i

YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

THE

CHRONICLE OF QUEEN JANE,

TWO YEARS OF QUEEN MARY,

AND ESPECIALLY OP THE

REBELLION OF SIR THOMAS WYAT.

BY A RESIDENT IN THE TOWER OF LONDON.

EDITED,
WITH ULUSTEATIVE DOCUMENTS AND NOTES,
EY
JOHN GOUGH NICHOLS, ESQ. F.S.A.

PRINTED FOR THE CAMDEN SOCIETY.

M.DCCC.L.

LONDON :
J. U. NICHOLS AND SON, PRINTERS,
PARLIAMENT STREET.

1£.

[no. xlviii. j

COUNCIL OF
THECAMDEN SOCIETY
FOR THE YEAR 1849.

President,
THE RIGHT HON. LORD BRAYBROOKE, F.S.A.
THOMAS AMYOT, ESQ. F.R.S., F.S.A. Director.
WILLIAM HENRY BLAAUW, ESQ. M.A.
JOHN BRUCE, ESQ. Treas. S.A.
JOHN PAYNE COLLIER, ESQ. V.P.S.A. Treasurer.
C. PURTON COOPER, ESQ. Q.C, D.C.L., F.R.S., F.S.A.
WILLIAM DURRANT COOPER, ESQ. F.S.A.
BOLTON CORNEY, ESQ. M.R.S.L.
SIR HENRY ELLIS, K.H., F.R.S., Sec. S.A.
THE REV. JOSEPH HUNTER, F.S.A.
JOHN MITCHELL KEMBLE, ESQ. M.A.
PETER LEVESQUE, ESQ. F.S.A.
FREDERIC OUVRY, ESQ. F.S.A.
THOMAS JOSEPH PETTIGREW, ESQ. F.R.S., F.S.A.
HENRY CRABB ROBINSON, ESQ. F.S.A.
WILLIAM J. THOMS, ESQ. F.S.^., Secretary.

The Council of the Camden Society desire it to be under
stood that they are not answerable for any opinions or observa
tions that may appear in the Society's publications ; the Editors of
the several works being alone responsible for the same.

PREFACE.

The Harleian MS. 1 94 is a pocket diary, extending from July
1553 to October 1554. It is written, or rather scribbled, in so bad
a hand that even Stowe, who printed some passages from it, has
mistaken several words ; and to this circumstance perhaps may be
partly attributed the neglect it has hitherto received.*
It is the authority for the interesting account given by Stowe, and
Holinshed, of the execution of Lord Guilford Dudley and Lady Jane
Grey, as weU as for the greater part of their narrative of the pro
gress of events whilst the council administered the government of
the realm in the name of " Jane the quene."
In the Harleian Catalogue it is stated, that " This book formerly
belonged to Mr. John Stowe, who took from thence many passages
which may be found in his Annals, at the reign of Queen Mary, and
more yet remain by him untouched."
Mr. Tytler has remarked, " The account given by Holinshed of
Northumberland's consent to lead the army, and of his speech to the
nobles before leaving the Tower, is interesting, and has some fine
touches which seem to stamp its authenticity." Hohnshed says in
* The only modern author who has made any use of it is Sir Frederick Madden, who
quoted a short passage in his Introduction to the Privy Purse accounts of Queen Mary.

VI preface.
his margin that it was derived " from the report of an eye-witness ;"
he really received it, through Stowe, from the present Diary.
Stowe affords us no intimation of the name of the writer, except
that at one place, the account of the decapitation of Wyat, he has
printed in his margin the narae of
Row. Lea.
Rowland Lea was the name of a Bishop of Lichfield and Coventry,
who died lord president of Wales in the year 1543 : and the same
baptismal name was very probably continued In his family.
That the diarist was a man of no mean condition may be inferred
from the fact of his having been admitted to dine at the same table
with the lady Jane Grey when in the Tower. The passage
describing this incident, which is one of the most interesting in the
book, has been unknown to all the lady Jane's biographers, although
it was once printed, in the seventeenth century, by sir Simonds
D'Ewes, who was then the owner of the manuscript.
It was in master Partridge's house that the lady Jane was lodged,
and at his table that this memorable interview took place. Who was
master Partridge ? was he " AfFabel Partriche," goldsmith to queen
Mary, to whom the lord treasurer was directed by royal warrant *
dated 25th July, 1554, to deliver certain jewels then remaining in
the Tower ? or in what other capacity had he a residence within
that fortress ?
But the more important question is, Who was his guest, whom we
would now desire to commemorate as the sole chronicler of the
Reign of Queen Jane ? It may be supposed a person of higher rank
or better education than Partridge, as he was invited to enter into
familiar conversation with the illustrious prisoner. One of the sheets
* MS. Cotton. Titus B. iv. f. 130.

PREFACE. Vll
of paper which form his pocket-book had been previously used for
another purpose, and retains this fragment of writing :
To the righ
Peckham
quenes ma
Yt male please your good
as I have (as it is not v
vertue of the kinges ma
hande and previe Sign
This is not in the same handwriting as the Diary itself, but in the
formal hand of a clerk. The person to whom it was addressed was
doubtless sir Edmund Peckham, who was cofferer of the household
at the death of Henry the eighth, who retained that office during the
reign of Edward the sixth, and was afterwards treasurer of the mint
to queen Mary and queen Elizabeth.
That the diarist was not sir Edmund Peckham himself is shown
by the passages in pp. 8 and 12, where the knight. In his capacity of
sheriff of Oxfordshire, is mentioned as exerting himself on behalf of
the lady Mary in that county, the news of which came to the writer
in the Tower of London. But, again, an entry in p. 33 testifies the
Interest taken by the writer in sir Edmund Peckham's official pre
ferment to be keeper of her majesty's treasure ; and other passages
in pp. 26, 82, 83, show his acquaintance with the affairs of the
mint. It may therefore be conjectured that he was himself an
officer of that department of the royal, service, which was then con
ducted within the Tower of London; and if any such person bearing
the name of " Rowland Lea" should hereafter be discovered, that
name may be safely placed in the title-page.
The documents which form the appendices to this volume are for

Vlll PREFACE.
the most part printed for the first tune. Those which relate to the
lady Jane's title to the crown are more careftiUy edited than before,
on account of their very great importance, the only previous copy
having been made for bishop Burnet, without that strict accuracy
which is now thought desirable. For the privilege of making the
present transcripts the Editor is indebted to the Hon. Society of the
Inner Temple.
A recent visit to the State Paper Office has been rewarded by the
discovery of the true history (given in the Addenda) of the last out
break of the duke of Suffolk, which was the final cause of the
sacrifice of his daughter's life.
The tract of John Elder, forming the Xth Appendix, is one nearly
as rare as a manuscript. Its details of the early proceedings of the
reign of queen Mary are the more valuable because the protestant
chroniclers of the next reign abridged them very materiaUy, in ac
cordance with the altered spirit of the times ; and the ecclesiastical
liistorian Foxe describes the same transactions in different terms, as
viewed in a totally different light.
In conclusion, the Editor may remark that there still remains
inedited in the British Museum a valuable chronicle of this period
from which he has made a quotation in Appendix IV. It was kept by
one of the ancient faith who lingered about the dissolved house of
the Grey Friars in London. As respects religious matters Its con
tents are of much interest, and he looks for\-. iu'd to its being
regarded by the Camden Society as an appropriate sequel to the two
he has now had the pleasure to present to tiieir perusal.
Parliament Street,
April 3, 1850.

THE CHRONICLE OF QUEEN JANE

AND

OF TWO YEARS OF QUEEN MARY.

The MS. being now imperfect, as well as incorrectly bound up, its earliest portion in
point of date commences in the midst of a passage relating to the Duke of Northumber
land's preparations to march against the lady Mary on the 13th of July, which Stowe has
extracted. A few introductory paragraphs from Stowe, which were probably taken by that
chronicler, either in whole or in part, from our MS., will render the course of events dis
tinct from the time of king Edward's death :
King Edward died at Greenwich, on the 6th July 1553, " towards
night." a The event was kept perfectly secret during the next day ; ^
but measures were taken to occupy and fortify the Tower of Lon-
" Letter of the council to sir Philip Hoby, ambassador with the emperor, printed in
Strype's Memorials, 1721, ii. 430. It was not written until the Sth of the month, and is
silent regarding the successor to the throne. Mary, in her letter to the lords of the
council, dated from Kenynghall on the 9th of July (printed in Foxe's Actes and Monu
ments), also states that she had learned from some advertisement that the king her bro
ther had died on Thursday (the 6th) at night last past.
^ Northumberland's intention was to keep the death of the king a secret, until he
should have obtained possession of the person of the lady Mary, who had been summoned
to visit her brother, and was at no further distance from London than the royal manor of
Hunsdon in Hertfordshire. But there were not wanting about the court those who from
attachment to Mary, or from self-interest, ventured to incur the hazard of conveying to her
this momentous intelligence ; whereupon she immediately took alarm, and rode off
towards the eastern coast, from which she might have escaped to the continent, had such
a step become necessary. Many writers assert that it was the earl of Arundel who made a
private communication to her. I have not found any contemporary authority for this
statement ; but sir Nicholas Throckmorton, in his poetical autobiography (MS. Cole, vol.
CAMD. SOC. B

2 THE CHRONICLE OF [July»
don.a On " the 8. of July the lord maior of London was sent for to the
court then at Greenwich, to brmg with him sixe aldermen, as many
merchants of the staple, and as many merchant adventm-ers, nnto
whom by the Councell was secretly declared the death of kmg
Edward, and also how hee did ordame for the succession of the
Crowne by his letters pattents, to the which they were swome, and
charged to keep it secret.''

. "b

xl. p. 272, verses 111, 112, 113, 114), claims the credit of having been the officious person.
He had been a favourite servant of king Edward ; and on his royal master's death,
" Mourning, from Greenwich I didd strayt departe
To London, to an house which bore our name.
My bretheren guessed by my heavie hearte
The King was dead, and I confess'd the same :
The hushing of his death I didd unfolde.
Their meaninge to proolaime queene Jane I tolde.
And, though I lik'd not the religion
Whioh all her life queene Marye hadd profest,
Yett in my mind that wicked motion
Right heires for to displace I did detest.
Causeless to proffer any injurie,
I meant it not, but sought for remedie.
Wherefore from four of us the newes was sent,
How that her brother hee was dead and gone ;
In post her goldsmith then from London went.
By whome the message was dispatcht anon.
Shee asked, ' If wee knewe it certainlie ? '
Whoe said, * Sir Nicholas knew it verilie.'
The author bred the errand's greate mistrust :
Shee fear'd a traine to leade her to a trapp.
Shee saide, ' If Robert had beene there shee durst
Have gag'd her life, and hazarded the happ.'
Her letters made, shee knewe not what to doe :
Shee sent them oute, butt nott subscrib'd thereto."
By" Robert" the lady Mary meant sir Robert Throckmorton, one of the four brothers.
" See the Diary of Henry Machyn, p. 35.
¦i It appears most probable that this was the first intimation which the citizens had re
ceived of the existence of the letters patent : and that it was on this occasion that, being

1553.] QUEEN JANE, 3
The 10. of July, in the aftemoone, about 3, of the clocke, lady
Jane was convayed by water to the Tower of London, and there re
ceived as queene.a After five of the clocke, the same aftemoone,
was proclamation made of the death of king Edward the sixt, and
how hee had ordained by his letters pattents bearmg date the 21. of
June last past " that the lady Jane should be heire to the Crowne of
England, and the heire males of her body, &c.
The 12. of July word was brought to the ComiceE, being then at
" sworn to them," they affixed their signatures, although the document had been previously
executed on the 21st of June. No fewer than thirty-two signatures follow that of the
lord mayor, but the parties were perhaps not all citizens, and from the arrangement of
their names in the existing transcript (mentioned in the following note i" ) it would be
difficult to distinguish whieh were the aldermen, which the merchants of the staple, and
which the merchant adventurers.
» Dr. Peter Heylyn, in his History of the Reformation, foi. 1674, p. 169, has described
the interview supposed to have taken place between the dukes of Northumberland
and Suffolk and their daughter the lady Jane, when they waited upon her on the moming
of the 10th of July, and then first made known to her the fatal diadem to which she was
destined. The scruples of the gentle heiress were overcome with much difficulty, and the
whole course of argument, pro et contra, is stated at considerable length. I believe, how
ever, that this is only one of those dramatic scenes in which historical writers formerly con
sidered themselves justified in indulging, as I have not been able to trace it to any earlier
authority. Its verisimilitude may indeed be justified by the passage of the duke of North
umberland's speech recorded by our present chronicler (p. 6), "Who, by your and our
enticement, is rather of force placed therein, than by her own seeking and request."
However, having been adopted by the writer of the Life of Lady Jane Grey in the Bio
graphia Britannica, it is followed as authentic history by many subsequent writers. The
more recent authors (including sir Harris Nicolas, Mr. P. F. Tytler, and Mr. Aungier
the historian of Syon-house and Isleworth) have placed the scene of this interview at Syon ;
but Heylyn himself fixed it at Durham-house in the Strand : which was the duke of
Northumberland's town mansion, and where the lady Jane's marriage had been celebrated
only a few weeks before. Here Heylyn might well suppose she would be lodged at this
critical period of her father-in-law's conspiracy. Tjjie fact, however, seems to have been
otherwise. In the chronicle of the Grey Friars (whioh will be found in the Appendix)
she is stated to have come down the river from Richmond to Westminster, and so to the
Tower of London. If, then, she was supposed to have come from Richmond, she may
very well have come from Syon, which was also at this time in the hands of the duke of
Northumberland. '' Scarcely any of our historical writers show an acquaintance with these letters patent,
though they have been conversant with the substance of them from the recital which is made

4 THE CHRONICLE OF [July^
the Tower with the lady Jane, that the lady Mary was at Kening-
hall castle in Norfolk, and with her the earle of Bath, sir Thomas
Wharton soime to the lord Wharton, sir John Mordaunt sonne to
in queen Jane's proclamation. A copy of the letters patent exists among Ralph Starkey's
collections in the Hari. MS. 35, bearing this attestation : " This is a, true ooppie of Ed
ward the Sixte his Will [this terme is misapplied], takene out of the originall undere the
greate seale, which sir Robart Cottone delyvered to the King's Ma''« the xij"" of Apprill
1611 at Roystome to be canseled." From this source the document is printed, in con
nection with the lady Jane's trial, in Cobbett's State Trials ; and Mr. Howard, in his Lady
Jane Grey and her Times, pp. 213-216, has described its contents.
It is set forth in these letters patent that the king intended to complete this settlement
of the crown by making a will, and by act of Parliament : thus following the precedent
of his father Henry the Eighth's settlement, whioh this was to supersede (see an essay by
the present writer in the ArchEeologia, vol. xxx. p. 464). But the rapid termination of
king Edward's illness prevented these final acts of ratification ; and Northumberland, in
consequence, could only rely upon the validity of the letters patent, which had passed the
great seal upon the 21st of June.
There are, besides the letters patent, two other documents extant, marking the earlier
stages of this bold attempt to divert the succession.
1. The king's " own devise touching the said succession." This was "first wholly
written with his most gracious hand, and after copied owt in his Majesties presence, by his
most high commandment, and confirmed with the subscription of his Majesties owne
hand, and by his highnes delivered to certain judges and other learned men to be written
in full order." It was written in six paragraphs, to each of which Edward attached his
signature. Burnet has printed the whole in his History of the Reformation, Documents,
book iv. no. 10, from the MSS. of Mr. William Petyt, now in the Inner Temple Library.
Strype, in the Appendix to his Life of Cranmer, has printed the first four clauses only,
from the same manuscript, the fifth and sixth having, as Burnet remarks, been erased with
a pen, but not so as to render them illegible — nor was it intended to cancel them, for they
are followed in the letters patent.
2. An instrument of the Council, undated, but signed at the head by the King, and at its
close by twenty-four councillors, &o. in which they " promise by their oaths and honors
to observe, fully perform, and keep all and every article, branch, and matter contained in
the said writing delivered to the judges and others." This also is printed both by Burnet
and Strype.
Besides these documents, three very important papers in reference to this transaction
are, 1. the narrative of chief justice Montagu, printed in Puller's Church History ; 2. sir
William Ceoill's submission to queen Mary, printed in Howard's Lady Jane Grey and
Tytler's Reigns of Edward VI. and Mary ; and 3. his servant Alford's statement as to
Cecill's conduct at this crisis, written in 1573, and printed in Strype's Annals vol iv
p. 347.

1553.] QUEEN JANE. 5
the lord Mordaunt, sir WUham Drury,a sir John Shelton, sir Henry
Bedingfield, master Henry Jemingham, master John Sulierde, mas
ter Richard Freston, master sergeant Morgan, master Clement
Higham of Lincolnes inne, and divers others ; and also that the
earle of Sussex and master Henry Ratcliffe his sonne were comming
towards her : whereupon by speedy councell it was there concluded,
that the duke of Suffolk, with certaine other noblemen, should goe
towards the lady Mary, to fetch her up to London. This was first
determined ; but by night of the same day the said voyage of the
duke of SuffoUse was cleane dissolved by the speciall meanes of the
lady Jane his daughter, who, taking the matter heavily, with weep
ing teares made request to the whole counceU that her father might
tarry at home in her company : whereupon the councell perswaded
with the duke of Northumberland to take that voyage upon him,
saying that no man was so fit therefor, because that he had atchieved
the victory in Norfolke once already,'' and was therefore so feared,
that none durst once lift up their weapon against him : besides that,
he was the best man of warre in the realme ; as well for the ordering
of his campes and souldiers both in battell and in their tents, as also
by experience, knowledge, and wisedome, he could animate his army
with witty perswasions, and also pacifie and alay his enemies pride
with his stout courage, or else to disswade them if nede were from
their enterprise. " Well (quoth the dul^e then) since ye thinke it
good, I and mine wUl goe, not doubting of your fidelity to the
quenes majestie, which I leave in your custodie." So that night hee
sent for both lords, knights, and other that should goe with him, and
caused all things to be prepared accordingly. Then went the coun-
" Sir William Drury, for his services " at Framlingham," received, by patent dated the
1st Nov. following, an annuity of 100 marks ; see it printed in Rymer's Fcedera, xv. 352.
A like annuity of 200 marks was granted on the 14th Nov. to Thomas West lord la Warre
for his services against the duke (ibid. p. 352) ; one of 100?. on the 4th Dee. to sir
Richard Southwell (ibid. p. 356) ; and one of SOI. on the 10th Feb. to Francis Purefay
for his services at Framlingham (ibid. p. 365). Probably many others, unnoticed by
Rymer, are recorded on the Patent Rolls.
'• In the suppression of Rett's rebellion.

6 THE CHEONICLE OF [Juljj
cell In to the lady Jane and told her of their conclusion, who humbly
thanked the duke for reserving her father at home, and beseeched
him to use his dihgence, whereto he answered that hee would doe
what in him lay.
The morrow following great preparation was made. The duke
early in the moming called [^ for all his owne hames, and sawe yt
made redy. At Duram Place he apoynted all the retenue to mete.
The same day cartes were laden with munytlon, and artyllery and
felde peces prepared for the purpose. The same forenoone he moved
eftesones the counseU to sende theire powers after him, as yt was
before determyned, which should have met him at Netnuarket, and
they promysed him they wolde. He saide further to some of them,
" My lordes, I and theis other noble personages, and the hole army,
that nowe go forthe, asweU for the behalfe of you and yours as for
the estabhshing of the quenes highnes, shall not onely adventer our
bodyes and hves amongest the bludy strokes and crueU assaltes
of our adversaryes in the open feldes, but also we do leave the con-
servacion of our selves, children, and famellies at home here with
you, as altogether comytted to your truths and fydellytles, whom If
we thought you wolde through malice, conspiracie, or discentyon
leave us your frendes in the breers and betray us, we coulde aswell
sondery waies foresee and provide for our owne savegardes as eny
of you by betraying us can do for youres. But now upon the onely
truste and faythefullnes of your honnours, wherof we thincke our
selves moste assured, we do hassarde and jubarde our hves, which
trust and promise yf ye shall violate, hoping therby of hfe and pro-
motyon, yet shall not God coimte you innocent of our bloodes, nei
ther acquite you of the sacred and holley othe of allegiance made
frely by you to this vertuouse lady the quenes highenes, who by your
and our enticement is rather of force placed therin then by hir owne
seking and request. Consider also that Goddes cause, which is the

' Here commences our Manuscript, at f. 31 of the Harleian volume No. 194, as now
incorrectly bound.

1553 ] QUEEN JANE. 7
preferment of his worde and the feare of papestry's re-entrance, hathe
been as ye have herebefore allwales layed,* the oryginall grounde
wherupon ye even at the first motyon granted your goode willes
and concentes therunto, as by your handes writinges evidenthe
apperlth. And thincke not the contrary, but If ye meane deceat,
thoughe not forthwith yet hereafter, God will revenge the same. I
can sale no more ; but in theis troblesome tyme wishe you to use
constannte hartes, abandoning all maUce, envy, and privat affec
tions." TherewIth-aU the fiirst course for the lordes came uppe. Then
the duke did knit uppe his talke with theis words : " I have not
spoken to you on this sorte upon any distrust I have of your truthes,
of the which allwales I have ever hitherto conceaved a trusty
confidence; but I have put you in remembrance therof, what
chaunce of variaunce soever might growe emongest you in myne ab
sence ; and this I praye you, wishe me no worse goode spede in this
joumey then ye wolde have to yourselves." " My lorde, (saith one
of them,) yf ye mistrust eny of us in this matter, your grace is far
deceaved; for which of ns can wipe his handes clene therof? And
if we should shrincke from you as one that were culpable, which of
us can excuse himself as guiltles ? Therefore herein your doubt is
too farre cast." " I praie God yt be so (quod the duke) ; let us go
to dyner." And so they satt downe.
After the dyner the duke went into the quene, wher his comyssion
was by that tyme sealed for his liefetenantship of the armye, and ther
he tooke his leave of hir ; and so dyd certayn other lordes also.
Then, as the duke cam thoroughe the counsayle chamber, he tooke
his leave of the erle of Arundell, who praied God be with his
grace ; saying he was very sory yt was "not his chaunce to go with
him and beare him companye, in whose presence he coulde fynde in
his harte to spende his bloode, even at his foote. Then my lorde of
Arundell tooke also my lordes boy Thomas Lovell by the hande,
and saide, " Farewell, gentyll Thomas, with all my harte." Then the
' i. n. alleged ; printed said in Stowe.

8 THE CHRONICLE OF [Jufy,
duke cam downe, and the lorde marques,* my lorde Grey, with diverse
other, and went out of the Tower and tooke their boote and went to
Dyrrame Place or Whithall, wher that night they musteryd then-
company in hames, and the next day in the morning the duke de
parted, to the nomber of vj^i men or theraboutes. And as they went
thoroughe Shordyshe, saieth the duke to one that rid by him," " The
people prece" to se us, but not one sayeth God spede us."
By this tyme worde was broughte to the quene at the Tower that
sir Edmonde Peckham, sir Edward Hastings, and the lorde Windsore,
with others, were upp proclayming quene Mary in Buckinghamshire. <5
Note, thisse dale also sir John Gates went oute. The morowe
foUowuige ther was sent after the duke the cartes with mimytlon and
the ordenance.
The xij"' dale the lady Mary sent to Norwich to be proclaymed,
but they wolde not, because they were not certeyn of the kinges
death ; but witliin a daye after they dyd not only proclayme hir,
but also sent men and weapons to ayde hir.
The xiijt'' dale ther cam dyverse gentyUmen with ther powers to
quene Maries suckour.
About this tyme or therabouts the vj. shippes that were sent to
lie befor Yarmothe, that if she had fled to have taken hfr, was by
force of wether dreven into the haven, w(h)er about that quarters one
maister Gernlngham was raysmg power on quene Maryes behalfe,
and hering therof came thether. Wherupon the captaynes toke a
bote and went to their shipes. Then the marynours axed maister
Gernyngham what he wolde have, and wether he wolde have their
captaynes or no ; and he said, " Yea, mary." Saide they, " Ye shall
have theym, or els we shall throwe theym to the bottom of the sea."
The captaynes, seing this perplexity, saide furthwith they wolde
serve quene Mary gladhe ; and so cam fom'the with their men, and
• The marquess of Northampton.
^ Stowe has altered this io the lord Grey. c presse I'll Stowe.
^ See the commissions addressed to several commanders to suppress the rebellion in
Buckinghamshire, in the Catalogue of State Papers of the reign of queen Jane in the Ap
pendix.

1553.] QUEEN JANE. 9
convayed certeyn great ordenaunce ; of the which comyng m of the
shipes the lady Mary and hir company were wonderftdl joyous, and
then afterwarde doubted smaly the duke's puisance. And as the
comyng of the shipes moche rejoyced quene Mary's party, even so
was it as great a hart-sore to the dake, and all his campe, whose
hartes wer all-redy bent agaynst him. But after once the submys-
syon of the shipes was knowne in the Tower » eche man then began
to pluck in his homes ; and, over that, worde of a greater mischief
was brought to the Tower — the noblemen's tenatmtes refiised to serve
their lordes agaynst quene Mary. The duke he thought long for
his succours, and writ somewhat sharplie to the counsayll here in that
behalfe, aswell for lacke of men as munytlon : but a slender answer
he had agayn.
By this tyme newes was brought that sir John WilUams was also
proclamyng quene Mary in Oxfordeshire. From that tyme forwarde
certayne of the counsayll, that is, the erle of Penbroke and the lorde
warden," sought to go out of the Tower to consult in London, but
could not as yet.
The xvj*" daye of July the lorde liighe treasurer ° was going to
his howse in London at night, and about vij. of the clocke the gates
of the Tower upon a sudden was shut, and the keyes caryed upp to
the quene Jane ; but what the cause was I knowe not. The noyes
in the Tower was that ther was a seale lackinge ; but many men
thought they surmysed that but the truthe was she feared some
packinge in the lorde treasurer, and so they dyd fetch him at xij. of
the clocke in the night from his house in London into the Tower.
The xviij. daye the duke, perceaving howe their succours came
not, and also receyving from some of the counsell at the Tower
lettres of discomfort, retourned from Bury, and came back agayn to
Cambridge. " This passage, together with those that follow, shows that the Chronicler was still
writing in the Tower of London.
I* Thomas lord Cheney.
¦^ The marquess of Winchester.
CAMD. SOC. C

10 THE FIRST YEAE OF [Jufy,
Note here, the xix'" day at night he harde howe that quene Mary
was proclaymed m London.* And the next moming he called for
a herolde and proclaymed hir himself." Within an bower after he had
lettres " from the counseU here that he should forthwith dismysse his
armye, and not to come within x. myles of London, or els they wolde
fight with him. The rumour hereof was no sooner abrode but every
man departyd. Then was the duke arested, by the mayre of the
towne of Cambridge some say, some say by mr. Thomas Myldemay
at the quenes commandement. "^ At last cam lettres from the coun
sell of London that all men shoulde go eche his waye. Then saide
the duke to certayn that kepte him, " Ye do me wrong to withdrawe
my libertye ; se you not the counselles lettres, without exception,
that all men should go whether they wolde?" At which wordes they
than sett them agayn at libertye, and so contynued they all night ; in so
moche that the erle of Warwicke was booted redy to have ryden in
the mornynge. Then came the erle of Arundell, who had ben with
the quene, to the duke into his chamber ; and when the duke knewe
therof he came out to mete him ; and assone as ever he sawe the erle
of Arundell he feU downe on his knees and desyred him to be goode
to him, for the love of God. " And consider (saith he) I have done
nothing but by the concentes of you and all the hole counseU." " My
lorde (quod he), I am sent hether by the quenes majestie, and in hir
name I do arest you." " And I obey it, my lorde (quod he), and
I beseeche you, my lorde of Arundell (quod the duke), use mercy
towardes me, knowing the case as yt is." " My lorde (quod the erle),
ye shoulde have sought for mercy sooner ; I must do according to
my commandement." And therwith he commytted the charge of
him to diverse of the garde and gentyUmen that stoode by. And so
" See the next page.
^ " And among other he threw up his cap." The marquess of Northampton was also
present. Stowe.
¦= These letters are printed in Stowe's Chronicle.
'' Stowe says, " The duke was arrested in the Kinges college by one maister Slegge,
sergeant at armes," — in correction, evidently, of the present writer. Mr. Cooper, in his
Annals of Cambridge, adds a note, " Roger Slegge, after an alderman of this town."

1553. J QUEEN MARY. 11
the duke contynued walking up and downe in the utter chamber
almost ij bowers ; and once or twyce he wolde have gone to the bedd-
chamber about some busynes, but he coulde not be sufferyd. Then
was Thome and Coxe from him.
At last the duke, lokuig throughe the window, spied the erle of
Arundell passyd by ; then he caUed to him, and said, " My lorde of
ArundeU ; my lorde, I praye a worde with you." " What wolde
ye have, my lorde?" sayde he. " I beseche your lordship," quod he,
" for the love of God, let me have Coxe, one of my chamber, to wayt
on me." " You shaU have Tome" your boy," quod the erle of Armi-
deU. " Alias, my lorde ! " quod the duke, " what stede can a boye
do me ? I pray you let me have Coxe ; " and so both Tome and Coxe
were with him,"

The next portion of this interesting narrative is unfortunately lost; but a series of ex
tracts from news-letters, preserved in Ralph Starkey's Collections, MS. Hari. 353, pp. 139
et seq. apply so exactly to the period deficient, that they may be very properly here intro
duced. By a lettre, writtene in London, It appeareth that " the 19 of July,
my lady Maryes grace was in the aftemoone proclaymed queene of
England heare in Londone, my lord of Northumberland, the lord
admirall," the marques of Northampton, the lord of Huntington, my
lord Grey, my lord of Westmerlande, and divers others, beinge at
Cambridge, proceeding in battaUe towards hir grace, who lyethe at a
castle in Norfolk.* Great was the triumphe hear at London ; for my
tyme I never sawe the lyke, and by the reporte of others the like was
never seene. The nomber of cappes that weare throwne upe at the
proclamation weare not to be tould. The earle of Pembroke threwe
awaye his cape foU of angeUetes. I sawe myseUe money was throwne
out at windowes for joy. The bonefires weare without nomber, and
» Thomas Lovell, the boy before mentioned in p. 7.
¦> The duke was brought to the Tower of London by the earl of Arundel on the 25th
of July ; see Machyn's Diary, p. 37.
" Edward lord Clinton. "i Framlingham.

12 THE FIRST YEAR OF [JlJyj
what with showtynge and crienge of the people, and ringmge of the
beUes, theare could no one heare almoste what another sayd, besides
banketyngs and synging m the streete for joye. Theare was presente
at the proclamation the earle of Pembroke, the earle of Shrews
bury, the earle of Arundell, my lord warden, my lord mayere, sir
John Mason, sir John Cheeke, and divers other to the nomber
of ... ; and, after the proclamation made in Cheapside, they all
went to Poules to evensonge. The duke of Soffolk being at the
Towere" at the makinge of the proclamation, and as some saye
did not knowe of it, but so soone as he herd of it, he came hunselfe
out of the Towere, and comaunded his men to leave their wepones
behinde them, sayenge that hee him seUe was but one man, and him-
selfe proclaymed my lady Maryes grace queene on the Towere
liiUe, and so came mto London, levinge the leiftenaunt in the Towere.
" Greate stire was in Northamptonshire about proclayminge of hir.
Yesterday at Northampton sir Thomas Treshame proclaymed hir
with the ayd and helpe of the towne, beinge bome amongeste them,
whether he would or not ; ser Nicholas Throgmorton beinge pre
sente, withstandinge him to his powere, was drivene for safetye of
his lyfe to take a howse, and so beinge borne amongeste divers gen
tlemen escaped with much adoe ; the inhabitants would have killed
him veri fayne.
" Sir Robarte Tirwite mustered yesterdaye in Northamptonshire
to goe to my lord of Northumberland as many men as he could gette.
Sir Thomas Tresham, receving like letters to muster for my lord of
Northumberlande, would not goe. Sir John WilUams hathe 6 or
7000 men thear, as Richard SUliard saythe, and thear is with him
sir Edmonde Peckham, the sherive of Oxfordshire, the sherive of
Northamptonshire, and divers others.
" The party of the Council which made the Proclamation had left the Tower on the plea
of giving audience to the French ambassador at Baynard's Castle. The earl of Arundel
is represented as having been the chief instigator of this revolution, and a long address
which he made to the assembled lords on the occasion is given in his Life by one of his
chaplains, printed in the Gentleman's Magazine for 1833, vol. CIII. ii. 119.

1553.] QUEEN MARY. 13
" Sir John Gates and my lord Garret, who went downe with the
garde to my lady Mary, as Is crediblie reported, are both slayne,*
and the moste parte of the garde gone to my lady Mary."
23 July 1553. — A lettere written In London mentlones that
the lord admiraU, and the lords Greye," Garret, Wormon," and the
lord Fitzwarren, sir Henry Sidney, and sir James Croffts, with
divers others, have already their pardon graunted them.
" The duke of Northumberland is in custody of the garde as a
prisoner in Cambridge, and my ladie his wyfe, the lord Guilford, and
the lady Jane, are in the Towere as prisoneres. My lord marques of
Northampton, the earle of Huntingdon, sir Henry Gates, and divers
other, cannot as yet gett their pardones."
From London, 1 Aug. 1553. — " Sir John Cheeke, with diveres
others, whos names presently I cannot remember, be prisoners in the
Towere. " The lady Ell/abethes grace came the 29. of July to Somerset
place, weU accompanyed with gentlemen, and others, righte strongly,
and theare she rested a nighte, and the morowe ensuinge she went
throwghe Cheapside to meete the queenes grace to London-wardes,
who is loked for the 3. or 4. of Auguste.
" Sethence the 24. of July, 6 of youre men * on horsbacke like
souldieres, in coats of red and white, at youre cost and charges, have
waited on sir Thomas Tresham and sir Nicholas Throgmorton, to
guarde the queen to London."
° This report was untrue.
' William lord Grey of Wilton was the commander upon whose military talents the
duke of Northumberland seems to have mainly relied : but lord Grey, who had been an
adherent of the duke of Somerset, probably did not serve on this occasion very cordially.
He seems to have left Northumberland when at Camtridge, and made his submission to
Mary; who on her arrival at her manor of Newhall in Essex, on the 31st of July, dismissed
him to his former charge of the castle of Guisnes, with a reinforcement of 350 footmen and
50 horsemen demi-lances : see her letters patent, printed in the Appendix to the Life of
Lord Grey of Wilton, No. VI.
' The earl of Ormond.
¦' The name of the person to whora the letter is addressed is not preserved.

14 THE FIRST YEAR OF [AugUSt,
August, 1553.— "By a lettered written In London, reporteth that
queene Maries grace came to London the 3 daye of August, bemge
broughte in with her nobles verie honorably and strongly. The nom
ber of velvet coats that did ride before hir, asweU strangeres as
otheres, was 740 ; and the nomber of ladyes and gentlemen that
folowede was 180. The earle of ArundeU did ride next before hir,
bearlnge the sworde in his hand, and sir Anthony Browne did beare
up hir trayne. The lady EUzabethe did foUow hir nexte, and after
hir the lord marques of Exeter's wyfe."
" The gard foUowed the ladyes, and after them Northampton and
Oxfordshire men, and then Buckinghamshire men, and after them
the lordes' servants ; the whole nomber of horsemen weare esteemed
to be about 10,000.
" The queenes grace stayed at AUgate-streete before the stage
wheare the poore children stood, and hard an oration that one of
them made, but she sayd nothlnge to them.
" My lord mayor and the aldermen brought hir grace into the
city, my lord mayor riding next to the earle of ArundeU with the
mace in his hand. Theare was a greate peale of ordenance shotte
of at the Towere.
" It is credibly reported that the duke of Norfolke, Courteney, the
bushope of Winchester, ¦= and my lady Somerset,^ mette the queenes
grace at the Towere gate, and theare they kneeliage downe saluted
her grace, and she came unto them and kissed them and sayd,
' Theis are my prisoners.' Courteney was made marques of Exeter,
the 4. of thes present, as the brute goethe.'
" Hir grace intendethe to remove imto Windsor on Tuesdaye
nexte, as I heare saye.
" Of this letter Stowe must have had a copy, as its words are followed in his account of
the queen's entry in London.
'' Gertrude marchioness of Exeter, daughter of William Blount lord Mountjoy, and
mother of Edward earl of Devonshire.
" Stephen Gardiner. ^ Anne, widow of the Protector.
" This report was premature ; he was created earl of Devonshire (only), on the 1st of
September.

1553.] QUEEN MARY. 15
"The earle of Pembroke was comaunded to waite uppon hir
grace when she came to London, and to bringe with him but x.
mene, and as I heare saye he broughte xv., whearfore he had a
rebuke. Some saye he is fled, but the truthe I knowe not ; hee hathe
not byne seene since thursdaye night, nether can his men teU whear
he Is. My lord RusseU and my lord Ferrars are in the sherife of
London's custody.
" Mr. chauncelere of the augmentations * dothe keepe his house.
" I hard saye this daye that the duke of Northumberland, the
marques of Northampton, the earle of Huntingdon, sir John Gates,
and Mr. Palmer, wear alredie condemned to dye.
" Dob pf Bosat " came (out) of Bedfordshire this daye, and he
tould me theare came this weeke to sir John St. John's, "^ he beinge
theare, 40 or 50 men with clubes and bylles, and would have had
him to have gone with them to have puUed downe certene pasture
hedges, but hee denyed them, and persuaded them as muche as he
could to the contrary ; yet notwithstandinge they would not be
persuaded, but wente themselves and puUed up the hedges of 43
pastures. " Youre men were not discharged before yesterdaye of the queenes
attendance, and this daye they are gone home.
" The oulde bushope of London* is deUvered out of the Marshalsey,
and doctore Cox cometh into his place; and this daye my lord
Ferrars is comitted to the Towere."
11 August, 1553. — The duke of Norfolke is discharged and at
liberty, as appeareth by a letter writtene in London.
" The bushope of Winchester hathe his howse = againe that the
marques of Northampton had.
" The lord chamberlen,' the lord tresbrer,^ and the earl of Pem
broke, are commanded to keepe their bowses.
• Sir John Baker. '' Probably Leighton Bosard.
' At Bletsoe. '' Edmund Bonner.
' Winchester bouse, Southwark. ' Thomas lord Darcy.
B William Paulet, marquess of Winchester.

16 THE FIRST YEAR OF [AugUSt,
" It was expected that divers prisoners with the duke of Northum
berland should have come to the yeld haU this daye to have byne
araigned, but it is not so.
" The duke of Suffoike Is (as his owne men report,) in prisone,
and at this present in suche case as no man judgethe he can lyve.
" The bushope of Winchestere hathe sayd masse In the Towere
since his cominge abroade.
" This daye an ould preeste sayd masse at St. Batholmewes, but
after that masse was done the people would have pulled him in
peeces. " The lady Somerset is discharged out of the Towere latly.
" The queenes grace removethe tomorowe. It is reported."

[''The 18. of August, John Dudley, duke of Northumberland,
WiUiam Parre, marquesse of Northampton, and John earle of
Warwicke, sonne and heire to the duke, were arraigned at West-
minster-haU, before Thomas duke of Norfolke, high steward of
England, where the duke of Northumberland, with great reverence
towards the judges, protested his faith and alleageance to the queene,
whom hee confessed grievously to have offended, and said that he
meant not anything in defence of his fact, but requested to under
stand the opinion of the court in two poynts : first, whether a man
doing any act by authority of the prince's councell, and by warrant
of the great seale of England, and doing nothing without the same,
might be charged with treason for any thing which hee might doe
by warrant thereof? Secondly, whether any such persons as were
equaUy culpable in that crime, and those by whose letters and com-
maundements hee was directed in aU his dolnges, might be his judges,
or passe upon his tryaU as his peeres ?
Whereunto was answered, that as concerning the first, the great
seale (which hee layd for his warrant) was not the seale of the law-
» The two succeeding paragraphs, relating to the duke of Northumberland's trial, are
supplied from Stowe's Chronicle.

1553.] QUEEN MARY. 17
foU queene of the realme, nor passed by authority, but the seale of
an usurper, and therefore could be no warrant to him.*' As to the
second. It was aUeged, that if any were as deepely to be touched in
the case as himselfe, yet so long as no attainder were of record
against them, they were neverthelesse persons able in law to passe
upon any tryaU, and not to be chalenged therefor, but at the prince's
pleasure." After which answer, the duke used few words, but con
fessed the indictment; by whose example the other prisoners
arraigned with hun did the like," and thereupon had judgement.]
"^And when the judgement was geven, it is saide the duke shoulde
sale, " I beseche you, my lordes aU, to be humble suters to the
quenes majestie, to graunt me iiij. requestes, which are theis : firste,
that I may have that death e which noblemen have had in tymes
past, and not the other ; secondaryUe, that her majestie wUbe
gratyous to my chUlder, which may hereafter do hir grace gode
service, concydering that they went by my commaundement who am
their father, and not of their owne free wUles ; thirdely, that I may
have appoynted to me some learned man for the instruction and
quieting of my concyence ; and iiij*'', that she will sende ij. of the
counsayle to comon with me, to whom I wiU declare suche mattyers
as shalbe expedyent for hir and the comonwealthe. And thus I
beseche you all to pray for me."
* " In this pertinent question (remarks Mr. Tytler, vol. ii. p. 224), Northumberland
evidently, I think, alluded to the commands of Edward the Sixth, and the warrant under
the Great Seal of England affixed to his will. Yet it is strange that all our historians, —
Carte, Hume, Lingard, Macintosh — misunderstood the question, and suppose with the
judges (who seem purposely to have evaded Northumberland's meaning,) that his allusion
was to the great seal of queen Jane  The judges, as I have said, purposely mistook
and evaded Northumberland's meaning." Mr, Tytler has not seen further than his pre
decessors, and it is he that is mistaken. The great seal to which Northumberland
appealed, was not that affixed to the will or act of settlement ; but it was that attached,
by authority of queen Jane, to his commission of lieutenancy of the army, which has been
mentioned (in p. 7) as sealed by the time the lords of the council had finished their
dinner on the 14th of July. On this commission, under the great seal, he rested the
justification of his having proceeded in arms against the lady Mary.
^ See the pleas of the marquess of Northampton and earl of Warwick in the Appendix.
' MS. f. 49.
CAMD. SOC. D

18 THE FIRST YEAR OF [AugUSt,
Note, that on saterdaye the xis*" of August ther was conveyed
out of the Tower by water to Westminster, to be araygned, sir John
Gates, sir Herry Gates, sir Androwe Dudley, and sir Thomas
PaUmer, where, without any queste, every one of theym pleaded
gUtye, saving sir Thomas PaUmer, who saide that the truthe was, he
never bare armes agaynst the quenes majesty. " WeU," saithe the
judges, " can ye denye but that ye were ther ?" " No," saithe he.
" Then can it not be but that ye ar cuUpable." " Well then, sithe
it is so," saithe he, "I confesse the same." Then they all submytted
themselves to the quenes mercy. Then the judges preceded in
judgemente. Note, that on sondaye the xx*" day of August, ther preched at
Poles crosse one doctour Watson,^ and ther was about the crosse and
in the churche-yarde aUmost aU the garde, with their biUes and
weapons, for feare of like tumult that was on sonday before.
Note, on mondaye the xxj^' of August, it was appoynted the duke
with other shoulde have suffered, and aU the garde were at the
Tower; but howe soever 'it chaunced he did not; but he desired to
here masse, and to receave the sacrement, according to the olde
accustumed maner. So about ix. of the clocke the alter in the chap-
pell was arraied, and eche thing prepared for the purpose ; then mr.
Gage " went and fetched the duke ; and sir John Abridges " and mr.
.Tohn Abridges dyd fetche the marques of Northampton, sir Androwe
Dudley, sir Herry Gates, and sir Thomas Palmer, to masse, which was
sayde both with elevation over the hed, the paxe geving, blessinge,
and crossinge on the crowne, breathinge, towrninge aboute, and all
the other rytes and accydentes of olde tyme appertayning. And
when the tyme came the prysoners shoulde receive the sacrement,
the duke toumed himself to the people and saide, first, theis wordes,
or suche like, " My masters, I lett you all to understande that I do
most falthfoUie belyve this is the very right and true wale, oute of
» See a full account of this sermon in the notes to Machyn's Diary, p. 332.
' Sir John Gage, the constable of the Tower.
" The lieutenant.

1553.] QUEEN MARY. 19
the which true religion you and I have ben seduced theis xvj. yeres
past, by the false and eronyous preching of the new prechers, the
which is the onehe cause of the greate plagges and vengeaunce
which hathe Ughte apon the hole realme of Inglande, and nowe
likewise wortheUy falne apon me and others here presente for our
unfaythfulnesse. And I do beleve the holye sacremente here most
assuredly to be our Saviour and Redemer Jesus Christe ; and this I
praye you all to testifye, and praye for me."
After which wordes he kneeled dovra and axed aU men forgevenes,
and likewise forgave aU men. Emongest others standing by (were) the
duke of Somersetes somies. Then all the rest confessed the declara
tion aforesaide, and so receved the sacrement most humbly. Note,
that a Uttell before masse was begonne, ther was sent for into Lon
don for diverse of the best comoners and comon counsaUl of the
cytie, to come and here the convertion of the duke, emongest whom
one Hartop a goldesmlth, and one Baskerfeld, were there.*
The lady Jane loking throughe the windowe sawe the duke and
the rest going to the churche. Note, that this dale xUiij. yeres past,
Dudley, the duke's father, was behedded."
On tuisdaie the xxij'" of Auguste thir came into the Tower all the
garde, with their wepons, and aboute ix. of the clocke the erle of
Warwicke and sir John Gates were brought to the chappell and
herde masse, receiving the sacrement. A lityll before the receyte
wherof, they kneUng before the alter, one doctour Boureman, which
saide the masse, turned to theym from the alter, and saied theis
• " On Mondaye laste the duke of Northumberland, the marques of Northampton,
sir John Gates, and others, hard masse verie devontely in the Towere, and thear receaved
the sacrament, even as they weare wonte 40 year^ agoe. Divers marchants, to the
nomber of 14 or 15, were by the counsell comaunded to come to the queenes chappell,
and theare tarry tyll masse was don; Mr. Thomas Locke was one; Mr. Clemente Newse,
and divers other in Cheapsyde." Letter of William Dalby, 22 Aug. 1553, in Ralph
Starkey's collections, MS. Hari. 363.
* John Stowe has here added these words to the MS. . mo ¦>/ yere 1501. y' 18. of
Awgust. He has himself, in his Chronicle, described Dudley's execution as having taken
place on the 17th August 1510.

20 THE FIRST YEAR OP [AugUSt,
wordes, or moche like, " And If ye do require to receive this hoUe
sacrement of the body and bind of our savyour Christ, ye must
not oneUe confesse and beleve that he is ther reaUie and naturally,
very God and very man, yea the same God that died on the crosse
for our redemption, and not a phantasticaU God, as the heretykes
wolde make him ; but also ye must here openUe acknowledg and
graunt your abuse and errour therin of long tjmie had and don ;
and then I assure you ye shaU recejrve him to your salvacion, were
ye never so detestable an offendour." Then said sir John Gates,
" I confesse we have ben out of the waie a long tyme, and therfore
we are wourtheUie punished ; and, being sory therfore, I axe God
forgevnes therfore most humblie; and this is the true religion."
In moche like sorte said the erle of Warwicke ; and then one axed
the other forgevenes, and required al raen to forgeve theym as they
forgave every man freUe.
Then tourned mr. Gates to the lorde Courtney, saying, " I besiche
you, sir, to forgeve me, for I have ben a pece of the cause of your
contjmuaunce in prison, not for eny hatred towardes you, but for
feare that harm might come therby to my late younge maister.''
Then my lorde of Warwike axed him Ukewise forgevenes. (Memo
randum, the duke of Somersettes sormes stode by.) Then saide
the preste to theyme, " I wolde ye should not be ignoraunt of
God's mercy, which Is infynyt; and lett not death feare you,
for it is but a litell whUe, ywis, ended in one half hower. What
shaU I sale? I trust to God It shalbe to you a short passag
(though somwhat sharpe), out of Innumerable myseries into a
most pleasaunt rest ; which God graunt." The prelst having
spoken theis or moche like wordes, gave theym the host, whych
being fynyshed, and the masse ended, they came fourthe agayne ;
and the erle of Warwicke was ledd to his lodging, and sir John
Gates to the levetenauntes howse, where he remayned about half an
hower and more. In thys meane tyme was sir Thomas Palmer
brought into the levetenauntes garden, wher he walked with Watson,
his gostlle father, aboute iij quarters of an hower, taking acquayntance

1553.] QUEEN MARY. 21
of diverse gentyUmen, alwaies praying theym to forgeve and pray for
him. His countenaunce never changed, but rather he semed more
cherefoU in countenaunce then when he was most at his hbertye in
his life-tyme. Anon, the sherive and sir John Gadge had made redy
the indentures ; then was sir John Gates brout out of the levete
nauntes house, and sett at the garden gate ; then the(y) went for the
duke, who within a litteU whUe cam fourthe, and sir Thomas Palmer
after him ; and at the garden gate the duke and sir John Gates mett
and spake together. " Sir John," saieth the duke, " God have mercy
upon us, for this dale shaU ende bothe our lives. And I praye you
forgeve me whatsoever I have offended ; and I forgeve you with all
my harte, althoughe you and your counsaill was a great occasion
herof." " WeU, my lorde," saithe sfr John Gates, " I forgive you
as I wolde be forgeven ; and yet you and your auctoritye was the
onely originaU cause of all together ; but the Lorde pardon you, and
I praie you forgeve me." So, ether making obeasaunce to other, the
duke preceded. The duke of Somerset's sonnes stoode therby.
And when he came apon the scaffolde, first, he put of his gowne
of crane-colored damaske, and then he leaned apon the raUe towarde
the est, and saide to the people, allmost in every poynt as he had
saide in the chapell,* saving that when he came to the confession of
» " This present daye the duke of Northumberlande, sir John Gates, and master Pal-
mere, came to exeoutione, and suffered deathe. The duke's confessyon was in effecte but
lytic, as I hard saye ; hee confessed himselfe worthie to dye, and that he was a greate
helper in of this religion which is false, thearfore God had punished us with the lose of
kinge Henry 8, and also with the lose of king Edward 6, then with rebellione, and aftere
with the swetinge sicknes, and yet we would not turne. Requiringe them all that weare
presente to remember the ould learninge, thankinge God that he would vutsafe to call him
nowe to be a Christyane, for this 16 yeares he had byne non. Theare weare a greate nom
ber turned with his words. He wished every man noli to he covetous, for that was a greate
parte of his distmction. He was asked further yf he had any thinge moare to saye, and he
said nothinge but that he was worthie to dye, and so was moe than he, but he cam to
dye, and not to accuse any mane. And thus bouldly he spak, tyll he layd his head on the
block." (Letter of William Dalby, as before cited.) Another account of the duke of
Northumberland's confession, from the MS. Hari. 284, is printed in Bayley's History ofthe
Tower of London, Appx. p. xlviii. ; and by Tytler, vol. ii. p. 230, who refers to others in MS.
Cotton, Titus, B ii. in MS. Reg. 12 A 26 (in Latin), and an abstract in MS. Hari. 2194.

22 THE FIRST YEAR OF [August,
his belife he saide, " I trust, my lorde the bushope » here wiU beare
me witnes hereof." At the last he put of his jerkyn and doblet, and
then saide his prayers ; after which tyme the hangman reched to
him a kerchef, which he dyd knit himself about his ees, and then
layd him downe, and so was behedded.
Afterwardes cam sir John Gates ; and after a few wordes spoken "
he would have no kerchef, but laed downe his hed ; where at iij,
blowes his hed was striken of.
Next cam sfr Thomas Palmer," who assoone as he cam to the
' Nicholas Heath, bishop of Worcester.
'' Sir John Gates's confession, as stated in the MS. Hari. 284, is printed in the Appendix
to Bayley's History of the Tower of London, p. xlix.
c " Then came sir Thomas Palmere, who when hee was upon the scaffold pute of his
cape to the auditory and sayd : ' God geve you all good morowe,' and divers did byd
him god morowe againe, and he replyedand sayd, 'I doe not doubt but that I have a good
morowe, and shall have I truste a better good even. Good frends (quothe he) I am come
hether to dye, for I have lyved heare under a lawe, and have offended the same, and for
my so doinge the same lawe fyndethe me guilty, hathe condemned me to ende heare my
lyfe this daye ; for the which I give God thankes, in that he whichshewed me the thinge
which I have seene, and which also I knowe to be juste and trewe, and that is this, I
have since my cominge out of yonder place (pointing to the Towere) seene with myne eyes
my Redeemere sittinge at the right hand of God the Father, in glory and majesty equall,
whose powere is infinite, and in whome whoso puttethe his truste shall nevere be deceaved,
and as he is almighty so can he doe what he lystethe, and to whom he wille, and when he
will, and non in the heven above nor in the earthe beneathe can or maye let [i. e. with
stand] his determinate will ; by whom I lyve, by whom I am, and in whom I truste to lyve
eternally. I have, as some of you doe knowe, good people, bine a man not altogether noreshid
in England, but some parte of my brede I have eaten in other realmes; but to saye that
befoare nowe I did [know] God arighte, the worlde arighte, or myselfe arighte, I did nevere.
And nowe what I have sayde ye knowe. I saye God is such a one that without thowe wilt sit
downe and behould the heavenes above, the sonne and moone, the starres above the firma
ment, the course of the sonne and moone, starres and clowds, the earthe with all that in
them is, and howe they be all preserved, thow shalt nevere knowe God aright. The
world is altogether vanity, for in it is nothinge but ambition, flatery, foolishe or vaine
glory, pride, disorder, slander, bostinge, disdayne, hatred and mallis; all which thinges the
same God that made the world, or as they saye man, which heare I compare to the
world, dothe utterly deteste and abhor ; in the whioh offences I have bine so noseled that
nowe, havinge a juste occasione to looke into myne owne selfe, I have seen nothing but a
bodye voyde of all goodnes, filthie, a stinking karkas, worse then donge of beastes a
very miserable creature, and yet the verie worke of the mighti hand of God. But yet,

1553.J QUEEN MARY. 23
scaffolde toke every man by the hand, and desired them to praye
for him ; then putting of his gowne, he leaned upon the est raile
and saide theis or moche-Uke wordes In effecte: "My maisters,
God save you ; yt is not unknoAvne unto you wherfore I am come
hither, which I have wourthelhe well deserved at God's hande, for I
knowe yt to be his devine ordenaunce by this mean to call me to his
mercy, and to teache me to knowe myself, what I am, and wherto we
ar aU subjecte. I thancke his mercyfuU goodenes, for he hathe
caused me to leame more in one Uttell darke corner in yonder Tower,
then ever I learned by eny travaiUe in so many places as I have
bene ; for ther I say I have sene God, what he is, and howe unserch-
able his wonderouse works ar, and howe infynite his mercyes be. I
have sene ther myself thorowhlie, and what I am ; nothing but a
lompe of synne, earthe, dust, and of aU vylenes most vilest. I have
seen ther and knowne what the hole worlde is, howe vayne, decete-
foU, transytorle, and short yt is ; howe wicked and lothesome the
works therof ar in the sight of God's majesty ; how he neither re-
gardeth the manaces of the proud men and mighty ones, nether
despiseth the simplenes of the pore and loUe, which ar in the same
worlde. FynaUie, I have seen ther what deathe is, howe nere hang
ing over every man's hed, and yet how uncertayn the tyme and
howe unknowne to all men, and how Uttell it is to be feared. And
shoulde I feare death, or be sad therfore ? have I nott seene ij. die
before myne eys, yea and within the hearing of myn eares ? No,
neither the sprinckling of the bludd or the shedding therof, nor the
bludy axe itself, shall not make me afraied. And nowe, taking my
leave to the same, I praye you aU to praie for me. Come on, goode
notwithstandinge, in nowe knowinge my Creator arigMe, I doe not thinke any sinne to be
that I have not byne plunged even into the middeste of it; for the which prayinge God
to pardon me, willinge you and prayinge you to praye for me and withe me unto the Lord
my God and your God, whioh God I faithfully beleeve is in heaven, and at the laste daye
shall with all triumphe come againe into this worlde, judginge the same by fyere. And
nowe I will bide you all farwelle, prayenge you all to forgeve me, and to saye, the Lord
receave me to his mercy, when you shall see the axe passe between my head and shoulders.'
And so did prepare him to the deathe." Letter written in London by John Rowe,
24 Aug. 1663, in Starkey's transcripts, MS. Hari. 363.

