YALE
UNIVERSITY LIBRARY

CHINESE EMIGRATION.

THE CUBA COMMISSION.

REPORT

OF

THE COMMISSION SENT BY CHINA TO ASCERTAIN THE CONDITION OF
CHINESE COOLIES IN CUBA.

SHANGHAI:
PRINTED AT THE IMPERIAL MARITIME CUSTOMS PRESS.

MDCCOLXXVI. ,

CONTENTS.

Page.
3Part I. — Despatch to Yamen, ") V English version,  i
Keplies to Queries, J
i , II , — Despatch to YamSn, "1 > French version,  ,  93
Replies to Queries, J
„ III. — Despatch to Yamen, Chinese version,  199
31 IV, — Memorandum, Regulations, etc.,  203

THE REPORT.

I.

ENGLISH VERSION.

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Translation of Despatch of Commissioners Ch'EN Lanpin, Macpherson and Huber,
reporting to the Tsung-li Yam&n the, results of their enquiry into the condition of
Chinese im, Cuba.

The Commissioner Ch'EN, and the Commissioners of Customs Macpherson and Huber,
address this memorial in reply : —
On the ioth day of the ioth moon of the 12th year of T'ungchih [29th November 1873]
was received the communication of 'the Yamen to the effect that " for the enquiry in regard to
" Chinese emigrants to the Spanish possession of Cuba, Ch'EN Lanpin, the officer in charge of
" the Educational Mission abroad, has been selected, that Mr. Macpherson, Commissioner of
" Customs at Hankow, and Mr. Huber, Commissioner of Customs at Tientsin, are likewise
" appointed and are to accompany him ; that this arrangement has been sanctioned by an Edict
""of the 30th day of the 7th moon [21st September], that the head of the Commission is to
" await in the United States the arrival of his associates, and that they are thence to proceed
" together to their destination, where they are to institute an honest and complete enquiry, of
" the results of which a full report is to be supplied, as a guide for subsequent action."
On the 12th day of the ioth moon [1st December], the receipt of these instructions was
in the first instance acknowledged.
On the 26th day of the 12 moon [12th February 1874], Mr. Huber arrived in the United
States, and on the 3rd day of the 1st moon of this year [19th February], the deputed officer
Ch'EN Lanpin with him departed for Cuba, Havana being reached on the 29th day of the same
moon [17th March], where apartments were hired in the hotel in which Mr. Macpherson was
already residing.
On the 2nd day of the 2nd moon [19 March], (being thus united) we visited the Captain
General the Governor of Havana, the official members of the Commission of Colonization, and
afterwards the Consular Representatives of Great Britain, France, Russia, the United States,
Germany, Sweden and Norway and Denmark, Holland, Austria, Belgium, and Italy.
On the 3rd [20th] we commenced an enquiry at the barracoon of Mr. Ibafiez.
On the 4th [21st] we commenced an enquiry in the depot.
On the 5th [22nd] we continued the enquiry in the barracoon.
From the 6th [23rd] until the nth [28th] inclusive we continued the enquiry in
the dep6t. During the 13th, 14th and 15th [30th, 31st and 1st April] the enquiry was prosecuted
in the jail. During the 17th and 18th [3rd and 4th April] the plantation Las Caflas was visited.
On the 22nd [8th] we proceeded to Matanzas, where, during the following days, the
enquiry was prosecuted in the depot, prison and in the plantations " San Cayetano," " Concepcion"
and "Armonia."

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On the 28th [14th] we proceeded to Cardenas, where, during the following days, we
prosecuted enquiries in the dep6t, prison and the plantations " Esperanza," " Recreo " and " San
Aaatonio." A visit was also paid to the adjacent town of Cimmarones.
On the 3rd day of the 3rd moon [18th], we proceeded to Colon, where, during the following
days, we prosecuted enquiries in the dep6t, prison and in the plantations " Espafla " and '
'< Flor de Cuba."
On the 6th [21st] we proceeded to Sagua, where, during the following days, we prosecuted
¦enquiries in the dep6t, prison and in the plantations " Santa Anna," " Santa Isabella " and
" Capitolis." On the 9th [24th] we proceeded to Cienfuegos, where, during the following days, we
prosecuted enquiries in the dep6t, prison and in the plantations " Juniata " and " Candelaria."
On the 13th [28th] we proceeded to Guanajay, where, during the following days, we
prosecuted enquiries in the depot and prison, returning to Havana vid the town of San Antonio.
On the 17th [2nd May] we proceeded to Guanabacoa, and on the same day prosecuted
enquires in the Regla and Santa Catalina sugar-warehouses.
During these investigations, the hours of visiting the depots and prisons were always fixed
hy the local officials, and plantations also were only visited after the assent of the latter had been
obtained. Besides, however, in the places where we stayed, as well as on the road, independent
-enquiries were instituted.
All investigations of Chinese were conducted verbally and in person by ourselves. The
•depositions and petitions show that ^ths of the entire number declared that they had been
kidnapped or decoyed; that the mortality during the voyage from wounds caused by blows, suicide
and sickness proves to have exceeded 10 per cent. ; that on arrival at Havana they were sold into
¦slavery, — a small proportion being disposed of to families and shops, whilst the large majority
became the property of sugar planters ; that the cruelty displayed even towards those of the
former class is great, and that it assumes in the case of those of the latter, proportions that are
unendurable. The labour, too, on the plantations is shown to be excessively severe, and the food
to be insufficient ; the hours of labour are too long, and the chastisements by rods, whips, chains,
•.stocks, &c, &c, productive of suffering and injury. During the past years a large number have
been killed by blows, have died from the effects of wounds and have hanged themselves, cut their
throats, poisoned themselves with opium, and thrown themselves into wells and sugar caldrons.
It was also possible to verify by personal inspection wounds inflicted upon others, the fractured
and maimed limbs, blindness, the heads full of sores, the teeth struck. out, the ears mutilated, and
the skin and flesh lacerated, proofs of cruelty patent to the eyes of all.
Oh the termination of the contracts the employers, in most cases, withhold the certificates
¦of completion, and insist on renewal of engagements, which may extend to even more than 10
years, and during which the same system of cruelty is adhered to ; whilst if the Chinese refuse
to assent, they are taken to the depots, whence in chains, and watched by guards, they are forced
to repair roads, receiving no compensation for their labour, undergoing a treatment exactly
similar to that of criminals in jail. Afterwards they are compelled to again enter the service of
an employer, and sign a contract, on the completion of which they are once more taken to the

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dep6ts ; and as this process is constantly repeated, a return home, and an attempt to gain a
livelihood independently, become impossible.
Moreover, since the 2nd moon of the nth year of HlENFENG [March-April 1861] the
issue of Letters of Domicile and Cedulas has ceased, rendering liability to arrest universal, whilst
those possessing these papers are constantly, be it on the street or in their own houses, called
upon to produce them for inspection, or are even exposed to their being taken away, or torn up,
and to themselves being carried away to the endless misery of a dep&t.
Of all these facts the depositions and petitions furnish detailed evidence.
Our stay in Cuba, commencing on the 29th of the 1st moon [17th March], ended on the
23rd of the 3rd moon [8th May]. Almost every Chinese met during this period was, or had
been, undergoing suffering, and suffering was the purport of almost every word heard; and these
men were seen by us all, and these words were heard by us all.
1,176 depositions have been collected, and 85 petitions, supported by 1,665 signatures
have been received, of which copies and ( English ) translations are appended.
Replies to the Memorandum of queries sent by the Yam&n in the 12th moon, and
translations of Tables of Chinese embarked for and arrived at Cuba, received from the British
Consul and the Commission of Colonization, of the Regulations now applicable to the Chinese in
Cuba, of the Instructions issued to Masters of vessels conveying Chinese to Cuba, of eight Forms
of Contracts, and of certain Tables of Chinese population prepared by the Commission of
Colonization, also accompany this Despatch.

