient in clothing, shoes, blankets, tents, pro visions; in fact, everything needful was wanted except arms and ammunition. The abundant supplies with which the country teemed at the beginning of the war, instead of being collected and preserved for future use, were allowed to be dissi pated, and in less than two y-ears one of the most fruitful coun tries known was reduced to the condition of being barely able to afford a scanty subsistence for armies whose effective strength did not exceed 200,000 men. Besides the inclemency of the season, scant clothing, and short rations, the proximity of the Federal army required them to be always prepared for battle. At this time the necessities of the army were greatly relieved by voluntary contributions from patriotic citizens throughout the country. The embarrassments of General Lee were further increased by having to fill the ranks of the army, which were becoming diminished by discharges from the expiration of the term of enlistment. In order to relieve the drain upon the scanty commissariat, Longstreet was sent with two divisions to the district south of Petersburg, where provisions were still abundant, with a view of subsisting these troops, while they collected the surplus supplies to be sent to the troops in other quarters. This detachment reduced the Confederate army to barely 40,000 men, while the Federal force exceeded 100,000. After this reduction General Lee conceived the design of adopting a position more remote from the Federal lines than the one he then occupied, where his army might enjoy greater repose than it could in its position about Fredericksburg, and where he would have greater scope to manoeuvre when the enemy should advance, and be better able to secure the fruit of any advantage he might gain in battle. With this aim he directed Colonel Long and Colonel Venable of his staff to make a careful examination of the country contiguous to the North Anna River, from the neighborhood of Hanover Junction to a point twenty-five or thirty miles above that place, to ascertain the character of the south bank of that stream as a defensive position. These officers, after making the examination as directed, reported adversely to the North Anna. As no po sition could be found which afforded greater advantages than 248 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. the one he then occupied, Lee continued to hold the line of the Rappahannock, and busied himself in preparation for the ensuing campaign. Many of the troops whose term of enlistment had expired, from motives of patriotism and devotion to their commander, and others who had honorably served, rather than be subjected to conscription, voluntarily re-enlisted for the war upon receiv ing a short furlough to visit their homes. By these reductions the army was at one time reduced to a little above 30,000 men. By the exercise of his influence and authority General Lee caused the ranks of his army to be rapidly filled, so that by the last of April it numbered, exclusive of the two divisions of Longstreet, then absent, 45,000 men of all arms.* The appointment of Hooker to the command of the Army of the Potomac was a surprise to General Lee, who had no great respect for the military ability of his new opponent in a position of such importance. Swinton thus comments on the condition of the Army of the Potomac and the appointment of Hooker to the supreme command: ' ' Notwithstanding the untoward fortunes the Army of the Potomac had suffered, it could hardly be said to be really de moralized, for its heart was still in the war; it never failed to respond to any demand made upon it; and it was ever ready to renew its courage at the first ray of hope. Such a day-spring came with the appointment of General Hooker to the chief command, and under his influence the tone of the army under went a change that would appear astonishing had not its elastic vitality been so often proved. Hooker's measures of reform were judicious: he cut away the roots of many evils; stopped desertion and its causes ; did away with the nuisance of the ' grand-division ' organization ; infused vitality through the staff and administrative service ; gave distinctive badges to the different corps; instituted a system of furloughs; consolidated the cavalry under able leaders, and soon enabled it not only to * Colonel Taylor, in his Four Years with General Lee, places the Confederate force on the 31st of March at 57,000; he makes no allowance, however, for changes that might have occurred during April, nor for detachments serving elsewhere, but "borne upon the the returns of the Army of Northern Virginia. CHANCELLORSVILLE. 249 stand upon an equality with, but to assert its superiority over, the Virginia horsemen of Stuart. These things proved Gen eral Hooker to be an able administrative officer, but they did not prove him to be a competent commander for a great army, and whatever anticipation might be formed touching this had to be drawn from his previous career as a corps commander, in which he had won the reputation of being what is called a ' dashing ' officer, and carried the sobriquet of ' Fighting Joe. ' "The new commander judiciously resolved to defer all grand military operations during the wet season, and the first three months after he assumed command were well spent in rehabil itating the army. The ranks were filled up by the return of absentees; the discipline and instruction of the troops were energetically continued; and the close of April found the Army of the Potomac in a high degree of efficiency in all arms. It numbered 120,000 men (infantry and artillery), with a body of 12,000 well-equipped cavalry and a powerful artillery force of above 400 guns. It was divided into seven corps — the First corps under General Reynolds ; the Second under General Couch; the Third under General Sickles; the Fifth under Gen eral Meade; the Sixth under General Sedgwick; the Eleventh under General Howard; and the Twelfth under General Slocum. ' ' During his period of preparation Hooker very properly re sisted that spirit of impatience that had characterized Mr. Lin coln in his intercourse with the previous commanders of the Army of the Potomac, and only gratified once that ' ' up-and- be-doing" spirit that prevailed in Washington by indulging General Averill in a cavalry combat with General Fitz Lee, who guarded the upper fords of the Rappahannock. Being now fully prepared for active operations, Hooker determined to take the initiative by moving on the left of his opponent's position. By careful study of Lee's position he correctly con cluded that his left was his most vulnerable point. In order to mask his real design he sent forward a force of 10,000 cavalry under General Stoneman to operate upon Lee's lines of communication with Richmond, and sent Sedgwick with a force of 30,000 men still further to mask his movement. 250 MEMOIRS OF ROBERT E. LEE. Stoneman crossed the Rappahannock at Kelly's Ford on the 29th, and Sedgwick appeared on the 28th on the heights below Fredericksburg. These preparatory measures having been taken, Hooker proceeded to the execution of his plan. Swin- ton, after a picturesque description of the passage of the Rap pahannock and the Rapidan, tells us "that on the afternoon of the 30th of April four corps of the Federal army had gained the position of Chancellorsville, where Hooker at the same time established his headquarters." Chancellorsville is situated ten miles south-west of Fredericks burg. It is not, as its name implies, a town or village, but sim ply a farm-house with its usual appendages, situated at the edge of a small field surrounded by a dense thicket of second growth, which sprang up after the primeval forest had been cut to furnish fuel to a neighboring furnace. This thicket extends for miles in every direction, and its wild aspect very properly suggests its name, The Wilderness. The intersection of several important roads gives it the semblance of strategic importance, while in reality a more unfavorable place for military opera tions could not well be found. Hooker, however^ seemed well pleased with his acquisition, for on reaching Chancellorsville on Thursday night he issued an order to the troops in which he announced that ' ' the en emy must either ingloriously fly or come out from behind his defences and give us battle on our own ground, where certain . destruction awaits him. ' ' This boast, we are told, so much in the style of Hooker, was amplified by the whole tenor of his conversation. ' ' The Confederate army, ' ' said he, ' ' is now the legitimate property of the Army of the Potomac. They may as well pack up their haversacks and make for Richmond, and I shall be after them, ' ' etc. General Lee was fully aware of the preparations that were being made by his adversary, but calmly awaited the complete development of his plans before exerting his strength to oppose him. The presence of the enemy during the winter had made it necessary to maintain a defensive line of about twenty-five miles, the right being in the vicinity of Port Royal, while the left extended to the neighborhood of the United States Ford. g a: > -. I -i Oo (0 ,*" i, lo -It o 3 IS