24 THE FIRST YEAR OF [AugUSt,
feUowe," quod he, " art thou he that must do the dede ? I forgeve
the with all my harte." And then kneled downe, and laed his hed
downe, saymg, " I wiU se howe met the blocke is for my neck ; I praie
the strike me not yet, for I have a fewe prayers to say, and that
done, strike in God's name, goode leave have thowe." His prayers
enden, and desyring eche man to praie for him, he layed downe his
hed agayn, and so the hangman toke yt from him at one stroke.
Theyr corpes, with the hedes, wer buryed in the chapell in the
Tower ; the duke at the highe alter, and the other too at the nether
ende of the churche. You must understande that sfr Thomas
PaUmer had moche longer talke on the scaffolde, but that afore
rehersed was m maner the some therof.
Note, that the [18th] daye of August ther was a proclamation »
set out by the quenes highnes, that she wiUed all men to embrace
that religion which aU men knew she had of long tyme observed, and
ment, God wilUng, to contynue the same ; wiUing aU men to be quiet
and not call men the names of heretyk or pa(pi)st, but eche man to
live after the reUgyon he thought best untyU farther order wer taken
concernyng the same.
"Note, that on tuisdaie the xxix'" of Auguste, I dyned at
" There is a copy of this proclamation in Foxe, vol. iii. p. 18; aud its substance in
Strype, Memorials, vol. iii. p. 25, Heylyn's Ecclesiastical History, 1674, p. 193.
'' MS. f. 46, b. — This highly interesting passage has been unknown to the modern
biographers of Lady Jane Grey, though it has been once extracted, and printed, when the
MS. was in the possession of Sir Simonds D'Ewes, in his pamphlet intitled " The Primi
tive Practice of preserving Truth. 1645." 4to. Sir Simonds has there appended to it the
following remarks : " How justly may the inasadine constancie of this excellent lady,
whose many vertues the pens of her very enemies have acknowledged, rise up in judgement
against all such poore spirits, who for feare of death, or other outward motives, shall deny
God and his truth, and so crown the trophees of the antichristian or mongrill adversaries
by their lamentable apostasie. For what shee here spake christianly, shee within a few
moneths afterwards performed constantly, her life being taken from her on the 12"' day
of February, 1563, having lived first to see Mr. Harding, her father's chaplain, revolted to
Antichrist, to whom she wrote an effectual letter of admonition and reproof, published by
Mr. Fox in his Acts and Monuments, p. 1291, not unworthy the perusall of the ablest
christians and greatest doctors." In Foxe also, and in most of her biographies, will be
found the lady Jane's conference with Dr. Peckenham, who was sent by queen Mary to
persuade her to be reconciled to the church of Rome.

1553.] QUEEN MARY. 25
Partrlge's house with my lady Jane, being ther present, she sitting
at the hordes ende, Partrige, his wife, Jacob my ladyes gentill
woman, and hir man. She comanding Partrige and me to put on our
cappes, emongest our communycacion at thfe dyner, this was to be
noted: after she had once or twice droncke to me and bad me
hartelUe weUcome, saithe she, " The quenes majesty is a mercy
fuU princes; I beseche God she may long contynue, and sende
his bountefoU grace apon hir." After that, we feU in (discourse of ^)
mattiers of religion; and she axed what he was that preched at
PoUes on sonday beefore ; and so it was tolde hir to be one
(blank in MS.) " I praie you," quod she, " have they masse in Lon
don ? " " Yay, for suthe," quod I, " in some places." " Yt may so be,"
quod she, " y t is not so strange as the sodden convertyon of the late
duke ; for who wolde have thought," saide she, " he would have so
don ? " Yt was aunswered her, " Perchance he thereby hoped to
have had his pardon." " Pardon ? " quod she ; " wo worthe him ! he
hathe brought me and our stocke In most myserable caUamyty and
mysery by his exceeding ambicion. But for th' aunswering that he
hoped for life by his touming, thoughe other men be of that opynion,
I utterly am not ; for what man is ther lyving, I pray you, although
he had been innocent, that wolde hope of life in that case ; being in
the felde ageinst the quene m person as generall, and after his taking
so hated and evell spoken of by the comons ? and at his coming into
pryson so wonderyed at " as the Uke was never harde by any man's
tyme. Who was judge that he shoulde hope for pardon, whose life
was odyous to all men ? But what wiU ye more ? lUie as his life
was wicked and full of disslmulacion, so was his ende therafter.
I pray God, I, nor no frende of myne, dye so. Shoulde I, who (am)
yonge and in my fewers,'' forsake my faythe for the love of lyfe ?
Nay, God forbed ! moche raore he should not, whose fatall course,
aUthoughe he had lyved his just noumber of yeres, coulde not have long
" These words are inserted in the MS. by sir Simonds D'Ewes.
'' i. e. apparently, gazed at without sympathy.
¦¦ So the MS. probably for " few years." Sir Simonds D'Ewes so understood it, but
altered the phrase to " the flower of my yeeres. "
CAMD. SOC. E

26 THE FIRST YEAR OF [Sept.
contynued. But life was swete, it appeared ; so he might have lyved,
you wiU saye, he dyd (not) care howe. Indede the reason is goode ;
for he that wolde have lyved in chaynes to have had his lyfe, by
like wold leave no other' meane attempted. But God be mercyfoU
to us, for he sayeth, Whoso denyeth him before men, he wUl not
knowe him m his Father's kuigdome." With this and moche like
talke the dyner passyd away ; which ended, I thanked her ladyship
that she would witsafe accept me in hir companye ; and she thancked
me lUiewise, and sayd I was weUcome. She thancked Partrige also
for bringing me to dyner. " Madam," saide he, " wee wer some
what holde, not knowing that your ladyship dyned belowe untyU
we fonde your ladyship ther." And so Partrig and I departed.
* The iiij. daye of Septeraber, ther was Ij. proclamations set out,
the one forgeving the subsydy, and the other for the stabling" of
certen coynes, as the grot, ij*. and i'*. and certen golde coynes.
Note, that at the proclamaclon for remytting the subsydy, ther
was a mervaylouse noyes of rejoysinge, and gevyng the queene
thankes, In Chepesyde, by the people for the same.
Note, that the (blank) daye of September, the lord Ferris, <= the
lord chefe justice Chumbley,'* and the lorde Montegue,® wer
dysrayssed of ther imprysonement in the Tower.
Note, that the (xiiij.*) dale of September, maister Latamer s was
brought to the Tower prisoner, who at his coming in saide to one
" MS. foi. 57, b.
^ i. e. establishing ? Both these proclamations are noticed under the same date in
Stowe's Chronicle.
' Walter Devereux, who had been created viscount Hereford in 1650, though both in
this Diary and in that of Machyn he is still called lord Ferrars, and by Stowe lord Ferrers of
Chartley. In the register of the Privy Council he is properly styled viscount Hereford.
He had married lady Mary Grey, aunt to the duke of Suffolk.
'' Sir Roger Cholmley : see notes to Machyn's Diary, p. 368.
" Sir Edward Montagu : see notes to Machyn's Diary, p. 366.
' These figures are filled in by a second hand,
K On the 24th August (the same day that bishop Gardiner was made lord chancellor),
" Hugh Latymer clerke apeared before the lords, and for hia sedicious demeanor was
committed to the Tower, there to remaine a close prisoner, having attending upon him
one Anstey his servant." Register of the Privy Council.

1553.] QUEEN MARY. 27
Rutter, a warder ther, " What, ray olde frende, howe do you ? I am
nowe come to bee your neighbour agayne ; " and was lodged in the
garden in sir Thomas Palmer's lodging.
Note, that the xiij*" of this moneth mr. Cheke * was dismissed out
of his imprysonment in the Tower.
Itera, the xiiij*" of September, the busshope of Canterbury " was
brought into the Tower as prysoner, and lodged in the Tower over
the gate anenst the water-gate, wher the duke of Northumberland
laye before his death.
Note, about this daye, or the day before, ray lady of WarwUie had
Ucence to corae to hir husbande ; at the same tyme my lady Tayle-
bushe, nowe my lorde Ambrose wif, had lycence to come to ray lorde
Arabrose ; and he and my lorde Harry had the liberty of the leades
over Cole Harbert. Likewise had the lorde Herry and the lord
Giulforde the liberty of the leades on Beachara's tower ; likewise had
mr. Yorke the liberty of the leades on the BeU tower ; the said
tyme had my lorde marques and the erle of Huntingdon libertye to
corae to the chappell to masse a' dayes; lilie liberty had doctour
Rydley, lat bushop of London.
Note, that on Wenisdaie the (blanlt) daje, of Septembre, ther was
certayn raskalles or mariners that would have taken awaie the quenes
horses at Greenwich, and meaned to have assembled on Blakheathe
for that purpose, but they were prevented by syr Edward Hastings,
who, at 'vlj. of the clocke at night went thether with the garde and
sondery other ; and so the raskalles cam not accordinge to ther ap
poyntement. Note, that the xxvij. of September, the quenes majestye cam to
the Tower by water towarde hir coronatione, and with hfr the lady
EUzabeth hfr sister, with diverse other ladyes of narae, and the hole
counsayll. The lord Paiget bare the sworde before hir that daye.
Before hir aryvall was shott of a peale of gonnes.
Note, the last dale of September 1553, the quene carae thoroughe
» Sir John Cheke. " Thomas Cranmer.

28 THE FIRST YEAR OF [Sept.
London towardes hfr coronation, syttmg in a charret of tyssue,
drawne with vj. horses, all betrapped with redd velvett. She sat In
a gown of blew velvet, furred with powdered armyen, hangyng on
hir heade a caU of clothe of tynseU besett with perle and ston, and
about the sarae apon her hed a rond circlet of gold, raoche Uke a
hooped garlande, besett so richely with raany precyouse stones that
the value therof was inestymable ; the said call and cfrcle being so
massy and ponderous that she was fayn to beare uppe hir hedd with
hir handes; and a canopy was borne over the char. Before hir
rydd a nomber of gentlemen and knightes, and then dyverse judges,
then diverse doctours of dyvynity ; then foUowed certeyn bushopes ;
after theym came certayn lordes ; then followed most parte of hfr
counsaille ; after whom foUowed xiij. knights of the bathe, every one
in thir order, the names wherof were theis, the erle of Devonshire,
the lorde of Cardyf, son to the erle of Pembroke, the erle of Arun-
dell's son, being lorde Mountryvers.^ Then followed the lorde of
Winchester, being lorde chauncellor, the merques of Winchester,
lorde highe treasurer, having the seale and mace before them ; next
came the duke of Norfolk, and after him the erle of Oxforde, who
bare the sworde before hir ; sir Edward Hastinges led hir horse in
his hande. After the quenes chariott cara another chariott having
canapie all of one covereng, with cloth of sillver all whitt, and vj.
horses betrapped with the sarae, bearing the said charyat ; and therin
sat at the ende, with hir face forwarde, the lady Elizabeth ; and at
the other ende, with her backe forwarde, the lady Anne of Cleves.
Then cara theyre sondry gentyllwomen rydyng on horses traped
with redd vellvet, after that charyet, and their gownes and kertelles
of red vellvet likewise. Then rid sir Thomas Stradlyng after
theym ; then followed ij. other charyots covered with redd sattyn,
and the horses betraped with the same; and certayne gentell-
women betwen every of the saide charyots rydyng in chrymesyn
satteyn, ther horses betraped with the same. The nomber of the gen-
•^ The rest of their names are omitted. A list of them has been given in the notes to
lUachyii's Diary, p. 334.

1553.] QUEEN MARY. 29
tiUwomen that rydd were xlvj. in noumber, besides theym that wer in
the charyots.
At Phanchurche was one pageamit raade by the Geneways, and
ther a childe dressed in a girles appareU was bome uppe by ij. raen
siting in a chaire, and gave the quene a salutation. At Grace-
churche corner ther was another pageant made by the Esterlings,
and theron was made a raount on hie, and a Uttell condyt which ran
wyn. Upon the saide mount stoode iiij. childeren, which with certayn
salutacions did Ukewise gratefye the quene. Over that ther was a
device that raaister (blank) flyed downe from the tope of the pageant
as she ryd by. At the ende of Gracechurche ther was another
pageant made by the Florentyns, very highe, on the toppe wherof
ther stode iiij. pictures, and on the syde of thera, on the highest
toppe, ther stoode an angeli clothed in grene, with a trompete in his
hande, and he was made with suche a device that when the trom-
peter, who stoode secretly in the pageant, ded blow his trompet, the
angeU dyd put his trompet to his mowth, as though it should be he
that blewe the same, to the raarvaling of raany ig-norant persons.
The pageant was raade with iij. thorough-fares like gates, and on
either syde of the great gat .ther dyd hang ij. tables of clothe of sUl-
ver, wherin was wrytten certayn verses ; the one table in Latten,
and the other in Inglyshe myter, gratefyeng. And in the myds of
the saide pageant ther stoode vj. persons clothed in longe colord
gownes with coputances hats, who gave hfr a salutacion of goode
lucke. At the condyt in Cornehill, ther was a very prity pageant
raade very gorgosly, wheron ther set iij. childeren clothed in woraens
appareU ; the myddlemost of theym, having a crowne on hir hedd,
and a septer in hfr hande, was caUed Grace ; the other on her right
hand, called Vertue, a cupp ; and the other on her left hande, caUed
Nature, a branch of olyf. And when the quene cam by, they in
order kneled down, and every one of thera svmg certayn verses of
gratefyeng the quene. Ther sonded also trompets on high.
At the great conduit ther was also another pageant made by the
cyty. At the lyttell cond}'t ther was anotlier pageant, wheron

30 THE FIRST YEAR OP [Sept.
stoode certayn children in women's appareU, and after a certayn
oraclon and salutacion ther was geven the quene, by one of the
children, for the cyty, in a goodly purse a thousande U." which
she most thankfully receyved.
At the scholehouse in PaUes church ther was certayn children
and men sung dyverse staves in gratefying the quene;" ther she
stayed a goode while and gave diUigent ere to their song.
At this tyrae a fellow who had raade ij. scaffoldes apon the tope of
PoUes steeple, the one upon the baU therof, and the other upon the
tope therof above that, and had set out vuj. streamers vean graf apon
the sarae scaffolde, having the red crosse and the sworde as the arms
of the cyty of London doth geve ; and he himself standing apon the
veary toppe or backe of the wether cocke, dy(d) shake a lytel flag
with his hande, after standing on one foot dy(d) shali his other legg,
and then knelled on his knees apon the saide wether cock, to the
great mervayle and wondering of aU the people which behelde him,
because yt was thought a mattyer impossyble.
Over agaynst the deaiies house in PoUes churche yarde ther was
another pageant, wher on ether syde stoode sondery persons singing
dyverse salutacions as the quene cam by, and certayn lytteU chUdren
stoode apon the pageant on highe, with tapers light and burning,
which tapers wer made of raost swete perfumes.
1 At the condyt in Flet Street was Ukewis another pageant, which
was made like a castell, wher was also diverse as well chUdren as
men, synging songes of rejoycing as she cara by.
Memorandum, the first dale of October, 1553, was quene Mary
crowned ; « that dale she cam first by water to the old pahce and ther
» Stowe says " a thousand markes of golde."
^ Here " maister Haywood sate in a pageant under a vine, and made to her an oration
in Latin and English." Stowe.
' i. e. very great? Stowe describes this performance more fully. It was done by
" one Peter a Dutchman," to whom the city gave 161. 13s. id. for his costa and pains,
and all his stuff.
<> MS. f. 68.
'^ Tho ceremonial of queen Mary's coronation has been published at considerable length

1553.] QUEEN MARY. 31
tarryed tyll about xj. of the clocke, and then went to the churche on
foot apon blew clothe being rayled on every syde ; she was in a
gown of blew velvett, lyned with pouderyd armyn, having the same
cyrclet on hir hedd with the whiche she cam thorough London the
daye before. She was ledd betwen one bushope and (blank), and
many bishopes in their myters and crosiars before hir.
a In the churche, before she was anoynted, the lorde chauncellour
went to the foure comers of the no . . (?) and cried, " Yf eny man will
or can alledge eny cause whie quene Mary shoulde not be crowned, let
theym speke now :" and then the people in every place of the chm'che
cryed, " Quene Mary ! quene Mary !" Then the bushope of Win
chester, being lorde chauncellour, proclaymed the quenes pardon,
wherin was excepted aU prysoners in the Tower, the Flet, certayn in
the MershaUsey, and suche as had eny comandement to kepe the
house, and certayn other.
Note, she was ledde iuj. or v. tyraes on the alter, with so raany and
sondery ceryraonyes in anoynting, crowning, and other olde cus-
tomes, that it was past iij. alraost iuj. of the clocke at night or ever
she cam from the church agayn. And as she cam homeward ther
was borne before her uj. swordes shethed, and one naked. She was
ledd likewise betwen the old bushope of Dyrom" and (blank), having
in hir hande a cepter of golde, and in hfr other hande a ball of golde,
which she twirled and tourned in hir hande as she came horaewarde.
She wore a chrymesyn vellvet gown, and a crown on hir hedd, every
rely [erle ?] and contesse following in crymesyn vellvet with crownets
on ther hedds of gold. When she was enteryd in Westminster hall
ther was ill scramble for the cloth and rayles ; then was ther the wast
meat cast out of the ketchen made under the pallaice wall with hordes,
which was very muche of all kinde of meat. And when they had

in Mr. Planehe's Regal Records, 1837. 12mo. A document respecting the claims made
to perform services on this occasion, was printed in the Camden Society's volume of
Rutland Papers, p. 118.
•¦ MS. f. 66. ' Cuthbert Tunstall, bishop of Durham.

32 THE FIRST YEAR OF [Oct.
don casting out meat ther was no lesse scrambUng for the ketchyn yt
self, every man that wolde plucking downe the hordes therof, and
carying yt away, that yt raight welbe callyd a wast indedde.
a Note, that on the xviij* of October, master Harry Dudley was
delyvered out of the Tower ; and a lytteU before also was raaister
Yorke delyveryd.
Note, that on Wenisday, the (blank) daye of October, was an act
passed in the parUaraent," that raen might reason whether the Quene
were Supreme Hedd, or whether the bushoppe of Rome might not
lawftdly have the same agayn, with certayn other mattyers.
The (blanJc) of November ther passed an act for the stablishing
of religion, wherby ix. acts raade in Edward vj'^^ dales, concerning
religion, was mayde ....
The xiij'" dale of November were ledd out of the Tower on foot,
to be arrayned, to yeldhall, with the axe before theyra, from theyr
warde, Thomas Cranmer, archbushoppe of Canterbury, between
(blank) Next followed the lorde Gilforde Dudley, between (blank)
Next followed the lady Jane, between (blank), and hfr ij. gentyll
women foUowing hir.
Next foUowed the lorde Ambrose Dudley and the lorde Harry
Dudley. The lady Jane was in a blacke gowne of cloth, toumed downe ;
the cappe lyned with fese velvett, and edget about with the sarae, in
a French hoode, all black, with a black byllyraent, a black velvet
boke hanging before hir, and another boke in hir hande open,
holding hfr (the entry breaks off).
In the beguming of Noverabre was the furst notyce eraong the
people towelling the maryage of the quene to the king of Spayne.
About this tyme also <^ .... of the fall of 

•' MS.f. 41.
^ The Parliament did not meet until the 12th November.
'^ A line is here so scribbled as to be illegible.

1553.] QUEEN MARY. 33
Note, the same moneth of November syr Harry Gates, before
condempned, was set at lyberty out of the Tower and dysmyssed.
The xiuj*" of Deer, two prentyces were brought to the Tower,
one Andrews (?) and another.
Note, the xv'" of December, 1553, the proclamaclon for the stab-
lyshing again of the raasse was proclaymed.
The xviij'" day, the lady Jane had the Ubertie of the Tower, so
that she raight walk in the quenes garden and on the hiUe ; and the
lorde Robert and lorde Gilford the hberty of the leds in the BeU
Tower, whether they 
The xix. dale, the erle of Orraonde, sfr (blank) Courteney knight,
and mr. Bamaby, feU out in the night with a certayn priest in the
streat, whose parte a gentyllman comyng by by chance took, and so
they feU by the eares ; so that Bamabye was hurt. The morowe
the(y) were ledd by the ij. sheryves to the counter in the Pultry,
where they remayned (blank) daies.
This day the queene removed to Richmond.
The xv'" of Deceraber, sfr Edmonde Peckham was apoynted
treasurer generall of aU the quenes treasure whatsoever.
The xx'" daye ther was brought into the Tower at the water-gate
 ij. lighters laden with hames.
About Christmas eve ther came forth a booke entytled " De vera
obedyentia," imprinted, as yt is saide, at Roane," where it was trans
lated, an oracion raade by the byshop of Winchester, &c. with the
preface of Bonner, byshop of London. The translation thereof"
Note, that the (blank) day of Deceraber the lorde merques of
Northehampton had his pardon, and was deUvered out of the Tower.
About this tyme ther was one brak out of the Tower, and was
taken again in one of the shippes the day foUowinge.
Note, that the morowe after Newe yere's day, being the second of
• This oration was first written and published in 1534. The English translation here
mentioned was made by Michael Wood, a zealous protestant, and printed, with a bitter
preface, at Rouen, 1653.
'' There are two lines more of this paragraph, but so scribbled as not to be readable.
CAMD. SOC. F

34 THE FIRST YEAR OF [Jan.
Janyver, the embassadors caUed the erle of Eglemod, the erle of
Lane, and Coryurs," carae in for the knyttmg upp of the marryage
of the quene to the kmge of Spayne, before whose landmg ther was
lett of a great peale of guns in the Tower. He landed at Tower
wharf, and ther was met by sfr Anthony Browne, he being clothed
In a very gorgeouse appareU. At the Tower hUl, the erle of Devon
shire, with the lorde Garret, and dyvers other, receyved [him] m
most honorable and famylier wise ; and so, the lorde of Devonshfre
gevyng hira the right hand, brought hira thoroughte Chepsyde and
so fourthe to Westminster;" the people, nothing rejoysing, helde
downe their heddes sorowfuUy.
The day befor his coraing in, as his retynew and harbengers came
ryding thorugh London, the boyes pelted at theym with snowbaUes ;
so hatfuU was the sight of ther coming in to theym. The morrow
following, being wenysday, the lord chancellour sent for the
churchewardens and substancyUest of xxx. parishes of London, to
come before hira, apon whose apparence he enqufred of diverse of
theyra whie they had not the raasse and servyse In Latten in their
churches, as sorae of theym had not, as St. (blank) in Mylke stret,
and others ; and they answered that they had don what lay in theym.
¦•• The xiuj'" of Januarie, anno 1553, the bushope of Winches
ter, lorde chancellour of Inglande, in the chamber of presence at
Westminster, made to the lordes, nobilytye, and gentyUmen, an
oration very eloquentUe, wherin he declared that the quenes
majesty, partely for the welthe and enryching of the realme, and
partely for frendeship and other waighty considerations, hathe, after
moche suite on his (the king of Spaynes) behalf made, determyned,
by the consent of hfr counsaiUe and nobylyty, to matche herselfe
with hira in most godly and lawfull matryraonye; and he said
' The count of Egmont, Charles count de Laing, and the sieur de Corriers : see a note
to Machyn's Diary, p. 337.
^ The word Westminster is erased, and several words written ahove, hit they are illegible.
qu. Dyrram place ?
= MS. f. 1, b.

1553-4.] QUEEN MARY. 35
further that she should have for her joynter xxx™^ ducketes by the
yere, with aU the Lowe Country of Flanders ; and that the issue
betwene theym two lawfuUy begotten shoulde, yf there were any,
be hefr as weU to the kingdorae of Spayne, as also to the saide Lowe
Country. And he declared further, that we were moche bounden
to thanck God that so noble, worthye, and famouse a prince woulde
vouchsaff so to humble himself, as in this maryadge to take apon him
rather as a subject then otherwise ; and that the quene shoulde rule
aU thinges as she dothe nowe; and that ther should be of the
counseU no Spanyard, nether should have the custody of any fortes
or casteUes ; nether bere rule or offyce in the quenes house, or els-
where In aU Inglande; with diverse other things which he then
rehersed ; when he sayde the quenes pleasure and request was, that,
like hurable subjectes, for her sake they would receyve him with aU
reverence, joye, honnour, &c.
Theis newes, althoughe before they wer not unknown to raany,
and very raoche raysUked, yit being nowe in this wise pronounced,
was not onely credyted, but also hevely taken of sondery raen,
yea and therat alhnost eche raan was abashed, loking dayUe for
worse raattiers to growe shortly after.
On the morowe foUowing, being raonday, the raayre, sheryfes, and
diverse of the best commoners, wer sent for before the counsell, where
the said lord chanceUour made the Uke oration to theyra, desyring
theym to behave themselve Uke subjectes with aU humblenes and
rejoycing. Within vj. dayes after ther was worde brought howe that sir
Peter Carowe, sfr Gawen Carowe, sfr Thomas Dey,(?) and sfr
(blank), with dyverse others, wer uppe m Devonshfre resystmg of the
Icing of Spaynes comyng, and that they hade talien the city of Exeter
and castell ther into their custodye.
Note, that on tuyseday the xxiij'" of January, the lorde Robert
Dudley, sone to the late duke of Northumberland, was brought out
of the Tower to the yeldhall, wher he was arrayned and con
dempned.

3G

THE FIRST YEAR OF [Jan.

Note, that the xxv'" of January the counseU was certyfyed that
ther was uppe in Kent sfr Thomas Wyat,'' mr. CuUpepper, the lorde
Cobham, who had taken his casteU of Coulyng," and the lord
warden, who had taken the casteU of Dover,'= and sfr Herry Isely m
Meddeston, sfr James Croftes, mr. Harper, rar. Newton,* mr. Knevet,
for the said quarrell. In resysting the said kmg of Spayne, as
they said, ther pretence was this only and non other, and partely for
moving certayn counsellours frora about the quene. And about this
tirae sfr Jaraes Croftes departed to Walles, as yt Is thought to rayse
his powre there.
The xxvj'" day ther was [brought] into the Tower as prysoners
the lord raarques" and sir Edwarde Warner knight, in the momyng.
And the same nyght there went out certeyn of the garde and other
agaynste the Kentish raen. Item, the sarae day, in the mornyng, the
cytey began to be kept with hamessyd men.
The day afore, the lorde treasurer,^ being at the yeld haU, with
» The ensuing passages of the Chronicle supply some very interesting details respecting
Wyatt' s rebellion, particularly those occurrences in connexion with it which happened in
and near London and the royal court. " The Historie of Wyates Rebellion " was com
piled by John Proctor, the first master of sir Andrew Judde's school at Tunbridge, and
published soon after its termination in 12mo. It is the principal source of the narrative
given in Holinshed's Chronicle, and it has been reprinted entire in the second edition of
The Antiquarian Repertory, 4to. 1808, vol. iii. pp. 65 — 114. Proctor, however, is the
partial chronicler of the victorious party, and omits the many curious pictures of their
distress and embarrassment which are related by the present authority (and which are
remarkably confirmed by Underbill's account, which will be found in the Appendix). The
late Mr. Robert Peirce Cruden, in his History of Gravesend and the Port of London,
1843, Svo. has collected the particulars of all that occurred within the county of Kent,
combining the information contained in Proctor's narrative, with several original documents
found in the State Paper Ofiice.
•> Sir Thomas Wyatt hoped for the support of lord Cobham, who seems to have tempo
rised in the matter, but gave information to the queen's lieutenant, the duke of Norfolk :
see three of his letters, all written from Cowling castle, in Cruden, pp. 178, 180.
' Sir Thomas Cheney was also backward in maintaining the royal authority, and conse
quently fell under suspicion ; see his statements in explanation in Cruden, p. 183.
'^ A mistake probably for Rudston,
' The marquess of Northampton. ' The marquess of ^A'inchester.

1553-4.J QUEEN MARY. 37
the raayre and alderraen, declared that yt was goode to have a
nombre of ij""', or ther aboutes, in a redynes for the savegarde of the
cyte, &c. with his ....
Note, that the xxv'" dale of Januarie the duke of Suffolk, the lord
John Graie, and the lord Leonardo Gray, fledd." Yt Is said that the
sarae raorning that he was going ther came a messenger to hnn from
the quene, that he shulde come to the court. " Marye," quoth he,
" I was comyng to her grace. Ye may see I am booted and spurred
redy to ryde ; and I wiU but breke my fast, and go." So he gave
the messenger a rewarde, and caused hym to be made to drink, and
so thence departed himself, no man knoweth whither. Sir Thoraas
Palmer, servant to the erle of Arundel, said on the morow folowing,
to a friend of his, that the complot betwene the Frenche king and
the said duke of Suffolk was nowe corae to light. The same day
the duke of Norfolke wente down towardes Gravesende.
The^ xxyjS^day yt was noysed that Rochester bridge was taken by
the rebeUes."
About this tyme the lord of Bergenny " by chance encounteryd
with sfr Herry Isely, and sleue ij. or iij., of his men, he fleeing to
the camp of Wyat.
The sarae day ther was raade redy, by vj. of the clock at nyght,
about v^. of harnessed raen, and came together at Leaden haU ; and
the sonday foUowinge they went towardes Gravesende against the
Kentyshe men. Note, the erle of Huntingdon went down to take
the duke of Suffolk.
The duke of Norfolk was levtenant of the army, and with him the
erle of Ormonde, master Gernyngham * captayn of the garde, with a
' Prom his house at Sheen in Surrey : see the Appendix.
" The word is apparently taken. At first the chronicler had imtten was driven upp or
broken downe.
' The encounter of lord Burgavenny with sir Henry Isley took place in the parish of
Wrotham, at a, field called BlacksoU field, on Saturday the 27th of January, and is fully
described by Proctor. Isley secreted himself during the following night in Hartley wood,
and then fied into Hampshire.
'' Sir Henry Jerningham.

38 THE FIRST YEAR OP [Jan.
great nombre of the garde with him, and a great nomber of other
soldrars. Apon the  they were sett In array towardes
Rochester bridge, which was kept by Wyat's corapany, and fur-
nyshed with uj. or foure doble-cannons. One Tutton, 
FeWilUaras, and Bret, was captaynes of the said company.
And before the setting forward of thes men the duke sent a herald
into Rochester with the quenes proclamation, that all such as wolde
desyst ther purpose shuld have frank and free pardon ; who cam
apon the bridge, and wolde have gone thoroghe into the cyty, but
they that kept the bridge wold not suffer him tyU that the captayn
came, who at last granted the same to be red in the cytye ; but
the same being ended, eche man cryed they had don nothing wher
for they shold nede eny pardon, and that quarreU which they toke
they wold dye and lyve yn it. Neverthelesse at the last sfr Jeorge
Harper receyved the pardon uttwardely, and being receyved under
the duke of Norfolkes protection cam on forwarde agaynst the
Kentyshmen ; and even as the corapany was sett in a redynes, and
marched forwarde toward the bridge, the saide Bret, beinge
captaine of the v^. Londoners, of which the more parte were In
the forwarde, turned himselfe aboute, and drawinge out his sworde,
saide, by reaporte, thes or moche Uke wordes : " Masters, we goe
about to fight agaynst our natyve countrejmien of Ingland and our
friendes in a quarrell unrightfuU and partely wicked, for they, con-
sydering the great and manyfold myseries which are like to faU
apon us if we shalbe under the rule of the proude Spanyardes or
strangers, are here assemblyd to make resystance of the cominge in
of him or his favourers ; and for that they knowe right weU, that yf
we should be under ther subjection they wolde, as slaves and vU-
laynes, spoyle us of our goodes and landes, ravlshe our wyfes before
our faces, and deflowre our daughters in our presence, have nowe,
for the avoydinge of so great mysschefes and inconveynences likely
to Ught not only apon theyraselves but on every of us and the hole
realme, have taken apon theym now. In tyme before his comyng, this
thefr enterprise, agaynst which I thinck no Inglyshe hart ought to

1553-4.] QUEEN MARY. 39
say, raoche lesse by fyghting to withstande theym. Wherfore I and
theis (meanyng by such as were in that rank with him,) will spende
our bloode in the quarreU of this wourthy captain, maister Wyat, and
other gentyUmen here assemblyd." Which wordes once pronounced,
eche man tumed their ordenance against thefr feUowe.* The Lon
doners thereupon cryed, A Wyat ! A Wyat ! of which sudden
noyse the duke, the erle of Ormonde, and the captayne of the garde,
being abashed, fledd forthwith. Immedyately came in raaister Wyat
and his corapany on horseback rushing in emongest theym, saying,
asweU to the garde, Londoners, as to all the rest, "So many as will
corae and tarry with us shalbe welcome ; and so many as wUl
depart, good leave have they." And so aU the Londoners, parte of
the garde, and more then iij. partes of the retynue, went into the
campe of the Kentyshmen, where they styl remayne. At this dis-
coinfyture the duke lost vuj. peces of brasse, with all other munytyon
and ordenance, and himselfe, with the erle of Orraonde and Ger-
nynghara and others, fledd to London. Ye shoulde have sene sorae
of the garde cora horae, ther cotes toumed, aU ruyned, without
arowes or stringe in thefr howe, or sworde, in very strange wyse ;
which dyscorafiture, lyke as yt was a hart-sore and very dyspleasing
to the quene and counsayll, even so yt was ahnost no lesse joyous
to the Londoners, and raost parte of aU others.
This day was doctor Sandes," Veron, Basyll, and about v.
prisoners more, removed out of the Tower to the Mershallsee.
On tuysday foUowing the saying was that the erle of Penbroke
had promysed never to look the queene in the face before he
brought thera upp, God wUling; he to be accompanied with the
erle of  , the lord pryvey seale," [and] the lord Clynton.
' Misprinted followers in Stowe.
•> Doctor Sandys (who was afterwards bishop of London) was vice-chancellor of Cam
bridge, and was compromised by the reception he had there given to the duke of Northum
berland, and a sermon he had preached favourable to the accession of queen Jane. Veron
and Basil had been committed, together with the more celebrated Bradford, as " seditious
preachers,'' (see notes to Machyn's Diary, p. 332).
¦¦ The eari of Bedford.

40 THE FIRST YEAR OF [Jan.
This day a bruit went in London that ther was a companye upp
in Hervodeshire.*
Note, the duke of Norfolke went into Norfolke at this tyme.
Note, apon thursday the quene carae [to] the yelde hall, aU the
garde being in hamesse, with her the lorde chanceUour and the
counseU. At Paules churchyarde the erle of Penbroke mett hfr, to
whom she bowed herselfe partely lowe, and the lorde chancellour,
being w  full sudayn (?) bowed himself benethe the pomell
of his saddell. She raade an oration" to the .... in the . . . . ,
and retourned by water."
On wenisday was a proclamation by the quene, bothe in London
and in Southewark, that Wyat and all his companye were ranck tray
tours, and alsuche as was gone to Wyat, and as many as dyd take
his parte or spake in his cause, and that aU his weUwIshers shoulde go
thoroghe Southwarke to him, and they shoulde have free passadge, &c.
Note, on wenlsdaye, being the last of Januarie, master Wlat and
his company came to Dartforde, and the next day they came full
and hole to Grenewich and Debtforde, where they remayned that
thursdaye, frydaye, and the fore-noone of satterdaie.
In this space, apon the frydaye, which was candlemas daye, the
moste parte of the howseholders of London, with the mayre and
aldermen, were in harnesse, so that ye shoulde have seen the stretes
very fuU of harnessed men in every parte. "^
" Herefordshire — raised by sir James Croft.
'' " The oration of queene Mary in the guildhall " is printed at length by Foxe, iii. 30.
' These lines are so scribbled as to be ahnost illegible.
¦> Stowe adds to this passage, " Yea, this day and other dayes the justices, serjeantes at
the law, and other lawyers in Westminster hall, pleaded in harnesse." The following
anecdote is related of Ralph Rokeby, serjeant-at-law, duringthe same period of alarm : "And
yet I may not soe injuriously defraude my father of his due praise as to omitt his service
against Wyatt, which was thus : Sir Thomas Wyatt the rebell of Kent against king Philip
and queene Mary, the Spaniards, being noised to be comeing towards London, your
grandfather went to Westminster in his serjant's robes to plead, under them a good
coate-armour; and heareing at Charing-crosse the nere approach of the enemie, the rebell
he hastened him to the queens court at Whitehall, strunge and fetled an archer of the
guard's liverye bow that stood there unstrunge, threw downe the serjant's robes for that
tyme, and went to the Gate-house to serve there with a bowe and a sheaf of arrowes and

1553-4.J QUEEN MARY. 41
This daye the erle of Pembroke, generaU of the quenes army
royaU, with the lord William Haward, lorde deputy,* and the lord
Clynton, with not past 1. of their servantes unharnessed, went over
the bridge into the borough of Southwark, up to saincte Georges,
and so retourned agayn into the citye.
Note, this same fi-ydaye, being the seconde of Februarie, the
lorde Cobham (leving his ij. sones with Mr. Wyat) at midenight
cara to the gates of the bridge, and ther was lett in at raidenight,
and the next morowe was brought to the counsell, wher he re-
majmed at the erle of Pembroke's untyll aftemoone, and then was
brought to the Tower as prysonner.
This daye ther came a gentleman named (blank), and a drome,
in message ; who was received in Southwarke and blindfylld brought
thoroughe the cytye unto the erle of Pembroke's at Coleharbert,
where he remayned untyll aftemoone that he was conducted and so
brought agayn into Southwarke, where at saint George's churche hys
horse was deUvered hira, and so departed with the drora which cara
with hira.
On sattersdaye in the mornynge, being the thfrde of Februarye,
ther carae fourthe a proclamation, sett furthe by the quenes counseU,
wherin was declared that that traytour Wyat deduced simple people
agaynst the quene. Wherefore, she wUled aU her loving subjectes
to endevour themselves to withstande him ; and that the duke of
Suffoike, with his ij. brethren, were dyscomfeted by the erle of Hun
tingdon, and certayn of his horsemen taken, and the duke and his ij.
there taried till the enemie was yielded. Old Nicholson, of Panic's chaine, told me my
father then committed a bagg of money to him to keepe, and tbat Alexander Metham his
clerk was with him, but that William Bell hidd him ^nder my father's bedd in Serjantes
inn, and there laye untill his master retorned." (fficonomia Rokebeiorum, in Whitaker's
History of Richmondshire, vol. i. p. 173.) The martial spirit spread even to the priest
hood, if we may believe another contemporary chronicle : '¦ On Ashe Weddinsday that
Wyat was at Charynge crosse did doctor Weston singe masse before the quene in har
nesse under his vestments. This Weston reported himself unto one Mr. Robards." (MS.
Hari. 419, f. 131.)
* Lord William Howard was at this time deputy of Calais.
CAMD. SOC. G

42 THE FIRST YEAR OP [Feb.
brethren fledde in servingraan's cottes ; and that sir Peter Carowe
was fled into France; and that sfr Gawen Carowe, Gibbes, and
others, were taken, and remayn m Exeter ; and that the hole cytie
of Exeter, and commons therabout, were at the quenes commande
ment, with thefr powere, to the death. » And that she dyd pardon
the hole campe except Wyat, Harper, Rudestone, and Iseley; and
that whosoever coulde take Wyat, except the sayd uij. persons,
shoiUd have an hunderlth poundes a yere to them and to thefr hefres
for ever.
Note, this dale before noone aU horsemen were by a drom com
raanded to be at sainct Jaraes felde, and the footemen coraraanded to
be in Fynsbury felde to rauster. This day, about iij. of the clocke,
sir Thoraas Wyat and the Kentysheraen marched forwarde from
Debtford towaxdes London with v. auncientes, being by estimation
about ij. thousand men ; which their comyng, so soone as it was per-
ceyved, ther was shot off out of the White tower a vj. or vuj. shott ;

' Sir Peter Carew, and his uncle sir Gawen, had been the commanders employed by
the government of king Edward VI. to quell the insurrection of Humphrey Arundell and
others in Devonshire, in the year 1549, and had been rewarded with the rebels' lands.
(Lysons, Magna Britannia, Devonshire, p. x.) Mr. Lysons found no account of the pre
sent insurrection in any of the annals of Exeter ; and from " The Life of Sir Peter Carew,
of Mohun's Ottery," written by John Vowell, alias Hoker (the historian of Exeter), which
is printed in the 28th volume of Archseologia, it is evident that the reports which reached
London were much exaggerated. It appears that, before the conspirators had made any
head, sir Gawen Carew, sir Arthur Champernowne, and William Gybbes esquire were
arrested by sir Thomas Denys the sheriff and sir John Sentleger. Sir Peter Carew,
escaping to Weymouth, fied first to France, afterwards to Venice, and lastly to Strasburg;
from whence be was tempted to go to Antwerp, in order to seek an interview with lord
Paget, but, being arrested, was at last brought back to the Tower of London, in company
with sir John Cheke, and flnally made his peace with the queen by payment of a heavy
fine. See the narrative of these adventures in Archaeologia, vol. xxviii. pp. 120 et seq.;
and see also in Tytler's " Edward VI. and Mary," a letter addressed to the queen by sir
Nicholas Wotton, her ambassador at Paris, describing sir Peter Carew's reception on his
first arrival in France. The date of his release is shown by the following passage in a
letter of sir John Mason to Peter Vannes, dated London, Oct. 12, 1555 : " Mr. Carew,
having throughlie clered himself of all matters layed unto his charge, is also abrode with
the quenes favour." (MS. Cotton. Vesp. C. vn. f. 200.)

1553-4.J QUEEN MARY. 43
but myssed them, soratyraes shoting over, and soratymes shoting
short. After the knowledge therof once had in London, forthwith
the draybridge was cutt downe and the bridge gates shut. TEfe
mayre and the sheryves harnessyd theymselves, and commanded
eche man to shutt in thefr shoppes and wyndowes, and being redy in
hames to stande every one at his dore, what chance soever myght
hapen. Then should ye have seen taking in wares of the staUes In
most hasty manner ; ther was renning upp and downe in every place
to wepons and hames ; aged men were astoyned, raany woraen wept
for feare ; chUdren and raaydes ran into tlieir bowses, shytting the
dores for feare ; raoche noyse and tumult was every where ; so ter-
ryble and fearfaU at the fyrst was Wyat and his armyes comyng
to the most part of the cytezens, who wer seldom or nere wont before
to here or have eny suche invasions to their cyty.
At this tirae was Wyat entered into Kent street, and so by sainct
George's church mto Southwarke. Hiraselfe and parte of his com-
paynye cam in goode array downe Barmesey strete. Note, they
wer sufferyd peceably to enter into Southwarke without repulse or
eny stroke stryken either by the inhabitours or by eny other ; yit
was ther many men of the contry in the innes, raysed and brought
thether by the lord WilUam,* and other, to have gone agaynst the
saide Wyat and Kentyshmen, but they all joyned themselves to the
said Kentyshe rebelles, taking their partes ; and the said inhabitantes
raost wUlinglye with thefr best entertayned them. Imediatly upon
the said Wyates coinynge, he made a proclamation that no souldear
should take eny thing, but that he should pay for it, and that his
coming was to resyst the comyng in of the Spanyshe kynge, &c.
At his comyng to the bridge foote, he ladd forthwith ij. peces of
ordenance, and began a great trenche between the bridge and him ;
he laid another pece at sainct George's, another going into Barmesey
strett, and another towardes the bushopes house.
Note, that on sonday the iiij'" daye of February yt is sayd that the
° Lord William Howard.

44 THE FIRST YEAK OP [Feb.
lorde WUUam Howard shold call at the gate and say, " Wyat ?" At
last one answeryd him, " What wold ye with him ?" and he sayd,
" I wold speke with hira." And the other answeryd, " The captayne
is busye ; yf ye wiU any tiling to him, I shall shewe hun." " Mary
(quod the lord WilUam), knowe of hUn what he meneth by this
invasyon, and whether he contynue m his purpose or no?" The
messenger departed to master Wyat, and within iij. quarters of an
hower returned with a purse, and therein master Wyat's answer,
which being throwne over the gate, was receyved and redd by the
said lord WUUara, and his proclaraation was cast over. Note, that
frora satersday at noone all botes being brought to London syde over
the water, was comraanded ther to staye, and in payne of death none
to go over to theym.
Upon the iuj'" of February ther was sett out of the Tower topp a
baimer of defyance, and at mornyng and evenyng, at the chardging
of the watch, was shot of a gret pece of ordynance accustumably.
This day sir Nicholas Ponynges, as yt Is said, being an assystant
at the Tower, was with the quene to knowe whether they should shot
of at the Kentyslimen, and so bett downe the houses upon thefr hedds.
" Nay," sayde the quene, " that were pyty, for mayny pore raen
and howsholders are like to be undone there and kylled. For,"
sayth she, " I trust, God wiUing," saythe she, " that they shalbe
fought with toraorrowe."
Note, that sir John of Brydges, the night before, saide to the
wattche in the Tower, " I moche muse they are not fought withaU.
By God's mother! I feare there is some traytour abrode that they be
sufferyd aU this while ; for surely, and yf yt had been about ray
centry," 1 wolde have fought with theym myself, by Goddes grace !"
Note, that that night the Kentysheraen made a noys as yt were a
signe of assault at the bridge, and shot of ij. half-hackes. This day
the quenes company asserabled in sainct Jaraes's parke.
Note, that yt is saide that the said raaster Wyat, aj)on the pro-
» i. e. on my sentry, or beat; a military expression, very appropriately addressed to the
watch.

1553-4.] QUEEN MARY. 45
clamation that whosoever will take hira should have a C"' in money,
dyd cause his name to be fayre wrytten by the name of Thomas
Wyat, and sett yt on his cappe.
Note, that this v'" day the noyes was that the lord warden, the
lord of Burgenye, sir Rychard Southwell, was come to Blackeheath
and Grenwich with iij. thousand raen agaynst the said master Wyat.
Note, that on shryve-tuesdaye, being the vj'" of Februarye, raaster
Wyat departed out of Southwarke towards Kyngeston bridge, before
xj. of the clocke before noone, in goode array they marched for-
wardes. A Uttell before his departing he shott of ij. peces of orde
naunces, the raore to cover his departure so much as yt raight be.
And when he departed, yt is saide he paid aU his soldears their
wages, and raade proclamation in Southewarke that yf eny of his
soldears ought a peny to eny person ther, that they should come to
hira and he would se them paid ; but ther was non complayned ; all
men the enhabytantes said that ther was never men behaved theym
selves so honestly as his compayny dyd there for the tyrae of their
abode. Note, that the night before, by chance, as the levetenantes man'' of
the Tower was rowing with a scoUer over against Winchester place,
ther was a waterman of the Tower steres desyred the said leveten
auntes raan to take him in, who dyd so ; which vij. hagabusyars
of Wyat's corapany spying the bote departing from land, called
to them to land agayn, but they wolde not; wherapon eche man
dyschardged thefr pece, and so one of theym by chaunce kyUed
the saide waterman, the which falling forthewith downe dedd, the
scoUer, with moche payne, rode thoroughe the bridg to the Tower
wharf with the said levetenantes servant and the ded raan in the
bote. This thing was no sooner knowne to the levetenaunt, but
the same night and the next morning (whether he had comysyon so
to do is not knowne) bent vij. great peces of ordenance, that is to sale,
culveringes and deral-canons, ftiU agaynst the foote of the bridge and
agaynst Southwarke, and the ij. steples of saincte Tooles and sainct
" Named Thomas Menchen, adds Stowe.

46 THE FIRST YEAR OF [Feb.
Marie Overies; besides all the peces on the White tower, one
culvering on the Devyls tower, and iij. fawkenetes over the Water
gate, aU being bent towardes Southwarke. Which thing so sone as
the inhabytauntes of Southwarke had intelligence of, certayn men,
and also many women, came to the saide Wyat in most lamentable
wise, saying, " Sfr, we are like to be utterlie undone all and dystroyed
for your sake or default ; om- houses, which are our lyvinges, shal be
by and by tlirown down apon our hedes, and our childers, to the
utter desolation of this boroughe, with the shott of [the Tower] layed
and chardged towardes us ; for the love of God, therefore, take
pytye apon us ! " At which wordes he being partly abashed, stayed
awhyle, and then said theis or moche-Uke words : " I pray you, my
frendes, content yourselves a lytteU, and I wiU soone ease you of this
myschefe ; for God forbid that ye, or the least chUde here, shoulde
be hurt or killed in my behalfe." And so in most spedye maner
marched awaye. Yt is saide he should say he wolde pay his sol
dears no more mitUl he paid theyra in Chepesyde. Sorae reaported
he knocked at the gate when he went, sayinge, " Twyse have I
knocked and not ben suffered to enter ; yf I knocke the thfrde tyme
I will come yn, by God's grace ! "
And as he marched towardes Kingeston he mett by chaunce a
merchaunt named Christopher Dorrell, whora he called, saying,
" Cosen Dorrell, I praie you comende me unto your cetezens the Lon-
nonours, and sale unto thejmi from me, that when Ubertie and fre
dome was offered theym they wolde not receyve yt, neither wolde
they admytt me to enter within their gates, who for thefr fredome,
and the dysburdenyng of their grefes and opression by sfraimdgers,
wolde have franckhe spente my bloode in that thefr cause and
quarreU ; but nowe well apperith their unthanclcfuUnes to us their
fi-endes, which meanethe theyra so raoche goode ; and therefore they
are the lesse to be moned hereafter, when the myserable tyrrannye
of straundgers shaU oppresse theyra." And so he went forwarde.
That night he marched so fast that it is saied he came to Kinges
ton by night, where the bridge was broken and kept on this side by

1553-4.] QUEEN MARY. 47
CC. or ther aboutes of the quenes partie ; which bridge so soone as the
saide Wyat perceyved to be broken, and the men kepyng yt, went
back, and dyd fetch a pece or ij. of ordenance and laied on the bridge,
by the reason wherof he forced the other to flee, and leave the bridge
unkepte. Then caused he uj. or iuj. of his soldears to lepe into the
water and swyme to the other side, who losed the Westeme botes,
which ther laie tyed, and so brought theym over to the other syde,
and by that meane he passyd the water.
It Is a straundg mattier what paynes he tooke himself comyng on
foote emongest theyra ; neither dyd they staye eny whit all that
night, but cara alraost to Braynforde or ever they were dyscryd by
the quenes scootes, who ther by chamice raeting Brett and his cora-
panye, the saide Brett saide to the scoote, " Backe, villayne ; yf thou
goe further to dyscover eny compayny here, thou shalt dye out of
hande." The scoute retourned in great hast.
Note, the saide daye of his departure the Londonours many were
moche joyouse.
The sarae day towardes night ther was laden x. or xij. cartes
with ordenance, as billes, raorice pikes, speres, bowes, arowes, gon-
stones, ponder, shoveUs, mattokes, spades, baskets, and other
munytlon, and ther went out Ij. culverings, one sacre, uj. faucons,
and a fauconett ; all which the same nighte stayed In Poules church
yarde. The same night, also, about v. of the clocke, a trompeter
went along, warning all horse and raen of arraes to be at sainct
James felde, and all footemen to be ther also by vj'" of the clocke
the next morning.
The next momyng sfr George Harper was taken. *>
Yt Is thought that the hast the saide Wyat and his companye
made that night was partely for lacke of victualles and raoney, wliich
was then nere spent ; and partely for that he hoped of better ayde of
the Londonors than he had before, if he might come to that part of
the cetye.
" This passage was inserted after the first writing. Stowe states that Harper deserted
Wyat (a second time, for he did so before at Rochester,) and came to the court to report
his approach.

48 THE FIRST YEAR OF [Feb.
Some saide his entent was to have been in London, yf he had
coulde, before daye ; but hering that the erle of Pembroke was corae
into the feldes, he stayed at Knightesbridge untyU daye, wher his
raen being very wery with travel of that night and the daye before,
and also partely feble and faynte, having receyved small sustenance
since ther comyng out of Southwarke, rested.
The quenes scout, apon his retourne to the com-t, declared their
commg to Brainforde, which subden newes was so fearefuU that ther
with the quene and all the court was wonderfuUy affryghted. Dromes
went thoroughe London at uij. of the clocke, warninge aU soldears to
arrae themselves and to repaire to Charing crosse. The quene was
once determyned to come to the Tower furthwith, but shorteUe after
she sende worde she would tarry ther to se the uttermost. Mayny
thought she wolde have ben In the felde in person.
Here was no small a-dowe in London, and lUcewise the Tower
raade great preparation of defence. By x. of the clocke, or some
what raore, the erle of Penbroke had set his troopp of horsemen on
the hUl in the higheway above the new brige over against saynct
Jaraes ; his footemen was sett in ij. battaUles somewhat lower, and
nerer Charing crosse. At the lane turning downe by the brike waU
from IsUngton-warde he had sett also certayn other horsemen,
and he had planted his ordenance apon the hiU side. In the meane
season Wyat and his corapany planted his ordenance apon the hUl
beyonde sainct James, alraost over agaynst the park corner; and
himself, after a fewe words spoken to his soldears, came downe " the
olde lane on foote, hard by the courte gate at saincte James's, with
iiij. or V. auncyentes ; his men marching in goode array. Cutbart

» " And so came that daye tear (toward) Saint James felde, where as was the erle of
Pembroke the quenes leftenant, and my lorde prevy seale [the earl of Bedford], and my
lord Paget, and my lord Clynton, which was lord marshall of the campe, with dyvars oder
lordes on horseback ; which lord Clynton ghawe the charge with the horsemen by the
parke corner, which was aboute xij. of the clocke that daye, aud Wyat so passed hym solve
with a smalle company, tear Charryng crosse, and so toar Flet streate," &c. MS.
Addit. Brit. Mus. 15,215, p. 40.

1553-4.] QUEEN MARY. 49
Vaughan, and about ij. auncyentes, turned downe towards West
minster, The erle of Pembroke's horsemen hoveryd all this while
without moving, untyll aU was passed by, saving the tayle, upon
which they dyd sett and cut of. The other marched forwarde, and
never stayed or retourned to the ayde of their tayle. The greate
ordenamice shott of fresly on bothe sydes. Wyat's ordenance over-
shott the troope of horsemen. The quenes ordenance one pece
struck iij. of Wyat's companye » in a ranck, apon ther hedes, and,
sleying them, strake through the wall into the parke. More harme
was not done by the great shott of neither partie. The quenes hole
battayle of footemen standing stille, Wyat passed along by the wall
towardes Charing crosse, wher the saide horsemen that wer ther sett
upon parte of them, but were soone forced backe.
At Charinge crosse ther stoode the lorde chamberlayne," with the
garde and a nomber of other, almost a thousande persons, the whiche,
upon Wyat's coining, shott at his corapany, and at last fledd to the
court gates, which certayn pursued, and forced them with shott to shyt
the court gates against thera. In this repulse the said lord chamber-
layn and others were so amased that men cryed Treason! treason! in
the court, and had thought that the erle of Penbroke, who was
assayling the tayle of his enemeys, had gon to Wyat, taking his
part agaynst the quene. There should ye have seene runninge and
cryenge of ladyes and gentyU women, shySng of dores, and such a
scryking and noyse as yt was wonderfuU to here.
The said Wyat, with his men, marched stiU forwarde, aU along
to Teraple barre, also thoroghe Fleete street, along tyU he cam to
Ludgate, his men going not in eny goode order or array. It is saide
" It is possible these were the very three men whose burial is thus recorded in the
register of Saint Margaret's, Westminster : —
1563. Feb.
The viij* day Edmonde Pyrry )
Joh'n Sympson } souldyars w' Wyat.
Anthony Adamson '
'' Sir John Gage.
CAMD. SOC. H

50 THE FIRST YEAR OP [Feb.
that in Fleet street certayn of the lorde treasurer's band, to the
nomber of CCC. men," mett theyra, and so gomg on the one syde
passyd by theym coimng on the other syde without eny whit saying
to theyra. Also this is more strandge: the saide Wyat and his com
pany passyd along by a great corapany of hamessyd raen, which
stoode on bothe sydes, without eny withstandinge them, and as he
marched forwarde through Fleet street, moste with thefre swords
drawne, some cryed " Queene Mary hath graunted our request, and
geven us pardon." Others said, " The quene hathe pardoned us."
Thus Wyat cam even to Ludgate, and knockyd caUing to come in,
saying, there was Wyat, whome the quene had graunted thefr re
questes ; but the lorde WUliam Howard standing at the gate, saide,
" Avaunt, traytour ! thou shalt not come in here." And then
Wyat awhIU stayed, and, as some say, rested bim apon a seate
(at) the BeUsavage gate ; at last, seing he coulde not corae in, and
belike being deceaved of the ayde which he hoped out of the cetye,
retourned backe agayne in arraye towards Charing crosse, and was
never stopped tyU he cara to Teraple barre, wher certayn horse
men which cam from the felde met them in the face ; and then be-
gann the fight agayne to waxe bote, tyU an heralde " saide to maister
Wyat, " Sir, ye were best by my counseU to yelde. You see this day
is gon agaynst you, and in resysting ye can get no goode, but be
the death of aU theis your souldears, to your greate perlU of soule.
Perchaunce ye may fynde the quene mercyfuU, and the rather yf ye
stint .so greate a bloudshed as ys like here to be." Wyat herewith
being somewhat astonished (although he sawe his men bent to
fyght it out to the death), said, " Well, yf I shall needs yelde, I wiU
yelde rae to a gentyUman ; " to whom sfr Morice Barkeley cam
straight up, and bayd him lepe np behinde him ; and another toke
Thomas Cobham and WUUam Knevet ; and so caryed thera behind
" Stoive adds, whereof the lord Chidioke Powlet, his sonne, was captaine.
' Stowe inserts the name Clarentius, i. e. Thomas Hawley. Machyn (p. 54) says that
Wyat " yielded unto master Norroy, the harold of armes, in his cote of armes." In that
case hewas William Harvey, who subsequently became Clarenceux in 1557.