T'ungchih, 13th year, 9th month, nth day [20th October, 1874].
True translation.
(Signed) A. MACPHERSON,
(Signed) A. HUBER,
Commissioners of Customs.

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This part contains the English version of the Replies to the Queries supplied
hy the Tsung-li Yam6n for the guidance of the Commission during its investigation.
in Cuba.

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M W

(Signed)

[Chinese Signature.]

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( ,, )

A. MACPHERSON.

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A. HUBER.

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Replies to queries contained in Enclosure I. G. J1 & of 1873. "Memo, of queries to be
n Cuba and Coolies ,T _ „ „
answered -™-^  ^  — — JNov. 1873.
Chinese Commission

From what places does Cuba draw Coolies?
The majority of the Chinese Coolies in Cuba sailed from Macao, Amoy, Swatow and Canton,
They were mainly decoyed abroad, not legitimately induced to emigrate.
The petition of the hsiu-ts'ai Hsien Tso-pang (jSfcfiSffl) and 14 others states, that "the
" foreigners of Macao sent out vicious Chinese in order to kidnap and decoy men and to place these
" in barracoons and on board of ships from which they cannot escape, chastise them there without
" restraint, and conveying them against their will to Havana, after removing their queues and
" changing their clothing, offer them for sale in the men-market." The hsiu-ts'ai Ch'&n Shao-yen
(Eft }P Ji) states in his petition: "I was decoyed here by wicked men." The petition of Shih
Chih-'ho (JjjJ §£ fjj) and 28 others states, "we were decoyed from Macao to this Spanish island of
" Cuba." ,Wu A-kuang (§$ p^f %) in his petition states, "I was induced by the Coolie decoyers
" to embark on board the vessel." The petition of Ao Ping-nan ([H jtg $3) and 22 others states,.
" we were conveyed on board by violence." The petition of the military official ($^ ^) Chang
Luan (518) ana- 3° others states, "Portuguese and Spaniards, acting in concert, and aided by
" vicious Chinese, make a traffic of decoying and selling men." The petition of Lin Chin ($fc ^)
and 1 5 others states, " we were decoyed by the vicious of our countrymen suborned by foreigners."
The petition of Yang Yiin (l^jt) and 132 others states, "vicious men decoyed us into hiring
" out our services." The petition of 'Huang Yu (J|r 7^) and 15 others states, "we were induced
" by the Coolie decoyers to embark on board of the vessel." The petition of the hsvti-ts'ai Li Chao-
ch'un (^ jg §) and 165 others states, "we were at various times brought by force to, or
" decoyed into the barracoons of Macao, by certain vicious men of our own nation suborned by
" Portuguese." The petition of T'ang Chan-k'uei (Jg fi J^) and 8 others states, "we, exercising
" no foresight, were decoyed by vicious men." The petition of Chien Shih-kuang (f§ ft 3£) and
96 others states, "we were decoyed by vicious men.'' The petition of Ch'iu Pi-shan (Jjfl f§ ll])
and 34 others states, " the Coolie decoyers devise means for deceiving men. Whilst professing
" to offer employment to labourers, they in reality convert them into victims of their snares."
The native of Fukien, Wang Chiin-sh&ng (31 ^ 4?S), states in his petition, " I was decoyed and
" sold." The petition of Ts&ig Jui-t'o (if 3Q f£) and 4 others states, " we were either decoyed or
"kidnapped on board of the Coolie ship." CMng-chiu (||p 3^) states in his petition, "I was
" decoyed to Cuba, and sold to a sugar plantation." The petition of the native of Chihli, Chaa

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K'un (H j|), and 97 others states, " Spanish vessels come to China, and suborning the vicious of
" our countrymen, by their aid carry away full cargoes of men, of whom 8 or 9 of every 10 are
"decoyed," The petition of Tiao Mu (^J jf;) and 3 other states, "vicious men have, at various
" times, decoyed here tens and hundreds of thousands of peasants." The petition of P'an T'ai ($g ^)
and 89 others states, "misled by fair words, or decoyed, we were brought here to be sold as slaves."
The petition of Yeh Nien (3|j| &£.) and 20 others states, "we were decoyed abroad by the Coolie
"brokers for sale to sugar plantations." The petition of Tsai Jih-sh&ng (j|£ H £fc) and 1 other
states, "not exercising care, we were decoyed to these Spanish cities/' The petition of T'ang
Lien-sMng (g $jji g) and 106 others states, "Portuguese suborned the vicious of our countrymen
" to bring us by force to, or to decoy us to, Macao, whence we were conveyed to Cuba, to be sold
" as slaves to sugar plantations and other localities." The petition of Ts'ai H6ng (jj£ *[g ) and 79
others states, " we were decoyed into foreign houses by vicious men, where we were entrapped by
" fair promises into embarking on board of vessels which conveyed us abroad for sale." The
petition of Hsieh Shuang-chiu (jj§J f| fjjfc) and 11 others states, "we were decoyed by vicious men
" and compelled by force to embark." The petition of Wu A-fa (^ jijif |g) and 39 others states,
" we were decoyed to Macao by vicious men." The petition of Yeh Chiin-fu (fH |* jjjg) and 52
others states, "we were the victims of fraud." The petition of Huang Feng-chi (=j|f j§b •§) and 1 1
others states, "we were decoyed to Macao by the offers of employment made by three vicious men,
" W6n A-chiao (jg pjjjf $f), Lai Chi-ch'ang (f$ fg, J|) and Chung Lu-yiian (£j |f %), and at Macao,
" by the aid of their wicked associates, we were placed by force on board ship." The petition of
Lai Sheng (|| Jjf) and 9 others states, " we were decoyed and sold as slaves by foreigners." The
petition of Liu A-shou (fi] |SpJ *) and 4 others states, "we were decoyed to the Macao barracoons, '
" and though not inspected by any Portuguese officials, were, after the evening meal, — our queues
"having been tied together, and guarded by foreign , soldiers armed with firearms, — forced to
" embark, whilst no one heeded the cries for aid which we uttered on the way." The petition of
Chang Ting-chia ($| fe #p) and 127 others states, "we were decoyed to and sold at Havana,
" by vicious men." The petition of Ch&ng A-mou (fgfl f^J ]i3g) and 89 others states, "we were induced^
" to proceed to Macao by offers of employment abroad at high wages, and through being told that
" the eight foreign years specified in the contracts were equivalent to only four Chinese, and that at
" the termination of the latter period we would be free. We observed also on the' signboards of the
" foreign buildings the words ' agencies for the engagement of labourers,' and believed that they -
" truthfully described the nature of the establishments, little expecting that having once entered
" the latter, exit would be denied us ; and when on arrival at Havana, we were exposed for sale
" and subjected to appraisement in a most ruthless manner, it became evident that we were not
" to be engaged as labourers, but to be sold as slaves."
Again it is gathered from the 1,176 depositions which have been recorded that of those
who sailed from Macao Wen Ch'ang-t'ai (}£ Jl H) and 65 others were kidnapped, ' that Tseng
Erh-ch'i (-f" % 3^) and 689 others were decoyed, that Liu A-jui (g$ f| j^g) and 50 others
were entrapped into signing contracts in the belief that they were merely doing so in
the place of others temporarily absent, that 'Huang A-mu ( JJ jipf -fa ) and 93 others were
the victims of various snares tendered to them after they had gambled and lost, and that
Ch'Sn A-chi ({g[ pjjj "§ ) and 65 others emigrated voluntarily; that of those who sailed from