1553-4. J QUEEN MARY. 51
theym upon thefr horses to the courte. Then was taliuig of men
on all sydes. It is saide that In this conflyct one pikeman, setting
his backe to the wall at sainct James, kept xvij. horsemen of him a
great tyme, and at last was slayne. At this battell was slayne in
the felde, by estymacion, on both sydes, not past xl'^ persons, as far
as could be lemed by certayne that viewed the same ; but ther was
many sore hurt ; and some thmcke ther was raany slayne m houses.
The noys of women and chUdren, when the conflyct was at Charing
crosse, was so great and shfrle, that yt was harde to the toppe of the
White tower ; and also the great shot was well deserned ther out
of sainct James felde. Ther stood apon the leddes there the lorde
marques,a sfr Nicholas Poyns, sfr Thomas Pope, master John Seamer,
and^other. Frora the battayle when one cam and brought worde
that the quene was like to have the victory, and that the horsemen
had dyscomfyted the tayle of his enemyes, the lorde marques for jqye
gave the messenger x^ in golde, and fell in great rejoysing.
Note, that when Wyat was perceaved to be comen to Ludgate,
and the mafre and his brethren herde therof, thinkyng aU had not
gon well with the quenes syde, they were moche amased, and stoode
as men half out of ther lyves, and raany hoUowe hartes rejoysed in
London at the same.
At V. of the clock this Wyat, WiUiam Knevet, Thomas Cob-
bam, the lorde Cobbam's son, ij. brethren naraed the Mantelles, and
Alexander Bret, wer brought by maister .lernyngham, vichamber-
leyn, by water to the Tower as prysoners ; wher sir Phillip Deny
receyved them at the buUwark ; and as Wyat passed by he said,
" Go, traytour ! There was never suche a traytour in Ingland ! "
To whora this Wyat toumed, and said, " I am no traytom-. I
wolde thou should well knowe, thou art more traytour then I ; and
it is not the part of an honest man to caU me so ; " and so went
fourth. When he carae to the Tower gate the levtenant" toke m
first ManteU tlnrough the wicket, and toke him by the boysome, and
« Of Northampton. '' Sir John Brydges.

52 THE FIRST YEAR OP [Feb.
shalied him, and said " Ah ! thou traytour ! What wickednes hast
thou and thy corapany wrought ! " But he, holdyng doune his hed,
said nothinge. Then came Thomas Knevet, whora raaister Charaber-
layne, gentyllraan porter of the Tower, toke by the collar very
roughUe. Then cam Alexander Bret, whom sir Thoraas Pope toke
by the boysome, sayinge, " Ohe traytor ! how couldest thou finde
in thine hart to worke suche vyllany, as to takinge (the queen's)
wages, and, beinge trusted over a bande of men, to fall to hfr enemye,
retuminge agaynst hir in battaile?" Bret answered, " Yea, I have
offended in the case by all this." Then came Thomas Cobham, whom
sir Nicholas'' Poines toke by the bosome, and said, "Alas, maister
Cobham, what wynde headed you to worke suche treason?" And he
answered, " Oh, sir ! I was seduced." Then came in sfr Thomas
Wyat, who sir John of Bridges toke by the coUer in most rygorouse
maner, and saide theis or moche-Uke wordes,- " Ohe ! thou villayn
and unhapple traytour ! howe couldest thou finde In thine hart to
worke suche detestable treason to the quenes maiestie, who beinge
thie moste graclouse soverayn ladie, gave the thie lyfe and lyvinge
once alredy, although thowe dydest before this tyrae beare armes in
the felde agaynst hir ? and nowe to make suche a great and moste
traytorous stfrre, yelding hfr battayle, to hfr merveUouse treble and
fryght. And yf yt was not (saith he) that the lawe must justly
passe apon thee, I wolde strike thee throughe with my dagger."
And in so saying, havinge one hand apon the coUer of the said
maister Wyat, and the other on his dagger, shaked his bossome ; to
whom Wyat made no answer, but holdinge his armes under his
side, and looking grevously with a gryra looke upon the saide live-
tenant, saide, " Yt is no raaistery nowe." And so they passyd on.
This Wyat had on a shert of mayll with sieves very fayre, and
theron a velvett cassoke, and an yellowe lace, with the windelesse of
his dag hanging theron, and a payre of botes and sporres on his
legges ; on his hedd he had a faire hat of velvet with broade bonne-
^^'ol¦ke lace about it.
' Stowe co2)ied tliis name incorrectly Thomas.

1553-4.] QUEEN MARY. 53
WUUam Knevet had also a shert of maUe and a velvet cote ; so
had Thoraas Cobham and Brett.
John Harrington * and maister Smethwlck brought to pryson.
The morowe and the next dale foUowing were brought to the
Tower as prisoners, George Cobham, sir WiUiam Cobham, Anthony
Knevett, Hughe Boothe, Thoraas Vayn, Robert Rudestone, sir
George Harper, Edwarde Wiat, Edwarde Fog, George More, and
Cutbert Vaughan ; which Cuthbert Vaughan being a very handsome
man, maister Thoraas Bridges, at lus entry into the Tower gate, dyd
wonderfully reproche hira, calling him ranc traytor, and saide that
hanging, drawing, and quartering was too goode for him. To whom
this Vaughan made aimswer very soberlie, with stoute corage,
saying, " I praie God, sir, to sende you charyty ; and I wolde you
and all men knewe yt, I am as true a raayne to the quenes majestie
and the comonwealthe as eny man that I shall here leve behinde me ;
and as to deathe, I do not moche care, I am alfredy detei-myned to
dye." And with that they went forewarde.
On satersday, being the x"" of February, the erle of Huntington,
and other gentyUmen, to the nomber of CCC. horse, brought into
"^ This was the father of sir John Harington, whose literary remains have been pub
lished under the title of Nugae Antiquse. In that work (Park's edit. 1804), in vol. i.
p. 63, will be found a letter of Harington expostulating with bishop Gardyner, " Why,
my good lorde, (he says,) must I be thus annoyde for one deed of speciale good wyll to the
ladie Elizabethe, in bearynge a letter as was sente from one that had such ryghte to gyve
mee his commande [qu. the duke of Suffolk ?] and to one that had such ryghte to all myne
hartie sarvyce." His wife was servant tothe lady Elizabeth. In vol. ii. pp. 332, 333, of
the same collection, are two poems which Mr. Harington wrote during his imprisonment,
and at p. 70, a third addressed to the bishop. See also sir John Harington's biographi
cal memoir of Gardyner for a passage, the substance of which is repeated in a letter
written by sir John Harington to Henry prince of Wales ^in 1606 ; " I may truly say this
prelate (Gardyner) did persecute me before I was born ; for my father was, by his com
mand, imprisoned in the Tower for eleven months, for only carrying a letter to the prin
cess Elizabeth, and my mother was taken from his presence, and obliged to dwell with
Mr. Topcliff as a heretic. My poor father did send many petitions to the bishop, but in
vain, as he expended one thousand pounds to get his liberty. Nor had they any comfort
but their consciences to beguile this affliction, and the sweet wordes and sweeter deeds of
their mistress and fellow prisoner."

54 THE FIRST YEAR OF [Feb.
the Tower as prisoimers the duke of Suffoike and the lorde John
Graye, from Coventry, wher he had remaned a uj. dayies after his
taking, in the house and custody of Christofer Waxen, alderman
ther. On sondaie the xj'" dale of February the bushope of Winches
ter preached in the chappell before the quene, beginning at iij. of the
clocke with exhortemur, the vj'" chapter of the second episteU to
the Corinthians ; wherin he treated first, that man had free wUl ;
next, that Lent was necessarilie appoynted by the churche for
christen men ; thirdelie, that workes weare a meane or waie to
heaven, and therby the soner we raight obtayne the fruycion of our
redeptyon by Christ ; fourthelye, that the preachers for the vij. yeres
last past, by devlding of wordes, and other thefr owne addycions,
had brought in many errours detestable unto the church of Christe;
fiftheUe and lastlie, he axed a boone of the quenes highnes that like
as she had before tyme extended hir mercy, partyculerly and prl-
vatlie, so thoroughe her lenyty and gentylnes moche conspyracye and
open rebeUion was growen, according to the proverbe nimia fami-
liaritas parit contemptum ; which he brought then in for the purpose
that she wolde nowe be mercyfuU to the body of the comonwealth,
and conservation therof, which coulde not be unlesse the rotten and
hurtfidl members therof were cutt off and consumed. And thus he
ended soone after ; wherby aU the audyence dyd gather ther should
shortly foUowe sharpe and cruell execution. Note, he prayed for
king Edwarde the vj'" in his sermon, and for the soules departed.^
This dale sfr Harry Isley, who M'as late fled, was brought to the
Tower as prysoner in an olde friese cote and an olde payre [of] hose,
all his apparrell not worthe by estymacion uij s. The same dale cam
In also as prysoners two of the Culpepers, one Cromer, and Thomas
Rampton the duke of Suffolkes secretarle.
The raonday, being the xij^^ of Februarie, about ten of the clocke,
ther went out of the Tower to the scaffolde on Tower hill, the lorde
" This sermon is noticed by Foxe, Actes and Monuments, vol. iii. p. 113.

1553-4. J QUEEN MARY. 55
Guilforde Dudley, sone to the late duke of Northuraberland, hus
bande to the lady Jane Grey, daughter to the duke of Suffoike, who
at his going out tooke by the hande sir Anthony Browne, raaister
John Throgmorton, and many other gentyUmen, praying them to
praie for him ; and without the buUwarke Offeley ^ the shery ve re
ceyved him and brought him to the scaffolde, where, after a small
declaration, having no gostlye father " with him, he kneeled downe
and said his praiers ; then holding upp his eyes and handes to God
raany tymes ; ¦= and at last, after he had desyred the people to pray for
him, he laide himselfe along, and his hedd upon the block, which was
at one stroke of the axe taken frora him.
Note, the lorde marques * stode upon the Devyl's towre, and sawe
the executyon. His carcas throwne into a carre, and his hed in a
cloth, he was brought into the chappeU within the Tower, wher the
ladye Jane, whose lodging was in Partrlge's house, dyd see his ded
-carcase taken out of the cart, asweU as she dyd see hira before on
lyve going to his deathe, — a sight to hir no lesse f' then death.^
By this tyrae was ther a scaffolde made upon the grene over
agaynst the White tower, for the saide lady Jane to die apon. Who
with Mr husband was appoynted to have ben put to deathe the
fryday before, but was staled tyU then, for what cause is not knowen,
unlesse yt were because hir father was not then come into the Tower.
The saide lady, being nothing at all abashed, neither with feare of
» Sir Thomas OfiJey ; see note in Machyn's Diary, p. 353.
' He had probably refused the attendance of a Roman Catholic priest, and was not
allowed one of his own choice.
' Misread by Stowe with teares.
¦¦ The marquess of Northampton.
^^ no lesse in MS,, not worse as given by Stowe and Holi'&shed.
' " Great pitie was it for the casting awaye of that fayre Ladye, whome nature had not
onely so bewtified, but God also had endowed with singuler gyftes and graces, so that she
ignorantly receaved that which other wittingly devised and ofired unto her.
" And in like manner that comely, vertuous, and goodly gentleman the lorde Gylford
Duddeley most innocently was executed, whom God had endowed with suche vertues, that
even those that never before the tvme of his execution saw hym, dyd with lamentable
teares bewayle his death." Grafton's Abridgment, 1563.

56 THE FIRST YEAR OF [Feb.
her owne deathe, which then approached, neither with the sight of
the ded carcase of hir husbande, when he was brought m to the
chappell, came fourthe, the levetenaunt leding hir, in the same gown
wherin she was arrayned, hir countenance nothing abashed, neither
her eyes enything moysted with teares, although her ij. gentyl-
women, mistress EUzabeth Tylney and mistress Eleyn, wonderfuUy
wept, with a boke in hir hande, wheron she praied ali the way tUl
she cam to the saide scaffolde, wheron when she was mounted, &c.
So far, our Diarist's narrative of this judicial tragedy has been adopted, somewhat
abridged, by Stowe and Holinshed. The latter chronicler then proceeds thus (copying
Grafton), " Whereon when she was mounted, this noble young ladie, as she was indued
with singular gifts both of learning and knowledge, so was she as patient and mild as any
lambe at hir execution, and a little before hir death uttered these words," (then giving
her address to the people assembled). Whether our Diarist's conclusion, " when she
was mounted, &c." was intended to lead on to some other paper, written by himself or
another, it is impossible to decide ; but it seems not very improbable that he was also the
writer of the account of the lady Jane's execution, which begins with the same words,
and which was originally published in a small black-letter pamphlet ' entitled.
The Ende of the lady Jane Dudley, daughter of the duke of
Suffolk, upon the scaffolde, at the houre of her death.
Ffrst, when she mounted upon the scaffolde, she sayd to the people
standing thereabout : " Good people, I am come hether to die, and
by a lawe I am condemned to the sarae. The facte, in dede, against
the quenes highnesse was unlawfuU, and the consenting thereunto by
me : " but touching the procurement and desyre therof by me or on
my halfe, I doo wash my handes thereof In innocencie, before God,
and the face of you, good Christian people, this day," and therewith
¦ This is here copied from a reprint edited by the Rev. John Brand in the 13th volume
of the Archaeologia. I have not been able to find a copy of the original. It was incor
porated into the narratives of Grafton and Foxe, with some variations, which will be
noticed in the ensuing notes.
'¦ Holinshed has amplified this into the following more explicit statement: "My
offence agaynst the queenes highnesse was onely in consent to the device of other, which
nowe is deemed treason ; but it was never my seeking, but by counsell of those who
shoulde seeme to have further understanding of things than I, which knewe little of the
lawe, and much lesse of the tytles to the crowne."

1553-4.] QUEEN MARY. 57
she wrong her handes, in which she had hir booke. Then she sayd,
" I pray you all, good Christian people, to beare rae witnesse that I
dye a true Christian woman, and that I looke to be saved by none
other meane, but only by the raercy of God in the merltes of the
blood of his only sonne Jesus Christ : and I confesse, when I dyd
know the word of God I neglected the same, loved ray selfe and the
world, and therefore this plague or punysliment is happely and wor-
thely happened unto me for ray sins ; and yet 1 thank God of his
goodnesse that he hath thus geven rae a tyrae and respet to repent.
And now, good people, while I am alyve, I pray you to assyst rae
with your prayers."" And then, knelyng downe, she tumed to Feck-
nara," saying, "Shall I say this psalrae?" And he said, "Yea."
Then she said the psalrae of Miserere mei Deus in EngUsh, in raost
devout raaner, to the end. Then she stode up, and gave her raaiden
raistris Tilney'^ her gloves and handkercher, and her book to raaister
Bruges, <l the lyvetenantes brother ; forthwith she untyed her gown.
» Another report of " lady Jane Dudley's speech on the scaffold," somewhat more ver
bose but not so impressive, is printed in Nicolas's Remains, &c. p. 62.
•^ This circumstance, that Feckenham (the new dean of St. Paul's) was attendant
upon her, is suppressed by Grafton, but preserved by Foxe.
' Altered by Grafton, &c. to " her mayden (called mystresse Eleyn) " — that is, her
other female attendant.
^ Grafton altered this " to mayster Bruges, then lieutenant of the Tower ; " and Foxe
says, " maister Bruges" only. The book is supposed to have been the same manual of
English prayers which is now preserved in the British Museum as the MS. Hari. 2342 ;
and which contains the three following notes, the two former it will be perceived addressed
to the duke of Suffolk, and the last to sir John Brydges : —
" Your lovyng and obedyent son wischethe unto your grace long lyfe in this world,
with as muche joye and comforte as ever I wyshte to my selfe, and in the world to come
joy everlasting. Your most humble son tel his death. G. Duddeley.
" The Lorde comforte your grace, and that in his wor(ie, whearin all creatures onlye
are to be comforted. And thoughe it hathe pleased God to take away ij. of your children,
yet thincke not, I most humblye beseach your grace, that you have loste them, but truste
that we, by leasinge this mortall life, have wunne an immortal life. And I for my parte,
as I have honoured your grace in this life, wyll praye for you in another life. Youre
gracys humble doughter, Jane Ddddelev.
" Forasmutehe as you have desired so simple a woman to wrighte in so worthye a
CAMD. SOC. I

58 THE FIRST YEAR OF [Feb.
The hangman went to her to help her of therewith ; then she desyred
hira to let her alone, tummg towardes her two gentlewomen, who
helped her off therwith, and also with her frose paast* and
neckercher, geving to her a fayre handkercher to knytte about her
eyes. Then the hangman kneeled downe, and asked her forgevenesse,
whome she forgave most wUlingly. Then he vnUed her to stand
upon the strawe : which doing, she sawe the block. Then she sayd,
booke, good mayster lieuftenaunte, therefore I shall as a frende desyre you, and as a
christian require you, to call uppon God to encline your harte to his lawes, to quicken
you in his waye, and not to take the worde of trewethe utterlye oute of youre mouthe.
Lyve styll to dye, that by deathe you may purchase eternall life, and remembre howe the
ende of Mathusael, whoe, as we reade in the scriptures, was the longeste liver that was of a
manne, died at the laste : for, as the precher sayethe, there is a tyme to be bome, and a
tyme to dye; and the daye of deathe is better than the daye of oure birthe. Youres, as
the Lorde knowethe, as a frende, Jane Ddddeley."
These passages (fac-similes of the first and last of which are engraved in " Autographs
of Remarkable Persons," 4to. 1829, pl. 19) were evidently written very shortly before the
execution of the noble pair, as is shown by an expression in the lady Jane's address to
her father; and there is every probability in sir Harris Nicolas's conjecture that this book
was employed as the messenger to convey these assurances of duty and affection, when
personal intercourse was denied. The duke of Suffolk was brought back to the Tower
only two days before his daughter's decapitation, and it is possible that she was spared the
additional pain of knowing how imminent his fate also was. From the passage addressed
to the lieutenant, it would further appear that the book, " so worthye a booke," already
belonged to him; if, therefore, it is the same which the lady Jane carried with her to the
scaffold, she would place it in the hands of " maister Brydges" (whether the Ueutenant
or his brother) as returning it to its owner. In some accounts of the lady Jane's last
moments it will be found stated that she gave a book to sir John Gage; this error, into
which Mr. Howard in his Memoir has fallen, arises merely from a confusion of the con
stable with the lieutenant of the Tower, sir John Gage having been erroneously named as
the lieutenant in the description of the manual in the Catalogue of the Harleian MSS.
This interesting relic is a small square vellum book, now in modern binding.
¦* Sir Harris Nicolas (p. xci.) states that, after having taken considerable pains to ascer
tain the meaning of the article here named, he was incUned to coincide with a Uterary
friend who suggested "Fronts-piece." Foxe, however, has it spelt "frowes past," which
is probably " frow's paste," or matronly head-dress : the paste being a head attire worn
by brides, as explained in the glossarial index to Machyn's Diary, p. 463. The term
was thought probably too familiar, if not inapplicable, by Grafton, who altered it in his
chronicle to " her other attyres. "

1553-4.J QUEEN MARY. 59
" I pray you dispatch me quickly." Then she kneeled down, say
ing, " WU you take It of before I lay me downe ? " and the hangman
answered her, "No, madame." She tyed the kercher about her
eys ; then feeUng for the blocke, saide, " What shaU I do ? Where
is It ? " One of the standers-by guyding her therunto, she layde
her heade down upon the block, and stretched forth her body and
said : " Lorde, into thy hands I commende my spfrite I " And so
she ended.

* The same day, within half an hower after, was broght into the
Tower as prisoner, by the lorde chamberlayne and CC. of the garde,
the earle of Devonshfre, or lorde Courtney, by water, who as he
passed by said to the levetenaunt, belik who axed him the cause of
his thither comyng, " Truly, I cannot tell, except I shoulde accuse
myselfe ; lett the worlde judge." This moche was herde by hira then
spoken. This day was ther set upp at every gate of London a galouse, and
at the brige-fote one, in Southwarke ij. pafre, at Leaden-haU one, ij.
in Chepeslde, in Fleetestrete and about Charing crosse iij. or foure
pafre, and in raany other places about the city." In Kent also, and
many places more, ther was raysed gaUowes, a great sorte. That
day and on thursday there was conderapnyd of the rebeUes to the
norabre of CCCC. or thereaboutes. AU the prisons of London was so
fuU that the(y) were fayne to keep the poorest sort, by iiij"^. on a
hepp, in churches. On wednysday following was hanged in sondery
places of the cytey to the norabre of xxvjt« or raore. On thursday,
in Southwarke, and other places of the subburbes, ther was hanged a
greate norabre ; this day, being the xv'" of February, ther was x.
prysoners out of the Tower arrayned and caste, whose names doe
foUowe. (The names were not added.)
Yt was saide that Brett should sale, and Vaughan, at their arayn-
ment, that they ought to have their lives according to the lawe, for,
» MS. f. 29. ' See a full catalogue of these horrors in Machyn's Diary, p. 55.

60 THE I'IRST YEAR OF ' [Feb.
said Brett, " Ther was promised a pardon to me and my companie,
by an heralde in the felde, or els I wolde never have yelded, but
dyed presentlie ; and if the quenes pardon promised by a herald,
which in the felde is as hir owne raouth, be of no value or aucto-
rytye, then the Lord have mercy apon us ! " The like was aUedged
by Cut Vaughan, who as yt is reported said moreover to the lorde
WUliam Poulet, lorde highe treasbrer, sytting ther, (and who)
gave sentence, " Yt forceth not, my lorde, sayeth we shaU go before,
and you shall not be long after us.""
Satersday the xvij'" dale of Februarie the duke of Suffoike was
caried to Westminster and there arrayned, being fetched from the
Tower by the clerke of the cheke and aU the garde almoste ; who at
his going out went out very stoutely and cherftdly enough, but (at)
his coming here he landed at the water gate with a countenance
very hevy and pensyfe, desyring aU raen to praye for him. (The
lorde Courtney, lying in the BeU tower, sawe hira both outwarde
and innwarde.)
"Yt is saide, the erle of Arundell sitting apon him in judgement,
he shoulde saye that yt was no treason for a pere of the reahne as he
was to raise his power and make proclamaclon onely to avoyde
strangers out of the realme ; and therapon he axed the sergeantes
standing by whether yt was not soo or no, which they being abashed,
they could not say yt was treason by eny lawe. Then yt was laidd
to his chardge he mett with CC. men the quenes levetenaunt in
armes, being the erle of Hmitingdon, which was- treason agaynst the
quene, forasmuch as the saide levetenant represented hir own person.
To the which he made answer that he knewe not the saide erle to be
no such levetenant. " But," saith he, " I met hira indede but with
fyftye raen or ther aboutes, and wolde not have shronken from him
" The word " sayeth" is apparently sith, or since; and Vaughan 's intention seems to
have been to pass a refiection on the old age of his judge, and his consequent impending
death. If so, he was much mistaken in his anticipations, as the lord treasurer lived for
one and twenty years after, to the age of ninety-seven.
'• MS. f. 69.

1553-4.] QUEEN MARY. 61
yf I had had fewer." And by theis wordes he confessed himself gUty
of treason. Moreover he partelie accused his brother the lorde
Thomas, who he saide had perswaded him rather to flye into his
country then to abyd, saying, that " yt was to be feared he shoulde
be put agayn into the Tower ; where bemg in his countrey, and
emongst frendes and tenauntes, who dm-st fetch bime ? "
[Further] towching the other artycles laide to his charge, he said,
that he never knewe eny thing therof, saving that once he shold
say at his table over his supper that he wolde undertake, for nede,
onely with C. gentylraen, to sett the crowne apon Courteney's hedd ;
and so he was conderapned and brought back to the Tower agayn.
The sarae dale the quene sett out a proclamaclon " that all straun
gers not bome within hir highnes domynions shoulde, within xxiuj.
daies after the saide proclamaclon, avoide the realme, fredeynses,"
merchauntes known, and the servauntes of enbasadors onely ex
cepted, apon payn of forfeiture of all their goodes, with irapry-
sonraent of ther bodyes, and ther lyves at the quenes plesure, as in
the saide proclaraacion apperith at lardge.
This daye, or the morow following, Alexander Brett, with xx.
other prysoners, wer caried down towardes Kent by the sheryve to
executyon. This Brett at his going out of the Tower embraced
maister Chamberlayn the gentyllman porter, and desyred him to
commend him to sir Thomas Wyat. Then praying all men to pray
for hira, he saide, " And I ara wourthie of no lesse punisheraent then
I do nowe go to suffer, for besyde myn offence I refused lyfe and
grace iij. tymes when yt was offeryd ; but I trust God dyd all for the
¦ A copy of this proclamation is given by Foxe, its principal object having been to
compel the congregations of Dutch, French, and other for^gn Protestants, who had taken
refuge in England during the reign of Edward VI., to quit the country. It describes the
parties intended as " all and every such person or persons borne out of her highnesse'
dominions, now commorant or resident within this realme, of whatsoever nation or coun
try, being either preacher, printer, bookseller, or other artificer, or of whatsoever other
calUng else, not being denizen," &c. (as in the text.) Among those who took refuge
in Germany were many French Protestants; see letter of Simon Renard in Tytler, ii. 312.
' Free-denizens.

62 THE FIRST YEAR OF [Feb.
best for rae, that ray soule might repent, and therby after this lyfe
(attam) to the more raercy and grace in his sight." And so he went
onwarde. On sondaye the xviij'" day of Febmarie ther cam In as prisoner
one {blank)
The sarae day there was proclamacyon made In Chepesyde by a
trompeter, that yf eny raan had eny of the saide rebeUs, or knewe
wher they were, shoulde bringe theym imto the Marshalsee, or elles
yf they were hurt, sicke, or colde not corae ia persons, thefr names
shoulde be brought to the Mershelsee the morrowe foUowinge, apon
payne of dysp(leasure ?)
Mondaye the xix'" dale of Februarie ther went out to be arrayned
at Westrainster sir WiUiam Cobham, master George Cobham,
Thomas Cobham, all being the lorde Cobbam's sonnes, {blank) Wyat,
(a blank space follows) of the which cam home uncondemned sfr
WUUam Cobham and George Cobham, som say as repried ; the rest
being condempned to dye.
This daye a nomber of the erle of Pembroke's men and soldears,
to the nomber of CCC. in armour, and array, vnth thefr dromes,
cam upp Foster lane ; whether they wer goinge to was not knowen.
About this tyme ther went a tale that ther had ben a skyrraysh
betwen the Scotes and Inglysheraen in the north partyes, and that
the Frenchmen had skfrmyshed with sorae of the soldyars at Guynes.
Yt was said allso that the Frenchmen had made a trench before
Guynes ; and that the lorde Graye wrate therof to the quene, desyring
to have some soldyars, » parte of siche as were condempned to be
hanged. Ther was also a saing at this tyrae that the Frenche kinge, who
indede had prepared a great navy apon the sea, to raet, as yt was
thought, the prince of Spayn, had surrenderyd his tyteU of the crown
of France to his son, raeanyng with all his power In person to be
adrayrall of his shipes on the sea for the viadge aforesayd.
At this tyme, or a Utle before, the ladye Elysabeth was sent for of
' Some words not legible are here written ahove the line.

1553-4.] QUEEN MARY. 63
the quene by sir John WilUams, with a great nomber of men, to
com upp from (blank), about xxvij. raUes frora London, to the court
imraedyatly.* And she saying she was very sicke, desyred the said
sfr John Williams to depart, and that she wolde raost willinglye, in
as spedy a manner as she coulde for her sicknes, repayre to the
quenes highnes with hir owne corapany and folkes onely. Many
raen dy versly thought of hir sending for.
Tuesday the xx'" of February the lorde John Graye rode to
Westminster, who having the goot could not go on foote, to be ar
rayned ; whence he cam about ij. of the clock agayn to the Tower,
condempned to dye.
This dale was raaister William Thomas, late clerke of the counseU,
brought into the Tower as prysonner ; so was raaister Winter and
sir Nicholas Throgmorton the same night.
Wednesday the xxj'" of Februarie was brought into the Tower as
prysoners out of the coimtry sfr James Croftes, the lorde Thoraas
Gray, and Ij. other ; the one a spie, the other a post."
Fridaie the xxiij'" of Februarie, an° 1553, the duke of Suffoike
was behedded at Tower hiUe. His wourdes at the comyng on the
scaffolde were theis foUoweing, or moche like : " Good people, this
dale I am corae hether to dye, being one whom the lawe hathe justlie
condempned, and one who hathe no lesse deserved for my dysobe-
dyence against the quenes highenes, of whora I do raoste hurably
" The name of sir John Williams is here a mistake for the lord William Howard.
Three councillors were sent to bring the lady Elizabeth up from Ashridge, lord William
Howard, sir Edward Hastings, and sir Thomas Cornwaleys ; see Tytler, vol. ii. pp. 424 et
seq. and Miss Strickland's memoir of EUzabeth. In the circumstantial but not very accu
rate narrative of the lady Elizabeth's troubles, printed at the end of the third volume of
Foxe's Actes and Monuments, the name of sir Richard Southwell is erroneously placed in
the room of lord William Howard. *
'' " 21 Feb. Richard Mitton esquire, (sheriff of Shropshire,) brought this daye upp the
lord Thomas Graye, Richarde Piddocke, and Robarte Drake, delivered unto him by in
denture berynge date the xv. day of Februarye by the lord presydent and counsell of
Wales; who were comited to the Tower. Sir James Crofts knight was in lyke manner
delyvered by the said master Mitton, and brought upp by him and comytted to the Tower."
Register of the Privy Council.

64 THE FIRST YEAR OF [Feb.
axe forgevenes, and I truste she dothe and wiU forgyve me." Then
maister Weston, his confessor, standing by, saide, " My lorde, hfr
grace hathe allredy forgeven a and praieth for you." Then saide the
duke, " I beseche you all, goode people, to lett rae be an exaraple to
you all for obedyence to the quene and the majestrates, for the con-
trarie therof hath brought rae [to this end "]. And also I shaU most
hartely desire you all to beare me witnes that I do dye a faythefuU
and true christian, beleving to be saved by non other but onely by
allmightie God, thoroughe the passion of his son Jesus Christ." And
nowe I pray you to praie with rae." Then he kneled downe, and
Weston with hira, and saide the saUme of " Miserere mei Deus," and
"In te, Domine, speravi," the duke one verse and Weston an other.
Which don, he dyd put of his gown and his doblet. Then kniting
the kercheve hiraself about his eyes, helde uppe his handes to heaven,
and after laie downe along, with his hedd apon the blocke, whiche at
one stroke was striken of by the hangraan.
This dale ther was housellyd Cutbert Vaughan, Houghe Boothe,
and other.
" " With that, divers of the standers by said with meetly good and audible voice, 'Such
forgivenesse God send thee !' meaning dootoure Weston." Foxe.
" So in Stowe's Chronicle.
*= Foxe's account of " the godly end " of the duke of Suffolk is supported in all import
ant points by the present writer. They coincide as to his distinct expression of reliance
on the Protestant faith ; but whilst the duke is here described as joining with the attend
ant priest (Hugh Weston, successively dean of Westminster and of Windsor), in the repe
tition of the psalm Miserere, Foxe represents him as having twice endeavoured to prevent
Weston from ascending the stairs of the scaffold with him. Both circumstances, however,
may have occurred. It is at least certain that, whatever may have been the ordinaiy
weakness of Suffolk's character, he was as constant in religion as his heroic daughter could
have desired, though subjected to the like zealous attempts which she had endured, and
which were successful over the loose principles of the duke of Northumberland and many
others at this period of trial. This fact is confirmed by the following passage of a letter
of Simon Renard to the emperor, dated the 24th Feb. : " Ce jourduy Ton execute le due
de Suffocq, qui ne s'^est jamais voulu reconnoistre quant a la religion j aiant fait admoneste-
ment au peuple pour non se revolter contre la royne, a laquelle il demandoit mercy,"
Tytler, vol. ii. p. 309.
^ These men were probably among those who were reconciled to the church of Rome.

1553-4.] QUEEN MARY. 65
Satersdaie the xxuij*" daie of Februarie was brought into the
Tower as prysoner sfr Nicholas Arnolde knight,*' sir Edwarde
Rogers, '' and one master Doynett, &c.
This daie Thomas Rampton, a prysoner, and the late duke of Suf
folkes secretarle, was caried into the country to Coventry, ther to be
arained and to suffer death.
Sondaie the xxv"' of Februarye was brought into the Tower pry
soner sfr WUliam Seinctlowe,<= a raan that cam in with a womiderfuU
stoute corage, nothing at all abashed.
This daie, and all the senyght and more before, ther sat in coun
sell in the Tower, apon the exaraynation of the prisonners, sir Robert
Southewell,* sir Thomas Pope, and others.
About this tyrae was the first bruit that the queene wolde kepe the
terme and parliament at Oxforde.
The xxvj'" of Februarye WiUiam Thomas had almost slayn him
self the nighte before, with thrusting himself under the pappes with
a knife.

Foxe has inserted in his great work a paper written by Walter Mantell the elder, another
of the Kentish prisoners, relating the several attempts made on his faith by three priests,
Bourne, Weston, and Mallet, and defending himself from the suspicion of having con
sented to hear mass. It is dated the 2d of March, which seems to have been immedi
ately before his execution in Kent (see p. 66).
^ Sir Nicholas Arnold was compromised by Wyat having named him as the person to
whom WilUam Thomas " first brake " his project of assassinating the queen. He was
detained in the Tower until the 18th Jan. following. In 1556 he was again a prisoner
there (see Machyn's Diary, p. 104.)
^ Holinshed and Foxe erroneously say sir John Rogers. Sir Edward was named by
sir Thomas Wyat as having brought him a message from the earl of Devonshire. He also
was discharged on the 18th Jan. 1554-5. Queen Elizabeth, on her accession, made him
vice-chamberlain and captain of her guard, and in 1560 c(ynptroller of the household, and
he died holding the latter office in 1565.
" Foxe states that sir William Sentlow had been " committed as prisoner to the master
of the horse" on the previous day. See other particulars of his imprisonment in the Rev.
Joseph Hunter's memoirs of him, Retrospective Review, Second Series, vol. ii. p. 319; also
the letter written by the counsellors above named directing his arrest, in Tytler, ii. 314,
'' This is a mistake for sir Richard Southwell. Renard abuses him very much as deci
dedly a secret partisan of Courtenay : Tytler, ii. 338.
CAMD. SOC. K

66 THE FIRST YEAR OF [March,
The same daie ther cara into the Tower one master (blank)
Medley, brother m lawe to the duke of Suffolk. »
Wenisdaie the xxviij'" daie of Febraarye, 1553, Anthonye Knevett,
WilUam Knevett, sir Harry Isley and his cosen, the ij. ManteUes,
George More, and Cuthbert Vaughan, went downe by water in a
bardge towarde Kent, to be putt to deathe.'' Yt is saide that one of
theym, at his going out of the Tower, aunswered to one that tooke
him by the hande, and saide he was very sorie for his death, " WeU,
(quod he,) I thancke you therfore, but this ys God's ordenaunce, and
cause ye have aswel to be sory for yourselves and your coimtry as
for me, for I now shall leave aU wrechednes, and I trust by death to
enter into a better lyfe ; wheras you and others may lyve longer
in moste troblesome trybulacions and overthrowes of this worlde,
passe your dayes in cares and hevy myseryes (without God's help)
which is growing over you ; and yit at the last dye asweU as I, when
ye shaU have, by your lenger lyfe, raoche more to aunswer for in
Goddes sight then and yf you dyed presently with me." And with
suche and lyke wourdes he departed.
This day cam master Honynges "= In as prysoner.
Frydaye, the seconde of Marche, 1553, ther was brought Into the
Tower in the forenone as prysoners (blank), and in the aftemoone sfr
Gawan Carowe and master [WUliam] Gybbes were brought out of
Devonshire as prysoners into the Tower.
• The duke of Suffolk's mother was Margaret, daughter of sir Robert Wotton, of
Boughton Malherbe, and widow of WilUam Medley.
¦¦ Proctor states that sir Henry Isley and Thomas Isley his brother (not cousin, as in
the text), and Walter Mantell, suffered at Maidstone, where Wyat h^ first displayed his
banner. The two Knevetts and another of the Mantells were executed at Sevenoaks.
Brett was hung in chains at Rochester. " Maister Rudston and certain other " (as
Vaughan, see p. 68), who were of the condemned party in the barge on the 27th Feb
ruary, obtained pardon; see Rudston's pardon in Rymer, xv. 373. Sir Henry Isley had
been sheriff of Kent in 34 Hen. VIII. and 5 Edw. VI. as his son William was in 7 Eliz.;
see his pedigree in the Topographer and Genealogist, 1846, vol. i. p. 517. Their heirs
were restored in blood by act of parliament 2 Eliz.
° Probably William Honynges who had been one of the clerks of the signet temp.
Edward VI. and of whom various particulars are collected in the Collectanea Topogr. et
Geneal. vol. vii. pp. 394 — 400.

1553-4.] QUEEN MARY. 67
Satersday the lorde Courtney was removed out of the Bell tower
mto the tower over the gate.
The v"' of Marche cam into the Tower as prysoner one maister
John Fewilliaras* as prysoner.
The vj'" of Marche certayn boyes, some toke Wyates parte and
sorae the quenes, and made a combacte In the feldes," &c.
The ( blank) day of Marche the lorde Thomas Grey, the late duke
of Suffolk's brother, was condempned. He aUedged at the barre that
as God sholde judge his soule he meant none other thing but the
abolyshing of strangers,*^ and yf that were hye treason the Lorde be
mercyfuU, ther were no (?)
At this tyrae came out the artycles to the clergye, wherin the
chefest points were the supreraycye to be lefte out, aucthoritate regia,
and the dysevering of raaryed prestes frora thefr wyves, &c.
Satersday the x'" of Marche master Leonardo Dygges and Nayler
wer brought into the Tower, out of the counter, being condemned.

* " My Lords, in anywise search for the lady Fitzwilliams' second son. It is a great
and marvellous importing, but not hasty or now dreadful, thanks be to God !" Letter of
the commissioners, 25 Feb. Tytler, ii. 314. See the charge made against him in p. 69,
and his release in p. 71.
^ This battle of " Prench-and-English " under a new name, was thought of sufficient
importance by both the imperial and French ambassadors to be noticed in their de
spatches. Simon Renard says, " Some three hundred children assembled in a meadow,
and divided themselves into two bands to play at the game of the Queen against Wyatt, in
which several have been wounded on both sides." (Tytler, ii. 330.) Noailles states
further that the boy who represented the prince of Spain being taken prisoner was hanged,
and narrowly escaped strangulation. The queen ordered the ringleaders to be whipped
and imprisoned for some days. (Ambassades, iii. 130.)
" A- much deeper dye of treason is assigned to lord Thomas Grey in one of the despatches
of M. de Noailles, namely, that, perceiving Courtenay's failure, he had determined to take
his place, and be either king or hung. The passage is as follows : " Le duo de Suffolck
 il s'est retire avecques ses deulx freres, qui sont gens de plus grand esprit et
conduicte que luy ; et ne faicts doubte que millord Thomas, I'un d'iceulx, suyvant ce que
je vous en ay, sire, faict entendre par cy-devant, ne soit bientost pour remuer mesnage; et
comme celuy qui a desclaire a quelqu'un de ses amys et des miens en ces propres mots,
que voyant la faulte que a faicte Courtenay, il est delibere de tenir son lieu, qu'il fault
qu'il soit roy ou pendu," Ambassades, iii. 48.

68 THE FIRST YEAR OF [MaTch,
The same day was a proclamaclon that the Frenche crowne and
the Burgonden crowne to go for vjs. iiijd. and the royaU vs.
Monday the xij'" of Merche Cutbart Vaughan was brought again
out of Kent into the Tower, by the importable " suit of his wife.
This daye Cranmer, the bushop of Canterbury, the late bushop of
London, Ridley, and maister Latemer, went out of the Tower pry
soners towarde Oxforde ; and out of the Fleet went Hoper" with
theyra. The (blank) of Merche the bushope of Yorke <= was at the lorde
chamiceUour's out of the Tower, and ther was deposed of his bush-
opperyke. The same day came Strangwyshe the Rover '' to the court, who
was come from the French king, and had brought with him one shippe
laden with shertes of raayle, and an other laden with other muny
tlon, and submytted hiraself and all to the quenes mercy.
Wenisdaie the xiuj'" daie of Marche, the erle of Bedforde, lorde
prevy seale, chef embassadour, and the lorde Feewater,*^ comraysyon-
ours, sett forwarde m embassed to the king of Spayne, to fetche him
into the realme ; the(y) went westwarde to take shipping at (blank).
They wer accompanyed with sir Henry Sydnye, &c.
The xv'" daye of Merche sir Thoraas Wyat knight was arrayned
at Westminster of freason and rebellyon ; ther sat in comyssyon as
chefe the erle of Sussex, sfr Edward Hastinges, maister Bourne the
secretary, &c.
After his indytement theys, or moche lyke, were his wourdes, as yt
is reported. Towching the saide indytement, some parte therof he de
nyed, and sorae parte graunted : " Nowe," said he, " since I am in
" So MS. perhaps for importunate. Cuthbert Vaughan (whose handsome person has
been noticed in p. 53) had distinguished himself at the siege of Leith in 1547. He was
appointed by king Edward VI. master of his bears, bulls, and dogs. (Strype, Memorials.)
He was released from the Tower, Jan. 18, 1564-5.
'' Late bishop of Gloucester and Worcester. "^ Robert Holgate.
¦' Afterwards condemned to death in 1559 ; see Machyn's Diary.
¦^ Fitzwalter, son of the earl of Sussex. The queen's instructions for this embassy ai-e
in MS. Cotton. Vesp. C. VII. p. 198.

1553-4.J QUEEN MARY. 69
this place to answer for rayself, I will, I trust, pourdg me of al con-
spyring the quenes death, wherof I am gilteles ; and rayne hole intent
and styrre was agaynst the comyng in of strandgers and Spanyerds,
and to abolyshe theym out of this realme. And as for me, thoughe
I beare the name, I was but the Iiij'" or v'" raan. The erle of
Devonshfre wrate unto me by sfr Edwarde Rogers to precede as I
had begon ; but towching the quenes death (saith he), I never con-
cented. The fyrst devysour therof (he saide) was William Thomas,
who brake the matter to master John Fytzwilliams, that he sholde
have done the dede; this FytzwUliaras denyed the sarae; ^ at last he was
half determyned to shewe the same to sir Nicholas Arnolde, and dyd,
who moche dyscoraended the facte, and tolde yt to maister Croftes," who
also tolde it to raaister Wyat ; and they bothe detesting the horry-
blenes of the cryme, the saide Wyate ware, under his long gowne, a
great waster," iiij. or v. dayes hanging at his girdell, as he saide, to
beat the said WiUiam Thomas with, that he wolde have lefte him for
dedd." Being axed why he concealed the same, he saide that he so
dyd was because he knewe hiraself hable ynoughe to have corrected
and restrayned master WilUam Thomas, &c. Towching Courtney
he saide that sfr Edwarde Rogers went betwene Courtney and
bime, and that he sente him worde to procede in the same. Towch
ing my lady Elizabethes grace, he saide, that indede he sent hir a
letter that she shoulde gett hir asfar from the cyty as she coulde, the
rather for hfr saftye from strangers ; and she sent him worde agayn,
but not in wryting, by sir William SeyntloM^e, that she dyd thanlse
'^ i. e. refused to undertake it. ^ Sir James Croft.
'= In the full report of sir Thomas Wyat's arraignment, printed in Cobbett's State
Trials, i. 362 (which is the original of that given by Holinshed, and somewhat fuller iu
its particulars,) the incident of the " waster " is thus more fully described : " Then made
I a cudgel with a hole brent in it, with a whole iron and half a yard of  in it,
and sought John Fitzwilliams a whole day, and could not find him. The next day, I sent
the cudgel by my man, and bade him bob him well, ' for the knave is but a spy, and to
utter it he durst not, and therefore be bold to beat him.' Thus my man carried the cudgel
three days, to have beaten him. By this it may appear how much I abhorred that
practice." (This trial, which is not in the folio collection of State Trials, is stated to have
been derived from the MSS. of Sir Brereton Bourchier.)

70 THE FIRST YEAR OF [March,
him moche for his good wiU, and she wolde do as she sholde se
cause, &c.
The xviij'" of Marche,'' being 1553, the lady EUzabethes grace,
the quenes syster, was conveyed to the Tower from the court at
Westrainster about x'" of the clocke in the forenoone by water ; ac
companying hir the merques of Northampton " and the erle of Sussex.
Ther was at the Tower to receave hir the lord chamberlayne. "^ She
was taken m at the cfrawebridge. Yt is saide when she came in she
saide to the warders and soldears, loking up to heaven : " Ohe Lorde !
I never thought to have come in here as prysoner ; and I praie you
' It was on Palm Sunday, the 18th of March, that the lady Elizabeth was brought to
the Tower. It had been intended to take her there on the day before, but she having
persuaded the lords to allow her to write a letter to the queen, (whieh letter is that printed
in Sir H. Ellis's Second Series, vol. ii. p. 256,) whilst she was so doing the tide was lost
which would have enabled their barge to shoot London Bridge. (See Tytler, ii. 342.) In
the Hari. MS. 419, are preserved some "notes of the lady Elizabeth's troubles," which
formed part of the materials of Foxe's more extended (and perhaps embellished) narrative.
The reader may be glad to see the account there given of this memorable landing at the
Tower, and to compare it with the equally curious account in the text. They will be
found to agree in the main particulars of the princess's behaviour, though they do not
report the expression of her sentiments in absolutely the same words :
" At landing she fyrst stayd and denyed to land ther, neyther well could she onles she
goo over her show (shoe). The lords were goone out of the bote before, and asked why
she came not. One of the lords went bak agayne to her, and brought word that she
would not come. Then said one of the lordes that shalbe nameles, [the lord treasurer is
evidently here meant,] that she shuld not chuse. Because yt dyd then rayne, the same
lord offered to her his clock, which she, puttyng yt back with her hand, refused. So she
comyng out, havyng one foote upon the stayre, sayd, ' Here landeth the truest subject,
being a prysonner, that ever landed at these stayres.' To whom the same lord answered
agayne, that it was the better for her. At her landyng ther was a grett multitude of ther
servants and warders standyng in ther order. ' What neded al this ?' sayth she, ' Yt is
the use,' sayth some, ' so to bee, when any prisoner came thither.' So she comyng toward
the Tower, threise desyred them to beare record that [she] said ' Here cometh the truest
subject that ever came ther."' It should be added that this MS. has marks of reference,
which imply that its passages were intended aa insertions for a narrative previously written :
which was possibly the first draft of that in Foxe.
" This is evidently a clerical error for Winchester, the lord treasurer. The mai-quess of
Northampton was at this time himself a prisoner (see the next page).
' Sir John Gage, who was also constable of the Tower.

1553-4.] QUEEN MARY. 71
all, goode frendes and fellowes, bere rae wytnes, that I corae yn no
traytour, but as true a woman to the quenes majesty as eny Is nowe
lyving ; and theron wiU I take my deathe." And so going a lyttle
further, she sayd to my lorde chamberlain, " What are all theis har
nessyd men here for me ? " and he saide, " No, madam." " Yes (she
said), I knowe yt Is so ; yt neded not for rae, being, alas ! but a weak
woman." Yt is saide that when she was in, the lorde trezerer and
the lorde chamberlain began to lock the dores very straytlye, then
the erle of Sussex, with weeping eyes,'' saide, " What wUl ye doe,
my lordes ? What mean ye therin ? She was a kinges daughter, and
Is the quenes syster ; and ye have no sufficient comrayssyon so to do ;
therfore go no further then your corayssyon, which I knowe what
yt is."
Note, the xxiiij'" of Marche, an° 1553, ther was lett out ^ of the
Tower from emprysonraent the lorde marques of Northampton, the
lorde Cobham, sir WUliam Cobham, master John Fewillyaraes, one
master Culpepper of Bedsbery, raaster Henry Vane, John Harring-
ton,<= (blank) Corbett.'i
» This account of the earl of Sussex's conduct is also confirmed by the anecdotes quoted
in the previous note ; " The satterday when she shuld (have) goone to the Tower, the old
lord of Sussex sayd, that dyvers lordes ther wer of the counsail that were sory for her
trouble. And as for hym, castyng his hands abroad, he sayd in great agony of hart (as it
semed), that he was sory that ever he lyved to see that day."
** Two days after this, when the queen gave audience to the imperial ambassador, she
was forced to make him many excuses for her clemency on this occasion. She stated that
she had yielded to the persuasion of the commissioners employed to examine the
prisoners ; that it had been an immemorial custom that on Good Friday the kings of Eng
land should grant pardon to some of their prisoners ; moreover, that the marquess of
Northampton had returned to the old religion. Renard, however, was dissatisfied that
they should have been let off so easily and so soon. See his letter in Tytler, ii. 348.
'- From this it might be supposed that sir John Harington was mistaken in supposing
that his father remained a prisoner eleven months (see p. 53). But it appears from the
register of the privy council that he was not now released, for on the 24th June sir William
Sentelowe, William Smethwicke, and John Harrington were ordered to be removed from
the Tower to the Fleet, and in Jan. following Harington was bound to " good abearinge "
in C li. previously to his release.
^ This name should be Danett, whose committal see before in p. 65, and who is men
tioned by Renard as one of the eight now released, though Mr. Tytler (ubi supra) sup
posed " Danet " to be the name of Daniel mis-spelt.

72 THE FIRST YEAR OP [April,
The first of ApreU wer created vj. bushops at Saynt Mary Ovaries,
byshops of London and Wynchester, &c.*
Note, the iij. of ApreU the parleraent began, as well at Oxforde as
at Westraynster."
Note, the v'" of ApreU ther was taken vj great fyshes caUed perpose,
in Sussex.
Between easter and the vij'" of ApreU was no notable raatter, but
onley chusinge offycers for the king of Spayn; the master of his
horse beinge master A. Browne. "^ (blank here.)
The lorde of Cardyf swome of his pryve chamber.
The same day was made sir John of Bridges lorde Shandos of
Sudeley, and sir John WUliams lorde [WUUams of Thame, and
sir Edward North baron of Catledge] .
The xj'" of ApreU, being wenysdaye, was sfr Thomas Wyat behed
ded upon the Tower-hiU. Before his comyng downe out of the
Tower, the lorde chamberlayne and the lorde Shandos* caryed
him to the tower over the Watergate, wher the lorde Courtney laye,
and ther he was before Courtney half an hower and more. What
was spoken ys not yet knowen. e Then he was brought out with a
" See Machyn's Diary, p. 58.
^ Pro forma at Oxford, in consequence of the queen's original determination to hold it
there, because of the disturbed state of tlie metropolis.
" See Machyn, p. 59. '' The constable and lieutenant.
= It was afterwards the subject of dispute, the friends of the lady Elizabeth declaring
that he had fully cleared both her and Courtenay; but the court party stating that he had
implored Courtenay " to confess the truth," and consequently acknowledge himself guilty.
The following was a statement made by lord Chandos in the star-chamber : " My lords ,
(quoth he), this is a truth that I shall tell you; I being lieutenant of the Tower when
Wyat suffered, he desired me to bring him to the lord Courtenay; which when I had done
he fell down upon his knees before him in my presence, and desired him to confesse the
truth of himselfe, as he had done before, and to submit himself unto the queen's majesties
mercy." Wyat, clinging to life, was evidently endeavouring to suggest further grounds
for inquiry and consequent delay; and there can be no reason to discredit lord Chandos's
testimony, though Foxe (vol. iii. p. 41) chose to designate it as his " false report against
the lady Elizabeth and lord Courtney," assuming that the character of EUzabeth was
necessarily by implication aspersed, when Courtenay's guilt was intimated. It has now
been ascertained by historical revelations, that Courtenay was certainly privy to the
intrigues of the French and Venetian ambassadors, whilst there are strong suspicions that

1554.J QUEEN MARY. 73
boke in his hande ; and at the garden pale the lorde chamberlayne
tooke his leave of him, and Ukewise master secretarye Bourne, to
whome master Wyat said : " I praie you, sir, pray for me, and be
a meane to the quene for ray poore wife and chilldren ; and yf yt
raight have pleased hir grace to have granted me my lyfe I wolde
have trusted to have don hir such good servyce as shold have well
recompenced rayne offence; but, since not, I beseche God have
raercy on me." To the which master Bourne made no answer. So
he cara toward the hUl, Weston leading hira by the one arrae and
tlie lorde Shandose by the other. When he was uppe apon the scaf
folde he desfred eche man to praye for him and with him, and said
these or raoche-like wourdes in effecte :
" Good people, I ara corae presently here to dye, being therunto
lawfuUy and wourthely condempned, for I have sorely offended
agaynst God and the quenes majestie, and am sorry therfore. I
trust God hath forgeven and taken his mercy apon rae. I be-
syche the quenes majesty also of forgevenes.'' " She hath forgeven
you alfredy," saith Weston. " And let every man beware howe
he taketh eny thinge in hande against the higher powers. Un
lesse God be prosperable to his purpose, yt wUl never take good effecte
or successe, and therof ye may now lerne at me. And I pray God
I may be the last example In this place for that or eny other like.
And whereas yt is said and wysled abroade, that I shoulde accuse
ray lady EUzabeth's grace, and ray lorde Courtney ; " yt is not so,
goode people, for I assure you neyther they nor eny other now
Elizabeth was not ignorant of them (see Tytler, ii. 320 et seq.) ; but no evidence has
occurred to shew that Elizabeth was ever in communication with Courtenay ; nor do
we find that Wyat was confronted with her in the Tower, as some writers have imagined.
" Another statement of sir Thomas Wyat's words (whidh has been published with some
important misprints in Bayley's History of the Tower, Appendix, p. xlix.) is contained in
the MS. Hari. 559, f. 53, as follows :
Verba Thome Wiet militis in hora mortis sue.
Good people, I have confessyd before the quenes majestyes honorable counsayle alle those
that toke parte with me, and were privaye of the conspiracye; butt as for mye ladye Elza-
CAMD. SOC. L

74 THE FIRST YEAR OP [April,
yonder in holde or durance was previe of ray rysing or coraraotyon
before I began ; as I have declared no lesse to the quenes counsaille.
And this is raost true."
Then said Weston at those wordes, interrupting his tale, " Merke
this, ray masters, he sayeth that that which he hathe shewed to
the counsell in wryting of my lady EUzabeth and Courtney ys trae."
And whether Mr. Wyat, being then amased at such Interraptyon, or
whether they on the scaffolde pluct hun by the gown bake or no, yt
is not weU knowen, but without raore talke he tourned him, and put
of his gown and uutrussyd his pointes ; then, taking the (earl of)
Huntingdon, the lorde Hastinges, sir GUes * Stranguesh, and many
other by the handes, he plucked of his doblet and wastcote, unto his
shfrte, and knelyd downe upon the strawe, then laied his hed downe
awhUe, and rayse on his knees agayne, then after a fewe wourdes
spoken, and his eyes lyft upp to heaven, he knytt the handekersheve
himself about his eyes, and a lyttel holding upp his hands sobdenly
laid downe his hed, which the hangeman at one stroke toke from him.
Then was he forthwith quarteryd apon the scaffolde, and the next
day his quarters set at dyverse places, and his hed apon a stake apon
the gaUoss beyond saynte James. Which his hed, as ys reported,
remayned not there x. dayes unstohie awaye."
This day also and the day before the lorde adrayrall and (blank)
went toward the seay, with raany soldeares, all trymed in cotes
and sloppes of whyt and grene, the quenes colom-es.°
bethes grace, and the yearle of Devonnshere, here I take hyt uppon mye deathe that theye
never knewe of the conspiracye, nether of mye fyrst risinge; and as towchinge anye fawlte
that is layd to theyre charge I can not accuse them (God I take in witnes).
Le 11 die Aprilis an" 1554, p'mo an" Marie regine.
" Miscopied Thom. by Stowe.
' Renard says it was taken away on the same day (April 17) that sir Nicholas Throck
morton was acquitted: " Le memo jour on ota la teste de Wyatt, qu'avoit este plante
dessus ung gibet ; qu'est en Angleterre grande crime et schandale." Tytler, ii. 374.
= See a passage corresponding to this in Machyn's Diary, p. 59, and the note on the
Uvery of green and white, ibid. p. 397.

1554.] QUEEN MARY. 75
The morrow following the lorde chancellour, the lorde tresorour,
the lorde chamberlyn, and others (of) the counsyll, was at the Tower
with the lady EUzabeth.
At this tyme was ij. starke knaves * sett on the pillory In Cheape,
for sayinge that Wyat had clered ray lady Elizabeth, &c.
The xvijtli of ApreU, 1554, were ledd to the yelde haU, to be
arrayned, sir Nicholas Thrograorton and sfr James Croftes, master
Robert Winter and Cuthbert Vaughan being also ledd thether to
wytnes against theym ; where that day was no more arrayned but
sfr Nicholas Throgmorton, who tarrying from vij'" of the clock untyll
aUmost V. at night, was by verdyt quitt, wherat mayney people re
joyced. Sir Nicholas Thrograorton's talke at the barre was this :
he pleaded not gUty, and that he was concenting to nothing, &c.
The juries names is'' (left blank), which quit him ; wherefore they
were comraanded to be redy before the counseU at an bower's wam-
ynge, on the losse of v^ U. a pece. On saincte Markes day, being
the xxv"' of ApreU, they were before the counsayll in the starre
chamber, and thence, aboute ij. of the clocke, Whetston and Lucar "=
were sent to the Tower, and the rest to the Fleete, prysoners.
The xx'idj'" day the lorde Thomas Graye'* was behedded at Tower
hiU, who saied, &c.
» The words " starke knaves " are inserted in another hand above those of the original
writer, whioh are scratched away. They seem as if written by some loyal person in Eliza
beth's rei|;n who misunderstood the meaning of the paragraph.
^ Their names are given in Holinshed's chronicle, where all the proceedings of Throck
morton's trial are very fully detailed. It was especially memorable as a rare and almost
unprecedented instance of a state prisoner escaping from the judicial engines of arbitrary
power. Sir Nicholas was indebted for his release to his own high spirit, good tact, and
eloquence, for he was his own advocate; and to the christian courage of the worthy citi
zens who composed his jury. They suffered imprisonmen| for nearly all the rest of the
year, and were then released only on the payment of very heavy fines (see Holinshed, under
the dates of Nov. 10 and Dec. 22). Throckmorton's trial will also be found in the Collec
tion of State Trials, and in Mr. Jardine's interesting volume on that subject.
' Thomas Whetston, haberdasher, foreman, and Emanuell Lucar, merchant-taylor.
"¦ " A proper gentleman,'' remarks Holinshed, " and one that had served right valiantly
both in France and Scotlande, in the dayes of the late kings Henrie and Edwarde.'' He
was buried (says Machyn, p. 61) at AlUiaUows Barking.

76 THE FIRST YEAR OF [May,
The xxviij"' daye sir James Croftes was condempned. He colde
not be fonde of the quest which was warned passmg viij'", so they
were fayne to sende for Hartopp and serten curryars and others.^
The wordes of a Spanyard at Bristowe."
The [19th] daie of Maye the lady EUzabeth was caried out of the
Tower by water to (blank),^ and thence to Woodestoke, wher she
reraayneth as prysoner, safe kept by the lorde WUliams.
The xxv. daie of Maye was the lorde Courtney, In the moming,
convaied to [Fotheringayi], ther as prysoner in safe keping of (blank).
In this raoneth raaster Winter and master Yorke (?) were deU
vered. The xviij. daie of May was master WilUam Thomas drawne to
Tybome, and ther hanged and quarteryd, who saide he dyed for his
country with the three (?) points declared.
The (blank) dale of June the gaUuses^ taken down in London.
The same daye the crosse begon to be new gilted agayn.
This moneth master Thomas Bridges toke apon him the lewete-
nauntship of the Tower.
The ix. day of June the quene reraoved to Richmond.
The x'" day a gon shot at PoUes. *
" The MS. is here not very clear, but the meaning is plainly that only eight of the
jurors originally summoned were willing to convict the accused, and consequently four
other men were sent for. No fuller account of sir James Croft's trial is known to be
extant. He escaped with his life, and was among those released on the 18th Jan.
following. See his memoir in the Retrospective Review, Second Series, vol. i.
'' These words occur at the foot of a leaf, but nothing more of the matter.
' " On Saturday [May 19] at one o'clock in the afternoon, my lady Elizabeth was deli
vered out of the Tower by my lord treasurer and my lord chamberlain, and went to Rich
mond by water forthwith ere she landed; where she shall be attended upon by sundry of
the guard, and some officers of every office in the queen's house, but how long she shall
continue there I know not." Letter of Robert Swyft to the earl of Shrewsbury, in Lodge's
Illustrations. ^ Blank in the MS. Fotheringay is named in Stowe, and see Machyn's Diary, p. 64.
* The gaUows on which the rebels were hung ; they were now cleared away to prepare
for king Philip's public entry ; see Machyn, p. 45.
^ When doctor Pendleton was preaching ; see Stowe, and Machyn, p. 65. The occur
rence is also thus noticed in a letter of Simon Renard, the emperor's ambassador, to his

1554.] QUEEN MARY. 77
The lorde Jolm Gray, the xj'" day, caried to Westminster and
condempned.* At this tyme a bruit of redb.(?) in Stepney, and the ffrst taUce of
the making the bishop of Winchester a cardenaU.
The (blank) daie of Julie ther was a comotion in the towne of
Andewarp agaynst the lordes of the towne.
Thursday the xix'" of Julie, PhiUp prince of Spaine landed at
Hampton, and the raonday foUowing the quene removed to Win
chester to mete hira."

master: "L'on tira, dimanche passe, un coup d'arquebouse contre un predicant catho
lique, estant au milieu de sa predication, a laquelle assistoient plus de quatre mille per
sonnes ; et n'a l'on sceu qui avoit tire le dit coup." Letter dated 14 June, 1554, in^
Tytler, ii. 418.
" Lord John Grey afterwards obtained his pardon, as Holinshed says, " through the
painefull travayle and diligent suite of the ladie Grey his wife ; " and he was released from
the Tower on the 30th of October. His wife was daughter of sir Anthony Browne, K.G.
grand-daughter of the lord chamberlain sir John Gage, and sister to the new viscount
Montagu (see p. 81). By the execution of his brothers lord John Grey became the head
of the family, and from him descends the present earl of Stamford and Warrington. See
further notices of him in Nichols's History of Leicestershire, vol. iii. p. 674.
'• The following stages of the queen's progress, on her marriage journey, are from " Mr.
Robert How's notes in his Almanack of the yere of our Lord 1554," transcribed in the MS.
Hari. 4102, f. 29 b. .
Tuesday the 29 (May) the quene went to Richemonte.
Saterday the 1 6 of June the quene went to Oteland.
Tuisday the 19 the quene came to Guilford.
Fryday the 22 the quene came to Farnham.
Wednesday the 11 of July the quene went to Norton.
Thursday the 12 she went to Waltham.
Fryday the 20 the prince of Spayne landed at Hampton.
Saterday the 22 the quene went to Winchester.
Wednesday the 25, being saynte James day, the quenf maryed the prince of Spayne at
Winchester. Tuisday the 31 the quene and king went to Basing.
Thursday the 2 of August the king and quene went to Reding.
Fryday the 3 of August the king and quene went to Windsor.
Saterday the 22 the king and quene went to Richemont.
Fryday the 17 of August the king and quene cam to Southwark.
Saterday the 18 they went thorough London to Westminster.

78 THE SECOND YEAR OP [Julj?
Note, the sonday before that, on the xv. of July, ther was xij.
cartes laden with treasury out of the Tower towardes Winchester.
The same day a poore maide stoode at PoUes crosse for speaking in
a wall at Aldersgate.^
On saynct James's day, being the xxv. of July, the king and
quene weare marled at Winchester," and from thence they removed
to Basing and to Windesour, and from thence to Richmonde, where
they contynued tiU fridaie the xvij"' of August, at which tyme they
came from Richmonde by water to Southewarke, accorapanied with
the noblemen and ladyes ; the kinge in one barge and she in an other;
and lande at saincte Mary Overyes, at the bushope of Winchester's
place, and ther, after they had drounck, they passed the lytteU parke
into Suffoike place, alias Southewarke place. In which parke they
kiUed by the way certayn buckes, and so rested ther aU night, and
the next day tUl iij. of the clocke at aftemoone, at which hower they
dyd sett forwarde thorowe Southwarke over the bridge, and so tho
roghe London to WhitehaUe, wher they lodged. The arraes at the gate
of the bridge foote was newe gullded, and ther stoode at the drawe-
brldge ij. great Images of glantes holding theis verses (omitted)."
The counduit In Graciouse strete was newe paynted and gUded, and
aboute the winding turred was fynely portrayed the ix. woiirthies
and king Henry the eight and Edwarde the vj'" In thefr tabernacles,
all in complet hamesse, some with mases, some with swordes, and
some with poUaxes in their handes ; all saving Henry the eight,
which was paynted having in one hand a cepter and in tlie other
hande a booke, whereon was wrytten Verbum Dei ; [''but after the king
" See this story at full in Stowe ; also in Machyn, p. 66, and Renard's account in
Tytler, U. 340.
'' See an account of the marriage in the Appendix.
" A full account of these pageants, accompanied by the inscriptions, is contained in
Elder's letter in the Appendix.
^ This passage is crossed out in the MS. as if the writer had been fearful of retaining it.
Foxe relates the same story, with some slight variations, as follows : " King Henry was
painted in harnesse, having in one hand a sword, and in the other hand a booke, where
upon was written Verbum. Dei, delivering the same booke (as it were) to his son king

1554.] QUEEN MARY. 79
was passed, the bushoppe of Winchester, noting the book in Henry
the eightes hande, shortely afterwards called the paynter before him,
and with vUle wourdes caUing hira traytour, askte why and who bad
hira describe king Henry with a boke in his hande, as is aforesaid,
thretenyng him therfore to go to the Flete. And the paynter made
answer, that he thought he had don well, and that no man bad him
do the contrary, " for (sayth he) yf I had knowen the same had
ben agaynst yom- lordeship's pleasure, I wold not so have raade him."
" Nay, (saide the bushoppe,) yt Is agaynst the quenes catholicke pro-
ceedinges," &c. And so he paynted him shortly after, in the sted of
the booke of Verbum Dei, to have in his handes a newe payre of
gloves.] At the ende of Gracyouse street, towardes Leaden hall, was a very
Edward, who was painted in a corner by him. [The painter, it may be remarked, pro
bably derived his idea from the title-page of the great bible of 1539.] But hereupon was no
small matter made; for the bishop of Winchester, lord chancellor, sent for the painter,
and not onely called him knave for painting a book in king Henries hand, and specially for
writing thereupon Verbum Dei, but also ranke traitor and villaine, saying to him that he
should rather have put the booke into the quenes hand (who was also painted there), for
that she had reformed the church and religion, with other things, according to the pure
and sincere word of God indeed. The painter answered and said, that if he had knowne
that had been the matter wherefore his lordship sent for him, he could have remedied it,
and not have troubled his lordship. The bishop answered and said, that it was the quenes
majesties will and commandement that he should send for him : and so commanding him
to wipe out the booke, and Verbum Dei too, he sent him home. So the painter departed ;
but fearing lest he should leave some part either of the book or of Verbum Dei in king
Henries hand, he wiped away a peece of his fingers withall." Foxe's embellishments in
his stories (not to call them perversions,) are now well known : he chooses to tell them his
own way. In the present instance, the presentation of the book to king Edward, and
the wiping out of the fingers, are among his improvements : but the ominous fact of the
bible being painted out, and replaced by a pair of gloves, (as related in the text,) is con
firmed by a third version of the story, as follows : " This jcare the ix. worthies at Graces
church was painted, and king Henry the eight emongest them, with a bible in his hand,
written upon it Verbum Dei: but commandement was geven immediately that it should be put
out, and so it was, and a paire of gloves put iu the place." (MS. Hari. 419, f. 131.) It will
be within the recollection of most readers that on queen Elizabeth's similar triumphal entry
into London, from one of the pageants a real bible was presented to her ; and that she
received it with the warmest manifestations of pleasure and approbation. See the various
chroniclers, and Hayward's Elizabeth, (printed forthe Camden Society,) p. 17.

80 THE SECOND YEAR OP U^J}
fayre pageant, raade by the EstyUiard, of a great bread hanging,
garnyshed raany goodly storyes with images of the [vij. cardinall
vertues a], and ther names wryten under the theater; and then, at
the ende of the pageant, was a highe gatehouse, fayre paynted ; on
the toppe whereof was made the image of a fayre horse and a man in
harnesse rydyng theron, which, (when) the king came by, by a prety
device, was raade to momite and toume ronde about.
At tbe ende of Cornewail," by the stocks, ther was a pageant of a
great heigth, havyng seates, wheron sat iiij. PhUUpes, that was PhU-
lipus rex Macedonise, PhiUipus bonus, PhUlipus imperator, and
PhiUipus audax ; and over them sat, under a rich cloth of estat, in
the toppe of the pageant, PhUlip and Mary, &c.
Beyond the great conduyt was a pageant made Uke a mount,
replenyshed with leaves and herbes, in the toppe wherof was a great
bush of grene byrch and hawthorn, wherein in a seat sat Orpheus
with his harpe, having at his feet theis verses, &c. And about the
lower ende of the mount sat dyverse childern playing of dyverse
instrumentes ; and when the king cam by they carae out of the
raount, as it were dancing, all maner of beastes, as lyons, wulves,
beares, apes, &c.
The crosse of Cheape clean newe gUt ; yt cost a xv'" thorough the
citye. At the lyttell conduit was a very prety pageant, being but sleight,
but raervalelouse fayre, made in raaner of a vyne or tre of roses, the
rote " wherof was lorde (blank), and so at every branches end satt a
childe in a king's or quenes appareU, declarmg the dyssent of the
king and quene, vntyll they came to the toppe, wher they ^ sat both
together in the toppe of the said pageant. From thence the king
* These vjords are struck through with a pen.
^ So the MS. for CornhiU. In Elder's pamphlet in the Appendix the same corruption
occurs. ' i. e. root.
¦^ i. e. the king and queen. This was a favourite way of representing pedigrees in gene
alogical rolls, and adopted in the Jesse windows of churches.

1554.J QUEEN MARY. 81
went to PoUes and offered. At the conduit in Fleet street
was also a very handsom pageant made in raaner of a castell,
havinge the armes of all chresten realmes, and very prety poses,* &c.
Over the gate at Teraple barre was paynted Ij. raen of  bignes*
havyng in their handes a table, wherin was wrytten theis sen
tences, &c.
Note, ther was ij. swordes caried before theyra, and ij. horses ledd
after theym. At their going thorogh London non apperyth . . . ," &c.
At the coronation Vashan ....
The quene removed the (blank) day of August to Hampton Court.
At this tyme the French king retyred.
At this tyme ther was so many Spanyerdes in London that a
man shoulde have mett In the stretes for one Inglisheman above iiij.
Spanyerdes, to the great discomfort of the IngUshe nation. The
haUes taken up for Spanyerdes.*
About this tyme ther was half a rysing at Ypswych in Suffolk.
In September the noblemen dyd axe licence to repayre every
man into his contry, whether for avoiding their expences or any
other cause ys as yit unknown.
The king's wordes for the ryding of the garde at his coming aland.
His words towching the nobillyty."
The (blank) of September f sfr Anthony Brown dyschardged of the
mastership of the horse for the king, and so made a lorde by the
narae of the lorde Mountacute.
Brought Into the Tower uij out of Suffolk for an insurrecion ther,
and certayn executed.
The v'" of September a talke of xij thousand Spanyardes coming
more into the realme, they said to fethe ^ the crowne.
» i. e. verses. '' Obscurely written in MS.
' These %vords are very obscure in the MS.
^ i. K. they were lodged in the halls of the city companies. All this passage is crossed
out in the MS.
' These are hints of matters not trusted to paper.
' Stowe says the 2d September, Machyn the 6th.
8 fetch?
CAMD. SOC. M

82 THE SECOND YEAR OP [Sept.
The vj'" of Septeraber, or theraboutes, ther was cut of m the
king and quenes howsehold fr-om the comraon ordenarie above xxij.
raeasse of raeat, by reaport.
At this tyrae ther was a talk that the bishopryk of Canterbury
and metropolytaneship of Ingland (because a Spanysh frere lay there)
was geven to a Spanysh frere ; and the lorde WUliams was out of
his chamberlenshipp, and secretary Petre out of his office, and that
the lord tresorer had geven the quene Basing.
M*. that the x'" of September ther was a ruraour that my lorde of
Westmerlande and other kept a counsaiU at Yorke, and that the erle
of Pembroke, the erle of Sherysbury, and the erle of Westmerlande
were proclajrmed traytours at the courte at Hampton."
At this tyme wer the newe coynes, with the doble face,* devised
by sir John Godsalve and Thoraas Egerton.
Fryday the xiiij'" of September were sett out by the bushope of
London to be enquired of thoroughe out his diocesse by iuj substan-
ciaU persons therto by him appoynted, in every warde, a boke con
taining Cxxvj artycles, aswell towching the raysderaeynour of the
clergie as the layety." (Note, to arapliefy yt.)
The last daie of September 1554, the bushoppe of Winchester
preched at Poules crosse, and there brought him to the crosse the
bushope of London with his crosyar staf before hime. Ther sate
under the lorde mayre the erle of ArundeU and aU the Peter
Bourne mates * and aU the counsayle. The effecte of the bushopes
» This passage is also crossed out in the MS. probably because the rumour proved to be false.
** i. e. with the two profiles of the king and queen.
' See an account of these " Articles" in the Typographical Antiquities, Dibdin's edit.
vol. iv. p. 392. The first thirty-seven (those whioh relate to the clergy) are printed by
Burnet, Hist, ofthe Reformation, vol. ii. Records to Book II. number 15.
•* These words are doubtful : if correctly read, they mean the fellows of secretaries
Petre and Bourne. Foxe enumerates as present " all the counsel that were at the
court, namely, the marques of Winchester, the earle of Arundell, lord North, syr Anthony
Browne, maister Rochester, maister Walgrave, maister Englefield, lord Fitzwaters, and
secretary Peter; and the byshopes of London, Duresme, and Ely, which three sat under
the byshop 's armes." Some account of the sermon will be found in Foxe: " saying that
all the preachers almost in kyng Edwardes tyme preached nothing but voluptuousnesse.

1554.] QUEEN MARY. 83
sermon was all of charytye ; he deceanded of heresy preched at that
place ; he spake of tales at the counsayll at York ; he praysed the
king and his domynions and riches, and wUled all so obedyently to
behave themselves that he might tary stUl with us, &c.
Apon tuesday the ij'^. of October ther cam to the Tower in twenty
Carres made for the shewe, accompanyed with certeyn Spanyerdes
of the king's garde, uij^ xvij. lytell chestes* of a yard long and iiij.
ynches brode, of syUver, which wUl mak by estymacyon 1. thousand
pounde. and filthye and blasphemous lyes," &c. &c. This report is scarcely credible ; the follow
ing notes of the same sermon, which remain in manuscript among Foxe's papers (MS.
Hari. 425, p. 118), are of a tamer complexion : —
" The notes of a sermon made by the bishope of Wynchester at Powles crosse the laste
daye of September, 1554.
" First, he prayed for the kynge and quen and for fruite of them ; second, for the spirialty ,
in especialle for the byshope of London, with the rest of the clergie; then for the nobylete
and comens of the same ; thirdly, for the sowles departyd and yeate remayne, havinge
nead of our prayers, to receave that which God hathe preparyd for them; and so sayd a
shorte prayer.
" The Gospell of Mathew, 22 chap. ; * Then the scribes and feresis came to him,
tempting him,' &c. And so the hole gospell in Latin, and afterwards in Englishe. It
hathe bin the exersis of the scribes and farases allwayes to tempt Christe, and to soke some
vauntage, as now among mani ; one dyd a question, not to learne but to tempt him.
" The question is a great question, that is, to knowe the cheviste and grCatiste com
mandment. In thes scribes and pharesis is the natuer of mani men disoribyd, that is, to
serche and knowe hie things, and to reson and dispute of that wherof they have no under-
standinge. " Christe answerithe them with two commandmentes, and saithe : Thou shalt love thy
Lord God with all thy herte, with all thy sowle, with all thy mynde: this is the first
and chefyste. Ther is another like unto this. Thou shalte love thy neybowr as thy
sealfe, &c.
" Here do we learne that God owght to he worshepyd and obeyd with all owr hert,
sowle, and mynde, and all owr doings must be so directyS as maye declare the goodnes
and glorye of God."
» Instead of fourscore and seventeen chests, Stowe has made this 27 chests in each cart.
Foxe, who has also chronicled this arrival, says, " It was matted about with mats, and
mayled in little bundles about two feet long and almost half a foot thick, and in every
cart sixe of those bundles." All the authorities, including Machyn, p. 69, agree in the
number of twenty carts.

Table showing the heirs female in remainder to the Crown, named in
the Will of Henry VIII. and the Devise of Edward VI.

King Henry the Seventh
had issue

King Henry the Eighth,
father of,

by Katharine
of Arragon,
The lady Mary,
set. 38 in 1653.

by Anne
Boleyne, I 

Margaret queen of Scots,
great-grandmother of
king James the First.

The lady Elizabeth,
set. 20 in 1653.

r

The lady Frances,
duchess of Suffolk,
set. 36 in 1553.
 L

Mary queen of France,
mother of,
by Charles Brandon,
duke of Suffolk,
 -.  ^
The lady Eleanor,
countess of Cum-

The lady Jane,
ait. 17 in 1553.

The lady Katharine.

"1

The lady Mary.

berland, died 1 547.
'  1
The lady Margaret.

Queen Elizabeth, when she died in 1603, in the 70th year of her age, was the survivor
of all these ladies.
The duchess of Suffolk, having been remarried to her servant Adrian Stock esquire,
died in 1559.
The fate of the lady Jane is detailed in the present volume.
Her sister the lady Katharine, having been rejected by her betrothed husband the lord
Herbert of Cardiff, secretly united herself to the earl of Hertford in 1561, and died a state
prisoner in 1567. Her eldest descendant and representative is the duke of Buckingham
and Chandos.
The lady Mary (following rather the example of her mother's alliance with Adrian
Stock than the apparently more hazardous steps of her sisters,) demeaned herself by a
secret match with Thomas Keyes the queen's seijeant porter in 1565, but her punishment
was no less, for she was also a prisoner so long as her husband Uved, that is, until 1571;
she died, without issue, in 1578.
The lady Margaret was married in 1555, with queen Mary's sanction, to Henry lord
Strange, afterwards the fourth earl of Derby, and died in 1596. Her eldest heir of blood
is believed to be the earl of Jersey. — See " Royal Descents, a Genealogical List of the
several persons entitled to Quarter the Arms of the Royal Houses of England. 1845." 4to.
Of the descendants of Margaret queen of Soots there were living in 1553 : 1. her
granddaughter Mary queen of Scots, then in her llth year, and affianced to the Dauphin
of France; 2, her daughter Margaret countess of Lennox, then in her 38th year; and 3.
Henry lord Derneley, the elder son of the countess (afterwards married to the queen of
Scots), then in his 8th year.
The claim of the queen of Scots, as coming of the elder sister, was not forgotten by the
emperor, who attributed the French king's favour towards the proceedings in England to
the circumstance of " monsieur le Dolphin having the daughter of Scotland," and conse
quently wishing to set aside the daughters of Henry VIII. Letter of the Commissioners
at Brussels, 20 July.

APPENDIX.

I. The WILL OF King Edwakd the Sixth, and his Devise for
THE Succession to the Crown.
I have stated in the note at page 4, that besides the letters patent of the 21st of June
1553, which were designed to place the lady Jane next in succession to the Crown, there
are two other documents extant, exhibiting the earlier stages of this daring effort of North
umberland's policy. Having subsequently, by favour of the Hon. Society of the Inner
Temple, examined the original documents seen by bishop Burnet and Strype, I take this
opportunity to give a more exact account of them. The " devise for the succession,'' in
king Edward's own handwriting, will especially claim further consideration than has
hitherto been bestowed upon it, on account of some very remarkable peculiarities, both of
its original construction and its subsequent modification.
By way of introduction it may be remarked, that several acts of parliament ^ passed
in the reign of Henry VIII. had encouraged the theoiy that the succession was in the
sovereign's power of appointment. By the 28th Hen. VIII. it was limited to the issue
that might arise from his marriage with queen Jane (Seymour), and in default thereof i
was enacted " that your highness shall have full and plenar power and authority to give,
dispose, appoint, assign, declare, and limit by your letters patent under your great seal, or
else by your last will made in writing, and signed with your most gracious hand, at your
only pleasure, from time to time hereafter, the Imperial Crown of this Realm." By the
35th Henry VIII. the ladies Mary and Elizabeth, though both then illegitimate by former
acts of parliament, were placed next in succession in default of issue of their brother or
further issue of the king, but both their titles were to be " with such conditions as by his
highness shall be limited by his letters patent, under his great seal, or by his majesty's last
will in writing, signed with his gracious hai.d;" and on the faUure of all the three children
and their issue the successi. n of the crown in reversion or remainder was to be limited by
the king's appointment as before, according to the terms of the act 28 Hen. VIII. already
recited. In conformity with the enactment of his 35th year, king Henry the Eighth made
a will, and by that will the crown was to devolve, 1. on his son Edward and the
heirs of his body ; 2. on his own heirs by queen Katharine (Parr) or any other future
wife; 3. on his daughter Mary; 4. on his daughter Elizabeth; 5. on the heirs of the
body of his niece the lady Frances ; 6. on those of her sister the lady Eleanor ; 7. to
the next rightful heirs. In the event of either the lady Mary or the lady Elizabeth marrying
" Sir Harris Nicolas has given abstractsof these acts of parliament in the notes appended
to his memoir of lady Jane Grey.

86 APPENDIX.
without the consent of the privy council, they were respectively to be passed over as if
dead without lawful issue.
These, then, formed the precedents on which the duke of Northumberiand assumed that
the succession might again be modified by the act of the reigning monarch, expressed by
letters patent and by a last will,— to be confirmed by act of pariiament, as the opportunity
for such ratification might arrive.
The main difference of king Edward's devise from king Henry's settlement consUted in
the total exclusion of his two sisters." In the exclusion of the descendants of his aunt
Margaret queen of Soots, on whom the crown ultimately devolved after the lapse of half a
century, he merely followed the precedent of his father's will.
Another remarkable feature of the devise is this, that, as originally drawn, it contem
plated only a male successor. It will be remembered that England had as yet obeyed no
reigning Queen ; and that the empress Maud and Margaret countess of Richmond had
been instances of heiresses living whilst their sons sat on the throne. Henry VIII. had
indeed bequeathed the crown in contingent remainder to his daughters ; but, after them,
the next remainder created by his will was to " to the heirs of the body of the lady
Frances " his niece, not to the lady Frances herself. Thus the duchess of Suffolk had
been already passed over by Henry VIII. as she was now again by king Edward. Fol
lowing the like scheme throughout, all the other female heirs were passed over in favour
of their male issue not yet born. Now, it was an extraordinary circumstance in the state
of the Blood Royal at this period, that, whilst the living descendants of Henry the Se
venth were (exclusive of the Scotish line,') seven in number of the female sex, there
was not one male except king Edward himself. (See the Table prefixed to these remarhs.)
It was this fact that conferred genealogical importance, in the political speculations of the
time, onthe earl of Devonshire, as a male descendant of king Edward IV. and on cardinal
Pole, as the male descendant and representative of George duke of Clarence.
The first limitation of king Edward's settlement was, to the lady Frances's issue male,
boru before the king's death, and in default of such issue to the lady Jane's heirs
male. This arrangement would have fully answered the duke of Northumberland's
ambitious views, had king Edward survived the birth of a son to the lady Jane. In
that case the infant would have succeeded to the crown immediately on king Edward's
death, and Northumberland would have been grandfather of the actual monarch.
But the rapid decline of the king's health did not allow time for this project to arrive
" They are not even named in the king's devise : but in the final settlement, or letters
patent, their title as founded on their father's will is first recited, and then declared inad
missible on these three grounds, — 1. their illegitimacy ; 2. their being of half-blood to the
king ; 3. the probability of their marrying a stranger born out of the realm.
i" Henry the Eighth had already preferred the descendants of his aunt the queen of
France to those of her elder sister the queen of Soots, who were considered as debarred
from the inheritance as aliens by birth. In contrast to which, it was " called to our
remembrance " (i. e. of king Edward) that the daughters of the lady Frances and the lady
Eleanor were " of the whole blood and naturall-born within the realm."

THE LIMITATION OF THE CROWN. 87
at maturity. It became necessary to name some existing person as an immediate successor,
and to terminate an arrangement, which, designating only a future and unborn heir,
might have the effect of placing the crown in abeyance. Under these circumstances, the
obvious course would have been to prefer the lady Frances, she being the first in order
of the heirs female already nominated. This did not suit Northumberland's purpose.
It would have had the effect of transferring his own power into the hands of the duke of Suf
folk, the lady's husband. Besides, the duchess of Suffolk was still a young woman (she was
seventeen months younger "^ than queen Mary,) and might Uve long. She might even
yet have a son, if not by her present by a future husband, and thus totally exclude North
umberland's posterity.
The next altemative was to appoint the lady Jane to be the positive heir to the throne.
This was actually done, by altering the words
.  " to the L' Janes heires masles,"
into " to the L' Jane and her heires masles."
In the king's autograph " devise " a pen is drawn through the letter s, which still
remains on the paper, and the words " and her " are written above the line. The
duke of Northumberland's immediate object, namely the succession of the lady Jane, was
thus attained ; and, for consistency's sake, her sisters the ladies Katharine and Mary were
placed in the like condition of personal inheritance, in the letters patent, though this does
not appear in the devise; whilst the lady Margaret was inconsistently passed over, as
in the devise when first written, and (like the lady Frances) was named only as conveying
a contingent reinainder to her male issue.
It is obvious that the duke of Northumberland undertook a task which had many diffi
cult stages before it could result in success. In the first place he had to reconcile the king
to his views, next the council, thirdly the lawyers, fourthly the parliament, fifthly, and
above all, the nation. In the first of these endeavours he had, so far as we know, little or
no resistance: the king, probably chiefly influenced by religious arguments, not only assented
to his minister's suggestions, but exercised his personal authority to coerce the council
and the lawyers. How the project was carried with these parties we are informed, by the
apology of archbishop Cranmer,'' and by the respective narratives of secretary Cecill and
chief justice Montagu. ¦= With a parliament, as parUaments were then, there can be little
doubt of its success had it come to the trial. With the nation, when the struggle arrived,
the duke's failure was entire, for no minister was ever more unpopular, or more universally
hated, than this " tyrant " as he was called," the merciless " bear of Warwick." Besides,
» The lady Frances was born 16 July 1517 (Lodge's Illustrations, i. 27.) She was now
therefore thirty-six ; and lord Orford was wrong in supposing her " not past thirty-one,"
in his remarks cited by Nicolas, Memoir of Lady Jane Grey, p. cviii.
*> Printed in Strype's Life of Cranmer, Appendix, No. Ixxiv., and in the Parker Society's
edition of Cranmer's Works, vol. ii. p. 442.
¦= References to these have been already given in p. 4.
' Among various proofs of this feeUng see particularly the " Epistle of poor Pratte,"
printed hereafter. We find Noailles attributing queen Jane's ill-success rather to the

88 APPENDIX.
such was the people's sense of justice, and so entirely was their opinion of hereditary right
involved in that sentiment, that even the most devoted Protestants were, from their
conscientious loyalty, among the most faithful supporters ofthe lady Mary.
To return to the mode of procedure in framing the legal settlement, as evidenced by the
existing documents. The flrst step must have been some dictation to the youthful
monarch, either in a written or oral form. The next step was the king's drawing out,
entirely with his own hand, " My devise for the succession " (the document which fol
lows). The third step, — after the alterations we have already considered and others had
been made, — ^was to make a fair transcript : this was done by secretary Petre, and the
king added his signature to each of the six paragraphs. This authenticated copy was then
delivered " to certain judges and other learned men,'' that they might prepare the settle
ment accordingly. At the same time an engagement was entered into, by which the
council pledged themselves, by their signatures,"^ to support the said limitation of the
Crown, and to punish any person attempting to vary or swerve from it (see this document
hereafter). Lastly, the letters patent were duly drawn, and executed on the 21st of June,''
in the form hereafter printed, pp. 91 — 100.
King Edward proceeded further, to prepare minutes for his last Will : these also were
transcribed by secretary Petre, and the transcript in his handwriting is preserved in the
same repository with the foregoing.
In the conviction that more accurate copies of these very important documents than
it was customary to edit in the days of Burnet or Strype, will be acceptable to historical
inquirers, I have transcribed them with great care. The first is the king's ** devise,"
in which the reader will please to observe that all words printed in Italic type are those
which in the original have the pen drawn through them, and that the parentheses denote
the words inserted above the lines.

people's hatred of the overbearing duke than to their love for Mary — " toutes ces choses
sont advenues plus pour la grande hayne que l'on porte a icelluy due, qui a voulu tenir
un chacun en craincte, que pour I'amitie que l'on a a ladicte royne." Ambassades, ii. 80.
" The document says seals also, but the seals were not added (unless, indeed, it was
executed in duplicate).
'' The French ambassador Noailles, who was in the confidence of the Protestant party,
wrote home to his master on the 26th June, that the king had made his will nine
days before— viz. on the 17th, four days before the actual date of the letters patent.
Noailles had probably received an account of the councU meeting at whieh the
king propounded his devise. — 26 June 1555. " II y a aujourd'huy neuf jours que
le roy vostre bon fils et frere feit son testament, par lequel il ordonne et veult, par
sa derniere volunte, que sa couronne tumbe a Jeanne de Suffolck, comme je vous ay
cy-dessus escript, [no former intimation of the fact or intention is preserved in Noailles's
letters,] et le parlement de Hoestcemestre a este remis jusques a la fin du mois de
Septembre, qui est, comme je pense, pour confirmer sesdictes dispositions." Ambassades
de Noailles, ii. 49.

THE LIMITATION OF THE CROWN. 89
King Edwardes devise, entirely autograph.
(MS. Petyt 47, f. 317.)
My deuise for the succession.
1. For lakke of issu {masle) of my body {to the issu {masle) cumming
of thissu femal, as i haue after declared). To the L Franceses heires
masles, For lakke of (if she have any) such issu (befor my death} to the
L' Jane* (and her) heires masles, To the L Katerins heires masles, To the
L Maries heires masles, To the heires masles of the daughters wich she "
shal haue hereafter. Then to the L Margets heires masles. For lakke of
such issu, To th'eires masles of the L Janes daughters. To th'eires masles
of the L Katerins daughters, and so forth til yow come to the L Margets
(daughters) heires masles.
2. If after my death theire masle be entred into 18 yere old, then he to
have the hole rule and gouernauce therof.
3. But if he be under 18, then his mother to be gouuernres til he entre
18 yere old, But to doe nothing w*out th'auise (and agremet) of 6 parcel of
a counsel to be pointed by my last will to the nombre of 20.
4. If the mother die befor th'eire entre into 18 the realme to be
gouuernedby the cousel Prouided that after he be 14 yere al great matters
of importaunce be opened to him.
b. If i died w^out issu, and ther were none heire masle, then ihe L
Fraunces to he (gouuernres) regit. For lakke of her, ihe her eldest
daughters^ and for lakke of them the L Marget to he gouuernres
after as is aforsaid, til sume heire masle he home, and then the mother of
that child to he gouuernres.
6. And if during the rule of the gouuernres ther die 4 of the counsel,
then shal she hy her letters cal an asseble of the counsel wHn on month
folowing and chose 4 more, wherin she shal haue thre uoices. But after
" " she," i. e. the lady Frances (duchess of Suffolk) , whose three living daughters, Jane,
Katharine, and Mary, have now been enumerated.
*> " the her eldest daughterB,'' sic MS. probably for then hei eldest daughter, — i. e. the
lady Jane. There is nothing in the letters patent corresponding to this clause ; for it was
rendered unnecessary when the arrangement had been admitted that the lady Jane should
immediately succeed in the event of her mother having no son at the time of King
Edward's decease. Still, as appears from the king signing " in six several places," there
were six paragraphs in the fair copy of the devise.
CAMD. SOC. N

90 APPENDIX.
her death the 16 shal chose emong themselfes til th'eire come to
(18 erased) 14 yeare olde, and then he hy ther aduice shal chose the.^

Engagement of the Council and others to maintain the Succession
as limited hy the King.
(MS. Petyt 47, f. 316. In the handwriting of secretary Petre, the signatures
all autographs.)
Edward. (Signature)
Wee whose names be underwrytten, having hertofore many tymes harde
the kinges mat^ our most gracious soveraygne lordes earnest desire and
expresse commawndment toching the limitation of the succession in the im-
periall crowne of this realme and others his majesties realmes and dominions ;
and having seen his majesties own devise toching the sayd succession, fyrst
holly wrytten with his most gracious hande, and after copied owt in his
majesties presence, by his most high commawndment, and confirmed with
the subscription of his majesties own hande, and by his highnes delyveryd to
certayn judges and other lerned men, to be wrytten in full order : Doo, by
his majesties speciall and absolute commawndment, eftsones given us, agree,
and by these presentes signed with our handes and sealed with our scales,
promys by our othes and honours to observe, fully performe, and kepe all
and every article, clause, brawnche, and matter conteyned in the sayd wryting
delyveryd to the judges and others, and subscribed with his majesties hande
in six severall places ; and all suche other matter as his majestie by his last
will shall appoynt, declare, or commawnd, toching or concerning the limita
tion of his sayd imperiall crowne. And wee do further promys by his
majesties said commawndment never to varie or swarve, during our hefes,
from the sayd limitation of the succession : butt the same shall to the utter
most of our powers defende and mayntayne. And if any of us, or any other,
shall att any tyme herafter (which God forbydd) varye from this agreement
or any part thereof, wee and every of us doo assent to take, use, and repute
hym for a breaker of the common concord, peax, and unite of this realme,
" This clause, though erased in the king's draft, will be found retained in the letters
patent, but the council was to consist of thirty instead of twenty members.

THE LIMITATION OP THE CROWN. 91
and to doo our utmost to see hym or them so varying or swarving, punisshed
with most sharpe punisshment, according to their desertes.
T. Cant. T. Ely, Gang.
Wynchester. Northubrland. J. Bedford. H. Suffolk.
W. NoRTHT. H. Shrewesbury. F. Huntyngdon. Penbroke.
E. Clynton. T. Darcy. G. Cobham.
R. Ryche. T. Cheyne.
John Gate. William Petre. Joan' Cheek.
W. Cecill. Edward Mountagu. John Bakere.
Edward Gryffyn. John Lucas.
John Gosnold.

Letters Patent for ihe Limitation ofthe Crown.
From the transcript of Ralph Starkey in the MS. Hari. 35, f. 364, which is preceded
by this title : " A true coppi of the counterfet wille supposed to be the laste wille and tes
tament of kinge Edwarde the Sixt, forged and published under the Great Seale of
Englande by the confederacie of the dukes of Suffoike and Northumberlande, on the be
halfe of the Lady Jane, eldest daughter to the said duke of Suffoike, and testefied with the
handes of 101 of the cheife of the nobilliti and princepall men of note of this kingdome ;
dated the 21 day of June an". 1553 ; " and followed by this memorandum : " This is a
true coppie of Edward the Sixte his will, taken out of the originall under the Greate
Seale, which sir Robart Cotton delyvered to the kinges majestie the xij* of Apprill 1611,
at Roystorne, to be canseled."
Edward.
Edwarde the Sixt, by the grace of God kinge of Englande, Fraunce, and
Ireland, defender of the faith and of the church of England and also of Ire
land in earth the Supreme Head, to all our nobles and other our good
loving faithfuU and obedyente subjects greeting in our Lord God everlastinge.
Forasmuch as it hath pleased the goodnes of Almightie God to visit us with
a longe and werie sickenes, wherby wee doe f*le our selfe to be with the
same partly growen into some wekenes, albeit not doubteing in the grace
and goodnes of God but to bee shortly by his mightie powre restored to
our former helth and strength, and to lyve here in this transitory world and
life such and so long tyme as it shall please God to stand with his most
godly providence and determinacion, wherunto we doe with all our hart

92 APPENDIX.
moste humbly, wholy, and clearlye submit ourselfe ; and callynge nowe to
oure rememberance howe necessarye a thinge it is [to] have the estate of the
emperiall crowne of these our noble realmes of England and Ireland, and
our tytle of Fraunce, and the dominiones and marches of the same, to be
so contynued and preserved as the same be not destitute of such a heade
and governer as shalbe apte and meete to rule and governe the same our
realmes and other our dominiones for the quiete preservacion of the com
mon welth of our good lovinge and faithfuU subjects ; which sayd emperiall
crowne, together with all the tytles, honoures, preheminences, and heredita
ments therunto belonging, did lawfully discend and come by good, juste,
right, and lawfull tytle and course of inheritance in fee simple to our late
and moste deare father of worthie memorie kinge Henry the Eight, beinge
lawfull and true inheritore therof in fee simple by the auntient lawes,
statutes, and customes of this realme ; and notwithstandingk that in the
tyme of our sayd late father, that is to saye, in the xxxv*^ yeare of his
raigne, ther was then one estatute made, entitled. An Acte concerninge the
Establishment of the King's Majesties succession in the Imperiall Crowne
of this Realme, wherby it is enacted, that in case it should happen our sayd
late father and us, then beinge his only sone and heire apparent, to decease
without heires of our bodye lawfully begotten, to have and inherite the said
impei'iall crowne, and other of our said late father's dominiones, accordinge
and in such manner and forme as in the said Acte made in the said xxxv*
yeare is declared, that then the said imperiall crowne, and all other the
premysses specified in the said Acte, should be in the ladye Mary, by the
name of the ladie Mary our said late fatheres daughter, and to the heires of
the bodye of the said ladye Mary lawfully begotten, with such conditiones as
by oure saide father shoulde be lymetted by his letteres pattentes under his
great seale, or by his laste will in writyng signed with his hand ; and for
default of such issue the said imperiall crowne and other the premisses
should be to the lady Elizabeth, by the name of the ladie Elizabeth our
said late father's second daughter, and to the heires of the bodye of the
said lady Elizabeth lawfully begotten, with such condiciones as by our said
late father should be lymetted by his lettres pattents under his great seale,
or by his laste will in writinge, signed with his hande, as in the said Acte
made in the said xxxv''' yeare of our said late father's raigne, amongest diveres
and sondry other things and provisyons therin contayned, more playnely

THE LIMITATION OF THE CROWN. 93
and at large it doth and may appeare. And for asmuch as the said lymy-
tacion of the imperiall crowne of this realme, beinge lymmited by authorite
of parleament as is afforesaid to the said ladie Mary and ladie Elizabeth,
beinge illegitemate and not lawfully begotten, forasmuch as the mariage
had betweene our said late father and the lady Katherine, mother to the
said lady Marye, was clearly and lawfully undone, and separatione betweene
them had by sentence of divorse accordinge to the ecclesiasticall lawes ;
and likewise the mariage had betweene our said late father and the lady
Anne, mother to the said ladie Elizabeth, was also clearely and lawefuUy
undone, and separation betweene them had by sentence of divorse accordinge
to the ecclesiasticall lawes ; which said severall divorsements have bene seve
rally ratefyed and confirmed by authority of diveres actes of parleamente
remaininge in their full force, strength, and effecte ; wherby as well the said
lady Marye as also the said ladie Elizabeth to all intents and purposes are
and be clearly disabled to aske, claime, or challenge the said imperiall crowne,
or any other of our honores, castelles, manores, lordeshipes, lands, tenements,
and hereditaments as heire or heires to us or to any other person or persones
who soevere, aswell for the cause before rehearsed, as also for that the said
lady Mary and lady Elizabeth be unto us but of the halfe bloud, and ther
fore by the auntyent lawes, statutes, and customes of this realme be not in
heritable unto us, although they were legitimate, as they be not indeed.
And forasmuch also as it is to be thought, or at the leaste much to be
doubted, that yf the said lady Mary or ladie Elizabeth should herafter have
and enjoy the said imperiall crowne of this realme, and should then happen
to marry with any stranger borne out of this realme, that then the same
stranger, havinge the governemente and the imperiall crowne in his hands,
would rather adhere and practice to have the lawes and customes of his or their
owne native countrey or countreyes to be practised or put in ure within this
our realme, then the lawes, statutes, and customes here of longe time used,
wherupon the title of inheritance of all and singular our loving subjects doe
depend, which would then tende to the utter suljversion of the comon-welth of
this our realme, which God defend. Upon all which causes and mat-
TERES, and upon diveres other consideratyons concerninge the same, wee have
oftentymes, aswell sithence the tyme of our sickenes as in the tyme of oure
helth, wayed and considered with our selfe, what wayes and meanes were
moste convenyent to be had for the staye of our said successyon in the said

94 APPENDIX.
imperiall crowne, yf it should please God to call us out of this transitory
lyfe havinge no issue of our bodye lawfully begottone. And callinge to our
remembrance, that the ladie Jane, the ladye Katherine, and the ladie Marye,
daughters of our entirely beloved cosen the ladie Fraunces, nowe wife to
our lovinge cosene and faithfuU counsellor Henry duke of Suffoike, and the
ladie Margarete, daughter of our late cosene the ladie EUeonore deceased,
sister of the saide ladie Frauncis, and the late wife of our welbeloved cosen
Henry earle of Cumberland, being very nigh of our whole bloude, of the
parte of our father's side, and being naturaU-borne here within the realme,
and have ben also very honorably brought upe and exercised in good and
godly learninge, and other noble vertues, so as ther is greate truste and hope
to be had in them that they be and shalbe very well inclined to the advance
ment and settyng forth of our comon welth ; We therfore, upon good deli
beration and advise herein had and taken, and haveinge also (thankes be to
the livinge God) our full, whole, and perfect memory, doe by these presents de
clare, order, assigne, limett, and appointe that yf it shall fortune us to decease
havinge no issue of our body lawefuUy begotten, that then the said imperiall
crowne of this our realmes of England and Ireland, and of the confynes of
the same, and our tytle to the crowne and realme of Fraunce, and all and
singular honnores, castelles, prerogatyves, privelyges, preheminences, autho
rities, jurisdictions, dominions, possessions, and hereditaments to us and our
said imperiall crowne belonginge, or in anywise appertaininge, shall, for lacke
of such issue of our bodye, remayne, come, and be unto (1) the eldest
SONNE of the bodye OF THE SAID LADY FrAUNCIS, LAWFULLY BE
GOTTONE, BEINGE BORNE INTO THE WORLD IN OUR LYFETYME, and to
the heires males of the bodye of the said eldeste sonne lawfully begotten, and
so from Sonne to sonne as he shalbe of auncienty in birth, of the bodie of
the said lady Frauncis lawfully begotten, beinge borne into the world in our
lyfetyme, and to the heires males of the bodye of every such sonne law
fully begotten ; And for defaulte of such sonne borne into the world in our
lyfetyme of the body of the said lady Frauncis lawfully begotten, and for
lacke of the heires males of the bodie of every such sonne lawfully begotten,
that then the said imperiall crowne, and all and singular other the premisses,
shall remayne, come, and be, (2) to the ladie Jane, eldeste daughter of
the said ladie Frauncis, and to the heires males of the said bodye of the said
ladie Jane, lawfully begotten ; And for lacke of such heires males of the bodie

THE LIMITATION OF THE CROWN. 95
of the said lady Jane lawfully begotten, that then the imperiall crowne and all
and singulerother the premyses shall remaine, come, and be unto (3) the l ady
Katherine, second daughter of the said ladie Frauncis, and to the heires
males of the bodie of the said ladie Katherine lawfully begotten ; And for lacke
of suche heire male of the bodie of the said ladie Katherine lawfully begotten
that then the imperiall crowne, and all and singuler other the premisses, shall
remayne, come, and be (4) to the ladie Marye, thirde daughter of the
saide ladie Frauncis, and to the heires males of the bodie of the saide ladie
Marye, lawfully begotten ; And for defaulte of such heires males of the bodie
of the said ladie Marye laste before named, lawfully begotten, that then the
said imperiall crowne, and all and singuler other the premisses, shall remaine,
come, and be unto (5) the eldeste sonne of the bodie of the
FOURTH DAUGHTER OF THE SAID LADY Frauncis, and to the hcires
males of the body of the same eldest sonne lawfully begotten, and so from
sonne to sonne as well of the bodie of the said fourth daughter as from
sonne to sonne of the bodie of any other daughter of the said ladie Fraunces,
lawfully begotten, as the same other daughter and her said sonne shalbe of
auntienty in birth, and to the heires males of the body of everie such sonne
lawfully begotten ; And for defaulte of such sonne, and of the heires males of
the body of every such sonne lawfuUy begotten, that then the said imperiall
crowne and all and singuler other the premisses shall remaine, come, and be
to (6) THE ELDESTE SONNE OF THE BODYE OF THE LADY MaRGARETE,
daughter to the ladie Eleanore, sistere to the said ladie Fraunces, lawfully
begotten, and to the heires males of the bodie of the same eldeste sonne
lawfully begotten, and soe from sonne to sonne as he shalbe of auntientye
in berth of the body of the said lady Margarete lawfully begotten, and to the
heires males of the said bodie of every such sonne lawfully begotten ; And
for defaulte of such heire, that then the said imperiall crowne and aU and
singuler other the premisses shall remaine, come, and be to (7) the eldeste
SONNE OF THE BODY OF THE ELDESTE DAUGHTER OF THE SAID LADY
Jane, lawfully begotten, and to the heires males of the bodye of the same
eldest Sonne lawfully begotten, and so from sonne to sonne as he shalbe of
auncienty in byrth, of the bodie of the saide eldest daughter of the said lady
Jane lawfully begotten, and to the heires males of the bodie of every such
sonne lawfully begotten ; and for lacke of such heire that then the said
imperiall crowne, and all and singuler other the premisses, shaU remaine,

96 APPENDIX.
come, and be to the eldest sonne of the bodie of the seconde daughter
ofthe said ladie Jane lawfully begotten, and to the heires males ofthe body
of the same eldest sonne lawfully begotten ; and so from sonne to sonne as
well of the body of the second daughter of the said lady Jane lawfully
begotten, as from sonne to sonne of the bodies of any other daughter of
the said lady Jane lawfuUy begotten, as the same other daughter and her
said sonne shalbe of auncientie in berth, and to the heires males of the
body of every such sonne lawfuUy begotten ; And for defaulte of such sonne,
and of the heires males of the body of every such sonne lawfully begotten,
that then the said imperiall crowne and all and singuler other the premisses
shall remaine, come,, and be unto (8) the eldeste sonne of the body
OF THE ELDEST DAUGHTER OF THE SAID LADY KaTHERINE lawfully
begotten, and to the heires males of the body of the said eldest sonne lawfully
begotten, and soe from sonne to sonne as they shall be of auncientye in
berth, of the body of the said eldest daughter of the said lady Katherine
lawfully begotten, and to the heires males of every such sonne lawfully
begotten ; and for lacke of such heires that then the said imperiall crowne
and all and singuler other the premisses shall remaine, come, and be unto
the eldeste sonne of the body of the seconde daughter of the said lady
Katherine lawfully begotten, and to the heires males of the bodye of the
said eldeste sonne lawfully begotten, and so from sonne to sonne as well
of the body of the said lady Katherine lawfully begotten, as from sonne
to sonne of the bodye of any other daughter of the same lady Katherine
lawfully begotten, as the same other daughter and her said sonne shalbe of
auncientie in berth, and to the heires males of the body of every such sonne
lawfully begotten ; And for defaulte of such sonne, and of the heires males of
the body of every such sonne, lawfully begotten, that then the said imperiall
crowne and all and singuler other the premysses shall remaine, come, and
be (9) TO THE ELDESTE SONNE OF THE BODY OF THE ELDESTE DAUGH
TER OF THE SAID LADY Marye, sister to the said ladie Katherine, and to the
heires males of the body of the same eldeste sonne lawfully begotten, and so
from Sonne to sonne as he shalbe of auncientie in berth, of the body of the
said eldeste daughter of the said lady Mary, sister to the said ladie Kathe
rine, lawfully begotten, and to the heires males of the body of every such
Sonne lawfully begotten ; and for lacke of such heire that then the saide
imperiall crowne, and all and singuler other the premisses, shall remayne,

THE LIMITATION OF THE CROWN. 97
come, and be to the eldeste sonne of the body of the second daughter of the
said lady Mary, sister to the said ladie Katherine, lawfuUy begotten, and to
the heires males of the bodye of the same eldest sonne lawfully begotten,
and so from sonne to sonne as he shalbe of auncientie in berth, as well of the
bodye of the saide seconde daughter of the said lady Marye, sister to the said
lady Katherine, lawfully begotten, as from sonne to sonne of the bodie of any
other daughter of the said ladye Mary, sister of the said ladie Katherine,
lawfully begotten, and to the heires males of the bodye of every such sonne
lawfully begotten ; And for defaulte of such sonne, and of the heires males of
the bodye of every such sonne lawfully begotten, that then the said imperiall
crowne, and all and singuler other the premisses, shall remaine, come and be
(10) TO THE eldeste SONNE OF THE BODY OF THE ELDESTE DAUGHTER
OF THESAID FOURTHDAUGHTER OFTHE SAID LADY FrAUNCIS lawfully be
gotten, and to the heires males ofthe bodye of the same eldeste sonne lawfully
begotten, and so from sonne to sonne as he shalbe of ancientie in berth, of the
body of the said eldeste daughter of the said fourth daughter of the said lady
Frauncis, lawfully begotten, and to the heires males of the bodye of every
such Sonne lawfully begotten ; and for default of suche sonne, and of the
heires males of the bodie of every suche sonne lawfully begotten, that then
the said imperiall crowne, and all and singuler other the premysses, shall
remaine, come, and be (11) to the eldeste sonne of the body of the
ELDESTE daughter OF THE BODY OF THE SAID LADIE MaRGARETE
lawfully begotten, and to the heires males of the bodie of the same eldeste
Sonne lawfully begotten, and so fronj sonne to sonne as he shalbe in ancientye
in berth of the bodye of the said eldeste daughter of the said lady Margarete
lawfully begotten, and to the heires males of the bodie of every suche sonne
lawfully begotten. And our mynde, determinacion, and pleasure is,
that if after our decease any such heir male as is before declared, and being
kinge of this realme, be entered into eighteene yeares of age, that then he shall
have the whole rule and governance of the said imperiall crowne, and other the
premisses ; but yf after the decease of the said lady Jane, lady Katherine,
and lady Marye, to whom as appertaineth the estat of the crowne, such
heire male lymyted and appoynted as aforesaid be under the age of seven-
teene yeares complete, that then his mother to be the governor of the said
imperiall crowne, and other tbe premysses, untyll the said heire male shall
enter his age of eighteene yeares, and that she shall doe nothinge without
CAMD. SOC. O

98 APPENDIX.
the advise of sixe persons, parcell of a counsell to the numbere of xxx
persons, to be appointed by us in our laste wille ; and yf the mother of
such heire malle, lymited and appointed as is afforesaide, shalbe deceased
before any such heire malle shalbe entytled to have the said imperiall
crowne, and other the premysses, or shall dye before the same heire malle
should enter into his age of eighteene yeares, as is afforesaid, that then the
said imperiall crowne, and other the premisses, shalbe govemed by the
counsell ; provided alwayes, that after the said heire malle shalbe of the
age of xiiij. yeares complete, all matters of importance shall be opened and
declared unto him ; And yf duringe the rule of the said mother, beinge
governor as is afforsaid, it shall fortune iiij. of the counsell to dye, that
then she by her lettres shall have authoritye to call an assemblie of the
whole counsell remaininge, within one month then next foUowinge, to chose
iiij. more to be of the said counsell, to make uppe the said counseU of xxx.
persons, in which choyse she shall have only iij. voyces ; but after her deathe
the xxvi. of the said counsell of xxx persons shall chuse so many persons
to be of the said counsell as shall with themselves make up the said coun
sell to the said numbre of xxx. persons ; provided alwaies that the said
heire malle, when he shall come to the age of xiiij. yeares, shall chuse,
by the advise of the said counsell, so many to be of the said counsell
as shall then want of the said numbre of xxx. persones to make upe
and fulfille the said numbre of the said counsell of xxx. persones. And
wee will that this our declaracion, order, assignemente, lymetacion, and ap-
pointemente, be truly observed, performed, and kepte in all things ; and
further, we will and charge all our nobles, lords spirituall and temporall,
and all commoners of these our said realmes and the marches of the same,
upon their aUegiance, that they and every of them doe performe and execute
this our present declaracion and lymetacion concerninge the succession of
the crowne of these our said realmes, and other the premysses ; and to see
this our said declaracion and lymetacion concerninge the same established,
ratefyed, and confirmed, as weU by authoritye of parleamente as by all
waies and meanes as they can, to the beste of their poweres; and to
represse, reforme, repeale, and make voyde aU actes of parlement and aU
other thinges that shaU seeme or be in any wise to the contrary, lett, or dis
turbance of theis our pleasure and appointement, as they wiU answere
affore God, tender the comon-welth of these our realmes, and avoide our

THE LIMITATION OF THE CROWN. 99
indignation and displeasure ; and in witnes that this is our very true mynde
and intent touchinge the successyone of our said imperiall crowne and all
other the premisses, wee have hereunto sette our signe manuall and our
greate seall the xxj"' daye of June, in the 7"^ yeare of our raigne, in the
presence of our counsellores and other our nobles, whose names are under
written, to witnes, recorde, and testefye the same.
T. Cant'. T. Ely, Cane. Winchester. Northumb 'land. Jo. Bedford.
H. Suffolk. W. North'ton. Arundell. Oxynforde. H. Westmerland.
F. Shrewesbury. John Warwyk. W. Worcester. F. Huntington. Pen-
broke. E. Clinton. T. Darcy. Nic. London. Henry Aburge. G. Cob
ham. WUlam Grey. G. Talbott. T. Fitzwauters. WiUiam Windesor.
J. Bray. Thomas Wentworthe. John St. John. R. Riche. William
Willoughby. Francys Russelle. J. Fytzwarin. G. Fitzgerald. H. Strange.
Thomas Gray. Chenye. Will'm Bu . . . Richard Cotton. John Gate.
Wilham Petre. W. Cecill. John Cheek. Roger Cholmeley. Edward

From the manner in which the signatures of this important document are written in
the book which contains the only known transcript of it, there is some difficulty in distin
guishing the classes of persons who were summoned to sign it, particulariy among the
latter signatures. In the early names, however, they appear to follow the true precedence
in which they were affixed to the original. They may be distributed in classes as follow.
CfrecU Officers of State and Peers. The archbishop of Canterbury (Cranmer), the lord
chancellor (Thomas Goodrick bishop of Ely), the lord treasurer (the marquess of Win
chester), the great master of the household (duke of Northumberiand), the lord privy seal
(earl of Bedford), the duke of Suffolk, the marquess of Northampton, the earls of Arun
del, Oxford, Westmeriand, Shrewsbury, Worcester, Huntingdon, and Pembroke, the lord
admiral Clinton, the lord chamberlain Darcy, the bishop of London (Nicholas Ridley),
the lords Abergavenny, Cobham, Grey of Wilton, Windsor, Bray, Wentworth, Rich, and
Willoughby of Parham.
JElder sons of peers. The earl of Warwick son of the great master, lord Fitzwalter
son of the earl of Sussex, lord Talbot son of the earl of Shrewsbury, lord St. John of
Basing son of the lord treasurer, lord Russell son of the lord privy seal, lord Pitzwarine
son of the earl of Bath, lord Fitzgerald heir to the forfeited earldom of Kildare (to
which he was soon after restored), lord Strange son of the earl of Derby.
The younger brother ofthe dulce of Suffolk. Lord Thomas Grey.
Officers of the household. Sir Thomas Chenye treasurer, sir WUliam (Cavendish trea
surer of the chamber ?) sir Richard Cotton comptroller, sir John Gates vice-chamberlain.
Secretaries of State. Sir William Petre, sir William CecUl, and sir John Cheke.
Judges. Sir Roger Cholmeley chief justice of the king's bench, sir Edward Mountague

100 APPENDIX.
Mountague. Henry Bradschawe. John Bakere. Homfre Browne. Henry
Portman. Robert Bowes. Jo. Masone. R. Sadler. Ric. Sakevyle.
Edward Northe. A. Sentleger. WiUiam Paget. Tho. Wrothe. Henry
Sydney, Morris Barkley. N. Throgmorton. Rye. Blount. Henri Gage.
Ric. Southwelle. John Williams. Henri Norres. Antoni Browne. James
Dyer. John Gosnold. WiU. FitzwUliam. Will'm Croke. Henry NeviU.
George Barnes, mayre.
John Gresham. Andrew Judde. Ric. Dobbys. W. Damselle. Au
gustin Hinde. John Lambarde. Thomas Offley. WiU'm Garrard. Law-
rance Wether. Edward Rogeres. Adrian Poinings. p me WiUiam
Huett. R. Bret, p me William Chester. Antony Broune. John
Raynford. Ro. Sowthwell. By me Thomas Lodge. Thomas Bowere.
Emanuel Lucar. John Wither. Wm. Bury. Richarde Mallorye. Henry
Fisher. Xp'ofore Dawntesey. Ric. Chamberlyn. Henry Broune. Richarde
Hilles. WiUiam Knight. WiUiam Gyfford. Ric. Broke. W. Bury.
chief justice of the common pleas, Henry Bradshaw chief baron of the exchequer, sir John
Baker chancellor of the exchequer, sir Humfrey Browne justice of the common pleas, sir
William Portman justice of the king's bench, sir Robert Bowes master of the rolls.
The hinges serjeant. James Dyer.
The solicitor-general. John Gosnold.
Privy councillors. Sir John Mason, sir Ralph Sadler, sir Richard SackviUe chanceUor
of the court of augmentations, sir Edward North, sir Anthony Sentleger, sir William
Paget, sir Richard Southwell.
Knights of the hinges privy chamber. Sir Thomas Wroth, sir Henry Sydney, sir Maurice
Berkeley, sir Nicholas Throgmorton, sir Richard Blount, sir Henry Gage.
The lord mayor. Sir George Barnes.
Aldermen {six). Sir John Gresham, sir Andrew Judd, sir Richard Dobbs, sir Augustine
Hinde, sir John Lambard, sir Thomas Offley.
The hing''s sheriff of London and Middlesex. Sir William Garrard.
Sheriffs, — of Surrey, sir Anthony Browne; of Kent, Sir Robert Southwell.
Merchants of the stap>le (six"), and merchant adventurers (six), as stated by Stowe (see
before, p. 2.) In one or other of these characters attended sir William Hewitt, sir William
Chester, sir Thomas Lodge, then or afterwards aldermen.
We miss the names of the attorney-general Edward Gryffyn and John Lucas master
of the requests, which are among the signatures in p. 91, attached to the engagement
made in the king's presence. The former retained his place in the service of queen Mary.