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Amoy, Su A-'hai ($£ fpj fg) and n others were kidnapped, that T'ang-chien (Jg $g) and 22
others were decoyed, that Lin Sheng ($f: Jj§) and 10 others were the victims of various snares
tendered to them after they had gambled and lost, and that 'Huang Shui-t'ou (^ 7JC 51) and 5
others emigrated voluntarily ; that of those who sailed from Swatow, Ch'en A-kuei (g^ fjjj ^|)
and 4 others* were kidnapped, that Chang A-hn ( 5R pj ^ ) and 27 others were decoyed, and
that Lo Fu-ch'ung (§f §) and 1 1 others emigrated voluntarily ; that of those who sailed
from Canton and Whampoa Yang Shih-feng (^ ^ gQ and 16 others were decoyed, that Ch'en
A-ch'iu ( ^ ffl jglj; ) and 7 others were the victims of snares tendered to them after they had
gambled and lost, and that Liang A-shSng (§| p^f ||) and n others emigrated voluntarily; that
the 2 who sailed from Hongkong, Li San-mou (^ H ~M) an<i I other, were decoyed; that of
the 5 who sailed from Manila one, Wei Leng (|& Jft), was kidnapped, whilst Wang Wei (3: 3i)
and the remaining 3 were decoyed; and that the one man who sailed from Shanghai, Chang
Kuei-t'ing (ijg %£ $£), was decoyed. Furthermore Chang Jung-chi (jf£ H ffi) deposes that
foreigners decoyed to Macao from P'ingyang (2p |§|) in the prefecture of W&nchow (g j[}|) in
the province of Chehkiang more than 10 men, and Yii A-chao (& Pijf $E[) also deposes that
foreigners speaking Chinese decoyed him to Macao, and there entrapped him into signing a
contract, as if it were merely on behalf of another, temporarily absent.
It thus appears that of the Chinese labourers who have proceeded to Cuba, 8 or 9 of every
10 have been conveyed there against their will. The entire number who sailed for that island
from the 27th year of Taokwang to the 3rd moon of the 13th year of T'ungchih, is, according
to the statement prepared by the British Consul General, Havana, 142,422, of whom 43,273 sailed
from Amoy, Swatow, Hongkong, Canton, Whampoa, Annan and Manila, whilst from Macao
between the 27th year of Taokwang and the end of the 5th year of T'ungchih were shipped
^3,455, an(i between the latter date and the 3rd moon of the 13th year of T'ungchih 35,694.
These latter shipments took place in violation of the provisions of the communication attached
to the Emigration Convention of the 5th year of T'ungchih, by which Macao is excluded from
the localities at which the engagement of labourers is permitted; whilst, as proved by the
depositions and petitions, the circumstances that have attended the introduction into Cuba of
the majority of the Chinese are a breach of the 10th clause of the Spanish Treaty of the 3rd year
-of T'ungchih«, which is to the effect that Spain agrees not to afford shelter to Chinese criminals,
or to decoy or sell any subjects of China.

II.
Do they sign Agreements?

In the Emigration Convention of the 5th year of T'ungchih, it is provided that the Emigra
tion Agencies at the ports are to be inspected at will by officers of the two nations interested, and
that these functionaries are also to be present at the time of signing contracts and of embarkation.
The nth clause also provides that Chinese under 20 years of age are not to be permitted to

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emigrate unless they produce a written authorization from their parents sealed by the official of
the place of residence of the latter, or — in the event of it being impossible to procure such a
document, — an authorization from the local official alone. In the ioth clause of the Spanish
Royal Decree of i860 it is likewise stated, that minors cannot sign contracts without the sanction
of their parents or guardians. Of the Chinese now in Cuba the great majority were brought
there by fraud or violence in order to be sold, and whether of age or minors either received no
contracts, or were entrapped into accepting them, or constrained by force to sign them, or induced
to affix their names as if doing so merely on behalf of others ; whilst the documents themselves
were in some instances delivered in the barracoons and in others on board ship. None of the
indicated officers were present when contracts were sighed, and none of the specified authoriza
tions were produced, so that provisions prescribed by both China and Spain were violated.
The petition of Chu Chi-hsiin (^ 0| fj||) and 10 others states, "we were decoyed into
" foreign houses at Macao, in which we were forced to sign contracts, after which we were placed
" on board ship, and conveyed to Havana." 'Ho A-ying ( jpf pjij jj£ ) in his petition states, " I
" was confined in an upstairs room until I consented to sign a contract." Lo A-pao ( |g |ijif || )
in his petition states, "I was compelled to' sign the contract." Ku Ch'iao-hsiu (ifa |§ j§?) m
his petition states, " I was beaten with great severity, and the suffering being unendurable IX
" could not but accept the contract, and with suppressed grief proceed on board, where were 600
" others, all wronged in a like manner." The petition of Cheng A-mou ( ff|$ pjij j^ ) and 89 others
states, " we signed no contract, and after the lapse of a month were compelled to go on board
"ship." The petition of Yeh Fu-chijn (|g jjig g) and 52 others states, "after entering, the }
" gates were closed by a foreigner, and as all exit was prevented we perceived how we had been
" betrayed, but there was no remedy ; in the same chambers were more than 100 others, most of
" whom passed their days and nights in tears, whilst some were dripping with blood, — the result
" of chastisements inflicted on account of a suspected intention of escape, or of a declaration of
"their unwillingness, when interrogated by the Portuguese inspector. The barracoon was of
" great depth, and, at the time of punishment, as an additional precaution to prevent the cries
" being overheard, gongs were beaten, and fireworks discharged, so that death even might have
" ensued without detection ; and witnessing this violence, there was no course open to us but
" assent, receiving at the moment of embarkation a document, which we were told was a contract **
" for eight years." Jen Shih-chen ( f£ -jtf* j| ) remarks in his petition, " by what right can our
"bodies be disposed of, without the signed authorization of our parents?" The petition of Li
Chao-ch'un (a£ ^ J§J) and 165 others states, "though years, — in some instances more than ten, —
" have elapsed since we were decoyed here, our families know not whether we are alive or dead
" or where we are."
'Ho A-hsien ( jj f(J %) and 235 others in their depositions declare that they signed their
contracts under compulsion; 'Huang Ch'ao-ping (H j|g jlj§) and 192 others declare that contracts
were handed to them in the barracoons; Kuo Chan (||$ fc) and 116 others declare that the
contracts were handed to them on board ship; Wen Chang-t'ai (tj£ -g ^) and 231 others declare
that the contracts were given to them at the time of inspection, by a Portuguese official. Su
A-'hai (|j| pj $p) and 42 others declare that no contracts were received by them; Li A-wu (a£ ft} 2£)
and 1 other declare that they were induced by fraud to sign contracts. Hsien Ch'eng-ku (j^ j$ ¦£)

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declares, "as I was unwilling, the contract was given to me by force, and I was not allowed to
" speak." 'Hu A-pao (j§| pijj $£) declares, "at the time of inspection I declined to sign the contract ;
" the Portuguese official then forcibly seized my hand and when it had marked the paper took
" the latter away." Li A-pao (^ |Sjjf ffi) declares, "a mark was made with my hand on a contract,
"and I was then given io cash." Lo A-6rh ($1 |5^f ~) declares, "after I had been locked up
" during half a month the contract was given to me." Chu Chieh (^ g|) and 2 others declare
that they signed contracts without having been inspected by any official. Yang A-wang (^ |SijJ fl£)
declares, "another man signed a contract on my behalf." Huang A-yu (j| |S(J ;£) declares, "when
" 16 years old, I was induced to sign a contract, being told that I was merely doing so for another
" man." Wang A-jung (3£ p| H) and 1 other declare that they signed contracts when 18 years
old. Ch'en 'Hua (|J£ 0) declares, "I was decoyed when 11 years old." Ch'en A-wu (gf pH j£)
declares, "I was decoyed when 12 years old." Ch'en A-fu (gf |5^f jjH) declares, "when 1 1 years old
" I received a contract in a barracoon." Lin A-ch'iu (£J; pjij j^) declares, "I signed a contract on
"board ship and was paid two strings of cash." Liu I-ling (||J g gft) declares, "on embarking
" I was placed in confinement, and was given by the interpreter a contract made out in the name
" of Wang A-man (3- (J^J jff)." Chang 'Huo-hsiu (jjg >K H) declares, "in the barracoon I saw
" that those who refused to go abroad were beaten on the cheeks, and placed under j)rivies, so that
"consent was the only course open to me." Wang T'ing-kuei (3: 51 Jt) declares, "I was
" decoyed, and declined to embark; I then was placed under a privy, and was told that if I
" persisted in my refusal I would never be permitted to come out, and, thus, I was constrained
" to assent." Liang A-shSng (^ |5qJ g&) declares, " I saw those who refused to go abroad confined
"inside privies." Ch'en Lung (^ H) declares, "when inspected by the Portuguese official, I
" declared that I was unwilling to proceed abroad. The interpreter then told me that if I persisted
" in my refusal I would be confined under a privy for three years." Lin A-lien (;jjf; |5jiJ jig) declares,
" as I was unwilling to proceed abroad, the head of the barracoon told me, that unless I consented
" I would certainly be placed under a privy." Chang Lin-an ( jJH ffc % ) declares,- " I ran away
"from a barracoon, was captured, and placed under a privy." 'Hung A-i (fit p^J J3) declares,
" after having been confined in a barracoon three days, I was given a contract made out in the name
" of a native of Sanshui (H ?]<)> 'Ho A-yu (ftf p$ ^)." Ch'en Shao-yen (¥%.$? Jj|) declares, "on
" board I was given a contract made out in the name of Cheng Ts'ai (JJ5 ;$")." Wu Lien-sheng
(^ If? M) declares, " I was forced to accept a contract and to sign the name of Wu A-chung
" (^. |5qf $„)." Wu Yao (#[ jg) declares, " on board, a contract was given to me, made out in the
" name of Ch'en A-ssii ([fig p^f H )." Mai A-kuei (§g ppf jf) declares, " the contract was given to
" me on board ship. It was made out in the name of Ch'en A-fu (f^ ffl jjig)." Liang A-chang
( ifg ffi J§t ) declares, " the name on my contract was Huang Fu ( J| fg )." Ts'ui Lan-fang
(-H Iftl 5?) declares, "the contract given to me was made out in the name of Liu Ch'i (fij -£)."
Yeh Tung-'ho (H jf[ &) declares, "the contract was in the name of Yeh Tung (3jj| "%)." Hsiao
Meng-hsing (H jj£ H) declares, "when inspected by the Portuguese official a contract made out
"in the name of Lin Fu (^ $1) was given to me." Li Ts'an (s£ j^) declares, "the name on
" my contract was 'Huang Hsing (J| $$)." Yeh A-hsi (3|| p$ |g) declares, "after embarkation I
"was given a contract made out in the name of Ch'en Ch'ing-yun (|*ff J| H)-" Li A-sh§ng
'($& ffl 1$) de°lares> "tne name on my contract was Ch'en A-hsing (£§( |5[jf j|)-." Liang A-sh£ng

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(%. PrJ 3£) declares, "the name on my contract was Li A-erh (^ pjij ~)." Chang Luan (/jg fg)
declares, "the name on my contract was Ch'en Kuei fl$| jH)." Lin Achung ($c |Sjjf + ) declares,
" on board a contract made out in the name of Liang A-fu {%. ppj jjig), a native of Yangch'un
" (H M)> was given to me." Li A-pei (^ |ijif ;ffc) declares, " the name on my contract was Lin Jih
"(# 0), a native of Yangkiang (]5g j£)." Li A-te (^ |5qJ fg) declares, "the name on my
"contract was Liu A-'hung (fij |SpJ -fj). 'Ho A-ting (ftf pp} T) declares, "on board a contract
" made out in the name of Cheng A-ta (fjft |ipj %) was given to me." T'an Pei (fj Jg) declares,
"on board a contract made out in the name of 'Huang A-san (|f ppf ^) was given to me."
Ch'en A-te (ISPfiJ fH) declares, "on board a contract made out in the name of 'Hou A-ku
" (^ M "&) was given to me." Li A-yeh (^ |ipj 3ij|) declares, " on board a contract made out in the
" name of T'an A-'ho (fjj |SpJ fe) was given to me." Ch'en A-liu (Pi M /0 declares, " the name on
"my contract was Huang A-sari (^ jipj H)-" 'Hu A-ch'iang (gj |ipj $£) declares, "the name on
" my contract was Ch'en A-wu (^ |ipj jg,)." Chang A-ch'eng (jjg pp) J^) declares, "the name on
"my contract was Wu Yung-chen (fg, $c J0-" Teng A-yen (g[J jijij =") declares, "the name
"on my contract was P'an Ying-yuan ($g j£ %)." Liang A-wan (ig| pp] ^) declares, "the
" name on my contract was Hsieh Wu (Uf ^)." T'an A-ch'in (f|L |!pf J|)) declares, " the name
" on my contract was originally Lan A-'huo (^ ppj >X)> Dut on arrival at Havana another contract
" made out in the name of Li A-ssii (^ Ppf |Z9 ) was given to me."

III.
IS CARE TAKEN TO SEE THAT THE AGREEMENTS ARE UNDERSTOOD ?
The petition of Li Chao-ch'un (^ |jl ^) and 165 others states, "when the contracts are
" being translated much is passed over, only a few clauses are read out, and Annan or Singapore 1
"is stated to be the destination, so that, as we are not deprived of all hope of return, it seems/'
" better, to avoid immediate death, to affix our signatures, and to embark." 'Huang Ch'ao-ping
(!it ?Ui '%$) an(i J92 others declare in their depositions, "we received contracts in the barracoons
"and these documents were not read to us." Kuo Chan (}|5 [5) and 116 others declare, "the
" contracts were given to us on board ship and were not read to us." Wen Ch'ang-t'ai (3^ J| |f|)
and 219 others declare, "the contracts were given to us in the presence of the Portuguese
" Inspecting Officer but were not read to us." Wang Hsiang (31 |pj) and 8 others declare, "the
" contracts were given to us in the presence of the Portuguese inspecting officer and were read
"to us." Li A-fu (^ PBJ SI) an(i 2 others drclare, "the contracts were given to us in the
"presence of the Portuguese Inspecting Officer and were explained to us." Ch'en T'ung (^ 5J)
declares, " the contract was given to me in the barracoon and was read to me." Ch'en A-kuei
( $H ffl Jt) declares, " a foreigner told me to affix my name to a contract, which he held in his
" hand, but which he did not read to me." Li Ming (^ Bfj ) declares, " when being inspected by
" the Portuguese official I declared that, as my parents were living I did not wish to proceed
" abroad, and was then assured by the latter functionary that, if on arrival in Cuba I was
" dissatisfied, the cost of a passage back would be supplied to me." Hsu A-fa (ffi ppj |f )

( 12)
declares, " I asked where Havana was, and was told that it was the name of a vessel. I, in
" consequence, thought I was being engaged for service on board ship and signed the contract."
Hsieh A-fa (fjg ppj |g) declares, " at the time of signing the contract, I was told that one foreign
" year equalled six Chinese months." F6ng A-k'ai Q|j ppj ^fj) and 6 others declare, "the contract
" was read to me but I did not comprehend what the nature of the document was ; and besides I
" myself cannot read." Wu A-fang (^. ppj ^) declares, " I did not understand the meaning of
"the contract." Pei A-pao (J[ |ipj f£) declares, "the contract was read tome, but I did not
"understand its purport." T'ang Yii (^ 3£) and 6 others declare, "the contracts were read to
" us, but we did not know what they contained."