KING Edward's last will. 101
King Edward's Minutes for his Last Will, as transcribed hy
Secretary Petre.
(MS. Petyt 47, f. 416.)
These minutes contain only the less important items intended for the king's Will. It was
probably proposed to combine them with a recital of the arrangements stipulated by
the Letters Patent, and with a nomination of the executors or council who the king
states in his Devise were to be appointed by his Last Will.
To bee conteyned in my last will, as parcell thereof : First, thatt during
the yong yeres of any my heyre or successour, my executours shall nott
agree to enter into any warres, except uppon occasion of invasion to be made
by enemyes : nor, to the best of ther powers, shall suffer any quarell to be
onjustly pyked by our subjectes wherof any warre may ensue.
Seconde, our sayd executours shall nott suffer any peece of relligion to
be altred, And they shall diligently travayle to cause godly ecclesiasticall
lawes to be made and sett forthe : suche as may bee agreable with the
reformation of relligion now receyved within our realme, and that doone
shall also cause the canon lawes to bee abolished.
Thyrdly, our sayd executours shall nott only follow the devises allredye
begoon and agreed uppon for the payment of our debtes, butt also by other
good meannes devise for the spedie payment of our sayd debtes.
Fowrthly, they shall consider to bee discharged all superfluous charges,
bothe in th'excessive expenses of our howshold and chamber, and in the
overgreatt number of cowrtes, by uniting the same according to the statute
provided in thatt behalf, and.^uch other superfluous charges.
Fyftly, my wdl is, that my sistars Mary and Elizabeth shall follow
th'advise of my executours, or the more part of them, in ther mariages. And
if they so doo, and will be bownde to lyve in quiett order, according to our
appoyntment, and as by our sayd executors shall bee appoynted, we will,
thatt they, and eythar of them, shall have of our gift one thousande powndes
yerly, by way of annuite owt of our cofers. And if they doo marry by
th'advise of our sayd executors, or the more part of them, then we will
thatt eythar of them shall have towardes ther mariages, of our gift, ten
thowsande powndes, over and above the money for ther mariages given by
our father's bequest.
Syxtly, our pleasure is, thatt our sayd counsaylours shall nott agree to

102 APPENDIX.
give any landes or tenementes to any person in fee-simple or fee-tayle other
than excheted landes : nother shall they grawnt any landes in fee-ferme, nor
annuitees, butt only to suche as have served us, and eyther hadd charge ofv"
'men in the felde, or have hadd charge of some sort uppon our fronty ours, or
have hyn captaynes of shippes uppon the sees (or shall serve our succes
sour for the tyme being in some place of speciall trust :) * nor any leasses
in reversion to any, other than to the servantes of our successour for the
tyme being.
All our debtes to be payd with as moche speed as may be.
AU injuries, if any have byn doone, to be recompensed ; and the parties,
ther heyres, or chyldren, recompenced, according to equite and good justice.
The coUege of S. Jones in Cambrige to have of our gifte in landes c". by
yere, towardes the mayntenaunce of ther charges.
A new college to be erected, to be endowed in landes to the dooble yerly
rentes of the sayd coUege of S'. Jones, to be buylded upp and made by dis
cretion of our executours, within the space of vij. yeres.
The grawnt made to the maior and cytey of London tochinge the Savoy
and landes therof to be performed.
All such as have hadd grawnt of us of any landes, offices, or fees, to en
joy our grawnt.
All such as have payd ther moneys uppon any bargayn for landes, to
have ther bookes and bargaynes performed.
To bee bestowed in high wayes, and to the power {i. e. poor), by discretion
of our executours, the summe of {blank).
The king my father's tombe to be made upp.
Monumentes to bee made of the burialles of E. the iiij. and H. the vj"'.''
¦ The words in italics are erased, and those in the parenthesis substituted.
*¦ This, as well as in the preceding item, alludes to a non-executed clause in the will of
his father King Henry : who, after directing his own tomb at Windsor, which was then
" weU onward and almoost made therefore alredye, with a fayre grate about it," to be com
pleted, adds, with reference to two of his predecessors interred in Saint George's Chapel,
" Also we will that the tombes and aultars of king Henry the vj. and also of king Edward
the Fourth, our great-uncle and graunt-father, be made more princely in the same places
where they now be, at our charges." AU these directions were finally disregarded.

103

APPENDIX II.
Circular letter to the lieutenants of counties, announcing
THE accession OF THE LADY JaNE TO THE CrOWN.
Cecill, in the " submission " and apology which he presented to queen Mary on his
meeting her at Newhall, (a document preserved in the MS. Lansdowne 104, and printed
in Tytler's Edward the Sixth and Mary, vol. ii. p. 192,) alleges, " 7. 1 eschewed the
wrytyng of the Quenes highnes bastard, and therfore the duke wrote the lettre himself
which was set abroode in the realm."
The very paper here alluded to, wholly in the writing of the duke of Northumberland,
is now preserved in the Lansdowne MS. 3, art. 24. It is now printed with all its
erasures and interlineations, the former shown by Italic types, the latter by parentheses,
and the reader will thus be enabled to follow the thoughts of the wily politician in its
composition : —
Ryght trusty and ryght welbeloved cousen. We grete yo" well.
Adutising y« same that where yt hathe pleasyd (allmighty) God to
call to his mercy out of this lyffe o"' deereste cousyne the Kinge
yo"* late souayne L. By reason wherof And suche ordenacf as the
sayd late Kinge dydd establishe in his lyffe tyme for the securyte
and wellthe of this Realme, we are enteryd into o"" rightfuU pos-
sesyo of this kingdo as by the (laste wyll^ of o"" sayd derest cosen
o'' late pgenyto' and other) seuall instrumetf to that affect, signed
w' his owne handf, and sealyd w' the greate seale of Enyland {this
Realme '') in his owne psence. And the same beinge allso subscribyd
If' the handes of the moosie pte of the nobles ofo^ Realme. (Where
unto the nobles of this Realme for the most pte. And all o'^ Coun-
» By inserting this passage the duke assumed the existence of a Last Will. So far as
we know, there was no such document, other than the Letters Patent, to which we find
several writers concurring in applying the term " Will." Northumberland probably
thought it convenient to adopt that term, because the country was already familiar with
the fact that the Last Will of Henry VIII. had been legalised as limiting the succession.
No doubt the Letters Patent were, almost from the first, spoken of as king Edward's
Will, as Cranmer so wrote of them in his Apology to queen Mary.
" Here will be observed an attempt of the duke to give the great seal of " this Realme "
an authority of its own, rather than merely its legitimate authority as testifying the will
of the sovereign. This reliance upon the great seal was the very error which was fatal
to him : see the note in p. 17.

104 APPENDIX.
cell & Judges w' the mayor and alldermen of o"" cytty of London,
and dyus other greate officeres of this o'' Realme of England, have
allso subscribed theyr names,) as by the same wyll & instrumetf
yt may more evydently (& playnly) apere. We therfor do yo" to
understand that by thordynaunce and sufferaunce of god, the the
hevenly Lorde.^ And by th'assent and consent of o"" sayde noble.s,
and councellors and others before specyfyed. We do this daye
mak o"" entry into o"^ tower of Londo as RightfuU quene. of this
Realme and have accordingly, sett forthe. o"^ pclamatos. to all o""
lovinge subiectf of the same, a (gyveinge theym therby to under
stand) theyr dutys of aledgeaunce w'= they now of Right owe unto
us (as more amply by the same yo" shall brefly pceyve & under
stand) nothinge doubtinge Right trusty & Right welbelovid Cousen
in yo^ aprovide fydelite and trust but ytyo" wyll indevour yo'' sylffe
in all thingf . to the uttmoste of yo"" powre (nat only) to deffend
and (o"^ just title and possesyon but allso to) assyst us in o'' right-
full posessyon of this kingdome and fexiyrppe to disturbe, repell
and resyste the fayned and (untrue) clayme of the lady Mary.
basterd dough? to o"^ sayde derest Cousen and progenitor great
unckle Henry the eight of famous memory. Wherin as yo" shall
do that w<= to yo'' hono'^ truthe and duty apertayneth. so shall we
remfe [the] same, unto yo" and yo'^^, accordingly. Willing and
requir' all. At o'' mano'' &c.
Indorsed by lord Burghley,
12 Julij 1553. first copy of a I're to be wrytte fro y^ lady Jane,
wha she ca to y« Tower, wrytte by ye Duk of Northufela.
Two copies of this letter, having the sign-manual of " Jane the quene"
prefixed, are in existence :
1. In the Lansdowne MS. 1236. It is the copy preserved by secretary
> This alteration of the name of " God " to " the heavenly Lorde," is not wholly un
deserving of observation, because the latter expression was considered most acceptable to
the Protestants. Bishop Gardiner, when examining a prisoner, is represented by Foxe
as speaking contemptuously of such as had " the Lord " always in their mouths. In the
letter as finally sent out, the expression was " the heavenly Lord and King."

QUEEN jane's CIRCULAR LETTER. 10.5
Cecill, who has indorsed it subsequently with these fatal words, " Jana no
Regina." It is thus dated :
" Yeven under our signet at our Toure of London the x"^ of July the
first year of our reign."
And thus directed, " To our right trustie and right welbeloved cousyn
and counsellor the lorde marques of Northampton, lieutenante of our
counties of Surrye, Northampton, Bedford, and Berkshire."
The only alteration from Northumberland's draft, excepting the shght
variation of expression in allusion to the Deity already mentioned in a note,
is the following addition, continuing the authority of the persons to whom
it was addressed :
" And our further pleasure is that you shall continue, doo, and execute
every thing and thinges as our lieutenant within all places, according to the
tenor of the commission addressed unto you from our late cousyn king
Edwarde the sixte, in such and lyke sort as if the same had been, as we mynde
shortely it shall be, renueedd and by us confirmed under our great seal to
you." This copy was edited by Sir Henry EUis in the Archaeologia, vol. xviii.
p. 269.
2. The other copy was certainly sent into the county of Surrey, and is
preserved among the archives at Loseley House. The date is written
by a different hand to the body of the document, and is the llth not
the 10th of July. The direction is thus, " To our right trusty and
right welbeloved cousyn and counsellour tbe marques of Northampton, our
lieutenant of our county of Surrey, and our trusty and welbeloved the
deputies of that lieutenancye, and the sheriff and chief justices of peas and
the worshypfuU of that shire." From this copy the letter was printed in
ElUs's Original Letters, First Series, ii. 183 ; in Nicolas's Memoir of Lady
Jane Grey ; and (somewhat less correctly) in Kempe's Loseley Manu
scripts.

CAMD. SOC.

106 APPENDIX III.
List of State Papers of the reign of Queen Jane.
No documents belonging to the reign of queen Jane are inserted in Rymer's collection
of Poedera, &c. ; but as several are extant, and are scattered about in various printed
books, it is proposed here to assemble a complete catalogue of them. If the register of
the privy council during its sittings in the Tower, under the authority of queen Jane, had
been preserved, it would have fumished the best index to the state proceedings of the
time ; but, as no traces of its existence are apparent in our historical collections, it is
probable that the whole was cancelled, and the register of queen Mary's council,' from its
first sittings in Norfolk, adopted as the record of the legitimate rulers of the state.
Sir Harris Nicolas, in his Chronology of History, when treating of the reign of Jane,
arrives at the conclusion that it was " most probably considered to have commenced on the
6th of July." He states that " the earliest public documents of the reign of Jane which
have been discovered are dated on the 9th (alluding to the letter of the Council to the
lady Mary), and the latest on the 18th." It will be perceived that these dates may be
extended by one day at either end. By an act of parliament passed shortly after
(1 Mar. cap. iv.) private instruments and writings bearing date in the reign of queen
Jane, " since the 6th of July last past, and before the 1st of August then next following,"
were made good and effectual in law; but only one such instrument is now known to
exist : it is a deed relating to a messuage in the parish of St. Dunstan's in Kent, and is
dated on the 15th of July.''
1553.
July 8. Letter of the councU to sir PhUip Hoby, ambassador with the
emperor, announcing king Edward's death.
Transcripts in MS. Hari. 523, f. 101. and in MS. Cotton. Galba, B. XII.
f. 2i9 b.; printed in Strype's Memorials, 1721, ii. 430; in Howard's " Lady
Jane Grey and her Times," 1822, Svo. p. 233; and in Ellis's Orig. Letters,
Third Series, in. 309. The original draft is printed from the CeeiU papers in
Lodge's lUustrations of British History, 4to. vol. i. p. 182.
 A similar letter to the French king.
Draft copy printed in Lodge's lUustrations, i. 183.
July 9. Letter from the lady Mary, under her signet, to the lords ofthe
councU, asserting her title, dated "at our manor of KenynghaU the
ninth of July."
Printed in Foxe's Actes and Monuments, in Holinshed's Chronicle, and in
Heylyn's History of the Reformation.
" This will be found described in a subsequent Catalogue of State Papers of the reign
of queen Mary.
i" " Dat. decimo quinto die Julij anno regni d'n^ Jans Dei gratia Anglise, Franciae et
Hibernise Regin:E, Fidei Defensoris atque in terra ecclesise Anglioance supremi capitis,
primo." See the Retrospective Review, Second Series, i. 605.

1553.] STATE PAPERS OF THE REIGN OF JANE. 107
July 10. The proclamation of queen Jane's accession. Printed by Richard
Grafton for publication, as a placard, in black letter.
An original printed copy of this proclamation is in the collection at the Society
of Antiquaries. It has been reprinted in Burnet's History of the Reformation,
vol. ii. Records to Book II. No. I.; in the Biographia Britannica, tit. Lady
Jane Grey; in the Harleian Miscellany, (Park's edition,) vol. i. p. 405 ; in
Cobbett's State Trials, i. 739 ; in Howard's Lady Jane Grey; and in Nicolas's
Memoir and Literary Remains of Lady Jane Grey. A French translation is
printed in the Ambassades of Noailles.'
July 11. Letter of the lords to the lady Mary, rejecting her claim to the
crown, and asserting the actual investiture of " our sovereign lady
queen Jane :" signed by twenty-one councillors. It is dated
" From the Tower of London, this ninth of July," but as that was
the date of the lady Mary's letter written at Kenynghall in Nor
folk (see p. 1 06), to which this was the reply, the latter must
have been written two or three days later.
Printed in Foxe's Actes and Monuments, in Heylyn's History of the Re
formation, and in Nicolas's Memoir of Lady Jane Grey, p. xlviii.
 A letter from the council to the commissioners at Brussels ;
desiring them to announce king Edward's death to the emperor :
sent by Mr. Richard Shelley.
Transcripts in MS. Hari. 523, and in MS. Cotton, Galba B. XII. very in
correctly printed in Howard's " Lady Jane Grey and her Times," p. 247, but
correctly in Ellis's Orig. Letters, Third Series, iii. 310.
July 12. Letter under the queen's signet to the ambassadors at Brussels,
directing sir Philip Hoby to remain resident with the emperor,
and the other commissioners to continue there for negociating a
treaty of peace : sent by the same bearer.
Transcripts in MS. Hari. 523, f. 43 ; and in MS. Cotton. Galba, B. xii. ;
printed in Strype's Ecclesiastical Memorials, vol. iii. p. 5, Howard's Lady Jane
Grey and her Times, p. 249 (the fac-sinj^le of the queen's sign-manual there
prefixed does not properly belong to this manuscript).
 A letter from the councU to the sheriff of Nottinghamshire and

« M. de Noailles au Roy, 13 Juillet 1553 : " Le lendemain, qui fut un mardy unzieme,
les proclamations de la dite royne, qui est vertueuse, sage, et belle, et qui promet beaucoup,
furent attachez par les oarrefours et lieux publics de cette ville, lesquels j'ay faict traduire,
et imprimer," &c. Ambassades, ii. 67.

108 APPENDIX.
1553. Derbyshire, and the justices of the peace of the same, desiring
them to send forces to aid the duke of Northumberland.
Printed in the Retrospective Review, Seeond Series, i. 604.
July 15. Letter from sir PhUip Hoby and sir Richard Morysine, commis
sioners at Brussels, to the council : in which lord Guilford Dud
deley is termed " king." "
Transcripts in MS. Hari. 623, f. lib; and in MS. Cotton. Galba, B. XII.
Printed in Howard's Lady Jane Grey and her Times, p. 258, and in Nico
las's Memoir, p. IxUi.
 A letter from the council to the sheriff and magistrates of Wilt
shire, communicating the state of public affairs, that the lady
Jane was in real and actual possession of the crown, and that the
duke of Northumberland, &c. were going forth to suppress re
bellion. Original in the archives of the corporation of Tailors of SaUsbury; printed
in Hatcher's History of that city (Hoare's Modern Wiltshire,) foi. 1843, p. 266.
July 16. A second letter, under the queen's sign-manual, to the county of
Surrey : addressed to the sheriff, justices, and gentlemen of the
county, admonishing them not to credit the letters of the lady Mary.
Original at Loseley House, Surrey; printed in Ellis's Original Letters, First
Series, Nicolas's Lady Jane Grey, and Kempe's Loseley Manuscripts. (The
word left blank in the two former copies is " dominion.")
July 16. A letter, under the queen's sign-manual, to sir John St. Lowe
and sir Anthony Kingstone, knts. commissioning them to muster
forces, and to repair to Buckinghamshire to repress rebellion.
Original in Petyt's MSS. at the Inner Temple : printed in Strype's Me
morials, vol. iii. Appendix No. II.
" The Commissioners relate that the day before they had been visited by don Diego
( ?) who after congratulating them on the accession of " so noble and so toward
« jsWTice" made these further remarks : " Whether the two daughters be bastard or no,
or why it is done, we that be strangers have nothing to do with the matter ; you are
bound to obey and serve her Tnajesty, and therefore it is reason we take him for your king,
whom the consent of the nobles of your country have declared for your king. I (saith
he), for my part, of all others were bound to be glad that his majesty is set in this office;
/ was his godfather, and would as willingly spend my blood in his service as any subject
that he hath, as long as I shall see the emperor my master so willing to embrace his ma
jesty's amity."

1553.] STATE PAPERS OP THE REIGN OF JANE. 109
July 17. Letter of sir Philip Hoby and sir Richard Morysine, ambassa
dors at Brussels, to the council, describing their audience the day
before with the emperor.
Transcripts in MS. Hari. 523, f. 13; and in MS. Cotton. Galba, B. XII;
printed in Howard's Life, p. 230; Nicolas's Memoir, p. Ix.
July 18. A letter under sign-manual addressed to sir John Brydges and
sir Nicholas Poyntz, in the same terms as that to sir John St.
Lowe and sir Anthony Kingston above mentioned.
Original in MS. Hari. 416, f. 30 : printed in Strype's Life of Cranmer,
Appendix, No. LXX.; in Nichols's History of Leicestershire, iii. 670; and in
the memoirs of lady Jane Grey by Howard and Nicolas. The queen's sign-
manual prefixed to this document has been engraved in Hist, of Leic. pl. xci.
in Nichols's Autographs, 1829, pl, 19, and underneath the portrait prefixed
to Sir Harris Nicolas's Memoir.
July 19. Letter of the councU to lord Rich the lord lieutenant of Essex,
requiring him to remain steadfast to queen Jane, notwithstanding
the earl of Oxford had departed to the lady Mary.
Original, with the signatures of the council, in MS. Lansdowne, 3, No. 25,
endorsed by lord Burghley " fro y" Coiinsell named Q. Janes coiisell. wrytte
by sir Jho Cheke." Printed in Strype's Cranmer, Appendix, No. LXIX.
July 20. Charge of the council to Richard Rose pursuivant, sent to
Cambridge to command the duke of Northumberland to disarm.
MS. Hari. 6069, f. 43, and f. 102. Printed in Stowes Chronicle, and in
Heylyn's History of the Reformation.
Both the two last contradictory documents were signed by the archbishop, the
chancellor, the lord treasurer, the duke of Suffolk, the earls of Bedford, Shrews
bury, and Pembroke, the lord chamberlain Darcy, sir Richard Cotton, sir Wil
liam Petre, sir John Cheek, sir John Baker, and sir Robert Bowes. The earl
of Arundel and lord Paget only signed the first : they started to join queen Mary
immediately after her proclamation. Sir Thomas Cheyne also only signed the
first. Sir W. Cecill and sir John Masone signed the second, but not the first.
 Letter of the commissioners at Brussels to the council : reporting
that the emperor had refused to receive sir Richard Shelley.
Transcript in MS. Hari. 523, f. 1; printed (in abstract) in Nicolas's Me
moir of Lady Jane Grey, p. Ixvi. This letter does not occur, like the others
of the series, in the MS. Cotton. Galba, B. xii. and has an important piece
torn out in the Harleian MS.
A continuation of this Catalogue in the reign of queen Mary will be
found in Appendix XIII.

110 APPENDIX.

APPENDIX IV.
Proclamations of the accession of Queen Jane and of
Queen Mary.
The passages of the Chronicle of the Grey Friars of London, (MS.
Cotton. ViteUius, F. xii.) referred to in the note at page 3, are as foUow :
" Item, the vj. day of July dyde king Edward the vj. at Grenwyche, as
they say, and some say he was powsynd, as it shaU apere ar-after.*
" Item, the x. day of the same monythe, after vij. a clocke at nyghte,
was made a proclamacyon at the crosse in Chepe by iij. harroldes and one
trompet, with the kynges shreffe of London master Garrard, with dyvers of
the garde, for Jane the duke of Suffolkes dowter to be the quene of Yng-
lond, (but few or none sayd God save hare,*) the wyche was browte the
same aftemone from Rechemond un to Westmyster, and soo un to the
Tower of London by water.
" Item, the xix. day of the same monythe was sent Margarettes daye, at
iiij. of clock at aftemone was proclamyd lady Mary to be queene of Yng-
lond at the crosse in Chepe, with the erle of Shrewsbery, the erle of
[Arundel]", the erle of Pembroke, with the mayor of London and dyvers
other lordes, and many of the aldermen and the kinges sheryff master
Garrard, with dyvers harroldes and trompetts. And from thens came to
Powels alle, and there the qwere sang Te Deum with the organs goyng,
with the belles ryngyng as most parte alle. And the same nyght had the
[most] parte of London to dener, with bone fyers in every strete in Lon
don, with good chere at every bon[e fyre], and the belles ryngyng in every
paryshe cherche for the most parte all nyghte tyll the nexte day to none."
Though the proclamation of the accession of queen Jane was made in
London on the 10th of July, and she was the acknowledged queen there
until the 19th, scarcely any accounts are preserved of the example having
been followed in other towns. It is probable that some such proclamations
» Such was the current report in London, as stated also in Machyn's Diary, p. 35.
** These words are added above the line.
¦^ The words supplied are rendered necessary by the margin of the MS. having been
burnt.

PROCLAMATION OF QUEEN MARY. Ill
took place, but that all records of the errors so committed were carefully
suppressed and cancelled on the proximate change of affairs. We only hear
incidentally of queen Jane having been proclaimed at Berwick,'' and at
King's Lynn in Norfolk.''
There seems, however, to have existed a general disinclination to deviate
from the legitimate line of inheritance, except in places under the imme
diate control of the duke of Northumberland. Even the protestant town of
Colchester, which afterwards suffered so severely from the rehgious perse
cutions of Mary's reign, and sir Peter Carew, who the next year was pre
pared to rise in rebellion against her in Devonshire, were zealous in sup
porting her title to the succession. So also was bishop Hooper, who, the
next year, was led to the stake.
The city of Norwich is said to have been the first place in which queen
Mary was proclaimed, and the event is thus recorded in one of its local
chronicles :
" This year, the Gth of July, king Edward the VI. departed this world to
God's mercy ; and upon Wednesday next after, being the 1 Sth of July, the
lady Mary was proclaimed queen within the city of Norwich." "
At the same crisis " the towne of Great Yarmouth * did holde and
kepe the towne for quene Marye, whoe lyenge then at Framingham castell
in Suffoike, the towne sent one of there balifes to her majestie to signifye
the townes faythfuUnes and allegeaiice, whiche the said quene tooke in
¦ On Saturday the 16th of July Richard Troughton, dining at the George at Grantham,
" met with Frenyngham ; and I demaunded of hyme from whence he came, and he tolde
me from Barwike, wher he had byne to proclame lady Jane." Narrative printed in the
Archieologia, xxiii. 36.
' The lord Robert Dudley, queen Jane's brother-in-law, proclaimed her at King's
Lynn, as appears byan ancient roll of the mayors ; " 1553. George Rewlei. This year
the lord Roberto Dudley came to Linn, and proclaymed the lady Jeanne queene; and af
terwards he was carried to Framingham before queene Mary." (Extract communicated
by Daniel Gurney, esq. F.S.A.) In Richards's History of that town, pp. 694, 1193, this
fact is mentioned, but lord Robert Dudley is miscalled lord Audley. His presence in
that part of the country was owing to his marriage. His first wife, as is well known, was
Amy, daughter of sir John Robsart. In Dec. 1660 the stewardship of the manor of Castle
Rising and the constableship ofthe castle there (which is in the vicinity of the town of Lynn),
were granted to sir John Robsart and sir Robert Dudley, and the longer liver of them. Strype.
' Original Papers of the Norfolk and Norwich Archseological Society, vol. i. p. 146.
"• Manship's History of Great Yarmouth, edited by C. J. Palmer, esq. F.S.A. 4to. 1847.

112 APPENDIX.
verye good parte, gevenge him her greate thankes and comendacion, pro-
misenge to requite this the townes dutifuUe kyndnes."
In like manner the town of Colchester declared for queen Mary, and
sent her provisions to Framhngham, the accounts for which were seen by
Morant, — among other things, three tuns of beer, which cost iijZ. xxc?. and
the carriage ofthe same, in six carts, came to iiijZ. On the 26th July she
came to the town on her way to London, when the corporation presented
her with xxi. in gold, a cup of silver with a cover parcel-gUt weighing
forty-one ounces, which at vij*. per oz. amounted to xiv?. vij«. and among
other particulars in the chamberlains' account are. For xxxviii. dozen of
bread xxxix*. For lix. gallons of claret wine xlviij*. Ten barrells of beer.
A quarter of beef weighing five score and ten pounds, ix*. ijc?. A side of
beef weighing seven score and five pounds xij*. id. A veal iv*. half a veal
ij.s. ivd. Two muttons ix*. ivd. &c.^
The sentiments of the people in Lincolnshire are depicted in the narrative
of Richard Troughton," bailiff of South Witham, who, according to his own
account, was ready to fight any man in maintenance of queen Mary's title.
This hero asserts that when riding from South Witham towards Stamford,
early on the morning of the 1 2th of July, he heard from Stephen Amory, a
clothier who had come out of Norfolk, that queen Mary had been already pro
claimed at Bury. " Stephyn said, that hyr majesty was proclaymed at Bury,
for he stode by and herde byte." This story, if true, shows that Bury was
even before Norwich in asserting Mary's right to the crown ; but the early
date assigned is scarcely credible in consistence with other accounts of the
progress of events.
At Stamford Troughton breakfasted with the alderman (the chief magis
trate of that town), and related to him the news he had heard, again heartily
expressing his adherence to queen Mary. The alderman listened to him
wilh caution, but secret approbation, and suffered him quietly to depart,
though apparently not himself inclined to take an active part for either
competitor. A good deal follows as to the mustering of men to join the duke of
¦ Morant's History of Colchester, p. 60.
'' Edited by Sir Fred. Madden in the 23d volume of the Archaeologia, from the Hari.
MS. 6222. — Some other papers about Troughton's business exist in the State Paper Office,
being the depositions of Thomas Sklater alias Thomson, and Thomas Wymberley. It is
worthy of remark that the person frequently mentioned by Troughton in his narrative as
"my master," was sir William Cecill.

PROCLAMATION OF QUEEN MARY. 113
Northumberland ; but no one seems to have ventured to proclaim either of
the competing queens at Stamford, or Huntingdon, or Royston, or any
neighbouring town, until the 19th of July, when the success of queen Mary
became known, and her friends began to show their joy by bonfires and
merry-makings. On the 21st Troughton assisted to proclaim her publicly
at Grantham, and he gives the following account ofthe transaction:
" Uppon satterdaye the xxjth of July I rode to Grantham, and there hit
pleased the alderman and the masters of the towne to desyer myn advyse in
settyng oute the quenes proclamation. To whom unsent for I resorted in
that parte to do my duty. And I wyllyd them to wryte, Mary by the
grace of God of Englond, Fraunce, and Irelond quene, &c. accordyng to the
kynges stylle her grace's father, and in th' end to praye God save quene
Mary. And so we wente to the market crosse, in the heryng of the
countrie people, and solemply with the noise of shawmes iij. severall tymes
blowen with distyncyon. Afterwardes one commaunded all men to kepe
sylence, and here the quenes proclamacyon, as is abovemencyoned. And
imedyatly after the proclamaclon, praying God save the quene, I caste upe
my hate, and than all the people, saying God save the quene, caste upe their
cappes and hattes. And whan the people war quyeted I begane to singe
Te Dewm laudamus, and so we dyd syng hit solemply to th'end. And
aft«r that I caused the vycar to saye certeyn godly prayers, and the people
prayd with hyme, whom the alderman caused to drynke, and so departed."
At Coventry " the duke of Northumberland sent to have the lady Jane
proclaimed, but the mayor, being ruled by master Edward Sanders the
recorder, would not do it, but having orders speedily proclaimed queen
Mary." " The recorder was a Roman catholic, and soon after became chief
baron of the exchequer.
At YoRKb it is probable that when the lord mayor and councU met on
the 13th of July, the fact of king Edward's death was unknown : for the
record of the meeting is headed "xiij" Julij A° R. R. E. vj" vij™",'' and a
commission of the king dated 16 June was read. On the following day,
the 14th, some intimation of the state of affairs in the metropoUs had
evidently been received, but with prudent caution the date is altered, not to
" Coventry MS. annals. See further extracts in p. 125.
^ The minutes of the corporation of York have been kindly exiamined for me with a
view to this inquiry, by Robert Davies, esq. F.S.A. late town clerk of that city.
CAMD. SOC. Q

114 APPENDIX.
the reign of a new sovereign, but to the year of our Lord, " A° D'ni 1553°,'"
and so again on the 18th. No mention, however, is made of either queen
Jane or queen Mary, nor indeed of any other public event, until a copy of
queen Mary's proclamation is inserted, which was made known on the 21st
and 22nd of July, but no particulars of the ceremony at York are recorded.
Subsequently to this, the minutes are again dated by the year of the
monarch's reign.
The historians of Shrewsbury searched the records of that town
without finding any memorials of the proclamations of Jane or Mary ; but
they notice an entry of the payment of 2s. to a servant {famulo) of the
duke of Suffolk, who may have brought a letter on one or other of his
ill-conducted risings."
Even in Westminster the proclamation of queen Mary was two days
later than in London, as is recorded in the register of St. Margaret's parish :
" The xix* day was my lady Marye her grace proclamed queene in London,
and the xxj*' day in Westmynster."
Of what was done in Devonshire we have the following account in the
biography of sir Peter Carew :
" Immediatlye after the death of the sayde kynge, there was a procla
maclon conceved by the councell, and sente into the countre for the pro-
claymynge of queene .Janne. Sir Peter Carewe, all be it he knewe very
well that there was licke to ensewe a greate alteracion in relygion yf the
lady Mary shoulde be proclaymed queene, and as he was well affected, so
he utterlye dyd abhore yt, yet respectinge his faythe, dewte, and alle-
gaunce to his naturaU prince, and lytle regardinge what had bynne donne
by a former proclamaclon, dyd cause the sayd lady Mary to be proclaymed
queene in too markett townes neere to the place where he then dwelled —
the one in Dartemouth, and the other at Newton Abbot. And it was
not lounge after but that the sayd lady Mary was proclaymed queene
throughout the whole realme ; and all be yt there were none who dyd
coundeme this gentleman for his dolnges, yet there were some of greate
countenance and in high authoritie, which weare offended withe hyme
because he hade not advertised unto theyme his owne bente, and the dis-
posicion of the people in these countreis." ^
» Hist, of Shrewsbury, by Blakeway and Owen, vol. i. p. 360.
^ Arohseologia, vol. xxviii. p. 119.

115
APPENDIX V.
Epistle of Poor Pratte to Gilbert Potter.
The reader is here presented with a copy of one of those libels " which it was customary
to circulate in a written form, thrown down in some public place where they were likely
to attract notice and meet with readers. The present writer had " scattered abroad "
three other copies, and sent two " into the ragged beares camp," — the army of the duke
of Northumberland (see p. 120.) This " epistel " was therefore written before the failure
of the duke's expedition was known ; and the first copy no doubt on the 13th of July,
the date mentioned in the title. A few days after, when queen Mary's authority was
fully established, and when the Londoners were expecting her arrival in the city, some
one — ^possibly not the writer himself, thought it likely to be saleable as a book. The
printer, Hugh Singleton, was not a very flourishing tradesman, but his name is attached
to a few pubUcations, chiefly of a politico-religious character, ranging during the long
period from 1550 to 1588. (See the Typographical Antiquities, by Dibdin, vol. iv. pp.
289—301.) The incident which the writer seized as the vehicle of his sentiments, has been recorded
by Stowe and by Machyn. When queen Jane was proclaimed in London, a young man
named Gilbert Potter, whom Stowe calls Pot, and who was drawer at a tavern called the
St. John's head within Ludgate, presumed to express his opinion that the lady Mary had
the better title : in consequence, he was immediately arrested, and the next day he was
set in the pillory in Ohepe, whereto both his ears were nailed, and then clean cut off;
after which he was taken back to the Compter. Stowe further states that the poor drawer
" was accused by Ninion Saunders, his maister," who the same afternoon was drowned when
shooting London bridge, together with John Owen, a gun maker, both holding the place
of gunners at the Tower.
It appears that this zealous tapster did not go without recompence for his sufferings.
On May 30, a" 1 of queen Mary, Gilbert Potter received a grant of several messuages,
lands, &c. in South Lynn, Norfolk, formeriy in the tenure of Thomas Winter, and belong
ing to Blackburgh priory, to be held by knight's service ; and he also had license to
alienate them to George and Thomas Eden. (Parkin's History of Freebridge Hundred,
folio, p. 165.)

» The frequency of such papers at the time when the people were discontented with
the prospect of the marriage with Spain in the following year, is thus described by
Noailles: — "On seme journellement, tant a la court de ladicte dame que ailleurs,
plusieurs placardz, lettres et aultres libelles diffamatoires a I'encontre d'elle et des
seigneurs de son conseU, qui font assez de preuves, avecques beaulcoup d'aultres dep-
portemens, de la maulvaise volunte de ses subjectz pour raison de son mariage," &c.
Ambassades, iii. 248.

116 APPENDIX.
The following tract, of whioh there is no original copy in the library of the British
Museum, is here copied from the Harieian Miscellany. The sentiments to which it gives
utterance are remarkable, not only for their intense hatred of Northumberland, but for
their expressions of fear that the gospel might be plucked away (see p. 118) if Mary's
just title was defeated !
The copie of a pistel or letter sent to Gilhard Potter, in the tyme when
he was in prison, for speakinge on our most true quenes part, the
lady Mary, before he had his eares cut of. The xiij of July.
Si Deus nobiscum, quis contra nos ?
Anno M.D.Liij. the firste of August.
[Duodecimo, containing sixteen pages.]
Poor Pratte, unto his frend Gilbard Potter, the most faythful and trew
lover of quene Mary, doth him salute with many salutations. S.P.D.
Whereas thou hast of late showed thy selfe (most faithful Gilbard) to be
a true subjecte to Mary, quene of England, not only by wordes but by
deedes, and for the farther triall of thy true heart towardes her, did offer
thy bodye to be slayne in her quarell, and offered up thy selfe into the
hands of the ragged beare most rancke, with whom is nether mercy, pitie,
nor compassion, but his indignation present death. Thy promis (Gilbard)
is faythfuU, thy heart is true, thy love is fervente towardes her grace ; and,
wheras you did promis me faythfuUye (when I last visited thee in prison)
" to be torne with wUd horses, thou wouldest not denye Marye our quene,"
and to that whiche thou tofore dyd saye, no denial shalbe found in thee ;
so styll do thou continue iu the same mynde, have a respect of thy con
science, feare not to saye the truth ; if thou dye, thou shalt dye in the
ryght ; Pugna pro patrid, " Fighte for thy countrey " (sayeth the philo
sopher). For, as it shalbe to thi great honour and prayse in this world,
and in heaven, to dye in her grace's quarell, and in the defence of thy coun
trey ; so wold it be to the utter destruction both of thy body and soule to
do the contrarye. But (0 thou true Gilbard) stand stiflye in her cause,
and do thou according to thy last promis made me (as I do not doubt but
thou wilt) then wil God kepe thee and preserve thee. If thou shuld dye,
thou shalt dye innocent ; so shal you be assured to possesse the everlastyng
kyngdom of heaven. If you fortune to lyve, then shal it be also accompted
praise to thee ; and fully perswade with thy selfe, that her grace wil con-

EPISTLE OF POOR PRATTE. 117
sider thy faythful and true heart, as she hath juste occasion. For, who
could have bene more faythfuUer, then thou haste bene ? What man coulde
have showed him selfe bolder in her grace's cause, then thou hast showed ?
Or who dyd so valiantlye in the proclamation tyme, when Jane was pub
lished quene (unworthy as she was) and more to blame, I may say to thee,
are some of the consenters therunto. Ther were thousandes more then thy
selfe, yet durst they not (suche is the fragility and weakenes of the flesh)
once move their lippes to speake that whiche thou did speake. Thou offer-
est thy selfe amongst the multitude of people to fight agaynste them all in
her quarell, and for her honour dyd not feare to runne upon the poynt of
the swordes. O faythfuU subject ! O true hearte to Mary our quene I I
can not but wryte of the condign prayse that thou deservest for thys thy
boldnes. I may compare thee to Sidrack, Misack, and Abdenago, whych,
rather then they wold forsake their Mayster, were contented to suffer the
tormentes in the hoate burnyng oven. And as young Daniel, when he was
broughte before such a ruler (as that false duke of Northumberland), rather
then to denye his Lord, would suffer the paynes of imprysonment, and to
be cast in the denne of lions : even so (faythful Gilbard) rather then thou
wouldest consente to their false and trayterouse proclamation for Jane,
when thou dyd hear it, havyng a clear conscience, wold not consent to the
same most trayterous fact. And, so little regarded thy life, boldly stode in
thy mistres cause, and offered thy bodye to be imprisoned, and to suffer
death, then to denye our vertuouse Mary to be quene. And therfore trust
to it, my faythfuU Gilbard, as the God of Sidrack, Misack, and Abdenago,
saved them from al hurt in the boat burnyng oven, that not so much as one
heare of their heade was perished : so shall the same God save thee out of
the handes of the crueU beare, and give hym no power of thy lyfe. Agayne,
as God preserved Daniel when he was cast in the denne amongest the lions,
at the commaundement of the king Nabuchodonosor : and, when he was in
the middeste of them, the lions played with him, (which was admirable :)
so do thou trust to, albeit thou art now in the denne amongest devourers
(I meane under the power of the beare and ragged staf) yet the God of
Daniel shall safely delyver thee out of aU their handes ; and the rather, if
thou dost still continue stedfast, and hold on Mary our quene, and forsake
thy mayster no more then Daniel and the brethren did their God and

118 APPENDIX.
mayster. Dispayre not, but lyve in hope to se a good day, and the soner
wiU it come, if we continue in praier. For my part (faithful Gilbard) I
wyl never sease day nor nyght from praying for our good Mary, that her
grace might once obteyne the crowne, and that it wold please Him of his
omnipotent power to strengthen and helpe her grace, Mary, thy quene and
mine ; so say I to the death, and to conquere that beare. So here I shall
desire thee also to offer up to the Almighty Lord godly contemplations, that
she maye overcome hir enemies.
For, as the inhabitants of the great city of Ninive continued in praier,
and clothed them selves in sackecloth, caste duste upon their heades,
repented, and bewailed their manifold sinnes and offences, at what tyme as
the prophete Jonas had preached to them the destruction of their citye ;
knew that it was time to do al the same, els destruction wold folow : so
shulde we now not sease praying to God to send us quietnes, and that the
lady Mary might enjoye the kingdom.
For we have had manye prophetes and true preachers, whiche did declare
unto us, that oure kinge shal be taken awaye from us, and a tyrant shal
reygne ; the gospel shall be plucked awaye, the right heyre shalbe dis
possessed, and al for our unthanckfulnes. And thinkest thou not (Gilbard)
the world is now come ? Yea, truely. And what shal folow, yf we repent
not in tymes. The same God wil take from us the vertuouse lady Mary,
oure lawfull quene, and send such a cruel Pharao, as the ragged beare, to
rule us ; which shal pul and pol us, spoyle us, and utterly destroy us, and
bring us in great calamities and miseries. And this God wil send us ; and
al for our iniquities. For, yf unto oure quene Mary any evell shuld happen,
let us fully perswade with our selves, that it not for her small sinnes only,
but for our evel livinges. And this litle troubles (whiche be grevous to hir
grace) doth chaunse to her for thy sinnes and myne, let us so thinke. For
truely (faythful GUbard) God is displeased with us many wayes : and here,
I dar be bold to say, that her grace is more sorowful for the death of king
Edwarde her brother, then she is glad that she is quene. For her part
(good vertuouse lady) she would have bene as glad of her brother's life, as
the ragged beare is glad of his death. Agamemnon, the heathen king, was
never more unquieted with his highe estate ; when he lamented for that he
was king over so manye people ; as her grace is nowe troubled, to rule and

EPISTLE OF POOR PRATTE. 119
governe so manye evell persons. Plato was never gladder, when he was
exiled from the kinges courte, because his mind was more addict therby,
and geven to the study of philosophic ; as she wold be, if she might once be
exiled from the company of such traitours, wherby she might be more
quieter, and possesse this hir kingdome peasablye. Even so, I dare
advouche, that her grace was farre quieter, and better contented with her
olde estate, then now she is quene, (yf it had pleased God.) But now,
praised be Almighti God, because he hath so provided us a right and lawful
ayre, and so vertuous a princesse, to possess this imperial crown of Eng
land ; and so are we all bounde highlye to thanke him therfore. Trustyng
that the same God wil shortlye exalt her grace, and set her in her perfect
dignitie, and plucke downe that Jane ; I can not nominate hir quene, for
that I know no other quenes but the good lady Mary hir grace, whome
G od prosper !
1 heare say (faythfuU Gilbard) that the true subject, Sir Edmond Peck-
hame, is gone, with al his power and treasure, to assist her grace, ex fructu
scimus quid sit arbor ; " by the frute, we may knowe what the tree is : "
So, by his frutes, that is, by all his doinges, we may knowe what he is ;
howe true and faythful hath he shewed him selfe to be at al times to Henry
theight, of famous memory. What man deserved more commendation then
he ? He never robbed his grace, when he had al the rule of his treasure ;
he used not to buy silver for fowre shillinges an once, and make the kinge
paye five shilUnges fowre pence (as other false traitours did) ; but loke, what
he payd, the kinge payde no more. He was ever true and faythfuU by re
porte, aswel of al other, as of hys owne servauntes. And now for the full
triall of his true hearte, howe hath he showed him selfe to her grace ? Left
house, lands, and al, and gone to help her. Truly, we have to few such
faythfiiU men. I heare also, that ther is come more to helpe her grace, the
erle of Darbey, the erle of Oxford, the erle of Bath, and diverse other
nobles, whiche I can not rehearse nominarly. The God of Hostes, the God
of Abraham, prosper them, kepe them, an5 geve them power to withstand
al their enemies; and the moost mighty Lord take part with them (as I do
not mistrust) for the right sake ! I hear no other newes, but that here is
continually great preparation, and many cartes appoynted to carry hames
and artilery, God send them evell to spede ! The good erle of Arundel

120 APPENDIX.
and the erle of Shrosburye be here still ; but, as I am informed, the erle of
Arundel wiU not consent to none of thir doynges. O God, I most hertely
desire thee, heare my praier; kepe and preserve the good erle of Arundel
from the tiranny of that devouryng beare. For, as thou hast from the be
ginning endued him with al truth ; so doth he stU continue stedfaste in the
same, like a worthy noble. Preserve hym, I beseche thee (O my God),
and geve hym grace stUl to stande stedfaste. The earl of Shrosburye bear
eth hymselfe equal ; God kepe hym I and send al those, that wolde the
ladye Mary to be quene, long life and pleasure; and they which wold not,
I wyshe them the paynes of Satan in hell.
I have (faythfuU Gilbard) scattered abroad thre of the bokes more, and
two also have I sent into the ragged beares campe. Kepe that close which
thou hast ; the world is daungerous. The great devell, Dudley, ruleth ;
(duke, I shuld have sayd) : wel, let that passe, seing it is oute, but I truste
he shall not longe I have proved, if I could get a M. of them imprinted
in some straunge letter, and so a nomber of them to be disparsed abroade.
Forasmuch (Gilbard) as I perceave that thou art strayghtly kept, and
not suffred to have liberty, I shal brievely visite thee with my letters form
time to time. And here, Gilbard, I exhort thee to continue in praier ; and
to take in good parte this yoke, layd upon thy shoulders, and beare this
crosse patiently. For adversity is a good thinge, and shall make thee to
know God the better. For I trust in the Lord, to live to se the day her
grace to mary such one, as knoweth what adversity meaneth ^ ; so shal we
have both a merciful quene and king to their subjects. And wold to God
that I might live (if it so pleased her grace) to have an other vertuouse
Edward * ! And God make her grace fruteful, and send hir frute to inherite
the kingdom after her. I promised you to salute your frend Robert in your
name : accordingly I have done, and desired hym to pray with you for our
quene Mary, that it wold please the Lord to give hir the crowne, which she
oughte to have of right. And thus, to breviate my long processe, I end ;
desiryng thee (my constant Gilbard) not to beholde the gorgiousnes of my
letters, which be void of al; but to weygh in an equall payre of ballans the
good wil of the writer ; who beareth thee no worse wU, then to his owne
' These are evident allusions to Edward Courtenay.

PLEAS OF LORDS NORTHAMPTON AND WARWICK. 121
soule : prayinge God to strengthen thee, and give thee grace to abide fayth
fuU towardes oure most exceUent true and only quene Mary. So shalt thou
be assured to have God thy faythfuU frend againe ; and, at the last, thou
shalt inherit his kingdom : To the which kingdome, bringe both you and
me, and us all. Amen. Fayre you well.
Finis. Quod poore Pratte.
Imprynted at London, in Temstrete, over agaynste the Stiliardes, at the
signe of the Dobbel Hood, by Hewghe Singelton.

APPENDIX VI.
Pleas of the Marquess of Northampton and Earl of Warwick.
The conduct of the marquess of Northampton and the earl of Warwick at the bar is
thus related in the original account of the duke of Northumberland's trial, which was
copied by Stowe and Holinshed (as given already in p. 16), omitting the following passages
(here taken from a MS. coUection of state trials, MS. Hari. 2194).
The marquess of Northampton pleaded to his indictment, that after the
beginninge of these tumults hee had forborne the execution of any pub
lique office : and that all the while hee, intent to huntinge and other sports,
did not partake in the conspiracy ; but it being manifest that hee was party
with the duke of Northumberland, sentence passed on him likewise.
The earle of Warwicke, fyndinge that the judges, in soe greate a cause,
admitted noe excuse of age, with greate resolucion heard his condemnacion
pronounced against him, craving only this fevour, that, whereas the goods
of those who are condemned for treason are totally confiscated, yet her
majestie would bee pleased, that out of them his debts might bee payd.
After this they were all returned agayne to the Tower.

CAMD. SOC.

122

APPENDIX VII.
The second Insurrection of the Duke of Suffolk.
The flight of the duke of Suffolk is mentioned in p. 37 of the present
volume, and his being brought back prisoner to the Tower of London in
p. 53. No other record of his trial is known to be extant than that fur
nished by our chronicle at p. 60 ; neither are we informed of the object of
his second rising against queen Mary, further than that he was induced to
listen to some immature schemes, which seem to have contemplated the
substitution of the princess Elizabeth (with the earl of Devonshire as her
consort) for queen Mary (see Tytler, ii. 384), or at least the prohibition
of the queen's proposed match with Philip. A material mistatement of
an early historian (bishop Cooper) has helped to cast a doubt and mystery
upon this matter. The only particulars known concerning it are as follow :
When the news first arrived in London that sir Thomas Wyat " was
up in Kent," the duke of Suffolk was resident at his house, late the Car
thusian monastery of Sheen," in the parish of Richmond, Surrey. What
ever part he may have undertaken to perform in the conspiracy, he was
scarcely prepared to execute it ; ^ but, to avoid arrest, he fled hastUy to his
own estates in Leicestershire and Warwickshire. According to our Chroni
cle this took place on the 25th of January ; a letter of the earl of Shrews
bury states, that it was on friday the 26th : " The duke of Suffolk is
on friday stolen from his house at Shene, and run away, with his two
brethren, to Leicestershire ; for he was met at Stony Stratford. My lord
of Huntingdon is gone into those parts after him, with (blank) against
him. The duke is proclaimed traitor." °
">¦ It had been granted to him on the attainder of Edward duke of Somerset in 1562.
Queen Mary in Jan. 1556-7 re-established the Carthusians in this house. To revert to a
point considered in a former note, p. 2, Queen Jane, on her accession, may have come
down the river from her father's at Sheen, instead of her father-in-law's at Syon, which
will agree with Richmond being named in the Grey Friars' Chronicle (p. 110, antea).
^ In consequence of their names having been betrayed by the earl of Devonshire to the
lord chancellor, the conspirators, says Noailles, (who was in their confidence,) had been
driven to take arms six weeks or two months earlier than they had intended. Lettre au
Roy, 25 Jan. 1553, Ambassades, iii. 43.
= Lodge's Illustrations of Brit. History, vol. i. p. 189.

SECOND INSURRECTION OF THE DUKE OF SUFFOLK. 123
Bishop Cooper asserted in his Chronicle, that the duke during his jour
ney, " in divers places as he went, again proclaimed his daughter, but the
people did not greatly inchne to him."
This statement is certainly untrue ; if the duke had so done, it would
have been alleged against him at his trial. His professed object was iden
tical with Wyat's, to oppose the queen's alliance with Spain, and he " made
proclamation only to avoid strangers out of the realm." (see p. 60.)
Indeed, the distinct contradiction which Holinshed makes to the report
that the duke had again proclaimed his daughter as queen, was evidently
directed against bishop Cooper's assertion,^ though he is not mentioned by
na'me. This contradiction is given both by Holinshed and Stowe, as
follows : " Where some have written, that he shoulde at his last going
downe into the countrey make proclamation in his daughter's name, that is
not so ; for whereas he stoode by in Leicester, when by his commaundement
the proclamation was there made against the queenes maryage with the
prince of Spain, &c. master Damport,** then maior of that towne, said to
him, ' My lord, I tmst your grace meaneth no hurt to the queenes majesty
' No,' saith he, ' master maior,' laying his hand on his sword, ' he that
would her any hurt, I would this sword were through his heart ; for she is
the mercifuUest prince, as I have truly founde her, that ever reigned, in
whose defence I am, and will be, readie to die at her foote."
Holinshed correctly says, that the duke, " in the towne of Leycester and
other places,"^ caused proclamation to be made in semblable wyse as sir
Thomas Wiat had done, against the queenes matche, which she ment to
make with the sayd king of Spain, but fewe there were that woulde willingly
harken thereto.
" But now ye must understande, that before his comming downe hee was
persuaded that the citie of Coventrie woulde be opened unto him, the more
" Some writers, notwithstanding, have carelessly or injudiciously preferred the story of
Cooper. It was followed by De Thou, and other foreign historians ; and so some credit
has continued to be given to it, even by our native writers ; among others by Mr. Lodge,
in his memoirs both of lady Jane Grey and the duke of Suffolk, and in his Illustrations
of Brit. History, i. 138; and Miss Strickland, Lives of the Queens, v. 330.
° Thomas Davynport. Hist, of Leicestershire, i. 394.
^' One of these was Melton Mowbray ; see an allusion to the circumstance in Richard
Troughton's narrative, Arohseologia, xxiii. 48.

124 APPENDIX.
pai't of the citizens being throughly bent in his favour, in so necessarie a
quarrell for defence of the realme against straungers as they were then per
suaded. But, howsoever it chaunced, this proved not altogither true ; for,
whether through the misliking whiche the citizens had of the matter, or
throughe negligence of some that were sente to solhcite them in the cause,
or chiefly, as should seeme to be most true, for that God woulde have it so,
when the duke came with sixe or seaven score horsemen weU appointed
for the purpose, presenting himselfe before the citie, in hope to be receyved,
hee was kept oute. For the citizens, through comfort of the earle of Hunt
ingdon that was then come downe, sent by the queene to staye the coun- ,
tries from falling to the duke, and to rayse a power to apprehends him, Had
put themselves in armor, and made all the provision they coulde to defende
the citie againste the sayde duke ; whereupon, perceyving himseUe destitute
of all such ayde as hee looked for among his frends in the two shires of
Leicester and Warwick, he got him to his manour of Astley, distant from
Coventrie five myles, where appoynting his companie to disperse themselves,
and to make the best shift eche one for his owne safegard that he might,
and distributing to everye of them a portion of money, according to their
qualities, and his store at that present, hee and the lorde John Grey his
brother bestowed themselves in secrete places there within Astley Parke ;
but throughe the untrustynesse of them to whose trust they did commit
themselves, as hath bene credibilye reported, they were bewrayed to the
earle of Huntingdon, that then was come to Coventrie, and so apprehended
they were by the sayde earle, and afterwardes brought up to London.
" The duke had ment at the first to have rid awaye (as I have credibilye
hearde), if promise had been kept by one of his servaunts, appoynted to
come to him to bee his guyde ; but when he, either feyning himselfe sicke,
or being sicke indeede, came not, the duke was constrayned to remayne in
the parke there at Astley, hoping yet to get awaye after that the searche
had bene passed over, and the countrie once in quiet. Howsoever it was,
there he was taken, as before is sayde, togither with his brother the lord
John Grey."
Some further traditional particulars of the duke's capture are thus given
by Dugdale in the History of Warwickshire : " Finding he was forsaken,
he put himself under the trust of one Underwood, as 'tis said, a keeper of
his park here at Astiey, who hid him some few days in a large hollow tree

SECOND INSURRECTION OF THE DUKE OF SUFFOLK. 125
there, standing about two bow-shoot south-westwards from the church :
but, being promised a reward, betray'd him."
In the MS. annals of Coventry, the two attempts of the dukes of Nor
thumberland and Suffolk upon "its loyalty are blended as if they had been
immediately in connection :
" 1554. The duke of Northumberland sent to have the lady Jane pro
claimed ; but the mayor, being ruled by Mr. Edward Sanders, the recorder,
would not doe it, but having orders speedily proclaimed queen Mary. Then
was taken in Coventry great store of armour ; and there was a cry that the
city was firing in four places, which caused the common bell to be rung, the
gates shut, and the walls manned, but there was no hurt. The duke of
Suffolk was brought prisoner, and kept in alderman Warren's house," —
where our own chronicle (p. 54) states that he remained for three days.
The following entries occur during the same year in the Accounts of the
trading companies of that city.*
Drapers' Company. — " Md. that we have payd for our occupacyon on
the xxxj daye of Januarye, when the duke of Suffolk was takyn. Payd for
wachynge to the harnys men for vij dayes and viij nyghts, Iviij*. vjc?."
Carpenters. — " Payd a man for wachyng v dayes and v nyghts, iiij*. ijc?."
Cappers. — " P'd to iij sowdyers, for iij dayes and iij nyghtes wachyng,
iiij*. vjrf. P'd to iij men y* wached duryng y'^ tyme of y" erle of Huntingdon
lyeng hear, xxvj*. vj<^. Payd to Wyllyam Sturrop, for ij sheffe of aros, vj*.
Ree. of y" craft towards pament of the wachement, xx*."
Dyers. — " P'd for hamessyng ij men for wachyng iij dayes for the quenes
besynes, iij*. P'd more for harnessing them iij nyghts, ij*. P'd for preste
money, xijc?."
Smiths. — " The dewke of Northehumberland. Item, bowght of
John Skelton, smyth, a payer of AUemane ryvetts, lakyng ij taces, and a
gorgett, viij*. Item, paid for canves to lyne the gorgett, iij<^. ; a byll, xxtZ. ;
lynyng of iij gorgetts, v^d. ; a gyrdell, ijc?. ; a dossen of poynts, ijc?. ; a bowe
strynge, oh.; to the hames men at Saynt 'Mary Halle, vjc?. ; for iij Scotts
cappes, V*. ; a gesteme, v*. ; a braser and a schotyng glove, viijc?. ; a payer
of spelnths, xxc?. ; to the harnes men when they went to the Graye Fryer
yatt, ij*. ; iij hames men for ther wages, xviijc?. The second daye wages,
¦ For the communication of these I am indebted to Mr. William Reader, late of Coven
try, a member of the Camden Society.

126 APPENDIX.
xviij rf. ; mendynge of a gesterne, viijc?.; lether and nayUs to mend the
harnes, Id. oh.
" The Duke of Suffoike. It'm, p'd for prest money to the hames men,
vij*. vjc?. ; iij men wages for iij days and iij nygtts, vij*. vjc?. ; a man wages,
viijc^. ; iij days and ij nygtts wages, viij*. vjc?. ; iiij nygtts and iij days wages,
vij*. ; ij nygtts wages, ij*. ; ij dossen poynts, iiijc?."
Hohnshed continues, — " but his brother the lord Thomas gotte awaye in
deede at that time, meaning to have fledde into Wales, and there to have
got to the sea side, so to transport himselfe over into Fraunce, or into some
other forren part: but in the borders of Wales he was likewise apprehended,
through his great mishappe, and folly of his man, that had forgot his cap-
case with money behinde in his chamber one morning at his inne, and
comming for it again, uppon examination what he shoulde be, it was mis
trusted that his master shoulde be some suche man as he was in deede, and
so was stayde, taken, and brought up to London, where he suffered."
This unfortunate occurrence seems to have ensued after lord Thomas
Grey had lain concealed for about two months. Mr. Robert Swift, in his
letter" to the earl of Shrewsbury, April 12, 1554, writes that the lord
Thomas Grey " was taken goynge towardes Walles, and is cumyng up." A
MS. chronicle of Shrewsbury supplies the place where and the person by
whom he was apprehended. " The lord Thomas, brother to the ducke of
Suffoike, was taken at Oswestrie in Wales by master Rycharde Myttoon of
Shrosbery, being then bayliffe ; which felle out at leangthe to the sayde
master Myttoon's greate hynderance." Upon this the historian of Shrews
bury remarks, — " what this was does not appear. Mr. Mytton's first wife
was daughter to sir Edward Grey of Envile, who, as a kinsman of the fugi
tive, might be offended with his son-in-law for thus arresting his relation,
and might find means, in the disposal of his effects, to signalize his resent
ment : but the truth of this is only to be known by those who can search
into the private papers of this ancient family, if auy such remain, of the
period in'question." ''
Modem writers are generally content to characterise the duke of Suffolk
as a very weak man, — a judgment which his conduct throughout the
" Lodge's Illustrations of British History, i. 190.
'' History of Shrewsbury, by Owen and Blakeway, i. 351.

CHARACTER OF HENRY DUKE OP SUFFOLK. 127
period embraced in the present volume seems abundantly to justify. His
friends had, however, something to aUege in his praise ; and the foUowing
character of him, fuUer than was usually bestowed upon great men by the
chronicles of his age, appears in the pages of Holinshed, and may appro
priately close the present note :
" Suche was the ende of this duke of Suffoike, a man of high nobilitie by
byrthe, and of nature to his friendes gentle and courteous, more easie in
deede to be led than was thought expedient, of stomacke nevertheless stoute
and hardie, hastye and soone kindled, but pacified streight againe, and
sorie if in his heate ought had passed him otherwise than reason might
seeme to beare ; upright and plaine in his private dealing, no dissembler,
nor well able to beare injuries, but yet forgiving and forgetting the same,
if the partie woulde seeme but to acknowledge his fault, and seke recon
cilement. BountifuU hee was and very liberall, somewhat learned himselfe,
and a greate favorer of those that were learned, so that to many he showed
himself a very Mecaenas ; no lesse free from covetousnesse than voide of
pride or disdainful hautinesse of mind, more regarding plaine-meaning men
than clawback flatterers : and this vertue hee had, he coulde patiently
heare his fautes told him, by those whom he had in credit for theire wise-
dome or faithful meanings towards him, although sometime he had not the
hap to reforme himself thereafter. Concerning this last offence for the which
he died, it is to be supposed he rather toke in hand that unlawful! enter-
price through others' perswasion than of his owne motion, for anye malici
ous ambition in himselfe."
Mr. Lodge might have properly made this character an accompaniment
to the excellent portrait of the father of queen Jane, which is engraved in
Harding's collection of lUustrious Personages,

128

APPENDIX VIIL
The Watch at the Court and in the City, on the Eve of
Wyat's attack.
(Extracted from MS. Hari. 425, p. 94.)
Edward UnderhyU, " the hot Gospeller," — we have his own authority that this desig
nation was given him by some who were incUned to ridicule his Protestant zeal, — has
passed into a character of some historical repute in the pages of Strype, Strickland, and
Ainsworth, though he owes the preservation of his name from entire oblivion to a single
document, a sort of anto-biographioal narrative of his persecutions and difficulties. Miss
Strickland, who incorrectly terms his narrative a diary, has expressed an earnest wish
that the whole of this " most precious document " were recoverable. To those who have
joined her in that wish it may be some satisfaction to know that it is safe in the Harleian^
Collection. It may claim attention from the conductors of the new edition of the works
of Strype, now in progress, though that historian has already published the substance of
its best portions.
The following passage, which graphically describes the state of alarm, both at the court
and in the city, during Wyat's rebelUon, will be found interesting. The night adventure
at Ludgate and Newgate is passed over by Strype; and the latter part, which tells of
the skirmishing near the palace, has been widely misunderstood by Miss Strickland.
Sir Homffrey Rattclyffe was the levetenauntt off the pencyonars, and
alwayes favored the Gospelle, by whose meanes I hadd my wagis stylle payde
me. When Wyatt was cume into Southwarke, the pencyonars weare com
maunded to wache in armoure thatt nyght at the courte, whiche I hearjmge
off, thought it best in lyke suerte to be there, least by my absens I myght have
sume quarell piken unto me, or att the least be strekon off the boke for
reseavynge any more wagis. After supper I putt one my armoure as the rest
dide, for we weare apoynted to wache alle the nyght. So beyng alle armed,
wee came uppe into the chamber of presens with ower poUaxes inower handes,
wherewith the ladies weare very fearefuUe ; sume lamentynge, cryinge, and
wryngynge ther handes, seyde, " Alas, there is sume greate mischeffe
towarde ; we shalle alle be distroyde this nyght I Whatt a syght is this, to se
the quenes chamber full of armed men ; the lyke was never sene nor harde
off." Then Mr. Norres, who was a jentyllman ussher of the utter chamber

UNDERHYLL'S ANECDOTES OF WYAT's REBELLION. 129
in kynge Henry the viij'*' tyme, and all kyng Edwardes tyme, alwayes a
ranke papist, and therfore was now the cheffe ussher off quene Maryes privy
chamber, he was apoynted to calle the wache, to se yff any weare lackynge ;
unto whome Moore, the clarke of ower cheke, delyvered the boke of ower
names, wiche he parused before he wolde calle them att the curbarde, and
when he came to my name, " Whatt (sayd he) whatt dothe he here ?"
" Syr (sayde the clarke) he is here redy to sarve as the rest be." " Naye,
by God's body ! (sayde he) that herytyke shall not wache heare ; gyve me a
pene." So he stroke my name owt off the boke. The clarke of the cheke
sought me owte, and sayde unto me, " Mr. UnderhyU, yow nede nott to
wache, yow maye departe to your logynge." " Maye I ? (sayde I) I wolde
be glade off thatt," thynkynge I hadde byn favored, because I was nott reco
vered off my sykenes : butt I dyde not welle truste hym because he was also
a papist. " Mary, I depart in dede (sayd I), wylle yow be my discharge ?"
" I tell yow trew (sayde he), Mr. Norres hathe strekon you owt off the boke,
sayng these wordes ' That herytyke shall nott wache here ; ' I tell you trwe
what he sayde." " Mary, I thanke hym (sayde I), and yow also ; yow could
nott do me a greater plesure.'' " Naye, burden nott me withall (sayde he),
it is nott my doynge." So departed I into the halle where ower men weare
apoynted to wache. I toke my men with me, and a lynke, and wentt my
wayes. When I came to the courte gate, ther I mett with Mr. Clement
Througemartone, and George Feris, tindynge ther lynges to go to London.
Mr. Througemarton was cume post frome Coventry, and hadde byne with
the quene to declare unto her the takynge of the duke of Suffoke. Mr.
Feris was sentt from the counceU unto the lorde William Hawwarde, who
hadde the charge of the whache att London bryge. As we wentt, for thatt
they weare bothe my frendes, and protestanes, I tolde them my goode happe,
and maner of my discharge off the whache att the cowrtt. When we came to
Ludegate it was past a leavene of the cloke, the gate was fast loked, and a
greate wache within the gate off Londonars, but noone withowte, whereoff
Henry Peckham hadde the charge under his father, who belyke was goone to
his father, or to loke to the water syde. Mr. Througemartone knoked
harde, and called unto them, saynge, " Here is iij or iiij jentyllman cum from
the courte thatt must come in, and therfore opon the gate." " Who ?" cothe
one, " Whatt?" cothe another, and moche laughynge they made. " Cane ye
tell what ye doo, syrs ? " sayd Mr. Througmartone, declarynge his name,
CAMD. SOC. S

130 APPENDIX.
and that he hadd byne with the quene to showe her grace off the takynge oft
the duke off Suffoke, " and my logynge is within, as I am sure sume off you
do know." " And," sayde Ferris, " I am Ferris, that was lorde off misrule
with kynge Edwarde, and am sentt from the counceU unto my lorde WiUiam,
who hathe the charge of the brige, as yow knowe, uppon weyghtie affayres,
and therfore lett us in, or eles ye be nott the quenes fryndes." Stylle there
was mouche laughynge amoungst them. Then sayd too or three off them,
" We have nott the keyes, we are nott trusted with them ; the keyes be car-
ryed awaye for this nyghte." " Whatt shaU I do?" sayde Mr. Througemar
tone, " I am wery and faynte, and I waxe nowe colde. I am nott aquaynted
here abowte, nor no mane dare opone his doores in this daungerous tyme, nor
I am nott able to goo bake agayne to the courte ; I shall perishe this nyght."
" WeUe (sayde 1) lett us goo to Newgate, I thynke I shaUe gett in ther."
" Tushe (sayde he), it is butt in vayne, we shalbe aunswered ther as we are
here." " Welle (sayde I) and the worst fall, I can loge ye in Newgate ; yow
know whatt acquayntaunce I have ther, ^ and the keper's doore is withowte
the gate.'' " That weare a bade shifte (sayde he), I shoulde almost as lyffe
dye in the stretts ; yett I wyll rather wander agayne to the court.'' " WeUe,
(sayde I) lett us goo prove, I beleve the keper wyll healpe us in att the
gate, or eles lett us in thorow his wardes, for he hatthe a doore on the insyde
also ; yff all this fayle I have a frend att the gate, Newmane the ierinmounger,
in whose howse I have byne logede, where I dare waraunt yow we shall
have logynge, or att the lest howse-rome and fyer." " Marye, this is wel
sayde," (sayethe Ferris ;) so to Newgate we wentt, where was a greate wache
withowte the gate, wiche my frende Newmane hadde the charge off, for that he
was the cunnestable. They marveled to se those torches cumynge thatt tyme
off the nyght. When we came to them, " Mr. UnderhyU (sayde Newmane),
whatt newes, thatt you walke so late ?" " None butt goode (sayd I) ; we cum
from the cowrte, and wolde have goone in att Ludgate, and cannott be lett
in, wherfore I pray yow yff yow cannott helpe us in here, lett [us] have
logynge with yow." " Mary, that ye shall (sayde he), or go in att the gate,
whether ye wUle." " Godamercy, gentyll frende (sayde Mr. Througemar
tone) ; I praye you lett us goo in yff it maye be." He called to the cune-
* UnderhyU had been recently discharged from imprisonment in Newgate, to which he
was committed by the privy council, for the contents of a ballad he had " put forth in
print "on the queen's accession. See Strype, Memorials, iii. 61.

UNDERHYLL'S ANECDOTES OF WTAT's REBELLION. 131
Stable within the gate, who opened the gate forthwith. " Now happye was
I (sayde Mr. Througemartone) that I mett with you, I hadd byne lost eles."
When Wyatt was cum abowte, notwithstandynge my discharge ofthe wache
by Mr. Norres, I putt on my armoure and wentt to the courte, where I
founde aU my felowes armed in the halle, wiche they weare apoynted to
kepe that daye. Old syr John Gage was apoynted withowte the utter gate,
with sume off the garde and his sarvantes and others with hym ; the rest off
the garde weare in the greate courte, the gattes standynge opune. Sir Rychard
Southwell had the charge ofthe bakesydes, as the woodeyarde and thatt waye,
with V" men. The quene was in the galary by the gatehowse. Then came Kne
vett and Thomas Cobam, with a company of the rebelles with them, thorow
the gatehowse, from Westmester," uppon the sodein, wherewith syr John
' This is a point whioh was misunderstood by our chronicler, in the passage at p. 49,
beginning, "At Charing crosse there stood the lord chamberlayne," &c., and also by John
Proctor, the person who undertook to be the historian of Wyat's rebellion. The attack
on Whitehall did not come from Charing Cross, but from the Westminster side. The
former was a natural supposition with those who were not apprised of the exact circum
stances ; but they are fully explained by Holinshed. The party which threatened the
palace of Whitehall was, in fact, the same which our own chronicler describes (p. 48) as
" Cutbart Vaughan and about ij auncyentes," who "turned downe towards Westminster,"
when Wyat's band was first attacked and disjointed near Saint James's palace. UnderhyU,
it is seen above, calls their captains " Knevett and Thomas Cobham," and Holinshed
says they were commanded by Knevett. There were two of that name, Anthony and
William ; and our chronicler seems to say (p . 50) , that both Thomas Cobham and William
Knevett were arrested with Wyatt at Temple bar. But they may have surrendered at
Charing cross. Whoever the leaders of the party were, the facts of the slight attack
which they made on WhitehaU are very clearly related by Holinshed, who, after describing
the charge made by the earl of Pembroke's horsemen near Saint James's palace, adds
that " certaine of his companie, which escaped the charge, passed by the backeside of
Saint James towardes Westmynster, and from thence to the courte, and finding the gates
shut agaynst them, stayed there a while, and shotte off many arrowes into the wyndowes
and over into the gardeyne, neverthelesse without any hurt that was knowne. Where
upon the sayde rebelles, over whom one Knevett was captaine, perceyving themselves to be
too fewe to doe any great feate there, departed from thence to followe Wyat, who was
gone before towardes London ; and, being on their way at Charing crosse, were there
encountered by sir Henry Jerningham captain of the queenes garde, sir Edwarde Bray
maister of the ordinaunce, and sir Philippe Parys, knightes, which were sent, by the order
of the earle of Pembroke, with a bande of archers, and certaine fielde peeces, for the
reskue of the court ; who encountered the sayde rebelles at Charing crosse aforesayde,
after tbey had discharged the fielde peeces upon them ; joyned wyth those rebelles, halfe

132 APPENDIX.
Gage and thre of the jugeis,«' thatt were menly armed in olde bryggantynes,
weare so fryghtede thatt they fledd in att the gattes in suche hast thatt
old Gage fell downe in the durte and was foule arayed ; and so shutt the
gates. Wheratt the rebelles shotte many arowes. By meanes of the greate
hurliburii in shuttynge of the gattes, the garde thatt weare in the courte made
as greate haste in att the haUe doore, and wolde have cum into the halle
amongst us, wiche we wolde not suffer. Then they wentt throungynge to
wardes the Watergate, the kycheyns, and those ways. Mr. Gage came in
amoungst us all durt, and so fryghted thatt he coulde nott speke to us ; then
came the thre jugeis, so fryghtede thatt we coulde nott kepe them owte ex-
cepte we shulde beate them downe. With thatt we issued owt off the halle
into the courte to se whatt the matter was ; where ther was none lefte butt
the porters, and, the gattes beyng fast shutt, as we wentt towardes the gate,
meanynge to goo forthe, syr Rycharde Southewell came forthe of the bake
yardes into the courte. " Syr (saide wee) commaunde the gates to be
opened thatt we maye goo to the quenes enemyes, we wyll breake them opone
eles ; it is to mouche shame the gates shulde be thus shutt for a fewe
rebelles ; the quene shall se us felle downe her enemys this daye before her
face." " Masters," sayde he, and putt off his muriane off his heade, " I shall
desyer yow alle as yow be jentyllmen, to staye yourselves heare thatt I maye
armed and halfe unarmed, at the pushe of the pyke, and very soone dispersed theyr power,
whereof some fledde into the lane towarde Saint Gyles, and some on the other syde by a
brewhouse towardes the Thames. In this conflict, which was the chiefe tryall of that day,
there was not founde slayne to the number of twentie of those rebelles, which happened
by reason that uppon theyr joyning wyth the queenes souldiours, the one parte coulde not
bee discerned from the other, but onely by the myre and dyrt taken by the way, which
stacke uppon theyr garments comming in the night ; wherefore the cry on the queenes
part that day was, Downe with the daggle-tayles."
To this relation Proctor supplies only one additional fact, namely, that while the court
gates were open, '¦ one maister Nicolas Rockewod, being a gentleman of Lyncolnes inn,
and in armour at the said court gate, was shotte through hys nose with an arrowe by the
rebels. For the comminge of the said rebels was not loked for that way." The Nicholas
Rokewode here mentioned adds another name to the list of legal warriors on this occa
sion (see the note before, in p. 40). His name occurs in the evidences of the Rokewode
family as connected with some marriage settlements in 1648, but his place in the pedigree
is not assigned to him (Collectanea Topog. et Geneal. ii, 140).
" These judges were those of the common pleas. " This daye the judges in the common
place at Westminster satte in armoure." — Proctor.

UNDERHYLL'S ANECDOTES OF WYAT's REBELLION. 133
goo upe to the quene to knowe her plesure, and yow shall have the gates
oponed; and, as I am a jentjUman, I wyU make spede." Uppon this we
stayde, and he made a spedie returne, and brought us worde the quene was
contentt we shoulde have the gates opened. " But her request is (sayde
he) that yow wyll not goo forthe off her syght, for her only trust is in yow
for the defence of her parsone this daye." So the gate was opened, and we
marched before the galary wyndowe, wheare she spake unto us, requyrynge
us, as we weare jentyllmen in whome she only trusted, thatt we wolde nott
goo from thatt place. ^ Ther we marched upe and downe the space off an
ower, and then came a harrolde postynge to brynge newes that Wyatt was
taken. Immediately came syr Mores Barkeley and Wyatt behynd hym, unto
whome he dyd yelde att the Temple gate, and Thomas Cobam behynde ane
other jentyllman.
Anone after we weare all brought unto the quenes presentes, and every
one kyssed her hande, off whome we hadde greate thanks, and large promises
how goode she wolde be unto us ; but fewe or none off us gott any thynge,
although she was very liberall to many others thatt weare enemys unto God's
worde, as fewe off us weare.
^ The anecdote which Proctor gives of Mary's personal conduct at this alarming crisis
may be properly appended to the above : — *' In so muche divers timorous and colde-
hearted souldioures came to the queene, crying. All is lost : away, away ; a barge, a
barge ! Yet her grace never chaunged her chere, nor woulde remove one foote out of
the house, but asked for the lord of Pembroke, in whom her grace had worthely reposed
great confidefice. Answere beinge made that he was in the fielde, ' Well then, (quod he^
grace,) fai to praier, and I warrant you we shal heare better newes anone ; for my lord
will not deceave me I knowe well : yf he would, God wyll not, in whom my chiefe trust
is, who will not deceave mee.' And in dede shortlye after newes came all of victorie,
how that Wyat was taken." Proctor gave the best face he could to the whole affair ; but
the truer account is evidently that of our own chronicle, which admits that at one time the
queen had determined to go to the Tower forthwith (p. 48), whereupon, of course, her
barge would be ordered to be in readiness ; and also records the suspicion entertained,
when the rebels were allowed to pass, that the earl ef Pembroke had gone over to Wyat's
part (p. 49).

134

APPENDIX IX.
Extracts from the Register of the Privy Council relative to
THE reception OF KiNG PhILIP AND THE SPANIARDS, AND PREPA
RATIONS FOR THE Queen's marriage.
(MS. Hari. 643, f. 26.)
At St. James's, 26th May 1554. — A letter to Mr. Weldon and Mr. John
Dodge remaining at Southampton ; willinge them to cause the marquess de
las Navas, yf he lande thereabouts,* to be honorably receaved and enter
tained, and to signifye his arrival hether with speede.
At Richemond, 3d of June. — A letter to the maiore and his bretheren of
Southampton, to putt themselves in redines, and to receive the prince of
Spaine, and to cause such boates as they shall thinke meete for the purpose
to be trimed barke-like, in the seemelieste and richeste manner they can.
At Richemond, 13th June. — A letter to John Norris, gentleman usher,
signifienge the lord chamberlene hath given order for the hanginges he
wrotte for, and that he should cause convenyente and decente stages to be
made in the Trinity church [at WinchesterJ for the marryage, after such
form as shalbe declared unto him by Garter kinge at armes, who is sente
thither to instruct him therin.
At Richemond, 25th of June. — A letter to the lord Dudleye, willinge
him, where he hath determyned to give such hveries as the prince of Spane
giveth, to desiste therefrom, forasmuch as the same shoulde be unfitting,
the prince's liverye beinge a speciall note whereby his servants may be
knowne. At Richemond, 1 Sth June. — A letter from the queene to the maiore of
Salesbureye, willinge him, in consideracion that many ambassadores shall
repaire thether who drinke only wine, to cause foure or more of the saide
" This marquess eventually disembarked at Plymouth, " where he was honourably
received by the bishop of Lincoln and other noblemen, besides the admiral, who gave
him a salute, which lasted a long time." Despatch of Simon Renard to the emperor, in
Tytler, ii. 416.

EXTRACTS FROM THE PRIVY COUNCIL REGISTER. 135
cittie, of the most honest that hath used to provide and sell wine, to make
provisione thereof, and retayle the same at prises reasonable, aswell to the
straungers as to all others.
At Farnham, the last day of June. — A letter to Lawrence Bradshawe,
surveyor of the workes, signefyinge that the quenes highnes mindeth to
dine abroade '^ the day of her maryage ; willinge him therefore to take order
that the tables be sett and raised accordingly, and that the wall at the backe
side of the table where her highnes shall sitte be brokene, and a place
devised for her highnes to withdrawe herselfe.
At Winchester, 27th July. — This daye it was ordered by the boarde
that a note of all such matteres of state as should passe from hence should
be pute into Latten and Spanyche from henceforth, and the same to be
delyvered to such as it should please the kinges highnes to appointe to
receave it.
It was also ordered that all matteres of estate passynge in the kinge and
quenes names should be signed with both their handes.
It was further ordered, that a stampe be made in both theire names for
the stampinge of such matters as should be requisite.''
At Winchester, the 29th of July. — This daye two treaties of the maryage
betweene the kinge and queenes highnes, sealed with the seale of Spaine,
exhibited by the lord privie seale and the lord Fitzwalter, late ambassadores
into Spaine, was delivered to the lord treasurore, to be by him kepte in the
treasurie. At Richemond, 13th of August. — A letter to the deputie and counsell
of Callaice, willinge him to use honorablye the duke of Medina Sely, the
marquese of Pescara, the marquese las Navas, the earle of Egmonde, and
suche other noblemen as presently repaire from hence that waye to the
emperour, and to depeache them with haste and favour from thence.
At Richemond, 15th of August. — A letter to the lord stuarde, that
whereas the queenes highnes is advertized that certayne disorderes hath
risene in lodgeinge of sundrye noblemen and gentlemen of the kinges
trayne, and that they have ben all entered at the harbengeres hands, that
» This merely means, in modern phrase, " in public."
^ A stamp, instead of the royal sign-manual, had been used during the infirmities of
Henry VIII. in his latter days; and was again resorted to in the last illness of George IV.
See the Gentleman's Magazine June 1830, pp. 548, 549.

136 APPENDIX.

his lordshippe shoulde call the harbengeres before him, and examine the mat
ter ; and yf it shaU faU out that Englishemen have ben faultye herin, to
cause them to be punyshed, or yf the Spanyards shalbe found faultye, then
to signefie the same to the kinges magestie, to the end ordere maye be given
for their punishmente as shall appertayne.

APPENDIX X.
John Elder's Letter describing the arrival and marriage of
KING Philip, his triumphal entry into London, the legation
of cardinal Pole, &c.
The contents of this curious little book were partially extracted by Foxe and Holinshed,
but it has never been reprinted entire. It comprises, among other matters, a full
description of the pageantry in London at king Philip's entry, of which there is no other
copy. Mr. Tytler, vol. ii. p. 258, says that John Elder was also the author of a wild proposal
for uniting Scotland with England, addressed to Henry VIII. in 1542, preserved in the
Royal MS. 18 A. XXXVIII, and which is the first article printed in the Bannatyne Mis
cellany, 1824. In the title to that essay he is styled " John Elder olerk, a Reddshank."
The original of the present tract is very rare ; a copy was sold for eight guineas at the
sale of Mr. Bindley's library in 1820. The copy in the British Museum, from which the
present reprint is derived, was formeriy Mr. Gough's, and was purchased by Miss S. S.
Banks, as recorded in this memorandum: "1811, March 19. To Mr. Cuthell for this
book, £S Zs. Od." It is not quite perfect, but supplied by manuscript leaves.
The copie of a letter sent in to Scotlande, of the arivall and land3mge, and
moste noble marryage of the moste illustre prynce Philippe, prynce of
Spaine, to the moste excellente princes Marye quene of England,
solemnisated in the citie of Winchester ; and howe he was receyved
and installed at Windsore, and of his triumphyng entries in the noble
citie of London.
Whereunto is added a brefe overture or openyng of the legacion of the
moste reverende father in God lorde cardinall Poole, from the Sea
Apostolyke of Rome, with the substaunce of the oracyon to the kvng

JOHN elder's LETTER, ETC. 137
and quenes magesties, for the reconcilement of the realme of Englande
to the unitie of the Catholyke churche.
With the verye copye also of the supplycacion exhibited to their highnesses
by the three estates assembled in the parlamente. Wherin they,
representing the whole body of the realme and dominions of the same,
have submitted themselves to the Pope's holynesse.
To the ryghte reverende and his very especial good lord, lord Robert
Stuarde,^ bishoppe of Cathenes, and provest of Diibritane coUedge in
Scotlande, John Elder, his humble oratour, wisheth health, and prosperous
felicitie. Although I have ben minded divers times (my very good lord) for to
have written to your lordeship such newes as have occurred here, in time
of peace, or els where ; yet, nevertheles, by reason of unnaturall warres
betwixt both these realmes of Englande and Scotlande, at whiche tyme I
woulde not presume to wryte to foren places, and partly because I could
mete with none which had accesse to the place where you remained, I have
therfore been let from so doing hitherto from tyme to tyme. And whereas
I have good occasion ministered now to write, by reason of suche most
noble newes as are in England at this present, I wil so briefly as I may
advertis you of the same.
Therfore your lordeship shall understande, that Philip, by the grace of
God king of England, Fraunce, Naples, Hierusalem, and Irelande, and
Sonne to the most fortunate and most victorious monarche Charles the
fifth * of that name, nowe emperour of Rome, arrived to the coast of Eng
lande, with a navie of vii. score salle, and landed at Southampton in Ham-
shire, within ten mile of the citie of Winchester, on friday the xx. day of
July last, at iii. of the clocke at afternone." At which towne, the quenes
» Robert Stuart, brother to Matthew earl of Lennox, and now, Uke the earl, an exile
from Scotland, but where resident does not appear. ^See Douglas's Peerage of Scotland,
by Wood, U. 98.
^ Misprinted first in the oi'iginal.
" Some particulars of Philip's arrival not elsewhere recorded are given in the report
made by the French ambassador to his master (Ambassades de Noailles, iii. 284.) It
states that, ' ' when the marquis de las Naves found that the prince was not far from land,
he placed himself in a boat with the earl of Surrey [grandson of the Duke of Norfolk],
the lord Maltravers eldest son of the eari of Arundel, lord Strange eldest son of the eari
of Derby, lord Talbot eldest son of the earl of Shrewsbury, [lord Herbert of Cardiff] eldest
CAMD. SOC. T

138 APPENDIX.

majestie being seven mUe from thens, the lordes of the counsel and diverse
other noble men most lovyngly welcomed him ; where in the meane season

son of the earl of Pembroke, and a sixth young nobleman, and proceeded to the ship in
which the prince was ; to whom he presented the said English lords to be gentlemen of
his chamber, to which he assented very graciously.
"The earls of Arundel, Derby, Shrewsbury, Pembroke, and other lords of the council
of England, went into a barge richly adorned and gilt, and expressly prepared in order
to land the prince ; and repaired to his ship, in which the earl of Arundel presented
him with the order of the garter, which was immediately put on him by the herald of the
order. Then were read the laws, customs, and ordinances of the kingdom, which the
said prince swore to maintain and cause to be observed. [These were, more probably,
the laws of the order of the garter. Some accounts, as in the text, state that the garter
was presented to Philip on his coming on shore; but Ashmole, p. 308, describes his
investiture as having taken place before he landed.]
" Then he entered into the said barge to come to land with the said lords of the council,
taking with him of his own lords only the dukes of Alva and Medina CeU, the admiral
of Castille, and don Rui Gomez, who had been his governor, and was still the person by
whose judgment he was chiefly guided.
" At the landing from the barge, sir Anthony Browne was waiting at thje waterside
holding by the bridle a hackney richly housed and harnessed, who, immediately the prince
had placed his foot on shore, knelt and made a speech in Latin, giving him to understand
that he had received the honour of being retained in the prince's service, before his
arrival, in the office of master of the horses ; and that, although he had already taken the
oath of allegiance to his ambassador, yet that he again begged his majesty right humbly
to be pleased to receive him as one of his most faithful, humble, and loyal subjects and
servants. To which the prince listened favourably, and raised him very graciously.
Then, the said Browne having kissed the stirrop of the hackney, the prince mounted
thereon. " From this spot he went straightways to the church of [the Holy Rood in] South
ampton, the English and Spanish lords accompanying him on foot, bareheaded ; and,
after he had returned thanks to God, he was brought to his lodging ; where, after the
lords of the council of England were assembled, he delivered to them a long discourse of
the occasion of his coming into this kingdom, and how he had not left his own countries
to increase or augment his estate or the greatness of his power or riches, for God, by his
grace, had given him such share of them that he had as good reason to be content as
any prince living ; but. His divine goodness having summoned him to be the husband of
the queen their mistress, he would not refuse His divine will, and for this purpose he had
crossed the sea to live with the said lady and them, assuring them that, whilst they con
tinued in their good mind to be faithful, obedient, and loyal to him as they promised him,
he would be to them a right good and loving prince.
" This evening, after supper, the prince came into his presence-chamber, where were
a great number of English gentleman, with whom he conversed privately, and among

JOHN elder's LETTER, ETC. 139
my lord the eril of Arundel, lord steward of Englande, put a very riche
garter about his left legge. And there, to recreat him selfe after the sea,
with suche noble men as came with him, he continued friday, satterday,
and sundaye.
Than the next munday, which was the xxiv. of Juli, his highnes came to
the citie of Winchester" at vi. of the clocke at nighte, the noble men of
Englande and his nobles riding, one with another, before him, in good
order, through the citie, every one placed according to his vocacion and
office, he riding on a faire white horse, in a riche coate embroidered with
gold, his doublet, hosen, and hat suite-like, with a white fether in his hat
very faire. And after he lighted he came the hie waye towardes the weast
dore of the cathedrall churche, where he was most reverently received wyth
procession •> by my lorde the bishop of Winchester, now lord chaunceller of
England, and v. othei: bishops, mitred, coped, and staved, where also, after
he had kneled, kissed the crucifix, and done his praier, he ascended from
thens V. steps upon a skafholde which was made for the solemnizacion of
his marriage : and untill he came to the quere doore, the procession song
Laus, honor et virtus. And after he had entred the quere, and perceaved
the moste holy sacrament, he put of his cap, and went bare-headed with
others with the lord admiral, to whom he showed great favour, and told him that he was
come to marry in this country without having brought wherewith to dress or attire him
self so richly as the greatness of the queen deserved ; but tbat he hoped that the foot-
cloth of the hackney which that lady had sent him might serve him for a costly vestment ;
meaning thereby to enhance the richness of that foot-cloth. [The queen appears after
wards to have given him his bridal dress. See a note to the marriage ceremony here
after. Appendix XL]
" Soon after the collation was brought in, with a great number of silver pots and
ewers, full of wine, beer, and ale, according to the custom of the country. Then he
addressed the Spanish lords who were about him, and told them they must at once forget
all the customs of Spain, and live in aU respects after the EngUsh fashion, in which he
was determined to begin and show them the. way ; so he ordered some beer to be brought
him, and drank of it." See in the Italian Relation'of England (printed for the Camden
Society,) at pp. 10, 21, the remarks which the peculiarity of the English in drinking beer
and ale were wont to elicit from foreigners.
» Of PhUip's journey to Winchester some details will be found in Miss Strickland's
Life of Queen Mary, derived from the Italian narrative of Baoardo, to which the present
Editor has not access.
' Misprinted profession in the original.

140 APPENDIX.
great humilitie, untU he entred his seate or travers as they cal it, where
after he had kneled, my lorde chaunceUor began Te Deum Laudamus, and
the quere, together with the organs, song and plaied the rest. Whiche
beeng doen, he was brought with torch-light to the deanes house, the lordes
going before him, and the quenes garde in their riche coates standing al the
way : whiche house was very gorgeously prepared for him, adjoining to my
lorde the bishop of Winchester's palace, where the quenes highnes then lay,
not passing a paire of but-lengthes betwene. Thys nighte, after he had
sopped, at x. of the clocke (as 1 am crediblye informed), he was brought by
the counsell a privie waye to the quene," where her grace verye lovyngly,
yea, and most joyfuUye receyved him. And after they had talked together
half an hour they kissed, and departed. I am crediblie informed also that
at his departing he desired the quenes highnes to teache hym what he should
say to the lordes in English," at his departing : and she told him he should
say, " Good night, my lordes all." And as he came by the lordes, he said
as the quene had taught him.
So the nexte tuesdaye, at three of the clocke, he went to the quene from
the deanes house afote, where every body might see him ; the lord stewarde,'^
the erle of Darbey, the erle of Pembroke, with divers other lordes and
noblemenne, as well Englishe as others, went before him, he going alone,
in a cloke of blacke cloth embrodred with sUver, and a paire of white hose.*
And after that he had entred the courte, where aU kinde of instrumentes
played very melodiously, and came within the hai, where the quenes
majesty was standing on a skafhold, his highnes descended, and amiably
receaving him, did kisse him in presence of all the people. And then
taking him by the right hande, they went together in the chaumber of
presence, where after they had, in sighte of all the lordes and ladies, a quarter
of an houre pleasantly talked and communed together, under the cloth of

° " About nine in the evening the earl of Arundel, with the great chamberlain, paid
him a visit, and after some conversation, being joined by the count d' Egmont, conducted
the prince to the queen secretly. This was the flrst time that they had seen each other."
Narrative in the archives of Louvaine, printed in Tytler, ii. 430.
'' Their conversation had been " in the Spanishe tongue," as it is expressly stated in
Fabyan's chronicle.
^ The earl of Arundel.
''  " and the garter of the order of Englande aboute his legge." Fabyan.

JOHN elder's LETTER, ETC. 141
estate, and each of them merily smylyng on other, to the greate comforte
and rejoising of the beholders, he toke his leve of her grace, and departed
towardes the cathedrall churche to evensong, all the lordes (as I have said)
going before him : where also from the courte hai dore to the courte gate,
all the pensioners and the garde (as he and the lordes went) stode all along
on both sides the waye. Evensong being done, he was very princely
brought from the churche with torche-lyghte unto the deanes house agayne.
Then wedinsdaye, being Sanct James daie, the xxv. of July, his highnes
(at X. of the clocke) and his nobles before him, went to the cathedral
churche, and remayned there (the dores beyng very straightlie kepte) untill
the quenes highnes came : whose magestie, with al her counsel and nobilitie
before her, came thyther at half houre to aleven. And entring at the west
dore of the said cathedrall churche (where her grace was receaved the sat
terday before, in like manner as his highnes was the munday following,) her
majestie ascended the foresaid steps, and came towardes the quere dore :
where a little without the same dore was made a round mount of hordes,
ascendyng also five steps above the skafholde. On which mount, immedi-
atelye after her magestie and the king were shreven, they were marled by
my lord the bishop of Winchester lord chancellour of Inglande, her
magestye standing on the right side of the said mount, and the king on the
left side. And this the mariage being ended " and solemnizated, which with
the biddinges and the banes ther of was declared and done by the said lord
chauncelor, both in Latin and English, his lordship declared also there :
How that the emperours magestie resigned, under his emperial seale, the
kingdomes of Naples and Hierusalem to his sonne Philip prince of Spain,
wherby it might well appeare to all men that the quenes highnes was then
maried, not only to a prince, but also unto a king. The quenes mariage
ring was a plain hoope of gold without any stone in it : for that was as it is
said her pleasure, because maydens were so maried in olde tymes. Thys (as
I have saide) being ended and done, the erle of Darbey beefore the quenes
magestie, and the erle of Pembroke before the kinges highnes, did bere ech
of them a swerd of honour. And so both their majesties entered the quere
hande in hand under a canapye borne by iiij. knightes towardes the hie
altar, where after they had kneled a whUe with ech of them a taper, they
arose, and the quene went to a seate or travers of the right hande of the
» The ceremonial of the marriage, as recorded by the English heralds, forms the next
article of this Appendix.

142 APPENDIX.
altar, and the kinge to another seate of the left hand, where they continued
thus several in their meditacions and praiers untill the gospell was saied,
and then they came out, and kneled all the hie masse tyme openly before
the hie aultar, the care clothe beeyng holden, as the maner is.* Where
duryng hie masse tyme the quenes chapell matched with the quire, and
the organs, used suche swete proporcyon of musicke and harmonye, as the
like (I suppose) was never beefore invented or harde. The hie masse
beeing done, whiche was celebrated and sayd by my lorde the bishop of
Winchester, having to his coadjutors the five bishops aforesaid, that is to
say, the bishops of Duresm, Ely, London, Lincolne, and Chichestre, (wherin
both the princes offering rich jewels, and delivering their tapers, yea and the
kinges highnes at the Agnus Dei kissyng the celebrator, according to the
ceremonies of mariages used in holy catholicke churches,) the king of
heroldes openly, in presence of both their magesties and the whole audience,
solempnly proclaymed this their new stile and title in Latin, Frenche, and
in Englishe. The stile in Latin.
" Philippus et Maria, Dei gratia, Rex et Regina Anglie, Francie, Nea
polis, Hierusalem et Hibernie, fidei defensores, Principes Hispaniarum et
Secihe, Archiduces Austrie, Duces Mediolani, Burgundie et Brabantie, Co
mites Haspurgi, Flandrie et Ty rolls."
And wheras this letter maye come perhaps from your lordships handes,
in the handes of those which understand not the Latin tongue, I wil therfore
by your lordships leve, to satisfie and content their mindes, being unlearned,
not only declare the same stile and title in English, but also all suche other
thinges as shal folowe in Latin. The stile in Englishe.
" Philip and Marie, by the grace of God king and quene of England,
Fraunce, Naples, Hierusalem, and Irelande, defenders of the faith, princes
of Spain and Secyll, archdukes of Austria, dukes of Millan, Burgundy, and
Brabant, counties of Haspurge, Flaunders, and Tirol."
This stile and title being thus proclaimed, the king and the quene departed,
hand in hande, under the forsaid canapie, to my lord chauncellor's place,
where the quenes grace was lodged ; whose two most princely and most rich
^ i. B. over the heads : see Nares's Glossary and Brand's Antiquities. Its derivation is
probably from quarre, square.

ETC. 143
abUiments was of betin gold upon golde, and so riche set with precious
stones, as no man coulde esteme the value therof. At which place, during
diner time, as none could be in the world more sumptuous, when their
magestyes dined openly in the hai both together at one table, under the
cloth of estate :" there was suche soundes and noise of al maner of instru
ments, as hath been seldome hearde ; when also, at the thirde course, I per
ceived all the heraldes of armes entre the hall two and two, in their heral-
dicall garmentes, and crying three times with an hye voyce " Largesse ! "
the king of them, commonlye called Garter, proclamed there againe the
kynges highnes and quenes new stile and title, in maner, fourme, and effect
as he did in the cathedrall churche when hye masse was done. And so,
crying three tymes " Larges ! " agayne, they departed.
And thus, shortly to conclude, there was for certain daies after this moste
noble mariage suche triumphing, bankating, singing, masking, and daun-
sing, as was never in Englande heretofore, by the reporte of all men. Wher
fore, to see the kinges magestie and the quene sitting under the cloth of
estate, in the hall where tbey dyned, and also in the chamber of presence
at dansing tyme, where both their magesties dansed, and also to behold the
dukes and noblemen of Spain daunse with the faire ladyes and the moste
beutifuU nimphes of England, it should seme to him that never see suche,
to be an other worlde.
Nowe, to trouble youre lordship any further with the hole and perfite de
claration of the riche and sundrie apparelles whiche the nobilitie of Eng
lande and Spain used and ware at and after the mariage of these two most
excellent princes, it were but a phantasie and losse of paper and ynke ; for
no mortall princes (emperoures and kinges only except) were able surely to
excell them. And such brave liveries as their servauntes had, I never sawe
the lyke in all the countreys that ever I travayled. And finaUy, with what
ryche hanginges the cathedral church of Winchester and the quyer was
hanged, and the two seates where bothe the princes sat, it was a wonder to
se. And againe, to vew and mark what feligaunt verses in Latin of all
kynde of sortes were affixed and set up on the cathedrall churche dores, and
the portes of my lorde chaunceller's place where the king and the quene
laye, by the skoUers of Winchester CoUedge, in prayse and commendacion
» See a further account of the marriage banquet hereafter.

144 APPENDIX.
of this most noble and rare mariage of PhUip of Spayne and Mari of Eng
land, it shoulde quicken the spirits of al dull doltes to embrace good letters,
and of the best learned to favour the good will of al painefull studentes. I
purpose for to sende the copy of some of theym to your lordship (God
willing) hereafter.a And in the meane season I wUl not omit two verses
whiche were wrytten in a whyte fielde, whych heroldes call silver, with faire
Romayne letters of blacke, which they call sable, above the inner port of
the place wher the two princes lay, a month before they cam thither ; whiche
verses (as I am advertised) were made by my lorde the bishop of Winches
ter, nowe lorde chaunceller of Englande, whose exacte learnyng is well
knowen every where, yea, and he to bee of moste exacte judgement in all
kinde of good letters.
These be the two verses : —
0 domus es felix nimium,'' nimiumque beata,
Hospitio tales nunc habitura tuo.
This is to saye, —
Thou art happy house, righte blist and blist again.
That shortly shalt suche noble guestes' retayn.
And after that their majesties had thus remayned in the citie of Win-
chestre ten daies (unto the whiche citie and to Southhampton, in token and
perpetuall memorye of this their moste noble mariage, solemnizated in the
one, and the kinges first landing in the other, they did geve great privi
legis and landes for ever,) they removed from thens on tuesdaye the last
of Juli, and riding through the citie in a very princely order, they wente to
Basing, xv. mile from Winchestre, where at my lord treasurer of Englandes
house they lay that night and the next day following, where was suche
noble chere provided for them, and both their nobilities, as I have not sene
the like for the tyme in ray dayes.
The next thursday, being the seconde of August, they departed from
thens, and rode to Reding, wher after they had lyne but that nyghte, they
came to Windesore the next friday, at vi. of the clocke at nyghte.
And cumming in at the west end of the town, they came, with two
• See this supplied in No. XII. of this Appendix.
^ Misprinted minium in the original, in both places. ' Misprinted geastes.

JOHN elder's LETTER, ETC. 145
swerdes borne before them, streight way towardes the churche weste dore,
where with procession they were receaved by my lord chaunceller, where
also the lord stewarde of Englande revested the king with the robe of the
order of the garter, and the quenes magestie put the collar of the same
order aboute his necke, whiche being done, they bothe preceded under a
canapy towardes the quere, the lordes of the order going beefore them in
their robes and collars also. And after that the kyng was there installed,
and Te Deum song and ended, they came out at the same dore of the quere
where they entred, and went to a place pf the north side of the same, where
the kinges highnes and the lordes put of their robes ; which being done, the
kinges magestie and the quene departed on horse-backe to their lodging in
Windsor Castle.
And to make an ende here of their progres, your lordship shaU under
stande, that after they had remayned at Windsor certaine daies after the
kinges installacion, they came to Richemont. When being advertysed that
all suche triumphes and pageantes as wer devised in London agaynst their
cumming thyther, were finished and ended, they came from thens by water,
on friday the xvii. of August, and landed at S. Marie Overes staires on
Southwarke side ; where every corner being so straight kept as no man
could passe, come, or go, but those which were appointed to attende their
landing, they passed through my lord chauncellers house at" Suffoike place,
which was prepared for their lying that night. This Suffoike place, and
your lordship be remembred, is of the left hande as we enter into South
warke cumming from Hampton Courte ; whiche place was made by the
olde duke of Suffoike, immediatly after that he maried the godly and ver
tuous princes Marye quene dowager of Fraunce and the seconde doughter
of king Henry the vii.
Nowe to begyn and declare their cumming to London, and to make an
ende. Your reverend lordship shall understande that bothe their moste
excellent majesties made thier most noble and triumphing entries into the
noble citie of London furth of Southwarke place, the next satterdaye,
which was the xviii. of August, at ii. of the clocke at after none. Where
after all the lordes of their moste honorable privie counsel, and the ambas-
sadours of all nacyons, with the nobilitie of Englande and Spayne, and
divers other noble and jentle men as wel English as straunge, wer al on
¦ For at read to. They passed through Winchester house to Suffolk place.
CAMD. SOC. U

146 APPENDIX.
horsebacke, two and two, in a ranke, the lord maior of London, as the two
princes came out at the gate, kneled and delivered a mace, whiche signified
his power and authoritie within the citie of London, to the quenes grace.
Whose magestie delivering the said mace to the lord maior again, the kinges
highnes and she ascended their horses, and so marchyng towardes London
bridge, the quene of the righte hande, and the king of the left, with two
swerdes of honour before theym, and before the swerdes the lord maior of
London bearing the mace, the Toure of London begynneth to shoote.
And when they came to the drawe-bridge, there they made the fyrst
staye, where there was in the hight thereof a fayre table, holden up with
two greate giauntes, the one named Corineus Britannus, and the other Gog-
magog Albionus. In which table, in a field silver, with faire Romaine
letters of sable, these xii. verses following were wrytten :
Unica Caesareje stirpis spes indite princeps,
Cui Deus imperium totius destinat orbis,
Gratus et optatus nostras accedis ad eras.
Ecce sagittipotens tibi tota Britania dextram
Porrigit, et gremium tibi nobilis Anglia pandit,
Te tamen in primis urbs Londoniensis honorat,
Incolumemque suum gaudet venisse Philippum,
Ipsa suis sentit charum te civibus esse,
Et fore foelicem tali se principe credit.
Teque putant omnes missum divinitus urbi,
Cujus mens, studium, vox, virtus, atque voluntas
Gaudet, et in clari consentit amore Philippi.
That is to say, 0 noble Prince, sole hope of Caesar's side.
By God apointed all the worid to gyde,
Right hartely welcome art thou to our land.
The archer Britayne yeldeth the hir hand.
And noble England openeth her bosome
Of hartie affection for to bid the welcome.
But chiefly London doth her love vouchsafe,
Rejoysing that her Philip is eome safe.
She seith her citisens love thee on eche side,
And trustes they shal be happy of such a gide :
And al do thinke thou art sent to their citie
By th' only meane of God's paternall pitie.
So that their minde, voice, study, power, and will,
Is onlie set to love the, Philippe, still.

JOHN elder's LETTER, ETC. 147
Here also the Toure of London (the signe geven that the kinge and
quene were in syghte thereof) shotte suche peales of ordinaunce in and about
every quarter thereof, and specially out of the toppe of the whyte toure and
of the wharffe, as never was heard the lyke in Englande heretofore.
Which being done, they preceded forwarde until they came to Gracious
strete, where in their waye the conduit therof was finely trimmed, whereon
was painted verye ingeniouslye the nine Worthies, with many notable pro-
verbes and adages, written with fayre Roman letters on every side thereof.
And at the signe of the Splaied Eagle they made a seconde stale, where
the first pagent was devysed and made by the marchaunt straungers of the
Stilliarde. Where emongest divers notable stories, there was in the top
therof a picture of the king sitting on horssebacke, all armed verye
gorgeously, and richly set out to the quicke. Under which picture were
written in field silver with fayre Romaine letters of sable, these wordes
folowinge after this maner : Divo Phi. Aug. Max.
Hispaniarum principi exoptatissimo.
That is to saye,
" In honour of worthy Philip the fortunate and most mighty
Prince of Spaine, most earnestly wyshed for."
And under that were wrytten in a field blue, whiche heroldes call azure,
with faire Romaine letters of silver, these two verses folowinge :
Constantem fortemque animum, ter magne Philippe,
Nee spes a recto, nee metus acer agit.
That is to saye, Most mighty Philip, neither hope nor fear may frighte
Thy stronge and valiaunt hart away from ryghte.
Whiche picture, and al other notable stories and wrytinges in the saide
pagent, pleasing their magesties very wel, they marched forward untill they
came to Cornewail," where the conduite also there being very excellentlye
painted, at the west end of the strete was the seconde pagent, which was
ryght exceUently handled and set out, where their magesties made the thirde
staye. In whiche pagente were foure lively persons, which represented the
' See before, in p. 80.