IV.
Do THE LAWS PROVIDE ADEQUATELY FOR THE WELL-BEING OF THE COOLIES
ON THE VOYAGE?
The vessels — whether steamers or sailing vessels — which convey Chinese labourers to Cuba
appertain to various nationalities, and in consequence are not subject to any uniform system of
regulations. The rules prepared by certain Spanish merchants for the guidance of the masters
of vessels engaged in the traffic in question, prove to be, to a very great extent, not observed,
whilst it is difficult to comprehend the object of the 35th clause prohibiting the shaving of the
head by Chinese, and of the 20th clause which prescribes that when repairs become necessary,
the ports of China, Great Britain and the U. S. of America, are on no account to be entered, " as
" such a course would lead to the entire failure of the enterprise."
Of the more than 140,000 Chinese who sailed for Cuba, more than 16,000 died during the
voyages, a fact which is sufficient evidence of the absence of effective regulations.
The petition of Li Chao-ch'un (^ jp ^) and 165 others states, "when, quitting Macao,
" we proceeded to sea, we were confined in the hold below; some were even shut up in bamboo
" cages, or chained to iron posts, and a few were indiscriminately selected and flogged as a means
" of intimidating all others ; whilst we cannot estimate the deaths that, in all, took place, from
" sickness, blows, hunger, thirst, or from suicide by leaping into the sea." The petition of Ch'iu
Pi-shan (Jj|5 H ]!}) and 35 others states, "If the master be a good man the sufferings are only
" those produced by grave maladies, but if his disposition be cruel there is no limit to the ill-
" usage, and there have been cases when more than half the number on board have died. Ten
" thousand hardships have to be endured during the voyage of several months." The petition of
Tiao Mu (<J /fc) and 30 others states, " many die from sickness, and many jump into the sea to
"be devoured by the fish." The petition of Yeh Fu-chim (f| jjjg ||) and 52 others states, "the
" winds and waves on the ocean were great, and three months had passed away, but we had not
" arrived ; as there was no water issued it had to be bought, and for a single cup a dollar was
" paid. The .hatchway only allowed one man at a time to come down or go up, and the stench
"" below from the crowd of men was most offensive, and the deaths thence produced were without

( 13)
" number." The petition of Liu A-shou (g|J ppj j|) and 4 others states, " we cannot estimate the
" number of deaths from ill-usage ; the bodies were thrown into the sea."
Among the depositions there are found only the following instances of good usage received
during the voyage. Ch'en A-ch'iu (gjff ppj jjjlj;) and 1 other state that the masters treated those
on board well. Feng Chi ( J^ "§ ) declares, " the master treated me passably." P'an Ming
(?S tyi) and 2 others state that they were well used, and received sufficient food on board.
Yao A-ya ($[5 [SpJ :Jf) declares, " I was well used on board and the rations of food and fresh water
"were sufficient." Yii A-kou (^ |ipj iffij) and 1 other state that they were well treated on board
and received both water and rice.
On the other hand the depositions of Wang Shui-t'ou ( 3£ 7JC UK ) and 4 others, state
that the water and rice on board were insufficient. Ch'&n A-chi ( |5j£ PPJ la ) deposes, " two of
" those on board threw themselves into the sea because they had been flogged for taking water
" when suffering from extreme thirst, and for refusing to allow their queues to be cut off." Liang
A-chao ( %. ppj #B, ) deposes, " I had money with me when decoyed on board, but the master
" would not even permit me to redeem myself." Ho Hsi ( •fpj |§ ) deposes, " the fresh water on
" board was insufficient." Ts'ai A-hj, ( ^ PpJ ^| ) deposes, " the water was insufficient and many
" died from thirst; and besides, three men threw themselves into the sea." The deposition of Ch'en
Ch'ih ( Pff $jj ) states,- " that rice and fresh water were not sufficient and that those who asked for
"water received blows." Yii Ming-hsing (^ ;g 1| ) deposes, "we were badly treated on board, /~
" and sometimes a dollar was paid for two cups of water." Li A-pao ( sg ppj $£ ) deposes, " more
"than 50 died from thirst and I heard that one Chinese was struck dead by the master for
" stealing a cup of water." Liang Ln ( ^ H ) deposes, " both water and rice were insufficient,
" and we were not allowed to go on deck." The depositions of Huang K'ai ( fjr §j] ) and 2 others
state that one dollar would buy only a single cup of water. The depositions of Lin Ch'iian
( ffi M ) and 2 others state that the food was insufficient, that there was no fresh water and that
they were constantly beaten. Kao A-tai ( jflj |5pJ f^ ) deposes, " the treatment on board was bad
" and the water was stinking. The surgeon was a bad man, and the sick at the moment of death
" were thrown into the sea." Liu A-san ( ffl] ppj H ) deposes, " 20 men cast themselves over-
" board." Chen A-sheng ( ^ ppj f§. ) deposes, " on board 300 died from thirst." Chou Ch'eng
( JrJ $L ) deposes " all of us who seemed strong were placed in irons." The deposition of Li A-te
( ^ ppj fH ) and 1 other states that the space for sleep allowed to each man measured only 1
ch'ih 2 ts'un. ,JFeng A-k'ai (^U |ipj §|) deposes, "the surgeon struck all who complained _^
" of sickness, and even tied them up and flogged them, and three sick men were killed by him/*"---
Li Chin-ch'iian (^ f% j^) deposes, "the master was a very bad man; 12 sick men died through
" his treatment." Liang Yu-te (fj| ^ ^) deposes, "water and rice were both insufficient. I also
" saw that three or four men, who by their physical powers caused apprehension to the master,
" were severely flogged, and were placed in irons, from which they were only released on arrival at
" Havana." Wu Yiieh (^. g) deposes, "the treatment on board was bad and 20 men being afraid
"of the sea voyage committed suicide." Chou Jun-sheng (Jjlfj fg |p) deposes, "one man who
" complained to the mate of the rottenness of he fish was almost beaten to death by the sailors/
" by the order of the master." Wu A-'hou (^ ppj $|) deposes, "suffering from sea-sickness I was
" unable to work, and was in consequence beaten by the mate." The depositions of Li Yu (^ ^f)

' -(H)
and 23 others testify to their each having witnessed one case of suicide by jumping overboard.
The depositions of 'Huang A-pei (^ ppj ;[£;) and 4 others again testify to their severally witnessing
one case of suicide. The depositions of Lung A-ch'uan (|| ppj Jl|) and 29 others testify to their
each having witnessed two cases of suicide by jumping overboard. The depositions of Wang
Cheng-fu (31 JE 9g) and 6 others testify to their each having witnessed three cases of suicide by
jumping overboard. The depositions of 'Huang A-ch'ang (J| ppj ||) and 4 others testify to the
water and rice having been insufficient and to their each having witnessed four cases of suicide by
jumping overboard. The depositions of Liu A-ssii (fij ppj 0 ) and 2 others testify to the cruelties
each experienced, and to each having witnessed five cases of suicide by jumping overboard. Ts'ui
•A-n (-E 3£) deposes, "I saw eight men tied and flogged with great severity, two of whom were also
•"kept in irons until arrival at Havana." Li Hui (^ J§t) deposes, "I saw one man, a native of
" Tungkwan ( jg ?=§), tied up and shot, and other five tied up and cast into the sea." Li Yii (^ $j )
deposes, "the treatment on board was bad; two men were beaten to death." Ts'ui Teng-lin (-US $10
deposes, "two men threw themselves overboard and two hanged themselves." Lo' A-fa (j|§ ppj f|)
deposes, "one man was beaten to death." Chao A-ling ($f PPJ §t) deposes, "the fresh water was
" insufficient; three men also were shot." Li W&n-ts'ai (^S ~% jfjf) deposes, "the master intending to
" arrest five men who had been decoyed, and were discontented, in error seized and chained five
" others; upon this, the men whom he had desired to punish threw themselves into the sea."
Li A-chieh (^ ppj -H) deposes, "five men who rose at night to relieve nature were shot by the
"sailors." Shih A-kou (^ (ipj Jfgj) deposes, "the drinking of salt water caused much sickness,
"which was incurable." Wang A-fu (31 |ipj fg) deposes, " eight men jumped overboard. They
"did so because they had been decoyed and were dissatisfied." Hsieh Kuan-chieh (H} ^ jg.)
deposes, "one man jumped overboard because he was constantly beaten by the master and inter-
"preter; moreover those who asked for water were beaten and many died of thirst." Tseng
A-tai (-§¦ ppj ^) deposes, "the interpreter was a Portuguese, and constantly kicked us." Ni
A-'huan (fig ppj $.) deposes, "the mate constantly struck us with a thick rope." Hsieh Fa (§|J §f )
deposes, "I was chained to the bottom of the hold." The depositions of Kao Pao (fi(j j|) and 1
other state that they were not allowed on deck even for air. Ch'en A-shun (^ ppj Jl]j|) deposes,
" two men committed suicide. On board a sailor wounded me with a knife and the scar is still
" visible. The master with a firearm wounded two men." Li Shun (^ jig) deposes, "water and
"rice were both insufficient. Two men were shot, and two jumped overboard." Li Hsin (^ f=)
deposes, " two men who in want of rice created an outcry, were shot with a pistol." Hsieh A-k&ng
(Hf PPJ Jfi) deposes, "the master was a bad man; food was insufficient and there was no water.
" There were suicides by jumping overboard and hanging, and deaths from sickness." Ch'en A-wei
(JhJ PPJ ^) deposes, "Many leaped overboard, on account of being forced to cut their queues;
" if we asked for water we were struck with an iron chain." Ch'en I (|5g ^) deposes, "the men
" who had been decoyed were unwilling to go abroad, and entertained mutinous intentions. The
" sailors discharged firearms from the hatchway into the hold, killed 20 and wounded 40 or 50.
" The remainder were all placed in irons, and daily 30 were led on deck and there flogged."
Li Pi-'ho (*£ H fir) deposes, " five men were lashed to the mast and shot. I myself was thrice
" flogged on my naked person." Ch'en Ch'in (gjjj Sp) deposes, "many died of thirst ; those who
" took water were beaten." Lin A-yung ($£ ppj #J) deposes, " I was beaten because I was sea-sick.