148 APPENDIX.
foure moste noble PhUips, of whose most noble actes and doinges we read
in auncient stories. That is to saye, PhUip kyng of Macedonia, Philip the
Romayn Emperour, PhUip duke of Burgundy surnamed Bonus, and Phihp
duke of Burgundy surnamed Audax ; betwixt which foure princes, two
beying of the right side of the pagent, and two of the leaft, there was a
fayre table, wherin were written in a fielde azure, with Romaine letters of
sUver, these viii. verses folowyng :
Quatuor a priscis aecepimus esse Philippos,
Quorum per totum celebratur gloria mundum.
Nobilitas primum summa decoravit honore,
Prosperitate facit clarum fortuna secundum,
Tertius aeterna bonitatis laude refulget,
Quartus bellator fortis memoratur et audax ;
Sed tua nobilitas, fortuna, audatia, virtus.
Omnibus his prsestat, vincisque Philippe Philippos.
That is to .saye, We read in time past Philips have bene foure.
Whose glory throwghout al the worlde is blowen ;
The flrst through noble bloud past all before.
The secondes matche in good succes unknowen ;
The third for goodnes gat eternall fame,
The forthe for boldnes used agaynst hys fone ;
In birth, in fortune, boldnes, vertuous name.
Thou Philip passest these Phillips fewer, alone.
This pageante, with the stories therein contained, liking the kinges
highnes and the quene wonderous wel, they passed towardes Chepeside, and
at the easte ende therof, the conduite there also being finely paynted and
trimmed, they made the fourth staye, where the thirde pageante was made.
In the height wherof was one playing on a harpe, who signified the most ex
cellent musician Orpheus, of whom and of Amphion we reade iu the fables
of old poetes ; where also were nyne faire ladyes playing and singing on
divers swete instrumentes, signifying the nine Muses. And not farre from
them were men and children decked up like wilde beastes, as lions, wolfes,
foxes, and beares. So that the moste swete strokes, noyse, and soundes of
Orpheus, with the nyne Muses playing and singinge, in the sayd pageant,
and also the counterfeated beastes daunsing and leaping with Orpheus

JOHN elder's LETTER, ETC. 149
harpe and the Muses melodye, exhUarated and rejoysed their majesties very
much. Under Orpheus, in a field silver, with faire Romaine letters of
sable, were written in a very faire table these viii. verses foUowinge :
Eloquii olaro ditatus munere princeps
Voce sua cives flectet, quocunque lubebit.
Hoc veteres olim docuere per Orphea vates.
Qui movisse feras cantus dulcedine fertur.
Sic tua sola tuos dicendi copia cives
Excitat, et moestse prebet solatia menti.
Ergo tibi merito magnas agit Anglia grates,
Anglia que solo gaudet dicente Philippe.
That is to saye. The prince that hath the gift of eloquence
May bend his subjectes to his most behove.
Which in old time was shewed by covert sence
In Orpheus whose song did wilde beastes move.
In like case now thy grace of spech so franke
Doth comforte us, whose mindes afore were bleke,
And therefore England geveth the harty thanke.
Whose chiefest joye is to hear thee, PhiUp, speke.
Their majesties being satisfyed with the sighte of that pageant, they
marched from thence, and passinge through Chepeside, where they per
ceiving the crosse therof, which was with fine gold richely gilded, they
staled a litle lookinge thereon, whiche was (no doute it is) unto them a
right excellent view, where also the kinges highnes, perceaving the crucifix
in the top therof, very humblie put of his cap. Thys sene, they marched
forwarde, and at the west end of Chepe they made the fyft staye, where
was the fourth and most excellent pageant of al, wherein was contained,
declared, and shewed their most noble genealogy from kinge Edward the
third, which genealogie was most excellently and moste ingeniously set
out, with a great arboure or tree ; under the roote wherof was an olde man
liinge on his left side, with a long white Ifeard and close crowne on his
head, and a sceptour in his ryght hand, and a ball imperial in his lefte ;
which olde man signified kinge Edward the third, of whom both their
majesties are lineally descended ; which greene arbour or tree grewe up of
both the sides, with braunches, whereon did sit young faire children, which
represented the persons of such kinges, quenes, princes, dukes, earles, lordes,

150 APPENDIX.
and ladies, as descended from the said king Edward the iii. unto their daies,
whose names were written above their heades in fieldes azure, in faire
tables, with Roman letters of silver. Where also in the top of the said
arbour or tre, was a quene of the right hande, and a king of the left, which
presented their magesties ; above whose heades was written their new stile
and title, with fayre Roman letters of sable in a fielde golde ; and above
that, in the height of al, wer both their armes joined in one, under one
crown emperial. And finally, under the old man whiche lay under the
rote of the arbour, and signified (as I have said) king Edward the third,
were written these v. verses folowinge, in a field silver, with letters of gold :
Si te belUpotens veterum juvat Anglia regum
Gloria, quse summis quondam te laudibus auxit,
Illorum sobolem Mariam, magnumque Philippum
Diligere, et toto complecti pectore debes.
Quos Deus ex uno communi fonte profectos
Connubio veterem voluit conjungere stirpem.
That is to saye, Englande, if thou delite in auncient men
Whose glorious actes thy fame abrod dyd blase.
Both Mary and Philip their offspring ought thou then
With al thy hert to love and to embrace.
Which both descended of one auncient lyne
It hath pleased God by mariage to combyne.
Which pageant beynge throughlye vewed and much commended of their
majesties, they wente hence towardes Paules church. And in their way a
skoUer of Paules skoole, decked up in cloth of gold, delyvered unto the
kinges highnes a fayre boke, which he receyved verye jentlie. Where also
a fellow came slipping upon a corde, as an arrowe out of a bow, from
Paules steple to the grounde, and lighted with his heade forwarde on a
greate sort of fether beds : And after he [had] clame up the corde
againe, and done certene feates, their majesties lighted, and being in Paules
church receaved with procession by the bishop of London, and Te Deum
song and ended, they departed, and marched towardes Flete strete, at the
condit whereof they made the sixt and last staye, where was the fift and
hindermost pagent of all. Wherein was a quene and a king representing
their highnes, having of their right side Justicia with a swerd in her hande.

JOHN elder's letter, ETC. 151
and Equitas with a payre of ballaunce ; and of theyr left side Veritas wyth
a boke in her hande, whereon was written Verbum Dei, and Misericordia
with a hearte of golde. Where also from the height of the pageant de
scended one which signified Sapientia, with a crowne in eche of her handes,
whereof the one she put on the head of her that presented the quene, and
the other on the head of him that presented the king ; under which two
wer written, in a field azure, with fayre Roman letters of silver, these .vi.
verses folowing : Qui verax clemensque simul, ac Justus et equus,
Vu'tutisque suam complevit lumine mentem,
Si diadema viro tali Sapientia donet,
Ille gubernabit totum fceliciter orbem.
Et quia te talem cognovimus esse, Philippe,
Nos fortunatos fore te regnante putamus.
That is to saye, When that a man is jentle, just, and true,
With vertuous giftes fulfilled plenteously.
If Wisdome then him with hir crowne endue.
He governe shal the whole world prosperously.
And sith we know thee, Philip, to be such,
While thou shalt reigne we thinke us happy much.
And after that their magesties had seen the effecte of thys pageant, they
proceeded forward towardes Temple bar, where they stayed a litle in view-
inge a certaine oracion in Latin, which was in a long table wrytten with
Romayne letters, above the porte therof, as they passed, and departed furth
of the citie. Which oracion declared that such triumphs and pagiantes as
were devised and made in the noble citie of London by the lord maior therof,
his brethren and the citisens, for theyr entries, whose most happy cumming
they most hertly so long desired and wished for ; and agayne the running
and rejoysing of the greate number of people as were there calling and
crying "God save your graces," was an evident token, testimonie, and witnes
of their faithful and unfained hertes to the quenes highnes and the king.
For whose moste excellente majesties they prayed unto Almightye God
longe to lyve, rule, and reygne over their most noble empyre of Englande.
And now makyng an end here of this theyr most triumphyng entries into
the noble citye of London, they departed from Temple barre towardes Yorke

152 APPENDIX.
place, otherwyse caUed the Whyte hai : wher after they had lighted they
came hand in hand into the great chamber of presens, where also, after they
had talked a little space, they toke theyr leave cache of other.
And so the quenes magestie entring that part of the courte comenly
called the kinges side, and the kinges highnes entryng the other parte called
the quenes, there they rested and remayned for certayne dayes.
Wher in the meane season two princely presentes came to their magesties.
The one from the emperour, which is .xii. pieces of Arras worke, so richlie
wroughte with golde, silver, and silke, as none in the worlde maye excell
them. In which peces be so excellentlye wroughte and sette out all the
emperoures majesties procedinges and victories againste the Turkes, as
Apelles were not able (if he were alive) to mende any parcell thereof with
his pensell.
And the other present from the quene of Polonia, which is a paire of
regalles, so curiouslye made of golde and silver, and so set with precious
stones, as lyke or none suche have bene seldome sene.
And after they had thus remained at the Whitehall certaine daies (as I
have said), and had bene in Westminster coUedge," where their majesties
were receyved with procession by the deane thereof, and had heard masse,
and perused al the monumentes and tombes of such kinges as be enterred
there they departed to Hampton courte, where they continued untill thys
parliment.'' At which tyme they came from thens to Whitehall agayne. Whyche
parlimente did begin the xii. day of November last, on which day both
their magesties, and al the lordes spirituall and temporall, as use and custom
hath ever been, rode to Westminster abbey, with all princely ensignes of
honor, and solempnities appertayning to the roiall estate.
Further, youre lordeshippe shall understande that the xviii. daye of the
sayed moneth, the righte reverende father in God, lorde cardinall Poole,
accompanyed wyth my lorde Paget, my lord Clynton, and sir Anthony
Browne knight, late created lorde Montague, and dyvers other noble
menne, came from Gravesende to the White hall in one of the kynges

" On the 21st August : see accounts of St. Margaret's Westminster, in the notes to
Machyn's Diary, p. 400.
'' To the 28th September only : vide ibid.

JOHN elder's letter, ETC!. 153
barges. Where the kinges majestie, beinge advertysed that he hadde shot
London brydge, his highnes, with the swerde of honoure borne before hym,
came down and receaved him verye amiably, as he landed at the common
landynge brydge of the courte. And from thence they bothe passed up to
the chambre of presence, where the quenes majestie was sittinge under the
clothe of estate, whose highnes also receaved him very joyfully.
And after that both theyr majesties and he had communed an houre very
lovinglye, my lorde cardenaU toke his 'leave of their highnes. And then
my lord chaunceler of his right hande, and the erle of Shrewsbery of his
left, they went by water to Lambeth, which is a place perteyninge to the
archebishop of Canterbury, where his lordeship lyeth as yet. This cardi
nall is an Englysheman borne, of whome (I am sure) your lordship hath
hearde, and discended of the bloude roiall of Englande. For his mother
was doughter to George duke of Clarence, which was brother to Edwarde
the fourth of that name, kinge of Englande. Whyche cardinall hathe bene
an exile out of England these xxi. yeres. The cause whereof was, that he
woulde not assente to kynge Henry the eight in the matter of divorse from
his most lawfull wife quene Katherin, mother to the quene that now is.
And that he would not admitte the sayd king to beare the title of Supreme
Head of the Churche of Englande, whiche by a newe example he hadde
lately (as it is now sayd) usurped.
This opinion did not onely purchase exile to thys cardinal himselfe, but
also was the death of the vertuouse lady the countes of Salysbery his mother,
and lord Montegle " hys brother, and the marques of Exester his cousin,
wyth manye other noble menne, being suspect as adherents to him in the
same opinion.
Surely thys cruelty was great, but that whyche exceded all the rest :
thys olde ladye being at least Ix. and x. yeares of age, cosin to the king,
and beyng (as it is saied) most innocent and giltles, was without judgement
or processe of lawe, drawen by the hore heres * to the blocke, not knowyng
any cause why, to dye. *
Many lyke examples of crueltie folowed in Englande by that alteracion,
whiche are oute of my purpose ; but this I have touched by occasion of this
cardinall, who nowe by the quenes goodnes is restored to the honour of his
» Read Montacute. '' hoai^ hairs.
CAMD. SOC. X

154 APPENDIX.
house. And nowe of late is arrived in Englande as ambassadour and
legate from the pope's holynes, with most ample commission to receive the
realme of Englande unto the unitie of the churche, wherof your lordship
shal perceve more hereafter. He is and semeth to be of nature sad and
grave, whose good lyfe maye be an example to the reste of his profession,
and his excellent learning is well knowen through all Europe. For I assure
your lordship, that at my beinge in Rome xvi. yeares agon, I have hearde
out of the mouthes aswel of my countrymen then being in Rome, as of the
Romaines themselfes no les, yea, and more then I have saide. For it is
commonly sayde of him by lerned men in Rome, and in other places where
I have travayled, " Polus cardinalis, natione Anglus, pietatis et literarum
testimonio dignus, non qui Polus Anglus, sed qui Polus angelus vocetur."
But nowe passinge over the praysinges of thys noble and vertuous pre
late, whome no manne dispraiseth, I will procede where I lefte.
Within fewe daies after hys cumminge to Lambeth, a daye was prefixed
by appoyntment of the king and quenes majesties, that the three estates of
England being called unto the parliament shoulde be brought unto the pre
sence of the cardinal for the better understandinge of his legation. This
assemble was appointed in the greate chambre of the courte at Westminster,
where as the king and quenes majesties sitting under the cloth of estate,
and al the three estates placed in theyr degrees, the cardinall sytting in a
chaire on the right hand, out of the cloth of estate, my lord chaunceller of
England began in this maner.
" My lordes of the upper house, and you masters of the nether house,
here is present the right reverend father in God, mj' lord cardinal Pole,
come from the Apostolike Sea of Rome as ambassadour to the king and
quenes magesties upon one of the moste weightiest causes that ever happened
in thys realme And whiche perteineth to the glory of God and your uni-
versall benefit. The which ambassage their majesties pleasure is to be
signified to you all by hys own mouth, trustyng that you will receyve and
accept it in as benevolent and thankefuU wyse as theyr highnesses have
done, and that you wiU geve attente and inclynable eare to hym."
When his lordship had thus made an ende, my lord cardinall, taking the
occasion offred, without any studye, as it seemed, spake in effect as
foloweth :
" My lordes all, and you that are the commons of this present parliment

.TOHN elder's LETTER, ETC. 155
assembled, which in effecte is nothing els but the state and body of the
whole realme. As the cause of my repaire hither hath been both wisely and
gravely declared by my lord chaunceller, so before that I entre to the parti
cularities of my commission, I have somewhat to say touching myselfe, and
to geve most humble and harti thankes to the king and quenes magesties,
and after them to you aU, whiche of a man exUed and banisht from this
common wealth have restored me to a member of the same : and of a man
having no place nether here or els where within this realme, have admitted
me in place where to speake and to be heard. Thys I protest unto you al,
that though I was exiled my natyve country without just cause, as God
knoweth, yet that ingratitude could not putt from me the affeccion and
desire that I had to profitt and doe you good. Yf the offer of my service
might have been receaved, il was never to seke : and where that could not
be taken, you never faded of my prayer, nor never shall. But leaving the
rehersall thereof, and cumming more nere to the matter of my commission,
I signifie unto you all that my principall travayl is, for the restitucion of
this noble realme to the auncient nobilitie, and to declare unto you, that the
Sea Apostolike, from whens I come, hath a special respect to this realme
above al other ; and not without cause, seing that God himselfe, as it were by
providence, hath geven this realme prerogative of nobilitie above other, which
to make more playne unto you, it is to be considered that this iland first of
all ilandes received the light of Christes religion. For, as stories testifie, it was
prima provinciarum quae aimplexa est fidem Christi. For the Brittons
being first inhabitauntes of this realme (notwithstandyng the subjeccion of
the emperours and heathen princes) dyd receyve Christes fayth from the
Apostolike Sea, universally, and not in partes, as other countryes, nor by one
and one, as clockes encrease their houres by distinction of tymes, but alto
gether at ones as it were in a moment. But after that their ill merltes or
forgeatfulnes of God had deserved expulsion, and that straungers being
infidels had possessed this land, yet God pf his goodnes not leaving where
he ones loved, so illumined the hartes of the Saxons, being heathen raen,
that they forsoke the darknes of heathen errours, and enbraced the light of
Christes rehgion, so that within small space idolatry and heathen supersti-
cion was utterlye abandoned in this iland. This was a greate prerogative
of nobilitie, wherof though the benefite be to be ascribed to God, yet the
meane occasion of the same came from the church of Rome, in the faithe

156 APPENDIX.
of whiche churche we have ever since continued and consented, with the
rest of the worlde, in unitye of rehgion. And to shew further the fervent
devotion of the inhabitauntes of this iland towardes the churche of Rome,
we rede that divers princes in the Saxons' time, with great travell and
expenses, went personally to Rome, as Offa and Adulphus, whiche thought
it not inough to shew themselfes obedient to the said see, unles that in their
owne personnes they had gon to that same place from whence they had
receved so great a grace and benefite. In the time of Carolus Magnus,
who first founded the university of Parys, he sent into England for Alcuinus,
a great learned raan, which first brought learning to that university.
Whereby it semeth that the greatest part of the worid fet the light of reli
gion from England. Adrian the fourth, being an Enghshman, converted
Norway from infidehty, which Adrian afterwardes, upon great affection and
love that he bare to thys realme, being his native country, gave to Henry
the ii. king of England the right and seniory of the dominion of Ireland,
whiche pertained to the see of Rome.
" I wU not reherse the manifold benefites that this realme hath receaved
from the Apostolike Sea, nor how ready the same hath been to relive us in
all our necessities. Nor I wil not rehearse the manifolde miseries and
calamities that this realme hath suffred by swarving from that unitie. And
even as in thys realme, so in aU other countries which, refusing the unitie of
the catholike fayth, have foUowed fantastical doctryne, the like plages have
happened. Let Asia, and the empire of Grece, be a spectacle unto the
world, who, by swarving from the unitie of the churche of Rome, are
brought into captivitie and subjeccion of the Turke. All storyes be full of
like exaraples. And to cum unto latter tyme, loke upon our nie neighbours
of Germany, who, by swarving from this unitie, are miserablye afflicted
with diversitie of sectes, and devided in factions. What shal I rehearse
unto you, the tumultes and effusion of blood that hath happened there in
late dayes ; or trouble you with the rehersal of those plages that have hap
pened sins this innovacion of religion, whereof you have felt the bitternes,
and I have hearde the reporte ; of al which matters I can say no more but
suche was the misery of the tyme. And see how farre forth this furie went.
For those that live under the Turke may frely live after their conscience,
and so was it not lawfull here. Yf men examined wel upon what groundes
these innovations began, they shall well finde that the rote of thys, as of

.JOHN elder's letter, ETC. 157
many other mischiefes, was avarice, and that the lust and carnal affeccion
of one man confounded all lawes, both devine and humane ; and notwith
standyng all these devises and poUicies practised within thys realme against
the church of Rome, they neded not to have loste you, but that they sought
rather as frendes to reconcUe you, then as enemies to enfeaste you; for they
wanted no great offers of the most mightie potentates in all Europe to have
ayded the church in that quarell. Then marke the sequel ; ther semed by
these chaunges to rise a gret face of riches and gayne, which in profe cam
to gret misery and lacke. Se howe God then can confounde the wisdome
of the wise, and turne unjust poUicy to mere folye, and that thing that
seraed to be done for reliefe, was cause of playne ruyne and decay. Yet see
that goodnes of God, which at no tyme fayled us, but most benignlye
offered hys grace, when it was of our partes leaste soughte, and worste
deserved. " And when all lyghte of true religion seamed utterly extincte, as the
churches defaced and aulters overthrowen, the ministers corrupted; even
lyke as in a lampe the lyghte being covered, yet it is not quenched, even so
in a few remained the confession of Christes fayth ; namely, in the brest
of the quenes excellency, of whome to speake wythout adulacyon, the saing
of the prophet may be verified, Ecce quasi derelicta.
" And see howe miraculouslye God of hys goodnes preserved her hyghnes
contrarye to the expectacyon of manne. That when numbers conspyred
agaynste her, and policies were devised to disherit her, and armed power
prepared to destroye her, yet she being a virgin, helples, naked, and
unarmed, prevailed, and had the victory e over tyrauntes, which is not to be
ascribed to any poUici of man, but to the almighty greate goodnes and pro
vidence of God, to whome the honour is to be geven. And therefore it
may be sayd Da gloriam Deo. For in mannes judgemente, on her grace's
parte was nothinge in apparance but dispayre. And yet for all these
practises and devises of ill men, here youse hir grace established in hir
estate, being your lawful quene and govemes, borne amonge you, whome
God hathe appointed to reigne over you, for the restitucion of true
religion, and extirpacion of all erroures and sectes. And to confirme her
grace the more stronglye in thys enterprise, lo howe the providence of God
hath joyned her in mariage with a prince of like religion, who being a kinge
of great might, armour, and force, yet useth towardes you neyther armour

158 APPENDIX.
nor force, but seketh you by the waye of love and amitie, in which respecte
greate cause you have to gyve thankes to Almighty God that hathe sent
you suche catholyke governours. It shal be therefore your parte againe to
love, obey, and serve them. And as it was a singuler favoure of God to
conjoyne theym in maryage, so it is not to be doubted but that he shal sende
them yssue for the comforte and suerty of thys common wealthe. Of all
prynces in Europe, the emperoure hath travayled most in the cause of
religion , as it appereth by hys actes in Germany ; yet happly by some
secret judgement of God he hath not atchieved the ende ; with whom in my
joumey hetherwardes I had conference touchinge my legation, whereof
when he had understandinge, he shewed great apperaunce of most emest
joye and gladnes, sajdng that it rejoyced him no les of the reconcilement of
this realme unto christian unitie, then that his sonne was placed by mariage
in the kingdome. And most glad of all that the occasion thereof shuld
come by me, beinge an Englishemanne borne, whiche is, as it were, to call
home oure selves. I can wel compare hym to David, whiche, thoughe he
were a manne elected of God, yet, for that he was contaminate with bloode
and war, coulde not builde the temple of Jerusalem, but lefte the finishynge
thereof to Salomon, whiche was Rew pacificus. So may it be thoughte,
that the appeasing of controversies of religion in Christianity, is not
appoynted to this emperour, but rather to his sonne, who shal perfourme
the buildyng that his father hath begun ; which church cannot be perfitly
builded without universallye, in all realmes, we adhere to one head, and do
acknowledge hym to be the vicar of God, and to have power from above.
For al power is of God, accordyng to the saying, Non est potestas nisi a
Deo. And therefore I consider that all power being in God, yet for the
conservacion of quiet and godly life in the worid, he hath derived that
power from above into two partes here in earthe, whiche is the power
imperial and ecclesiasticall ; and these two powers, as they be severall and
distinct, so have they two severall effectes and operacions. For seculer
princes, to whom the temporall swerde is committed, be ministers of God
to execute vengeance upon transgressours and ill livers, and to preserve the
wel doers and innocentes from injury and violence, which power is repre
sented in these two most excellent persons, the king and quenes magesties
here present, who have this power committed unto them immediatlye from
God, wythout any superieure in that behalfe. The other power is of mi-

JOHN elder's LETTER, ETC. 159
nistracyon, whyche is the power of the keies, and order in the ecclesiasti
cal state, which is by the authoritie of God's word, and examples of the
apostles, and of all olde holy fathers, from Christ, hitherto attributed and
geven to the Apostolike Sea of Rome, by speciall prerogative. From which
sea I am here deputed legate and ambassadour, having full power and
ample commission from thence, and have the keyes committed to my handes.
I confess to you that I have the keyes not as mine owne keyes, but as the
keyes of him that sent me, and yet cannot open, not for want of power in
me to gyve, but for certayne impedimentes in you to receave, whiche must
be taken awaye before my commission can take effect. This I protest
unto you, ray coramyssion is not of prejudice to anye persone. I cum not
to destroy but to build. I cura to reconcyle, not to conderane. I cum not
to compel, but to call againe. I am not cum to call any thing in question
already done, but my commission is of grace and clemencye to suche as
will receave it ; for touchinge all matters that be past, they shal bee as
thinges cast into the sea of forgetfulnes. But the meane wherby you
shal receave this benefit, is to revoke and repeale those lawes and statutes
whiche be impedymentes, blockes, and barres to the execution of my com
mission. For like as I myself had neyther place nor voice to speake here
amonge you, but was to all respectes a banished man, til such time as ye
hadde repealed those lawes that laie in my way ; even so cannot you
receave the benefite and grace offered from the Apostolike Sea, untyll the
abrogacion of suche lawes whereby you have disjoyned and dissevered your
selves from the unity of Christes church ; it remaineth therefore that you,
lyke tme christians and provjdente men, for the weale of your soules and
bodies, ponder what is to be don in this so weightye a cause, and so to frame
youre actes and procedinges, as they may tend first to the glorye of God,
and next to the conservacion of youre common wealthe, suertye, and
quietnes." This was the substaunce of my lorde cardinalles oration, or rather his
tale, whiche he pronounsed in such sort as no man could judge it any
studyed matter, but a thing spoken ex tempore. Wherof a frende of myne,
beinge a burges ofthe parharaente, and presente at the same tyme, toke the
notes, and gave me the same in writing, so (as I beleve) nothinge that he
spake in effecte is omitted.
And after that the assemble was broken, my lord cardinal taking leave

160 APPENDIX.
of the king and queenes magesties, went to hys house at Lambeth. Then
shortly after the foresayd thre estates asserabled agayne in the great chamber
of the court at Westminster, where the kyng and quenes magestyes, and also
my lorde cardynal, being present, they did exhibit, syttyng al on their knees,
a supplicacion to their highnesses. Whiche suppHcacion beyng read, their
magesties exhibited the same unto my lorde cardinaU ; whose reverence, per
ceyving the effecte therof to be corresponding to his expectacion, did not
only receive the same most humbly from their magesties, but also after he
had in few woordes geven thankes to God, and hadde declared what great
cause he had to rejoyse, above al others, that his cumming from Rome into
Englande hadde taken moste happye successe, he representyng there the
pope's holynes, and havyng the keys, and hys full power for the tyme, dyd
geve them hys benediccion. Whiche beyng done, they all departed.
The copie of whyche supplycacion I have sent here also to your lorde
ship in raaner, fourme, and effecte as foloweth, woorde by woorde : —
" We the lordes spirituall and temporall, and the commons of thys pre
sente parlyraente assembled, representing the whole bodye of the realme of
Englande and dominions of the same, in oure owne names particulerly, and
also of the sayde bodye universallye, in this supplication dyrected to youre
magestyes, wyth moste humble suite, that it maye by youre gracious
intercession and meane bee exhybyted to the moste reverende father in God
the lorde cardinall Poole legate, sente speciallye hyther from oure moste
holye father pope Julio the thirde, and the Sea Apostolyke of Rome ; dooe
declare ourselves very sorye and repentante of the scisme and disobedyence
commytted in thys realme and the dominions of the sarae, agaynste the sayd
Sea Apostolyke, eyther by makynge, agreing, or executyng any lawes, ordy-
naunces, or commaundementes agaynste the supremacye of the sayed Sea,
or otherwyse dooing or speakynge that myghte impugn the same. Offeryng
ourselves, and promising by this oure suppUcacyon, that for a token and
knowledge of our sayed repentaunce, wee be and shal be alway readye,
under and with the authorities of youre magesties, to the uttermoste of oure
power, to dooe that shal be in us for the abrogacyon and repealynge of the
sayed lawes and ordinaunces in thys presente parlymente, as well for our
selves as for the whole bodye, whom we represent.
" Whereupon we most humblye beseche your majesties, as persons unde
filed in the offence of thys bodye towardes the saide Sea, which nevertheles

JOHN elder's letter, ETC. 161
God by hys providence hath made subject to your majesties ; so to set
fourthe this oure moste humble suit that we maye obtaine from the Sea
Apostolike, by the saide moste reverend father, as well particularlye as uni-
versaUye, absolution, release, and discharge, from all daunger of suche
censures and sentences, as by the lawes of the churche we be fallen in.
And that we maye, as chUdren repentaunte, be receaved into the bosome and
unitye of Christes churche. So as thys noble realme, wyth all the membres
thereof, maye in unitie and perfecte obedience to the Sea Apostolike, and
popes for the tyme beinge, serve God and your majesties to the furderance
and advancemente of hys honoure and glorye. Amen."
Then the fyrste sundaye in Advente foUowinge, my lorde cardinall came,
at tenne of the clocke, from Lambeth by water, and landed at Poles wharfe.
And cumminge from thence to Poles churche with a crosse, ii. pyllers, and
two poUaxes of sylver borne before hym, he was there receaved by my
lorde chaunceller, with procession. Where he taryed untill the kinges
cummynge ; whose hyghnes came from Westmynster by lande, and all hys
nobles before him, to Poles also, at a leven of the clocke. And so the
kynges majesty and my lord cardinall, wyth all the lordes of the privy
counsell beinge presente, with suche an audience of people as was never sene
in that place before, my lorde chaunceller entered Poles crosse. And after
that the people ceased, that so rauch as a whispering could not be hearde
emongest them, more then emongst those of whome the poet Virgil
speaketh, Conticuere omnes intentique ora tenehant, but every bente
hartelye wyth eares to here, eyes to perceave, and handes to wryte, hys
lordshyp preceded, and tooke to hys theara these wordes of the epystle of
that daye, wrytten by saynte Paule the holye apostle in the xiii. chapter to
the Roraaynes, Fratres, scientes quia hora est jo.m nos de somno
surgere, &c.
Whyche parcell of scripture was so godlye and so clearkelye handeled by
him, as no manne alyve (all flattery doutles set aparte) was able to meande
it. And there as saincte Paule exhorted the Romaines to caste awaye the
workes of darkenes, and to put on the armoure of lyght, &c. even so his
lordeshippe exhorted, wished, and willed, yea, and with all his hart desyred
and praied all Englyshmen and others, which hadde slepte in Englande
these twenty yeares in detestable heresyes, and erroneous doctrines, to for
sake the devel, the fleshe, and the worlde, which was the occasyon of all
CAMD. SOC. Y

162 APPENDIX.
eviU, and to embrace God and hys holye catholyke fayth, whyche fayth
was taughte by him, preached by his apostles, and receved of them by
auncient olde fathers in the primitive churche. Whyche fayth also hath
continued through all Christendom from age to age, and also in Englande,
untU king Henry the eight toke on hym to be Supreme head of the church.
From which tyme unto the raygne of the quenes magestie that now is, his
lordshippe declared what miseries, what calamities, what sorrowes, and
griefes Englande had susteaned ; what malice, what envie and hatred, what
falshed, what crafte and subtiltie had reygned emongest all degrees in
Englande ; what abominable heresyes, what synistrat and erronious opinions
were in Englande withoute anye restreynt taught and receaved ; what
tumultes and insurrections, to the castinge awaye of manye, and to the
empoveryshynge of al, were in dyvers quarters of the same ; and finallye,
unto what ruyne and decaie the realme of Englande was like to come, yf
alrayghtye God of hys goodnes had not blest the same in tyme, wyth hys
moste holye handes. These, wyth manye other notable, yea, and lamentable
lessons, to longe here to bee rehersed, hys lordshyppe there declared,
whyche moved a greate nombre of the audience with sorrowfuU syghes and
wepynge teares to chaunge theyr cheere.
In thys same selfe sermon he declared also, how xix. yeares agoe, at that
tyme when the insurreccion in the north of Englande in defence of religion,
that king Henry the eyght was minded to have geven over the supremacy
to the pope's holines, but the leat therof was then because he thoughte it
would be sayed it shoulde have been done for peace.
He declared also how the said king sente him and ser Henry Knyvet,
knyghte, to the emperoure, exhorting his imperial majestie to be interces-
sour for him to the pope to receyve the supremacye ; but it tooke none
effect, because the time was not. He declared further, howe in kinge
Edwardes dayes the counsell were once mynded to have the pope restored
to the supremacy, but the let thereof was in those daies because, as it was
supposed, it would have been sayd that the realme could not be defended
durynge the kynges minoritie without the pope's adsistaunce. And, finally,
he declared how the quenes magestie at her coronacyon thoughte for to
have restored the popes holynes to his supremacy, but the tyme (he sayed)
was not then. But now (sayd he) the tyme is cum that the kinges and
quenes magesties have restored our holy father the pope to his supremacy.

JOHN elder's letter, ETC. 163
and the thre estates assembled in the pariiament, representing the whole
body of thys noble empire of England and dominions of the same, have
submitted themselves to his holynes, and his successours for ever. He
declared also, howe that the moste reverende father in God, lorde cardinaU
Poole, beinge there put " by the kinge, was sente in [to] Englande as deputed
legate and ambassadoure from the Sea Apostolyke of Rome, havinge full and
ample commission from the popes holynes to blesse the realme of Englande.
And here also he declared, howe muche bounde Englande is to thanke God,
who of his devine providence hath appointed suche a godlye and vertuous
prynce as the kynge that now is, he beinge sonne to soo victorious and
moste riche an emperour, and he beinge also so riche a prince himselfe, to
joyne in mariage with the quenes majestie, who for the moste hartye
love that he had to hir hyghnes, lefte his owne countreys, realmes, and
regions to strengthen hir most noble grace, and to enriche her empyre of
Englande. And so to conclude, his lordshippe declared, that all the pre
misses being well remembred and consydered of all the audience, and also
the kyng and quenes majesties godly procedinges beinge of them and all
other theyr true subjectes hartely embraced and faithfully followed, they
al then mighte synge with the angeli whiche appered to the shepherdes at
the natyvytie and birth of oure Savioure Jesus Christ, Gloria in excelsis Deo,
et in terra pax hominibus, &c. Ahd finally to say with the prophet and
psalmist David, Heec est dies quam fecit Dominus, exalte'mus et letemur
in ea.
Whiche sermon beyng done, the kynges magestie departed towardes
Westminster, and with his highnes my lorde cardinall, with the crosse only
borne before hira. Syns the daye of whiche sermon all such thinges as
were amis and out of order here begin now to cum to rule and square, and
occupye their auncyente and accustomed places.
And the most holy catholike fayth and true relygion of Christ, whyche
in Englande hath been thys long tyme behynde the post and in captivitie,
is now, being delyvered and cummyng home agayne, of all bothe younge
and olde embraced, worshipped and honoured. And all erronious doctrine
and heretical bokes, with the teachers and setters fourth of the same, are
convicted, abolished, yea explosed and dryven out of Englande. And
» So the original, probably an error for present,^ — seated next the king.

164 APPENDIX.
finallye, all they whiche were herers and favorers of them, nowe layinge
theyre handes to theyr heartes, and perceavinge theym selves seduced and
deceaved by suche meanes, are sory, and do hartlye repent, mynding faith
fully from hens forth their fautes to amend. Amongest whome I can no les
do (my very good lorde) thenne numbre my selfe as one. For althoughe
I was never (praysed be God) associated with any which wer erronious, or
suspected to be fautours and defendours of hereticaU and sinistrate opinions,
but Uving e under sUence during the two late kinges procedinges, have kepte
myselfe clere on every side, yet, nevertheles, as often as I have, and do
remember with myselfe how lasciviously I lived in Englande these xx.
yeres, and the most part thereof have followed the same trade of liberty
and voluptuous livinge as a great numbre have done, where I myghte
have endevoured myselfe in the meane season to vertuous learning and
studye, I can no les doe, then lament and be sory ; yea and with all my
hart repente as others doe, purposinge (by God's grace) with them to mend
my most miserable and synfuU lyfe, and so to continew to my lyves ende.
In which doing, I with those whiche have thus offended, and they with
me, may be assured that our Saviour Christ, according unto his owne
infallible wordes, spoken of one in the name of al sinners, wil have mercy,
pity, and compassion on us, saying, Nolo mortem peccatoris, sed magis ut
convertatur et vivat.
And thus England, and al we that dwel therein, accoumpt ourselves not
onely happy, yea and moste happy, whiche from so many outragious
stormes of errours, cares, and calamities, are thus called home agayne to the
sure haven and porte of the most holy catholyke faythe ; but also we do
beleve with our very hartes, and do confesse with al our mouthes, that
almighty God of hys devine providence hath preserved and kept iii. persons,
as lode-starres and chiefe guydes, for the defendinge, inbringinge, and
restoring of Englande thus to the unitie of Christes churche.
The first is the quenes majestie, who being from her infancye a virgin,
and imraaculate from all spottes of heresies : it hath pleased God to defende
hir, ayde hir, and save hir from the handes, power, and might of her ene
mies, and geving her the victorye over them in twinkelinge of an eye,
whiche as roarjmg lions would have devoured her. The second is my lord
cardinal, who beyng an exile out of hys native countreth Englande, these
xxi. yeares, for the two causes before mentioned, and in the meane season

JOHN elder's LETTER, ETC. 165
SO abhorred, so hated, and so detested, as no man durst scars ones name
him, whom the quenes magestie nowe hath restored to his bloud, and to the
honour of his house. And the thirde is ray lorde the bishop of Wynches
ter, lorde chaunceller of England, against whom from tyme to tyme suche
sharpe snares have been layed, and suche ordinaunce leveled, for that he
favored, and wold have to his power defended the most holy catholicke
fayth, that it is a wounder howe he hath escaped, and speciallye at hys late
being in London toure.
But suche are the workes of God the author of all goodnesse, who
alwayes when it pleaseth him plucketh downe and deposeth the proude and
hyghe minded, and defendeth and exalteth the humble and lowe of spirit, so
that now all Christendom, as well as Englande, doth confesse that these
forenamed iii. persons have been thus, throughe the providence of God,
moste happly defended, preserved, and kept from their enemies handes,
above the expectacion and judgement of all menne, for the restoring of
Englande agayne to the unitie of Christes religion. Which (no dout it is)
shal be to the glorye of God, the wealth of Englande, and to the perpetuall
peace, love, and quietnes of this moste noble and hole yle of Britayn,
Other newes I have none, but those newes which most joifully rejoyseth
all Englande, that the quenes magestie is conceaved with chUd, whom our
Lord long preserve, and send her highnes a gracious delyveraunce. And
also, that in Christmasse holy dayes, the prynce of Piemont arryved in Eng
lande, and shortlv after hym the prince of Orenge, whiche are very pryncely
intreated with the king and quenes magesties. And beecause I thought
youre lordshipe woulde be somewhat desirous to knowe the stature and shape
of this noble prince, the kjmges magestie of Englande that nowe is, whom
you have not sene, I thought it not muche amysse to descrybe hys person
by wryting, that your mynde may conceave that which your iye hath not
seen. As for the quenes most exceUent magesties person, whose person
you have so often tymes sene, I shall not greatlye nede to depainte unto
you. Understande, therfore, that touchyng hys higth, I can wel compare
hym to John Hume my lord of Jedwardes kinsman. " Of visage he is
" The lord of Jedwarth, or Jedburgh, at this time, appears to have been sir John Ker,
whose father, sir Andrew Ker, of Fernihurst, had received the oSice of bailiary of Jedburgh
forest in 1542, and whose mother was Janet, second daughter of sir Patrick Home, of Pol
warth. The " John Hume " here alluded to was probably one of the Johns named in the
descent of the earls of Marchmont. Douglas's Peerage of Scotland, by Wood, ii. 174, 175.

166 APPENDIX.
well favored, with a brod forhead, and grey iyes, streight nosed, and
manly countenaunce. From the forhead to the point of hys chynne, hys
face groweth smal. His pace is princely, and gate so straight and upright,
as he leseth no inche of his higthe ; with a yeallowe head and a yeallowe
herde. And thus to conclude, he is so wel proporcioned of bodi, arme,
legge, and every other lirarae to the same, as nature cannot work a more
parfite paterne ; and, as I have learned, of the age of xxviii. yeares ; whose
majesty I judge to bee of a stoute stomake, pregnaunt witted, and of most
j en tel nature.
I have also sent your lordship certain verses and adages =* written with the
hande of the lorde Henry Stuarde, lorde Dernley, your nephew, which he
wrot this tyme twelvemoneth, I beinge with him then at Temple Newsome
in Yorkshire. And what praise your lordship may thinke him worthie, for
this his towardnes in wrighting, beinge not yet fully ix. yeares of age, the
like praise is he worthye (suerlye) in his towardnes in the Latin tounge, and
the Frenche, and in sundrye other vertuous qualities ; whome also God
and nature hath endued with a good wit, jentilnes, beutie, and favour. So
yf it may please God to lend him long life, he shall prove a witty, vertuous,
and an active, well learned gentle man, whose noble parentes are my singuler
good patrons. And thus trusting that your good lordship, of your accus
tomed humanitie and jentilnes, wil accept thys my symple letter in good
parte, sent unto you for this newe yeares gyfte, although it be rude and
destitute of wit, lerning, and eloquence, I most humbly besech the Kyng of
kynges, and Lorde of lordes, long to preserve and kepe youre reverende
lordeship in health, wealth, and fortunate felicitie, with a meri and mani
newe yeares.
From the citie of London, this new yeares day, and the first of the
kalenders of January. 1555.
By youre reverende lordeship's humble oratour,
John Elder.
The book concludes with a copy of the queen's letters patent to John Waylande for
printing primers and manuells of prayers, which has been reprinted in the Typographical
Antiqnities, (Dibdin's edit.) vol. iu. p. 522. Ames supposed that the present tract was
also printed by John Walley, but that, probably, is a mistake.
" These verses are not printed in the little book.

167

APPENDIX XI.
The Marriage of Queen Mary and King Philip.
This is the official account recorded by the English heralds. I have not been able to
discover the original or contemporary manuscript ; but there are several copies of it
both at the College of Arms and the British Museum, some of them less complete from
abridgment. It was printed at the end of Leland's Collectanea, edit. 1774, vol. ii.
" Copied out of a book of presidents collected by Ralph Brooke, York herauld, now re
maining with sir Edward Dering ; examined this 28th of Feb. 1634, by us, William Le
Neve, Norroy, and Edward Whitley."
The marriage of queen Mary and Philip prince of Spain, son to Charles
the Fifth, emperor ; in the cathedrall church of Winchester, on wens-
day 25th July, 1554.
First, the said church was richly hanged with arras and cloth of gold,
and in the midst of the church, from the west door unto the rood, was a
scaffold erected of timber, at the end whereof was raised a mount, covered
all with red say, and underneath the roode-loft were erected two traverses,
one for the queen on the right hand, and the other for the prince on the
left, which places served very well for the purpose. The quire was
allso richly hanged with cloth of gold, and on each side of the altar were
other two rich traverses as aforesaid, for the queenes majestie and prince.
The queen made her entry into the city of Winchester very richly in
appareU, on Saturday the 2 Ist of July, and was lodged in the bishop's
palace, and prince Philip raade his entry into the said city on munday after,
being the 23d of July ; at whose entry the mayor delivered him the keys
of the city, which he received, and delivered them back again, being lodged
at the dean's house.
On wensday the 25th of July, being St. James's day, the prince, richly
apparelled in cloth of gold, embroidered," with a great company of the
" " His breeches and doublet were white, the collar of the doublet exceeding rich, and
over all a mantle of rich cloth of gold, a present from the queen, who wore one of the
same ; this robe was ornamented with pearls and precious stones ; and wearing the collar
of the Garter." Louvaine naiTative. — In Simon Renard's letter to the emperor, on the

168 APPENDIX.
nobles of Spayne, in such sort as the like hath not been seen, preceded to
the church, and entered in at the west door, and passed to his traverse, all
the way on foot ; and to the church he had no sword borne before him.
Then came the queenes majesty, accompanied with a great number of the
nobility of the realm, the sword being borne before her by the earl of
Derby, and a great company of ladyes and gentlewomen very richly
apparelled ; her majesty's train was borne up by the marquesse of Win
chester," assisted by sir John Gage her lord chamberlayne ; and so she pro
ceeded to the church ; the kinges and herauldes of arms in their coates
going before her from her lodging on foot to the church, where entering at
the west door she passed on till she came to her traverse. Then the
bishop of Winchester, lord chancellor of England, which did the divine
service, assisted by the bishopes of London, Duresme, Chichester, Lyncoln,
and Ely, all with their crosiers bome before them, came out of the quier to
the raount.
Then came the regent Figirola, whose name was (blank), and presented
to the prince a solemn oration with a patent sent from the emperor to the
prince, of the surrender of the kingdom of Naples, freely given to him and
his heirs, as by the said patent was declared ; which patent was fair sealed
and inclosed in a cover of silver gUt. This done, the lord chamberlayn '^
made a goodly oration to the people, which was in effect as foUoweth :
Whereas the emperor, by his embassadors here in England, hath concluded
and contracted a raarriage between the queen's majesty and his chief Jewell
and son and heir Phihp prince of Spain, here present, the articles whereof
are not unknowen to the whole realme, and confirraed by act of parliament,
so that there needeth no further rehearsall of that matter, &c. and so like
wise declared that the queenes highness had sent the earl of Bedford and
the lord Fitzwater embassadores unto the realrae of Spain, for the perform
ing of the said contract, which they have here brought, with the consent
of the whole realme of Spayne, for the full conclusion of the same, as may
14th June, he reported, that " The quene has had a collar (of the Garter) made, which
cost seven or eight thousand crowns, besides several rich dresses for his highness ; but,
except this, I see no great preparation by the nobility, or by the people, for his reception."
Tytler, ii. 416.
¦^ i. e, the lady marquess, or marchioness.
^ This should be lord chancellor : see before, p. 141.

MARRIAGE OF QUEEN MARY AND KING PHILIP. 169
appear by this instrument in parchment, sealed with a great seal, containing
by estimation 12 leaves.
Then the lord chamberlayn " delivered openly fcr the solemnification of
their highness' marriage, how that the emperor had given unto his son the
kingdom of Naples. So that it was thought the queen's majesty should
marry but with a prince, now it was manifested that she should marry with
a king ; and so proceeded to the espousals ; and with a loud voice said
that, if there be any man that knoweth any lawful impediment between
these two parties, that they should not go together according to the
contract concluded between both realmes, that then they should come forth,
and they should be heard; or else to proceed to celebration of the said
marriage, which was pronounced in English and Latin ; and when it came
to the gift of the queen it was asked who should give her. Then the
marquess of Winchester, the earles of Derby, Bedford, and Pembroke,
gave her highness, in the name of the whole realm.
Then all the people gave a great shout, praying God to send them joy ;
and, the ring being laid upon the book to be hallowed, the prince laid also
upon the said book iij. hand-fulls of fine gold; which the lady Margaret''
seeing, opened the queen's purse, and the queen smilingly put up in the
same purse. And when they had inclosed their hands, immediately the
sword was advanced before the king, by the earl of Pembroke.
This done, the trumpetes sounded ; and thus both returned hand in
hand, the sword being borne before them, to their traverses in the quier,
the queen going always on the right hand, and there remained until mass
was done ; at which time wine and sops were hallowed, and gave unto
them ; and immediately after. Garter king of arms, with the other kinges
and herauldes, published and proclaimed their titles in Latin, French, and
English ; and so they returned to the bishop's palace both under one
canopy, born by vlj. knightes, the queen on the right hand, and their

" The lord chancellor.
I* This was the lady Margaret Clifford, the queen's only female relative that was now
with her. Miss Strickland (who quite misinterprets the present passage, in her Lives of
the Queens, vol. v. p. 380,) supposes the purse-bearer to have been the lady Margaret
Douglas ; but that lady was now countess of Lennox. See the dates before given in
p. 84. CAMD. SOC. Z

170 APPENDIX.
swordes borne before them ; and so proceeded to the hall, where they both
dined under one cloth of estate.

Of the marriage banquet the narrative of Edward Underbill supplies
some account : "
" On the maryage daye, the kynge and the quene d3med in the halle in
the bushop's palice, sittynge under the clothe of estate, and none eles att that
table. The nobillitie satte att the syde tables. Wee * weare the cheffe
sarveters, to cary the meate, and the yearle of Sussex ower capetayne was
the shewer (sewer).'= The seconde course att the maryage off a kynge is
gevyne unto the bearers ; I meane the meate, butt nott the disshes, for they
weare off golde. It was my chaunce to cary a greate pastie of a redde dere in
a greate charger, very delicately baked ; wiche for the weyght theroff
dyvers refused ; the wiche pastye I sentt vnto London to my wyffe and her
brother, who cherede therwith many off ther frends. I wyll not take vppon
me to wryte the raaner off the maryage, off the feaste, nor off the daunssyngs
of the Spanyards thatt daye, who weare greately owte off countenaunce,
specyally kynge Phelip dauncesynge, when they dide se me lorde Braye,
Mr. Carowe, and others so farre excede them ; butt wyll leve it unto the
learned, as it behovithe hym to be thatt shalle wryte a story off so greate a
tryoumffe." To the foregoing narrative a list of the Spanish grandees who visited
England on this occasion is annexed, but they are evidently much disar
ranged, and nearly every name is repeated, and some more than once.
They may be reduced to some order, as follows, though it would require a
Spanish herald to give them their due precedency :
- MS. Hari. 426, f. 97.
° i. e, the gentlemen pensioners,
' " At the banquet, the earl of Arundel presented the ewer, the marquess of Winchester
the napkin ; none being seated except the king and queen : but, as to the rest of the
entertainment, it was more after the English than the Spanish fashion. The dinner lasted
till six in the evening, after which there was store of music; and before nine all had
already retired." Narrative from the archives of Louvaine, in Tytler, ii. 432.

MARRIAGE OF QUEEN MARY AND KING PHILIP. 171
Don Cesar de Gonzaga, eldest son of Don Ferdinando, governor ot
MUan. "
The duke of Alva, and his wife.
The duke of Medina Celi.
The admiral of Castille, don Antonio de Toledo, ... to the duke
of Alva.
The marquis of Pescara.
The marquis de Savia.
The marquis de los Valles.
The marquis d'Aquillara.
The marquis de las Naves.
The conde de Feria.
The conde de Chinchon.
The conde d'Olivares.
The conde de Saldanha.
The conde de Modica.
The conde de Fuensalida.
The conde de Castellar.
The conde Landriano.
The baron of Cuenga. ''
Don Diego de Mendoga.
The grand commander of the cross of Calatrava.
The major of Valladolid.
The major of Vallefiguiere.
Rui Gomez de Silva, grand chamberlain of the prince.
The count of Egmont.
The count of Homes,
The marquis of Berghes.
The sieur de Martini.
Note. — Don Juan Figueroa, the ambassador who witnessed the marriage contract (see
p. 168 ante) is thus noticed in a news-letter of tke day : —
" Upon Tewesdaye in Whytsen woke came the byshope of Norwyche to the courte.
" The evening before his landing PhUip sent the prince of Gonzaga [misprinted Gavze
in tytler] and count d'Egmont, to the queen then at Winchester, to inform her of his
arrival and good health. Narrative on record at Louvaine.
'' The list at Louvaine says, the bishop of Cuenca. Tytler, ii. 433.

172 APPENDIX.
Upon Wednysday, the day foloynge, came over the ancyent imbassytor, mth grey berde,
that was here when the kynge dyed ; and, as the breute gothe, he shalbe mershall, and
execute mercyall lawes of all strangers that come in." Robert Swyft to the earl of
Shrewsbury, 20 May, 1654, Lodge's State Papers, i. 193.

APPENDIX XII.
Verses by the Winchester scholars on the queen's marriage,
The very book of verses which was presented by the Winchester
scholars to queen Mary (see p. 143) is stUl preserved bound up in the
royal manuscript (Brit. Museum,) 12 A XX. It consists of fifteen leaves
of small quarto, and on the first leaf is stuck a small piece of parchment,
apparently cut out of the outer cover, on which is written in red ink
Marice Regince.
showing that this was the copy presented to the queen. The title is as
follows :
Ad . Phillippvm . et .
Mariam .
Reges
Semper Augustas
Puerorum
CoLLCEGII WlckAMENSlS
Apud illustrem Wintoniam
Carmen uuptiale.
1554.
At the back of the title is a pedigree exhibiting the descent of both the
king and queen, each in two ways," from the four children of Joannes de
^ The generations descend as follow : —
PhUippa queen of Portugal — Edward king of Portugal — Elionor wife of the emperor
Frederick — MaximiUan the emperor — Philip king of Castille — Charles the fifth, emperor 
Philip.

VERSES OF THE WINCHESTER SCHOLARS. 173
Gandavo Dux Lancastriae, son of king Edward the Third ; from
Philippus and Maria descends a circle intended for their issue, void donee
impleatur; in allusion to which these verses are attached.
Deest puer, at dabitur (Christo donante) Mariam
Qui vocitet matrem, teque, Philippe, patrem ;
Nascere magne puer parvo scribendus in orbe,
Nomine signetur pagina nostra tuo.
The whole pedigree is made to surround as with a double coUar the
following lines : Nubat ut Angla Anglo Regina, Maria Philippe,
Inque suum fontem Regia stirps redeat,
Noluit humani generis Daemon vetus hostis,
Sed Deus Anglorum provida spes voluit.
Gallia terra ferax, et inhospita Scotia nollet,''
Csesar, et Italia, et Flandria tota volet.
Octo maritati mitrati '' in Dsemone noUent,
Quinque catheuati pro pietate volent.
Nollet Joannes Dudli Northumbrius ursus,
Sed fidum regni concilium voluit.
Noluit SEtatis nostrse Catilina Viattus,
Sed proceres, sed plebs, et pia turba volet.
Transfuga siquis homo est, vel siquis apostata, nollet,
Cui fidei, et voti cura relicta, volet.

Katharine queen of CastUle and Spain — James the second, king of CastiUe — Elizabeth
wife of Ferdinand king of Arragon and Castille — Jane queen of Castille —Charles the fifth,
emperor — Philip.
John earl of Somerset — John duke of Somerset — Margaret countess of Richmond —
Henry the seventh, king of England and France — Henry the eighth, king of England,
Prance, and Ireland — Mary.
Jane countess of Westmerland — Cecilia duchess of York — Edward the fourth, king of
England and Prance — Elizabeth, queen of England and France, wife of Henry the seventh
— Henry the eighth, king of England, France, and Ireland — Mary.
¦* As printed by Poxe, this line is altered thus : — ¦
Nollet Scotus inops, timidusque ad prselia Gallus.
'' The eight married bishops. Another couplet is placed before this by Foxe —
Noluit haBreticus (stirps Caiphee) pontificum grex,
Pontificum sed grex Catholicus voluit.

174 APPENDIX.
Nos, quod proditio, nos quod volet hseresis, illud
Nolumus, at Dominus quod voluit, volumus.'
These verses were the composition of John White, bishop of Lincoln,
and they were published, with the variations indicated below, in Foxe's
Actes and Monuments, foUowed by four replies in the same Latin metre,
the two first written by John Parkhurst afterwards bishop of Norwich, the
third " made by I. C." and the last anonymous.
The other verses in the Winchester book were the production of Gabriel
White, Edward MiddeUon, Nicholas Hargrave, Richard White, Luke
Atslow, WiUiam Dibbins, John Noble, Edward Tichborne, Henry Twich-
ener, Philip Dale (? Dffilus), Ambrose Edmunds, William Palmer, Richard
Harris, John Meyrick, Lewis Owen, John Satwel, Arkenwold WiUoby,
Thomas More, Thomas Reding, Nicholas Hodson, Thomas Darell, Henry
Harenden, Thomas Wright, Edmund Thomas, and Rodolph Griffin. They
are all in Latin verse.

APPENDIX XIII.

State papers of the reign of queen Mary during the years
1553 AND 1554.
(In continuation of Appendix III.)
[Rymer has admitted into his coUection of Foedera, &c. many documents
belonging to this period, but which are chiefly patents conferring offices,
or relating to other matters of a personal nature ; these have not been in
serted in the present catalogue, which is confined to such documents as
relate more immediately to the conduct of the queen's government.]
Register of the Privy CouncU of queen Marj', commencing July 16,
1553, and continuing to the 3d November in the same year.
Printed in the Cecill Papers; by Haynes, p. 155 — 196.
'^ In the copy in Foxe four other lines are substituted for the four last above —
Nollet Grains dux, et Cantia terra rebellans,
Nos quoniam Dominus sic voluit, volumus.
Clarior effectus repetet sua limina sanguis
Cum sit Philippo juncta Maria viro.

1553.] STATE PAPERS OF THE REIGN OF MARY. 175
Extracts from the Register of the Piivy Council made by Ralph Starkey,
MS. Hari. 643. They commence on the Aug. 1553, and extend to the
close of Mary's reign.
Some passages were selected by sir Henry Ellis and edited in the Archaeologia, vol. xviii.
pp. 173 — 185; but for the year 1553 there are only one or two paragraphs that were not
already printed in the Cecill Papers, as above stated.
July 8. Letter of queen Mary to sir George Somerset, sir William Drury,
sir William Waldgrave, knights, and Clement Heigham, esquire,
signifying to them the death of king Edward, and commanding
them to repair to her at Kenynghall. Dated July 8, 1553.
MS. Lansdowne 1236, foi. 29.
July 9. Letter of the queen to sir Edward Hastings, requiring him to
support her title, especially in the counties of Middlesex and Bucks.
Original in MS. Petyt; printed in Strype's Memorials, iii. Appx. I.
July 20. Letter of the council to queen Mary, dated from Baynard's
castle immediately after her proclamation in London.
Draft copy in MS. Lansdowne 3, art. 26 ; printed in Strype's Cranmer,
Appx. No. LXXI.; Ellis's Original Letters, second series, ii. 243.
July 25. Letter of the authorities at Guisnes to the queen, announcing the
arrest of Henry Duddeley."
Printed in Strype's Memorials, vol. iii. Appx. III.
Aug. 5. Letter of the council to the commissioners at Brussels, recalling
sir Philip Hoby and sir Richard Morysine, and directing the
bishop of Norwich to remain as ambassador resident ; carried by
sir Thomas Cheney, K.G.
Copy in MS. Cotton. Galba, B. xu. p. 253, printed in Howard's Lady Jane
Grey and her Times, p. 299.
Aug. 12. Letter of the council to doctor Wotton, sir William Pickering,
and sir Thomas Chaloner, conveyed by sir Anthony St. Leger, to
continue doctor Wotton as ambassador in France.
Original in MS. Lansdowne 3, art. 27.
» Henry Duddeley was captain of the guard at Guisnes, and had been sent in embassy
to the king of France by his uncle (?) the duke of Northumberland. On returning to
Guisnes, he was arrested, and brought to the tower of London. His father (?) sir Andrew
Duddeley, K.G. was captain of Guisnes.

176 APPENDIX.
1653.
Aug. 20. Letter under the queen's signet to the chancellor of Cambridge
on the government of that university.
In MS. Cole, Brit. Mus. vol. xlii. p. 426; printed in Ellis's Orig. Letters,
second series, vol. ii. p. 246.
Sept. 2 1 . Letter of the council to sir William CeciU, directing him to
surrender the seals belonging to the order of the Garter.
Printed in Cecill Papers, by Haynes, p. 201.
1553-4.
Jan. 22. Letter of the queen, under her signet, to sir Hugh Pollard, sir
John St. Leger, sir Richard Edgcomb, and sir John Fulford, to
oppose sir Peter Carew's rising in Devonshire.
Original in the State Paper Office : printed in Miss Wood's collection of
Letters, iii. 286.
Jan. 26. Letter of the queen, under her signet, summoning the lady
Elizabeth to court.
Printed in Miss Strickland's Lives of the Queens, v. 346.
Jan. 27. Circular letter of the queen, under her signet, desiring the levy
of forces to oppose the duke of Suffolk and his brethren.
Original in MS. Tanner, Bodleian Lib. 90, f. 196; Wood, ni. 287. Also
printed in the present volume, p. 186.
Jan. 28. Letter of the duke of Norfolk to the council, describing his march
against Wyat : dated from Gravesend.
Original in the State Paper Office : printed in Cruden's History of
Gravesend and the Port of London, 1843, 8vo, p. 175.
Jan. 29. Second letter from the duke to the council.
From the State Paper Office, ibid. p. 176.
 Letter of lord Cobham to the duke of Norfolk, and another of
lord Cobham to the queen, the latter inclosing a letter of sir
Thomas Wyat to lord Cobham.
From the State Paper Office, ibid. pp. 178, 179.
Jan. 30. Letter of lord Cobham to the queen : describing the rebels'
attack on Cowling castle.
From the State Paper Office, ibid. p. 180.

1553-4.J LIST OF STATE PAPERS. 177
Jan. 30. Letter of the queen to the earl of Sussex, requiring him to raise
forces against the rebels.
Original in MS. Cotton. Titus, B. ii.; Wood, iii. 289.
List of prisoners for treason in the last rebellion, and method of proceeding
against the said prisoners. Printed in CecUl Papers, by Haynes, p. 192.
Jan. 31. Letter of lord Abergavenny to the councU, on the duke of Nor
folk's defeat.
Prom the State Paper Office, in Cruden's History of Gravesend and the
Port of London, p. 180.
Feb. 1. Sir Thomas Cheney to the council, from Sherlond, excusing his
delay in attacking the rebels, on account of " the beastlyness of
the people " and indisposition to serve with him.
From the State Paper Office, ibid. p. 183.
Feb. 4. A second letter of sir Thoraas Cheney to the council, dated from
Sittingbourne. From the State Paper Office, ibid. p. 184.
Feb. 11. Letter of the lord admiral, sir Edward Hastings, and sir T.
Cornwaleys from Ashridge to the queen, relating the particulars
of their interview there with the lady Elizabeth.
From the State Paper Office; in Tytler's Edward VI. and Mary, U. 426.
Feb. 25. Mr. secretary Bourne, and other commissioners, to the lord chan
cellor and secretary Petre, respecting their examination of Wyat,
and other prisoners, in the Tower.
Prom the State Paper Office; in Tytler, ii. 313.
Mar. 13. A commission (in Latin) to deprive Robert archbishop of York,
Robert bishop of St. David's, John bishop of Chester, and Paul
bishop of Bristol.
Patent roll 1 Mar. pars 7; printed by Burnet, Hist, of the Reform, vol. ii.
Records to book II. number 11; Rymer, vol. xv. p. 370.
Mar. 15. A commission (in English) from the queen to deprive John
bishop of Lincoln, John bishop of Worcester and Gloucester,
and John bishop of Hereford, who had been made bishops by
CAMD. SOC. 2 A

1 78 APPENDIX.
1554. king Edward VI. with the express clause quamdiu se bene
gesserit. Printed by Burnet, Hist, of the Reformation, vol. U. Records to book II.
number 12; Rymer, vol. xv. p. 370.
March. The treaty for the raarriage of the queen with PhUip prince of
Spain. Printed in Rymer's Foedera, edit. 1713, vol. xv. p. 377; also in Carte's
History of England, ui. 301.
April 20. Letter of queen Mary to king Philip.
Original in MS. Cotton. Vesp. F. iii.; Wood, iU. 290.
May 23. Circular letter, under the queen's signet, to the justices of peace,
directing them to search for the authors of seditious tales and
vain prophesies.
Original, filled in for the county of " Norffolke," in MS. Cotton. Titus,
B. II. f. 119; printed by Bumet, Hist, of the Reform, vol. ii. Records to
book II. number 14; and in Miss Wood's Letters of Illustrious Ladies,
vol. in. p. 292.
June 25. Ratification of the marriage treaty by Philip.
Rymer's Foedera, vol. xv. pp. 393 — 403.
July 4. Letter of the queen to the lord treasurer (marquess of Winches
ter), respecting a grant to sir Edmund Peckham ; the postscript in
her own hand, " My Lord, I moste hartely thancke you for your
dayly paynfulnes taken in my service." Dated " From Farname,
the iiijth of Julye."
Original in MS. Cotton. Titus, B. II. f. 157; printed in Ellis's Original
Letters, second series, ii. 253.
 The queen's instructions to the lord privy seal (the earl of Bed
ford "), sent to meet king Philip.
Original in MS. Cotton. Vesp. F. ill. f. 12. This document is entirely in
the queen's hand, as follows :
" Instructions for my lord Previsel —
" Fyrste, to tell the kyng the whole state of this realme with all thyngs ap-
partaynyng to the same, asmyche as ye knowe to be trewe.
" Miss Wood, Letters, vol. iii. p. 290, has in error supposed that the earl of Derby was
the lord pfivy seal.

1554.J LIST OF STATE PAPERS. 179
" Seconde, to obey hys commandment in all thyngs.
"Thyrdly, in aU thyngs he shall aske your advyse, to declare your opinion
as becometh a faythfuU conceyllour to do. " Marye the qcene."
This is supposed by sir Henry EUis, Orig. Letters, second series, ii. 262, to
havebeen written "upon the arrival of PhUip II." It is remarkable that
Mary speaks of him as " the kyng," and not the prince of Spain.
July 27. Proclamation declaring the king and queen's style.
Rot. Patent, 2 Mar. p. 2, m. 6; Rymer's Foedera, xv. 404.
Aug. 4. Letter of the lady " Anna the daughter of Cleves " (the divorced
queen of Henry VIII.) to the queen, from her " poor house at
Hever," desiring permission to wait on her majesty.
From the State Paper Office; in Tytler, ii. 433.
Oct. 2. Letter, under the queen's sign manual and signet, to the earl of
Sussex, to admonish the choice of such knights, citizens, or bur
gesses to the parliament "as may be of the wise, grave, and
catholic sort.''
Original in MS. Petyt; printed by Burnet, Hist, of the Reform, vol. iii.
Records to book V. number 14.
Nov. 5. Instructions given to lord Paget and the master of the horse, sent
to meet cardinal Pole.
Imperfect draft in the State Paper Office; Tytler, ii. 445.
Nov. 30. Supplication of the lords and commons, addressed to the king and
queen, submitting the realm to the pope, and praying absolution
from the legate cardinal Pole.
MS. Cotton. Titus, C. TII. 118; translation in Howard's Lady Jane Gray,
p. 347. See also in Elder's tract, antea, p. 160.
Several despatches of the English ambassadors to the emperor and the
king of France during the same period, are printed in Tytler's Edward VI.
and Mary, from the originals in the State Paper Office ; but these belong
rather to foreign than domestic politics. The despatches of the French
ambassador, NoaiUes, from England, are in print, and have been frequently
quoted in the present volume; those of the imperial ambassador, Simon
Renard, have been partially published in Mr. Tytler's work.

180

ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS.

Page 1. The occupation of the Tower of London. The French ambassador NoaUles,
who was closely watching the progress of events at the time of the death of Edward the
Sixth, thus describes the seizure of the Tower, which in a second place he states to have
been accomplished at two o'clock in the morning of Friday the 7th of July, that is, as soon
as the lords could reach London from Greenwich, where the king expired late on the
previous evening. " Le diet jour millord tresorier, marquis de Northampton, comte de
Scheresbury, et M. I'admiral, estoient entres dans la Tour, ou ils avoient visite le tresor,
gardes, forteresses, artillerie et munitions, laissant lediot sieur admiral avec bonne com
pagnie dedans pour la garde d'icelle, lequel y est pour n'en despartir tant que ce trouble
durera." And a courier sent to France was instructed to report " Comme des le lendemain
vendredy, deux heures de matin, milord tresorier et marquis de Northampton, comte de
Scheresbury, et I'admiral vindrent en la Tour, faire le dit admiral connestable d'icelle,
lui baillant en garde les tresors, munitions, et prisonniers y etant. " (Ambassades de Noailles,
ii. 52, 56.) It seems not improbable, then, that the lord admiral (Clinton) was reaUy
constituted constable of the Tower, and so continued during the reign of queen Jane, to
the exclusion of sir John Gage : the statement, therefore, derived by Strype from Machyn's
Diary, and thence detailed in the works of subsequent historians, will be correct, excepting
that the name of sir James Croft is placed in the room of sir John Gage. This remark is
made partly in order to complete the list of the constables and lieutenants of the Tower
prefixed to Machyn's Diary at p. xix; and in further amendment of the same the name of
sir Thomas Brydges may be inserted as the lieutenant in succession to his brother, lord
Chandos, in June 1564, on the authority of the present volume, p. 76.
Page 1, line 5 of note '^,for some read sure.
Page 2. Sir Nicholas Throckmorton. The story told in the verses may be thought less
probable when it is considered in connection with two circumstances of the conduct of sir
Nicholas at this crisis, 1. that he drew the proclamation of queen Jane, as stated by
Cecill in bis Apology; 2. that he was engaged in a military capacity on behalf of queen
Jane, and narrowly escaped from an attack of the townsmen of Northampton (as related
by the letter-writer in p. 12). After that, he united with sir Thomas Tresham to support
queen Mary (p. 13).
Page 9, note ^, read Sir Thomas Cheney,
Page 14, line li, for Allgate read Aldersgate.

ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS. 181
Page 18, line 23,/or mr. John Abridges read Thomas ; but it is an error ofthe original

Page 25, line 25, for was judge read can judge. Line 29, the word printed fewers is
doubtful, but it is apparently ferwers and perhaps meaning fervours, i. e. the fervour of
youth. In page 26, line 4, /or attempted, the sense requires unattempted, but this is an error
of the writer.
Page 32, note ". The parliament met at Westminster on Thursday the 5th October, the
queen being then present. (Journals of the House of Commons, i. 27; and see Elder's
Tract, antea, p. 154.)
Page 33, line 23, for Roane read Rome. The MS. is so obscure, that the Editor (as
explained in the note) was induced to believe Rouen was mentioned. The book was
printed at Rouen, but another edition printed in London by Hugh Singleton, was pre
tended to be printed " in Rome ;" see Ames's Typographical Antiquities (edit. Dibdin) ,
voL iii. p. 290; vol. iv. p. 291.
Page 45, Une 5. Sir Rychard Southwell shoidd be Sir Robert, who was the sheriff of
Kent; this is an error ofthe chronicler.
Page 45. Wyates conduct in Southwark. Stowe has inserted in the account of Wyat's
stay in Southwark, derived from our author, the following paragraph :
"Notwithstanding, foorthwith divers of his company, being gentlemen (as they sayd),
went to Winchester place, made havocke of the bishop's goods (hee being lord chancellor),
not onely of his victuals, whereof there was plenty, but whatsoever els, not leaving so much
as one locke of a doore but the same was taken off and carried away, nor a book in his
gallery or library uncut, or rent into pieces, so that men might have gone up to the knees
in leaves of bookes, cut out and throwne under feete." This statement is no doubt highly
exaggerated. Proctor, who was much prejudiced against Wyat, admits that he immediately
checked the spoil of Winchester house, and so sharply threatened a certain young gentleman,
who was the most active party therein, that he made divers believe that he would have
hanged him on the wharf. Another proof of Wyat's moderation was, that he abstained from
releasing the prisoners in the Marshalsea. See the narrative of Mountain's troubles in
Strype's Memorials.
After Wyat was defeated, the French ambassador, De Noailles, paid him the tribute of
having proved himself the most valiant and confident insurgent that he had ever heard of, —
"le plus vaillant et asseure de quoye j'aye jamais ouy parler, qui a mis ladicte dame et
seigneurs de son conseil en telle et si grande peur, qu'elle s'est veue par I'espece de huict
jours en bransle de sa couronne." NoaUles had btfore written of him at the commence
ment of the insurrection, as one " qui est estime par de^a homme vaillant et de bonne
conduicte;" and M. D'Oysel the French ambassador in Scotland, who was at this time in
London, having informed the king, his master, of sir Thomas Croft's designs, adds that he
was joined by " sir Thomas Wiat, qui est ung autre gentil chevallier et fort estime parmy
ceste nation." Ambassades de NoaUles, iii. 15, 46, 59.
Page 120, line IS, for form read from.

182 ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS.
Page 122. Second insurrection of the duke of Suffolk. The depositions of John Bowyer
and Thomas Rampton, the steward and secretary of the duke of Suffolk, which are pre
served in the State Paper Office, elucidate the history of the last outbreak of that rash and ill-
advised nobleman, with greater pefspicuity than has hitherto found its way into our history.
John Bowyer commences his narration by stating that, having been summoned to attend
upon his master at Shene, on Friday the 26th of January, he was ordered to go to London
to fetch a sum of 100 marks which were in his custody, and also to tell lord Thomas and
lord John Grey to start from London at vj that evening. Bowyer, with the money, was to
rejoin the duke at Leicester. He performed his master's commands in London, and
arranged to accompany the two lords. They started at vij that evening; and, going by
way of Enfield Chase, left Barnet on one side, and called at the house of Mr. Wroth;
which, from another paper, "- we learn was at Cheshunt. Wroth came out of his house,
and one Harrington with him. This was John Harrington, of whom more anon. After
some parley. Wroth and Harrington declined to proceed with them on such short notice.
So they went on to St. Alban's, and thence through Dunstable, BrickhiU, and Stony
Stratford, not stopping to bait until they arrived at Towcester, where they expected to
overtake the duke. He had ridden on to Lutterworth, where they found him at the
house of one Johnson, a tenant of his, and so they rode together to Bradgate the next day.
Up to this time, as Bowyer declared, he was ignorant of their intentions, but then he heard
them say that " they would go with all the power they might against the Spaniards."
Bowyer was next required to tell what was done to further the insurrection whilst the
duke remained in his own house; but he was evidently unwilling to inculpate himself.
He owned to having been employed to write to Palmer of Kegworth,'' to summon him. —
Mr. doctor Cave ' was with the duke in his chamber devising a letter to be sent to the
queen : and a form of proclamation was prepared, and sent for publication to lord John
Grey, lord Thomas Grey, and Rampton.
The same night (Monday the 29th January,) the duke rode to Leicester, and there,
after supper, went about the Newewark, and saw all the gates fastened, and then said that
the earl of Huntingdon would take his part, and had sent word so to him.
The following day he commanded Bowyer to write a letter to the townshippe of North
ampton to have them in aredyness, and therewith sent a proclamation also. About the
same time Bowyer heard from lord Thomas that he had received five hundred pounds
from Palmer.
" See bishop Gardyner's letter, which follows.
¦* Robert Palmer, gentleman, bachelor of laws, was made bailiff of Kegworth by William
lord Parre, afterwards marquess of Northampton, Nov. 10, 1540, and was afterwards the
general supervisor and receiver of all the marquess's estates in various counties. Nichols's
Leicestershire, vol. iii. p. 851.
" Francis Cave, of Bagrave, in Leicestershire, was a doctor of laws, and died in 1584.
This was probably the person above mentioned ; unless su- Ambrose Cave, his contempo
rary and relation, afterwards chancellor of the exchequer in the reign of EUzabeth, and a
great friend of sir William Cecill, was also a doctor of laws. See Nichols's Leicestershire
iv. 361, 357.

ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS. 183
" In the aftemoone he (the duke) armed himself and cawsed all his servauntes to arme
theim. I being in the chambre with him, bade me to boockell his cosshes, and being
chaffed at some thing sodainelie gave me a lytell blowe with the back of his hand, and
whether he thought hit had bene his armorer or no I cannot tell, but I left him in his
chambre and fet him his monie, the hundreth marckes which I had, and told him I had
mard both my geldinges with the carryadge of the monie, and so desyred that if I shoold
carrie hit still he woold appoint me one of his geldinges for my man. Then he said he
had no geldinges to spare, and tooke the money to one Gerves." Bowyer then adds (in
order to shew that he was an unwilling agent) that at that time he had no armour upon
him, nor for a long time after, insomuch that the duke was very angry with him, and bad
him to put a jack or some thing else upon him, which he then did.
The duke sent a letter by Berridge, the carrier of Leicester, to Shene, to one Pyndeme
and Cholmley, for all his plate.
On Tuesday (January 30) in the afternoon, the duke rode towards Coventry, and at his
coming within a quarter of a mile he sent to the gates, and Burdet brought him answer
that the gAtes were shut against him. Then be with all his company rode to Astley, and
there every man put off his hameyes, and the lord Thomas and the lord John took fryse
coats of the servants. Soon after, whilst Bowyer was absent from the company looking
after his horses, the money was hastily divided, so that he and two or three more had
nothing at all. "Then I wished I had never known service to see that change, so hevie
a companie as theare was ! "
" Then I went in to the howse and thought to see him and so departe my waie, for I
sawe my lord Thomas was going awaie, and as I was going he (this is apparently the duke
himself) called me to him and said he woold weare my cote. I told him I was the more
sorryer to see hit; and so I did put of my cote, and being in my hoze and doublet did
wrap my cloake about me and praied God to send him well to dooe, and so departed, not
having anie thing at all but a damasking dagger, which I gave immedyatlie awaie to a
servaunte of the howse, and so went into the towne."
" Thomas Rampton's confessyon of his practise at Coventry for the having of the towne
to the duke of Suffolk's use " is a long paper, of which the most important particulars are
as follow : —
Upon his first coming to Coventry he consulted with Mr. Anthony Corbyt, his " old
familyar," whom he did not find well inclined to his purpose. But Richard Aslyn and
one Frauncis volunteered their assistance. He shewed them the declaration made in the
duke's proclamation, that his object was to withstand the coming of the strangers; and
they affirmed in reply that " the whole of this town is my lord's and at his commande
ment, unles it be certayn of the counsayle of th§ towne." They then told him they
thought it necessary to obtain immediate possession of Warwick and KUlingworth castles,
in- the former of which were vuj pieces of ordnance. Two other townsmen then joined
their consultation, named William Glover and Clerk, who had just come from London, and
had talked by the way of the duke's coming down.
" Then Clerk told me that my lordes grace had done evUl in one point, for by the waye
at TauxatC (Towcester) he had (commyng now downe into the countrey) spoken openly

184 ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS.
that he had not passing fortye poundes in his house, " for (sayeth he) that may be a dis-
coragyng to men that peradventure shall looke for money at his handes.*'
" Tushe (sayeth Glover), let not my lord care for money, for yf he will come hether,
there will be money ynough for hym. I know he shall not want money, I know yt."
Mr. Burdet is then mentioned as being Rampton's companion, who was to go and give
the duke notice when they were prepared to receive him in the city.
But the friends of the house of Grey were either too few or too timid to make an
effectual head. A messenger that Rampton had sent to Warwick to Hudson, one of his
fellows, retumed with tidings that Hudson had already been arrested by the eari of Hunt
ingdon; after hearing which, Rampton himself left Coventry, telling his friends that he
went to hasten the coming of the duke.
The statement of Bowyer shews that the share of John Harrington in this conspiracy
was something more than merely carrying a letter, which, it seems, he afterwards told his
family (see the notes previously inserted in pp. 63, 71). A letter of bishop Gardyner to
secretary Petre relates the circumstances of his arrest : —
" Master secretary, after my most harty commendations. In the mornyng I thought good
to serch the mynoresse and Medles lodging * there for letters, and, among others, founde a
letter lately wrytten by Harrington, which Harrington cam to me this night, and, after
examination, I have taken him tardy by occasion of that lettre, and kept him with me as
prisoner this night, entending in the mornyng to send him to the towre; for he hath con
fessed howe upon fridaye at night the lord John Gray cam to Cheston, where master Wroth
and he was, and spake with master Wroth and him to get a gyde to leade him the waye to
Saincte Albons, bicause he was commaunded by the quene, he said, to levye men in his
countrie in al the hast; and more I cannot get yet, but ye muste in any wise send for
th 'apprehension of Wroth, and this matier wyl cume out and towche fully.
"And as I was in hand with that matier, were delyvered such lettres as in tymes past I
durst not have opened, but nowe sumwhat bette with treasons I waxed bolder. Wherin
I trust I shalbe borne with : wherin happe helpith me,, for they be worth the broking up
and I could holly disciphre them; wherin I wyl spare sumwhat of my leysure if I canne
have any; but this apperith, that the lettre wryten from my lady Elizabeth to the quenes
highnes nowe late in her excuse is taken a matier worthy to be sent in to Fraunce, for I
have the copy of it in the Frenche ambassadours pacquet.'' I wyl knowe what canne be
doone in the diseiphring, and to morowe remitte that I cannot doo unto youe. And so
fare ye hartely wel. At my howse in Sowthwerke the xxvij of January.
Master Wharton .shall Yo' assured loving friend,
tel youe the rest. Ste. Winton. canceU'."
To the right worshipful syr WilUam
Peter, knight, none of the quenes highnes principal secretoryes."
" See a note in p. 66.
" The packet which bishop Gardyner stopped was that which accompanied the letter of
"M. de NoaiUes au Roy, 23 et 26 Janvier, 1563," printed at vol. Ui. p. 43, of the Am
bassades de Noailles. Speaking of the lady EUzabeth he says, " J'ay reconvert le double

ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS. 185
The assertion of bishop Cooper (before noticed in p. 123), that the duke of Suffolk
"again proclaimed his daughter," though certainly untrue, was not only countenanced by
George Ferrers in Grafton's Chronicle, who says that he proceeded " to publish a pro
clamation in his daughter's name," but might be justified by the following royal pro
clamation : which assumes the duke's intentions to have been to revive his daughter's
claim to the throne. Such a suspicion, of course, would at once be entertained by the
friends of Mary, and such a suspicion, whether entertained in sincerity or affected, could
form the sole excuse for the judicial sacrifice of the unfortunate lady Jane.
[State Paper Office, Domestic, Philip and Mary, No. 43.]
By the Queene.

7?2(^^y^yt ^c c^n'ia^

The quene our Soveraign Lady geveth knowledge to all and singular her true and
loving subjects. That Henry duke of Suffolk, with tbe Carews, Wyat and others, conspyr-
ing with hym, have by sowing of false and sedicious rumours raised certain evUl disposed
personnes in Kent unnaturallie to rise and rebell against hir heighnes. Mynding her
graces destruction and to advaunce the lady Jane bis daughter, and Guilforde Dudley
hir husbande, the duke of Northumberlandes sonne, her graces traytours attaynted unto
hir Majesties Crowne. And therefore hir Majestie willeth all Maiors, Shirieffs, Bailieffs,
Constables, and alle other hir officers, ministres, and good subjects to whom it apperteyneth
in this parte. To proclayme unto all hir graces loving subjectes within their severall offices
The said Duke of Suffolk, his bretherne, and Thomas Wiatt of Kent, and all other thiere
confederates, to be false traytours unto hir heighnes and hir crowne, and dignitie roiall
And that hir Majestie hath sett fourthe her puissaunce to subdue the said traitours Trusting
by the healpe and grace of God and the aide of hir said loving subjects utterly to con
founde the said traitours Wherfore hir Majestie exhorteth all her true subjectes bearing
true heartes to God and hir and hir crowne, and the realme of Englande, to put them selfes
in order and redynes to resist the said duke and all his adherents and commaundementes,
whieh service of hir Majesties loving subjectes hir grace shal consider to all their comfortes,
besides that God wiU undoubtedly rewarde thier service."
The next document is a circular letter (probably addressed to lieutenants of counties and
other powerful noblemen), desiring them to exert themselves to suppress the rebeUion : —
[State Paper Office, Domestic, Philip and Mary, No. 28, an original, signed, but not dated
or directed. A duplicate original in the Bodleian Library, MS. Tanner, No. 90, p.
196; printed by Miss Wood, Original Letters, vol. ui. p. 287.]

d'une lettre qu'elle escripvoit a ladicte royne, que I'ambassadeur de I'empereur a faict
traduire en Francois, qui est cy enclose." From a postscript it appears that the ambas
sador took the precaution to send his letters in duplicate, and thus one copy, at least,
arrived at its destination.
CAMD. SOC. * 2 B

186 ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS.
By the Quene.
Mary the quene.
Trusty and right welbUoved, we grete you well. And where the duke of Suffoike and
his brethem, with dyverse other personnes, forgettyng their trewth and dyutye of allegiaunce
which they owe to God and us, and also the greate mercye which the sayd duke hath lately
receyved of us, be as we are surely enformed revolted and malytyously conspyred togethers
to styrr our people and subjectes moost unnaturally to rebell agaynst us, and the lawes
lately made by aucthoritie of parlyament for the restitution of the true catholique chrestian
Religion, making theyr only pretence nevertheles (though falsely) to let the cumming in
of the Prynce of Spayne and his trayne, spredding most false rumours that the sayd Prynce
and the Spanyardes entende to conquer this our Realme Wheras his sayd cumming is for
the greate honour and suretye of us and our sayd Realme, as we doubt not God wyll in the
end make a most playne demonstration to the comforthe of all our good subjectes.
Therfore trusteng in your fidelitie, valyantnes, and good courage to serve us and our sayd
Realme agaynst the sayd traytours and rebelles We requyre you immediatly upon the
sight hereof to put yourself in order to represse the same with all the power, puissance,
and force ye can possibly make of horsmen and footmen, as well of your own ffrendes,
tenauntes, and servauntes, as others under your rule. To the levyeng, rayseng, and
leading of which force we gyve you full power and aucthoritie by thies presentes. Willeng
you further to have a vigilant eye to all suche as spredde those false rumours, and them
t'apprehende and commyt to warde to be ordred as the lawe requyreth. And to th 'intent
our good subjectes shall fully understande uppon howe false a grounde the sayde traytours
buylde, and bowe honorably we have concluded to marye with the sayd Prynce, we sende
unto you th 'articles of the sayd conclusion for Mariage. Wherfore, right trusty and right
welbiloved, as ye be a man of courage, and beare good harte to us your liege Lady and
oountreye, nowe acquyte yourself according to your bounden dieutye which ye owe to God
and us, and we shall considre the same God willing as shalbe to the good comfortes of you
and yours. Yeven undre our Signet at our Manour of St. James the [27th] of January
the first yere of our reigne.
The queen's pardon to "all such as would desist from their purpose" (see p. 38).
[MS. Cotton. Vesp. F. vii. p. 12.]
By the Quene.
Mary, the quene : (impressed with a wooden stamp.)
The Quenes highenes most excellent Ma'^ understanding how Thomas Wyat, confederat
with other lewde and evill disposed personnes, have, under the pretense of the benefite of
the commenwelthe of the Realme to withstande straungers, sette furthe a Proclamation,
therby to assemble her highenes good, true, and lovinge subjectes, to the disturbaunce of
the realme, the confusion of this commonwelth, and the destruction of her most noble
personne and astate (which God forbidde), her saide highnes being mercifully moved
towardes the conservation of her subjectes from all perill and daunger, and glad to relieve
suche as shulde be by sinistre motions abused and seduced; hathe thought goode to
signifle to her saide subjectes that whosoever upon any proclamation made and sette forthe

ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS. 187
by the said Thomas or any other private man, to the purpose aforesayde, shall happen to
assemble accordinge to the same, and upon knowlege herof shall, within xxiiij houres
after, returne to their houses and live there quietly and obediently : her highenes is con
tented to pardonne that their doinge in the saide assemblie, and to defende and manteyne
them as her highenes good subjectes, to the benefite and comforte of them and their
posteritie. One further document from the State Paper Office (No. 47) is here appended : the por
tions printed in Italic types showing the additions by some person in high place, suggest
ing the manner in which those who had served queen Mary best were "to be rewarded."
The earl of Pembroke's name was placed at the head by the same writer ; —
The names of certaine lordes and gentlemen that were with hir majestes power against
the Rebelles. Endorse, to be rewardyd.
My lord of PembrooTce.
My lorde Admyrall — to be a lord and C^'" land.
My lorde Marshall. — The purchase of his larid.
My lorde Fytzwater. — i"' in land.
My lorde of Ormonde.
My lorde Thomas Hawarde.
My lorde Gerat — restitution of his land beyng in tlie quenes liand.
My lorde Dudley.
Sir John Parrot.— C'"-
Sir Edward Bray. — CC markes.
Sir Robert Tirwhit.
Sir George Hawarde. — C '"
Mr. Poynings — consideration to be had in his debt.
Mr. Awdeley. — CC markes.
Mr. Matson.
Mr. Lytton.— C "•
Mr. Pharman.
Mr. Warram St. Leger.
Mr. Hungerforde.
Mr. Byrche.
Mr. Cheynie.
Mr. TureU.— C ''•
Mr. Worthington — consideration of liis debt imd L '".
Mr. Forres. — C""
Mr. Leghe.-C"'-
Mr. Gowen, captein of the skowts — consideration of his debt.
Mr. Barry, under marshal — C '"
My lorde Stewardes men. — CC markes.
Robert Palmer.
Mr. Robertes, one of his captaines, who with dyvers other of his fellowes dyd well.

188 ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS.
My lord Privie Seal — CC. markes,
Mr. Crayforde, capten of his horsemen.
Mr. Dudekey, captein of his footmen.
Mr. Dmry, who with dyvers others dyd well.
My lorde Paget's men — CC. markes.
Jherom Palmer, capteine of his horsemen.
WaUwin, capteine of his footemen, who with dyvers others dyd very weU.
My lord Marshall's men — CC. markes.
Stephin Plasted,
William Jones, his capteins, who with dyvers others did well.
My lord lieutenauntes men — CGL •'.
Mr. Clerk, his lieutenant for the tyme.
Mr. Penruddock, the standard bearer.
Mr. Bellingham.
Mr. Broughton.
Mr. Highgate.
Mr. Champnes.
Morgan Johns, captaine of the footmen.
The mr. of the horses twoo captaynes — C ".
JSdmund Tyrell — C ".
Another longer paper. No. 48, is a catalogue of the arms and armour delivered out of
her Majesty's stores during the time of Wyat's rebellion, concluding with the list of a
large number of arms which were " Lost and imbesilled at Westminster, the daye of the
battell, which amonges others were appointed by the queenes majestie her owne com
mandement to serve upon the soubden."
Page 131, note. Holinshed's account of the defeat of Wyat's army is in fact that of
Grafton's chronicle, and its author is known to have been George Ferrers » the poet and
"lord of misrule to king Edward." It is so perfectly clear and accurate, that it could
only be from unpardonable carelessness or want of apprehension that other erroneous ac
counts have been mingled with it by subsequent writers.
Page 133. Bishop Christopherson gives another interpretation to Mary's expression of
reliance in " her captain " :
" Who (the queen), whUe the fleld was in fyghtynge, was ferventlye occupied in
prayinge. And when as tidinges was brought her, that by treason all was loste, she like a
valiant champion of Christe, nothynge abashed therwith, sayd that she doubted not at al,
but her Captayne (meaning thereby our Saviour Christe) woulde have the victory at
lengthe, and falling to her prayers agayne, anone after had she worde broughte her, that
her men had wonne the fielde, and that Wyate her enemies captayne was taken." Ex
hortation agaynst Rebellion, 1554, sig. 0 ij.
' Stowe, in his chronicle (edit. 1615, p. 632), after relating the loss of Calais, adds —
" whereof maister George Ferrers hath written at large, for he collected the whole history
of Q. Mary, as the same is sette downe under the name of Richard Grafton."

INDEX.

Abergavenny, lord 37, 48, 99, 177
Alva, duke of 138, 171
Amory, Stephen 112
Anna of Cleves, lady 28, 179
Antwerp, commotion at 77
Aquillara, marquis 171
Arnold, sir Nich. 65, 69
Articles of inquiry by bishop of London 82
Arundel, earl of 1 note, 7, 10, 12, 14, 37, 60, 82,
99, 109, 110, 119, 120, 138, 139, 140,170
Ashridge, lady Elizabeth prisoner at 177
Aslyn, Richard 183
Astley, 124
Atslow, Luke 174
Awdeley, mr. 187
Baker, sir John 16, 91, 100, 109
Bamaby, mr. 33
Barnes, sir George 100
Barry, Mr. 187
BasU 39
Basing 144
Baskerfield 19
Bath, earl of 4, 119
Bedford, eari of, (lord privy seal,) 39, 48, 68,
91, 99,109,168,169,178, 188
Bedingfield, sir Henry 5
BeU, WUUam 41
BeUingham, mr. 188
Berghes, marquis of 171
Berkeley, sir Maurice 50, 100, 133
Berridge 183
Berwick, proclamation of queen Jane at 41
Bird, bishop of Chester 177
Bishops, expelled 68, 177; created 72

Blount, sir Richard 100
Bonner, bishop 16, 33, 142, 168, 178 ; his
articles of inquiry 82
Boothe, Hugh 62, 64
Boureman, doctor 19
Bourne, secretary 68, 73, 82, 177
Bower, Thomas 100
Bowes, sir Robert 100, 109
Bowyer, John 182
Boys, battle of 67
Bradschawe, Henry 100
Bradshaw, Laurence 135
Bray, sir Edward 131, 187
 John lord 99, 170
Brett, Alexander 38, 47, 61, 62, 53, 69, 61
 R. 100
Broke, Richard 100
Broughton, mr. 188
Broune, Anthony (two) 100
.  Henry 100
Browne, sir Anthony 14, 34, 55, 72, 138
140 ; created lord Montacute 81, 82, 152
Browne, sir Humphry 100
Brydges, sir John 44, 61, 52, 66, 67, 109 ;
created lord Chandos 72
 Thomas 18, [not JohnJ 63, 57 ; sworn
lieutenant of the Tower 76, 180
Buckinghamshire, rises in favour of Mary 8
Burdet 183, 184
Bury 9; proclamation of queen Mary at 112
Bury, WUliam 100
Bush, bishop of Bristol 177
Byrche, mr. 187
Calatrava, grand master of 171

190

INDEX.

Cambridge 9, 10; university 102, 176
Cardiff, lord 28, 72
Care-cloth 142
Carew, sir Gawen 35, 42, 66
 :— sb Peter 35, 42, 111, 112, 176
 mr. 170
Castellar, conde de 171
Castille, admiral of 138, 171
Cave, mr. doctor 182
Cecill, sir William 4 note, 87, 91, 99, 103,
106,109,176
Chaloner, sir Thomas 175
Chamberlayne, mr. 62, 61
Chamberiyn, Rich. 100
Champernowne, sir Arthur 42
Champnes, mr. 188
Chandos (see Brydges), lord, creation of 72;
his account of Wyat's interview with Cour
tenay, ib.
Charing cross, confiict at 49, 51
Cheapside cross 149
Cheke, sir John 12, 13, 27, 91, 99, 109
Cheney, sir Thomas (lord warden) 9, 12, 36,
45, 91, 99, 109, 175, 177
Chester, sir William 100
Cheynie, mr. 187
Chinchon, conde de 171
Cholmley 183
 sir Roger 26, 99
Christopherson, bishop 188
Clerk, — 184, 188
CUfford, lady Margaret, 84, 169
Clinton, lord 11, 39, 41, 48, 91, 99, 162
Cobham, lord 36, 41, 71, 91, 99, 176
 George 62
 Thomas 50, 61, 52, 53, 62, 131, 133
 sir William 63, 62, 71
Coinage of Philip and Mary 82
Colchester 111, 112
Coleharbour 41

Cooper, bishop 122, 123
Corbett, Anthony 183
CornhiU 80, 147
Cornwaleys, sir Thomas 63, 177
Cotton, sir Richard 99, 109
Courtenay, sir  33, see Devonshire
Coventry, 113, 123, 124, 183; Rampton ar
raigned there 65
Cowling castle 36, 176
Cox, doctor 15
Cranmer, archbishop 27, 32, 68, 91, 99, 109;
his apology 87
Crayford, mr. 188
Croft, sir J. 13, 36, 40, 63, 69, 76, 76, 180
Croke, WiUiam 100
Cromer 54
Crown pieces, French and Burgundian 68
Cuenca, baron 171
Culpepper, mr. 36
Culpepers (two) 64, 71
Dale, Philip 174
Damselle, W. 100
Dancing at the queen's marriage 143, 170
Danett 65, 71
DareU, Thomas 174
Darcy, lord 15, 91, 99, 109
Dartford, Wyat's men at 40, 42
Dartmouth 114
Davynport, Thomas 123
Dawntesey, Christ. 100
Denny, sir Philip 51
Denys, sir Thomas 42
Deptford, Wyat's men at 40
Derby, earl of 119, 138, 140, 141, 169
Dernley, Henry lord, character of 166
Devonshire, rising in 35, 42
Devonshire, eari of 14, 20, 34, 59, 60, 61, 67,
69,76
Dibbins, WUliam 174
Digges, Leonard 67

INDEX.

191

Dob, of Bosat 15
Dobbs, sir Richard 100
Dodge, John 134
Dorrell, Christopher 46
Drake, Robert 63
Drury, mr. 188
 sir Andrew 18
 sir William 5
Duddeley, lord Ambrose 27, 32
 sir Andrew 176
 lord GuUdford 13, 27, 32, 33; execu
tion of 55
 master Harry 32, 175
.  lord Harry 27, 32
 lord Robert 33, 35, 111
Dudley, mr. 188
 Edward lord 134, 187
Durham place, 3 note, 6, 8, 34 note
Dyer, James 100
Edgcumb, sir Richard 176
Edmunds, Ambrose 174
Edward, king, death of 1 ; hisletters patent for
the succession to the throne, 2 note, 87 ; his
autograph device 89 ; his minutes for his last
will 101; rumour that he was poisoned 110
Egerton, Thomas 82
Egmont, count 34, 135, 140, 171
Elder, John 136
Eleyn, mistress 56, 57
EUzabeth, the lady 13, 14, 27, 28, 62, 69,
176,184; sent prisoner to the Tower 70;
her asserted interview with Wyat 72, 76 ;
released 76 ; declared illegitimate by Ed
ward VI. 92, 93; his provision for her
marriage 101
Englefield, su- H. 82
Exeter, seizure of 36, 42
Exeter, marchioness of 14
Famham,(?) mr. 187
Feckenham, dean 57

Feria, conde de 171
Ferrar, bp. of St. David's 177
Ferrers, George 129, 130, 185, 187, 188
Figueroa, don Juan 168, 171
Finsbury field 42
Fisher, Henry 100
Fitzgerald, lord 13, 34, 99, 187
FitzWalter, lord 68, 82, 99, 168, 187
Fitzwarren, lord 13, 99
Fitz William, John 38, 67, 69, 71
 WUUam 100
Pogge, Edward 53
Foreigners, proclamation to expel 61
Framlingham castle 6, 11, 111
Preston, Richard 5
Fuensalida, conde de 171
Fulford, su- John 176
Fynderne 183
Gage, sir Henry 100
 sir John (lord chamberlain) 18, 21, 49,
58, 71, 72, 76, 76, 131, 132, 168, 180
Gardyner, bishop 14, 16, 16, 28, 31, 33, 34,
40, 53, 54, 75, 77; his wiping out the Ver
bum Dei 79; 82, 139, 140, 153, 168, 169;
Latin couplet by 144; sermon at St. Paul's
161 ; letter to secretary Petre 184
Garrard, sir Will. 100, 110
Garrett, lord, see Fitzgerald
Gate, John 91, 99
Gates, sir John 8, 13, 18, 19, 21, 22
 sir Henry 13, 18, 33
Glover, William 184
Godsalve, sir John 82
©omez, don Rui 138, 171
Gonzaga, don Cesar 171
Goodrich, bishop 91, 109
Gosnold, John 91, 100
Gowen, mr. 187
Grantham, proclamation of queen Mary at 113
Greenwich, Wyat's men at 40

192

INDEX.

Gresham, sir John 100
Grey, lord John 37, 54, 63, 77, 124
 lord Leonard 37
 lord Thomas 61, 63, 67, 76, 99, 126
Grey of WUton, lord 8, 11, 13, 62, 99
Griffin, Rodolph 174
Gryffyn, Edward 91, 100
Guisnes, siege of 62
Gybbes, William 42, 66
Gyfford, William 100
Hampton Court, the queen at 31 , 1 52
Harenden, Henry 174
Hargrave, Nicholas 174
Harley, bp. of Hereford 177
Harrington, John 53, 71, 182, 184
Harris, Richard 174
Harper, sir George 36, 38, 42, 47, 63
Hartopp, 19, 76
Hastings, lord 74
Hastings, sir Edward 8, 27, 28, 63, 68
Harvey, William 50
Hawley, Thomas 60
Haywood, master 30
Heath, bishop 22
Heigham, Clement 6, 175
Henry VIII. his limitation of the crown 86
Herbert of Cardiff, lord 72, 137
Hereford, viscount (lord Ferrers) 16, 26
Herefordshire, rising in 40
Hewitt, sir WiU. 100
Highgate, mr. 188
HiUes, Richard, 100
Hinde, sir Aug. 100
Hoby, sir PhUip, 1, 106, 107, 108, 119, 176
Hodson, Nicholas 174
Holgate, archbp. 68, 78
Honynges, William 66
Hooper, bishop 68, 111, 177
Homes, count of 171
Household, Royal, reduction of 82

Howard, lord Thomas 187
 lord William 41, 43, 50, 63, 129, 180,187
 sir George 187
Hudson 184
Hume, John, lord of Jedburgh 165
Hungerford, mr. 187
Hunsdon 1
Huntingdon, eari of 11, 13, 27, 37, 41, 63,
74, 91, 99, 124, 125, 182, 184
Ipswich, riot at 81
Isley, Thomas 66
Isley, sir Harry 36, 37, 42, 54, 66
Jacob the lady Jane's gentlewoman 25
Jane, queen, proclamation of 3, 110 ; her reign
3—9; a prisoner 13, 19, 25, 83; trial 32;
execution 55; her nomination to the crown
by Edward VI. 87, 89, 94; State Papers
during her reign 106 — 109
Jerningham, sir Henry 5, 8, 37, 39, 51, 131
Jedwarth, the laird of 165
Johns, Morgan 188
Jones, William 188
Judd, sir.Andrew 100
Kenynghall 1, 4, 106
Kingston bridge 45, 46
Kingston, sir Anthony 108
Knevett, Anthony 53, 66
 William 36, 60, 51, 53, 66, 131
 Thomas 62
Knight, WilUam 100
Knightsbridge 48
Lambard, sir John 100
Lambeth palace 163
Landriano, conde 171
Latimer, Hugh 26, 68
Leadenhall, musters at 37
Leghe, mr. 187
Livery, the queen's 74; king Philip's 134
Locke, Thomas 19
Lodge, sir Thomas 100

INDEX.

193

London, proclamation of queen Jane 3; of
Mary 11; reception of queen Mary 14;
pageants at her coronation 28 — 31 ; at the
entry of king PhUip 78, et seq. 145, et
seq. ; lord treasurer's speech at Guildhall
37; the queen there 40; gallows erected 59
Lovell, Thomas 7, 11
Lucar, Emanuell 75, 100
Lucas, John 91, 100
Lynn, proclamation of queen Jane at 111
Lytton, mr. 187
Mallory, Richard 1 00
Maltravers, lord 28, 137
Mantell, Walter (the two) 61, 66
Martini, sieur de, &c. 171
Maby, the lady, 1 notes, 4 — 8 ; proclaimed
queen 11; comes to London 14; her pro
cession through London, and coronation
27 — 32; her marriage announced 32, 34;
comes to address the Londoners at Guild
hall 40; her mercy towards Southwark 44;
her conduct on Wyat's attack 48, 188;
marriage 78, 141, 167; declared illegitimate
by Edward VI. 92, 93 ; his provision for
her marriage 101 ; letter to king Philip 177 ;
her style 142, 178
Mason, sir John 12, 100, 109
Matson, mr. 187
Medina CeU, duke of 136, 138, 171
Medley, mr. 66, 184
Melton Mowbray 123
Menchen, Thomas 45
Mendoca, don Diego de [108?] 171
Metham, Alexander 41
Meyrick, John 174
Middleton, Edward 179
Mildmay, Thomas 10
Modica, conde de 171
Montacute, lord 152, see Browne
Montague, chief justice 4 note, 26, 87, 91, 99
CAMD. SOC.

Moore, clerk of cheque of the pensioners 129
Mordaunt, sir John 4
More, George 53, 66
 Thomas, 174
Morgan, serjeant 5
Morysine, sir Richard 108, 109, 175
Musters at Leadenhall 37 ; in St. James's
field and Finsbury field 42, 47
Mytton, Richard 63, 126
de las Navas, marquis 134, 135, 137, 171
Nayler, 67
NeviU, Henry 100
Newman 130
Newse, Clement 19
Newton Abbot 114
Nicholson, of Paules chain 41
Noailles 88, 107, 115, 122, 180, 181, 184
Noble, John 174
Norfolk, county of 178
 duke of, 14,15,16, 28,37, 39, 40,176
Norres, John 129, 134
Norris, Henry 100
North, lord, creation of 72, 82, 100
Northampton, marquess of 8, 10, 11, 13, 16,
16,18, 33, 36, 51, 56, 70,71, 91, 99, 121,
180
 town of 183
Northumberland, duke of 3, 5 — 11, 13 ; his
trial 16 ; execution 21 ; lady Jane's re
marks on his conduct 25; his lodging in
the Tower 27; his unpopularity 87; his
circular letter to lieutenants of counties
. 103; mentioned 91, 99, 106, 125
 duchess of 13
Norwich 8; proclamation of Mary at 111
Offley, sir Thomas 55, 100
Olivares, conde de 171
Orange, prince of 166
Ormond, eari of 13, 33, 37, 39, 187
Oswestry 126
2 c

194

INDEX.

Owen, Lewis 174
Oxford, parUament at 65, 72
Oxford, eari of 28, 99, 109
Oxfordshire, rising in favour of the lady
Mary 9
Paget, lord 27, 48, 152, 188
Palmer, Jerome 188
 Robert 182, 187
 sir Thomas 18, 20; execution of 22
 sir Thomas, (another,) 37
 WUliam 174
Parkhurst, bishop 174
Parliament of 1 553, acts of 32, 181
Parliament of 1554, 72
Partrige, 25, 55
Parys, sir Philip 131
Paul's cross sermons 76, 82
Paul's school 160
Peckham, sir Edmond, Preface v, 8, 12, 33,
119,178
 Henry 129
Pembroke, earl of 9, 11, 12, 16, 39, 40, 41,
48, 62, 82, 91, 99, 109, 110, 131, 133,
140, 141, 169, 187
Pendleton, dr. 76
Penruddock 188
Perrott, sir John 187
Pescara, marquess of 135, 171
Peter, a Dutchman 30
Petre, secretary 82, 88, 90, 109
Pharman, mr. 187
Philip prince of Spain, arrival of 77 ; his pro
gress to London ib. ; his landing at South
ampton 137; invested with the Garter 138;
meets the queen at Winchester 140; mar
riage 78, 141, 167; made king of Naples
and Jemsalem 141,168; his style 142, 178;
visit to St. Paul's 161; his personal ap
pearance 166; his dancing 170
Pickering, sir William 175

Piddock, Richard 63
Piedmont, prince of 165
Plasted, Stephen 188
Pole, lodged at Lambeth 152; his speech, to
the parliament as legate 154; proeeseion to
St. Paul's 161 ; reception 179
PoUard, sir Hugh 176
Pope, sir Thomas 51, 52, 65
Portman, sir Harry 100
Porpoises taken in Sussex 72
Poor Pratte, epistle of 115
Potter, GUbert 115
Powlet, lord Chidioke 50
Poynings, Ponynges, Poins, or Poyntz, —
Adrian 100
 sir Nicholas 44, 61, 52, 109
 mr. 187
Proclamations on religion 24; for remitting
the subsidy 26 ; against the duke of Suf
folk, the Carews, Wyat, &c. 186 ; of par
don to the adherents of Wyat 186
Proctor's historie of Wyates Rebellion 36 note
Protestants, foreign, proclamation to expel 61
Purefay, Francis 5
Radcliffe, sir Humphrey 128
Rampton, Thomas 54, 65, 183
Ratcliffe, Henry 5
Raynford, John 100
Reading 144
Reding, Thomas 174
Regalls, pair of 162
Rich, lord 91, 99, 109
Richmond, queen at 76, 78, 145
Ridley, bishop 27, 68, 99
Robertes, mr. 187-
Rochester 37, 38, 82
Rogers, sir Edward 65, 69, 100
Rokeby, serjeant 100
Rokewode, Nicholas 132
Rudston, Robert 36, 42, 53, 66

INDEX.

195

Rutter, a warder 27
Russell, Francis lord 15, 99
SackviUe, sir Richard 100
Sadler, sir Ralph 100
Saldanda, conde de 171
Salisbury, Margaret countess of, Elder's re
marks on her execution 163
Salisbury 134
Sanders, sir Edward 113, 125
Sandys, dr. Edwin 39
Satwel, John 174
Saunders, Ninion 115
Savia, marquess of 171
Savoy, the 102
St. James's field 42, 44, 47
St. John, lord 99 ; sir John 15
Sentleger, sir Anth. 100, 175
 sh John 42, 176
 Warham 187
St. Lowe, sir John 108
 sir WUliam 65, 69, 71
Scory, bp. of Chichester 142, 168
Seymour, John 61
Seymour (duke of Somerset's sons) 19, 20, 21
Sheen, priory of 122
SheUey, Richard 137
Shelton, sir John 6
Shrewsbury, eari of 12, 82, 91, 99, 109, 110,
114, 120,122,126,138,180
SUUard, Richard 12
Silva, see Gomez
Singleton, Hugh 115, 121, 181
Slegge, Roger 10
Smethwick, WiUiam 53, 71
Somerset, duchess of 14, 16
 sir George 176
Southampton 134, 137, 138
Southwark 41, 43,181; queen Mary's mercy
towards 44; Wyat's departure from 45
Southwark place 78, 145

SouthweU, sir Richard 5, 100, 131, 132
 sir Robert (not Richard), 46, 66, 100
Spaniards, swarm in London 81; friar at
Lambeth 82
Stamford 112
Stamp for the royal signature 135, 186
State Papers of the reign of queen Jane,
list of 106-109 ; of the first two years of
queen Mary 174 —179
Stradling, sir Thomas 28
Strange, lord 99, 137
Strangways the rover 68
Strangways, sir GUes 74
Stuart, lord Robert, bp. of Caithness 137
Suffolk, duke of 3 note, 5, 12, 16, 37, 41,
65, 58,91, 99, 109; flight and capture of
122; trial of 60 ; execution 63
 duchess of 36
Suffolk, insurrection in 81
Suffolk place, Southwark 145
Sulierde, John 6
Surrey, earl of 137
Sussex, eari of 5, 68, 70, 71, 170, 177, 179
Sydney, sir Henry 13, 68, 100
Syon house 3 note
Talbot, George lord 99, 137
Taylebushe, lady 27
Taylor, bp. of Lincoln 177
Temple Newsome 166
Thirlby, bp. of Norwich and Ely 142, 168,
171,176
Thomas, Edmund 174
.  WUliam 63, 65, 69 ; executed 76
Throckmorton, Clement 129
 John 55
 sir Nicholas 1, 12, 13, 63, 74, 75, 100
 sir Robert 2
Tichborne, Edward 174
Toledo, don Antonio de 171
Towcester 184

196

INDEX,

Treasure, Spanish, brought to the Tower 83
Tresham, sir Thomas 12, 13
Troughton, Richard 111, 112
TunstaU, bishop 31, 142, 168
Tutton 38
Twiehenor, Henry 174
Tylney, Elizabeth 56, 57
Tyrrell, mr. 187; Edmund 188
Tyrwhytt, su- Robert 187
 sh- Thomas 12
UnderhUl, Edward 128, 170
Underwood 124
Valladohd, major of 171
Vallefiguiere, major of Hi.
de los Vallos, marquis of ib.
Vane, Thomas 63
 Henry 71
Vaughan, Cuthbert 49, 53, 59, 64, 66, 68,
76, 131
Verbum Dei, anecdote of London pageantry 78
Veron 39
Waldegrave, sir William 82, 175
WaUwin 188
Warner, sir Edward 36
la Warre, lord, 5 note
Warren, Christopher 54, 125
Warwick castle 184
Warwick, eari of 10, 16, 19, 20, 27, 99, 121
 countess of, 27
Watson, doctor 18, 20
Weldon, mr. 134
Wentworth, Thomas lord 99
Westmeriand, eari of 11, 82, 99
Westminster, proclamation of Mary at 114
Westminster abbey, visited by the king and
queen 152
Weston, doctor Hugh 41, 64, 73
Wether, Laurence 100

Wharton, sir Thomas 4, 184
Whetston, Thomas 76
White, bishop of Winchester 142, 168, 174
 Gabriel 174; Richard ii.
Whitehall 162
Williams, sir John 9, 12, 63; created lord
WiUiams of Thame 72, 76, 82
WiUiam, John 100
Willoby, Arkenwold 174
WiUoughby, lord 99
Winchester, king Philip's reception at 139;
the queen's marriage at 167
Winchester college, verses 143, 172
Winchester, marquess of 9, 15, 28, 36, 60,
70, 75, 76, 82, 91, 99, 109, 169, 170, 180
Winchester, marchioness of 168
Winchester house 15
Windsor, king and queen's reception at 144
Windsor, lord 8, 99
Winter, Robert 63, 75, 76
Wither, John 100
Woodstock, princess Elizabeth prisoner at 76
Worcester, eari of 99
Worthington, mr. 187
Wotton, doctor 175
Wright, Thomas 174
Wroth, mr. 182, 184
Wrothe, sir Thomas 100
Wyat, Edward 63
 sir Thomas, his rebeUion 36 et seq. ; pro-
clamationsagainst40,41, 185; surrender of
60; his reception at the Tower 51, 62; trial
68; execution 72; exculpates Elizabeth
and Courtenay 73 ; letters 175 ; his conduct
at Southwark, and general character 181
Yarmouth 8; proclamation of Mary at 111
York 113
Yorke, 27, 32, 76

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