( -5)
" The food also was insufficient." < Lu Chung (Jg $g) deposes, "as the food and water were both
•" insufficient, we all created an uproar. The master shot the two leaders, and we were all severely
" flogged." Li A-'hui (^ ppj -fr) deposes, "I was hungry and asked for food; four sailors then forced ,.-
" me into a prostrate position and flogged me, the scars resulting from the wounds being still
" visible." Wang Wei (31 3§) deposes, " one man being unable to eat the beef, asked that salt
" should be allowed him (in its place). He was refused and threw himself into the sea." Huang
Tso (^4g) deposes, "five men were killed on account of disturbances on board." Hsieh A-tso
(§& PPJ f£) deposes, "we were not allowed on deck to obtain a little fresh air, and many died Jf
"from the effects of the close confinement." 'Huang A-fang (^ppj^) deposes, -"n men
" committed suicide. The day after I embarked we were all ordered on deck, and foot irons were >
"attached to 173 physically strong men, besides 160 men were stripped and flogged on their
"naked persons with rattan rods." Wang T'ing-kuei (31 $£ j|) deposes, "24 men leaped
" overboard and two poisoned themselves with opium. They committed suicide because they
"had been decoyed and were unwilling to go abroad." Lai A-shih (fjj ppj f$f) deposes-, "we
" all were being taken away against our will, and created an uproar. The master upon this
" directed the sailors to strike us with chains and 80 men were killed." Chu Ts'un-fang
(%£$M) deposes, "one day suffering from extreme thirst I took a little water; and for
"doing so was struck by the master 25 blows on each hand." Wu Lien-sheng (^ JJfjl Jffi)
deposes, " I myself saw a native of the Hwa ( j#j) district kicked to death by the master for
' " asking for medicine when sick : 36, of whom I was one, were tied up, beaten, and placed
"in irons from which we were only released on the vessel arriving at a British colony."
" Ch'en A-ch'ing (pf| ppj J|) deposes, "two sick men went on deck to relieve nature, and were
"kicked to death by the sailors." P'ang A-tung (f| ppj j|[) deposes, "if through not under-
" standing the language the work was not well performed, we were beaten, and one of our
"number threw himself overboard." Liao A-ping (]§[ ppj »IJ§) deposes, "for drinking a small
"cup of water I was dragged on deck and flogged." Lo 'Huai-ch'ang (j|§ »[g ||) deposes, "one
"man was beaten so severely by the master, that, the suffering being unendurable, he threw
" himself overboard." Lo Hsien-fa ( jH % |f ) deposes, " one man was beaten to death on board ;
" five men committed suicide ; and two were shot because, having nothing to eat and suffering ^
"from hunger, they asked for food." Chang Cheng-kao (gg ]£ jff) deposes, "the master was
" very cruel ; some died from thirst, others from flogging, others on the point of death but not (\
" dead were thrown overboard, and others, their sufferings being unendurable, cast themselves
" into the sea." Hsiao To (H ^) deposes, " the food and water were insufficient ; flogging was
" constant, and two men committed suicide, whilst two others were so severely kicked by the sailors
" on account of smoking, that they died from the injuries thus caused." Li Pao (^g ^g) declares, .
"two men suspected by the master of mutinous intentions were hanged." Ch'en 'Hua (|S|f ||!)
deposes, "the master beat to death four men." Ch'en Ch'i-kuang (^ $£ %) deposes, " a native of
" Kiaying ( j| ]ig) who created an outcry because he objected to his queue being cut off, was shot
" by the masterTwhilst others were flogged until their flesh was lacerated." Chen A-lin (fig ppj $>)
-deposes, " the master was cruel. When thirst forced us all to go on deck in search of water, he ^
"regarding us as mutinous, discharged firearms and killed 40 men." Yii Kuan (^ |g) deposes,
-" the mate displayed excessive cruelty ; suspecting that I and 1 5 others entertained mutinous

( i6)
" intentions he confined, chained and constantly flogged us." The depositions of Ch'Sn Hsio-chou
(W. H Jl) and I other state that more than 30 men were shot during the voyage. Chang A-chin
(51 PPJ #) deposes, "the surgeon was a foreigner, and many died through his treatment; many
" died from confinement in the hold, and others, decoyed unwilling to go abroad, killed them-
" selves." Li A-ch'iang (^ ppj jjj^) deposes, " two men were suspected by the master of mutinous-
" intentions, and were hanged by his orders." Liang A-yu ( ^ ppj % ) deposes, " two insane
" men were struck to death by the carpenter." Lin Chin ($jc ^) deposes, " 30 men committed-
" suicide." Ts'ui Lan-fang (,g ||| *%) deposes, "three men made an outcry, declaring that they
" would not go abroad ; of these two were killed by firearms, and one was hanged." Tseng
A-sheng (ff- ppj J§.) deposes, "the men who were decoyed did not wish to go abroad, and in
" consequence 60 were either shot by the master or committed suicide." Kuan A-hsiao (§|| ppj |j§)
deposes, " on account of smoking four men were flogged until they spat blood, and died." Mo
Shuang (J| j|) deposes, " four men committed suicide and the master shot three others." Liang
A-chien (i|| ppj ^,) deposes, " I am the only child of my parents and was in great grief; yet no one
" regarded me. During the voyage one man killed himself." 'Huang Ch'iu-t'ai (jlf f)f Jf§) deposes,.
"two committed suicide and two were beaten to death." Liang Piao (fj| |1D deposes, "water
" and food were both insufficient ; yet if any complaints were made, our clothing was removed,.
" and perhaps one hundred, perhaps several tens of blows were inflicted with a rod of four rattans
" tied together." 'Ho A-fa (fpj ppj ||) deposes, " the master beat to death three men." Lin A-san
(ffi PPJ H) deposes, " on the plea of there having been disturbances on board several men were
"beaten to death; one man also jumped overboard." Ch'en Lung (^ ||) deposes, "the master
" was a bad man. Many being unwilling to go abroad threw themselves overboard. When being'
" prohibited from going on deck and being deprived of water we created an outcry, we were
" regarded as mutinous by the master, and over ten were killed. They were killed by the sailors'
" blows from bludgeons and knives. Near Malacca the vessels received injuries, but though the
" water was entering the hold, the hatchways were not opened ; and it was only when the water
" reached our necks and when more than ten were already drowned that they were raised." Liu
A-lin (f|J ppj $ft) deposes, "one man was beaten to death on board." Su A-wu (§g ppj JJ,)
deposes, "eight men were stripped of their clothing, severely flogged and then confined in
" chains, which were only removed on arrival at Havana." Liu A-hsi (f |J ppj ^) deposes, " on
" board four men were so severely flogged that they died on the following day." 'Huang A-ch'6ng
(Jl PPJ l80 deposes, " in consequence of my talking with some others, the master suspected me
" of mutinous intentions and directed the sailors to tie up, strip, flog and chain me and 3 1
~^" others." Tseng A-yang (-f| ppj H) deposes, " on board we were not allowed to speak." Wu
Chen-ming (§$. |g ^g) deposes, " six men committed suicide?' Liang A-ping ($£ ppj jig) deposes,-
"the master was apprehensive of a mutiny and tied up and flogged with great severity 30
"men." Fang A-ts'ai (# ppj ^f) deposes, "200 men who were considered, dangerous on
"account of their physical strength were confined in chains." W&n Ssii (g |) deposes,
" one man on board committed suicide, and 50 men who were suspected of mutiny were
" placed in irons." Lo A-fa ( $£ ppj f| ) deposes, " on board two men committed suicide and two
" men were beaten to death." Peng A-sheng ( jp ppj ££ ) deposes, " one man committed suicide
" by swallowing opium." 'Huang A-tou ( f| ppj ^|- ) deposes, " before the vessel sailed five men

( 17)
*" who attempting to escape jumped overboard, were shot, and after departure 24 men were tied
•" up, severely flogged, and kept in chains in the forepart of the vessel, of whom two committed
¦" suicide by jumping overboard."

V.
IF ILL-TREATED ON THE VOYAGE, DO THE LAWS PROVIDE A MEANS OF OBTAINING REDRESS?
The 1 6th article of the Spanish Royal Decree of i860 provides, that if on arrival of a
vessel it is ascertained from examination of the papers that the mortality during the voyage has
exceeded 6%, an enquiry into its cause shall be made, and that, if necessary, criminal proceedings
¦shall be instituted; and the 30th article also prescribes that in the cases in which the fines
indicated have been enforced by the Captain General, the Attorney General may in addition take,
in the name of the Chinese, legal action.
But not only on board of the vessel to which they have been decoyed are the lives of the
latter dependent on the will of the master and his officers without any means of appeal against
whatever injustice these may see fit to commit ; but also on arrival at Havana they are at once
-confined in barracoons, from which they can only go forth to labour under guard, being unable
to move a single step with freedom ; whilst in any case their ignorance of the Spanish language
would render it impossible for them to put forward a statement of wrongs. Thus the right of
preferring charges is a purely nominal, practically useless privilege.
It is gathered also from the petitions that Ch'en Ming-yuan (^ ^||) and Yao Wen-
hsien ($[; ~% *fc), both engaged as physicians, and Chang T'ai-lung (ijg Jf| |$g), engaged at
Batavia as linguist, with the distinct understanding that the cost of return passages to China
should be furnished to them, were on arrival at Havana fraudulently sold, a wrong for which
despite the number of years that have elapsed, they have had no means of obtaining redress.
How much less then is any such redress possible for the general body of common labourers ?

VI.
On arrival what happens to the Coolie?
By the 13th article of the Spanish Royal Decree of i860, it is provided that vessels
conveying Chinese labourers to Cuba must — save in cases of sudden exigency — land them at
Havana. Thence the common practice has been to pass to that port, after undergoing quarantine
at Mariello in the neighbourhood of Guanajay.
The petition of Hsieh Shuang-chiu ( fjj} §( jjifc ) and 1 1 others states, " on landing, four
" or five foreigners on horseback, armed with whips, led us like a herd of cattle to the barracoon
• " to be sold." The petition of Ch'iu Pi-shan ( jr|5 || |Jj ) and 34 others states, " Chinese ( in the
" Havana barracoons) are treated like pigs and dogs, all their movements, even their meals, being
-" watched, until, after the lapse of a few days, they are sold away." The petition of Li Chao-ch'un

( i8)
(3£ H§ §) and 165 others states, "at Havana, after a detention at the quarantine station our-
" queues were cut, and we awaited in the men-market the inspection of a buyer, and the settle-
"ment of the price." The petition of Yeh Fu-chiin (3i| jjig ||) and 52 others states, "when
" offered for sale in the men-market we were divided into three classes — 1st, 2nd and 3rd, and were
" forced to remove all our clothes, so that our persons might be examined and the price fixed.
"This covered us with shame." The petition of Chang Ting-chia (51 $£ #p) and 127. others
states, " on landing at Havana we were exposed for sale, our persons being examined by
" intending purchasers, in a manner shameless and before unheard of by us."
Lin A-pang ($c ppj jj§) and 1 other declare in their depositions, that, in the men-market
in which they were placed on landing at Havana, intending purchasers insisted on removing -
their clothes, and on examining their persons in order to ascertain whether they possessed
strength, just as if an ox or a horse was being bought ; and that in this manner Chinese are
subjected not only to hardships but also to shame. Kao A-san (jfji ppj H) and 1 other depose,.
that after arrival at Havana, before they were purchased, their clothes were removed, and their
persons were thoroughly examined, in the manner practised when oxen or horses are being
bought. Yen A-'huan (J| ppj j^) and 1 other likewise depose, that when being sold their
clothes were removed, and their persons examined in order to ascertain whether they possessed
strength, in the manner practised when oxen or horses are being bought. Chang A-hsi (t§£ ppj §$,)
and 1 other depose, that when being sold their clothes were removed and their persons were felt
and examined, just as is done in country districts when an ox is being bought. Chiang San
(j£ H) deposes, "in the Havana barracoon, for refusing to permit the removal of my queue, I
" was beaten almost to death." Li A-ling (^s ppj §g) deposes, " it is the custom when coolies are
" being sold to remove their clothing to enable the buyer to effect a thorough examination of"
" the person."

VII.
During the Agreement term, what is his position?
The petition of Li Chao-ch'uri (^ lp jg) and 165 others states, " 90 per cent, are disposed
" of to the sugar plantations. There the owners rely upon the administrator for the production
" of a large crop of sugar, and the administrator looks to the overseers for the exaction of the
" greatest possible amount of labour. They all think only of the profit to be gained and are
" indifferent as to our lives. It matters not whether the workmen are miserable or contented,.
" whether they starve or have enough to eat, whether they live or die. The administrator who
" gives only four unripe bananas as a meal, is considered an able servant, and if he gives only
" three he is regarded as still more efficient. The administrator who forces the Chinese to work
" 20 hours out of the 24 is a man of capacity, if he extorts 21 hours his qualities are of a still;
" higher order, but he may strike, or flog, or chain us, as his fancy suggests to him. If we
" complain of sickness we are beaten and starved ; if we work slowly dogs are urged after us to-
" bite us. Those of us who are employed on farms or coffee estates, in sugar warehouses and:

(19)
" brick-kilns, on railways and in baker, cigar, shoe, hat and other shops, are in each of these
" places of service, ill treated, flogged, confined in stocks and in jail, and tortured in every way
"as on the plantations." The petition of Hsien Tso-pang ($fc'jS: #15) and 13 others states, "we
" are fed worse than dogs, and are called upon to perform labour for which an ox or a horse
"would not possess sufficient strength. Everywhere cells exist, and whips and rods are in
" constant use, and maimed and lacerated limbs' are daily to be seen. Almost daily, also, we hear
" of suicides of our countrymen who have hanged themselves, jumped into wells, cut their throats
"or swallowed opium." The petition of Lin Chin ($C^) and 15 others states, "the overseer,
" bludgeon in hand, drives us to labour night and day." The petition of Ch'en Ku (P$[ ¦£ ) and
2 others states, "the administrator and overseers are as wolves or tigers. In their hand is
" the knife and on their shoulders the musket, and when they detect only a little slowness in
" work they chastise us until the blood drips to the ground." The petition of Chang Luan
(5RS1) and 30 others states, "in Cuba, within its length of not 2,000 li are to be found
" thousands of prisons, tens of thousands of fetters, and a number which cannot be counted of
"human beings, ever crying out under wrong and in their pain with torn and lacerated
" bodies, and seeking death by hanging, drowning, or poison, or the knife." The petition of
Shih Chih-'ho ( $£ §£ fn ) and 28 others states, " the flogging and chaining produce fatal
" effects, which the stronger may with an effort withstand, but under which the old and weak
" soon die." The petition of Chien Shih-kuang (fg ffc %) and 96 others states, " the instruments
" of punishment are in constant use, not one of us can ever feel sure of passing uninjured a
" single day, nor is there ever sufficient repose." The petition of Ch'&n Yii-shu (|Sff 3£ ^) and
4 others states, "whether we are disposed of as domestic slaves, or sold to sugar warehouses, or
" shops, we are dealt with as dogs, horses or oxen, badly fed, and deprived of rest, so that a single
" day becomes a year." The petition of Kao Lao-hsiu (^ ^ ^) and 16 others states, "Chinese
" in Cuba have to labour night and day, and do not enjoy one instant's tranquillity ; we are in
" addition constantly beaten and treated in every way like oxen, horses, sheep or dogs." The
petition of Chao K'un (^ Jjt) and 95 others states, "we suffer from insufficient nourishment,
" excessive labour enforced night and day, flogging and chaining in the day, and imprisonment
" and confinement in the stocks at night, so that many have died directly of their sufferings, or
" have tried to escape and met death outside." The. petition of Tiao Mu (<J /fc) and 3 others
states, " we work night and day, allowed only a very brief repose, scantily fed, constantly beaten
" and chained, considered no more than bad grass and treated like horses and oxen." The
petition of P'an T'ai (|H |j|) and 89 others states, " in Havana the workmen are oppressed and
" beaten with whips and rods, at night they cannot shut their eyes in peace, they have not
" enough food, they are given no clothes, and it is impossible to reckon all those who have died
"from ill treatment." The petition of Chang A-yiian (jJJt ppj jQ and 4 others states, "there
" is always a foreign overseer watching us, stick in hand, and throughout the year we receive
" floggings which draw out every drop of our blood, and cause some to die within two or three
" days." The petition of Ch&ng Hsing (fft 'jg) and 5 Others states, " sleep and food are insufficient,
"and great are the sufferings from confinement and the lash." The petition of Ts'ai H£ng
(!!• '|M) and 79 others states, "we have suffered from the overseers, who, grasping whips, or knives,
" or firearms, with their voices menacing as thunder and with their tiger's claws, were ever by

(20)
' our sides, — relying on their masters' power they treated us like horses or oxen, and on their
favour our lives depended." The petition of Hsieh Shuang-chiu (iff J§ ^) and 1 1 others states,
' the overseers are more cruel than tigers or wolves. They have no pity in their hearts. They
are as terrible as the thunder and beat us constantly with their whips or rods, or throw bricks
' at us, or kick us, always inflicting an injury from which sometimes death ensues." The petition
of Liu A-shou (fij ppj *) and 4 others states, "the overseers are cruel as tigers and wolves. If
' we work a little slowly, we are flogged on our backs with whips, or dogs are incited to tear us
'to pieces." The petition of Chang Ting-chia (jj| ^ #p) and 127 others states, "the overseers'
' rode about with cowhide whips and pistols, striking all, good and bad indifferently, inflicting
' blows on those at a distance with whips, and striking with sticks those within reach. Ribs were
' broken and spitting of blood was produced in this manner; other injuries, too, were inflicted on
the head and the feet, but as they were not directly visible labour was still enforced." The
petition of Ch&ng A-mou (§|$ ppj ]3?) and 89 others states, "we commenced labour in the middle
of the night; the savage overseers drew blood by their blows, and suicide was of constant occur
rence. At the end of the eight years half of our number had died." The petition of Ch'en Ming-
yiian (^ ^S 13) states, "but the sufferings of the general body of Chinese labourers are even
greater. They have to endure hunger and chains, hardships and wrongs of every class, and are
driven to suicide to the extent that no count can be made of the number of those who have
' thrown themselves into wells, cut their throats, hanged themselves, and swallowed opium."
The petition of Chu Chi-hsiin (Jfe 3ij g|||) and of 10 others states, "all in actual service, whether
' in the hills or on plantations, or in families, or on railroads, or on board ship, or whether doing
'forced labour in the prisons, are, — besides being exposed to various wrongs at the hands of the
' evil-minded, — subjected to the flogging of their overseers. These use whips the lashes of which
' are made of the muscles of oxen dried in the sun, and are three or four feet long, and the blows
- inflicted by which are intensely painful. Sucides are thus of constant occurrence; their number
indeed is countless." The petition of Yang Yiin (|§ -fa) and 131 others states, "suicides by
'hanging on trees, by drowning, by swallowing opium, and by leaping into the sugar caldrons
' are the results of wrongs and sufferings which cannot be described."
Wu A-ch'iang ( f£ ppj f| ) deposes also, " I myself have seen men flogged until they
vomited blood, and death ensued a few days afterwards." Li A-wu ( ^, ppj f£ ) deposes, " if
' on the sugar plantations the task assigned is executed at all slowly, the overseers at once inflict
several tens of blows, drawing blood, lacerating the skin, and causing inflamed swellings."
Ch'en T6-cMng ( |SjC ?# IE ) deposes, " if the work is not performed to the satisfaction of the
administrator, imprisonment and working in chains are resorted to; or 20, 25, 50 or an indefinite
number of blows are inflicted, causing the blood and flesh to trickle down." Chu Chia-hsien
( %. ¥ 9t ) d.ePoses> " the overseer said it did not matter if we died, as others could be bought
to take our places." Ch'§n Pao ( ^ ffi ) deposes, " I saw the legs of a Chinese broken by a
1 flogging." Ho A-te ( -jpj ppj f*) deposes, " on the sugar plantation I was flogged until my flesh
' was lacerated, and the wounds were afterwards washed in alcoholic spirits causing intense pain."
Cheng A-chi ( g]5 ppj ^ ) deposes, " I have been flogged with very great severity, and the stars
' on my person are still visible. I was flogged with a cowhide whip, and it constantly occurred
' that blood was drawn from the wounds and that my clothes were torn by the blows — yet I

( 21 )
"had committed no offence." Lin A-kou ($c ppj Jtjj) deposes, "the administrator, when
" intoxicated, would strike me on the head." Chou Liu ( J§| 7^ ) deposes, " as the adminis-
"trator acted with great cruelty, I ran away; I was pursued by hounds and on being
" captured two of my fingers were cut off." Ts'ui An ( ^ 4£ ) deposes, " I saw a man
"killed for simply striking an overseer." Ch'en A-shun (g^ ppj Jig) deposes, "the adminis-
" trator constantly inflicted floggings and incited the hounds to bite." Wang Ching (31 j$£)
deposes, " I found the chaining and hogging so unendurable, during the first six months
" of my service, that I attempted suicide by cutting my throat, and a month elapsed before
" the wound was healed." Lu SMng-pao (f ^f) deposes, " monthly, the $ 4 were not
" issued, and for a service of one year and a half, only $ 5 1 were paid me." Wang A-jui
(31 PPJ JffiS) deposes, " I was sold to a brick-kiln, and during eighteen months received no wages."
'Han Yen-p'ei ($f jj| !§•) deposes, "my master did not furnish me with food. He issued to me
" orders for edibles to be handed to the plantation shop. These orders were regarded as money,
" and their amount being placed to my debit, my earnings for the entire eight years were thus
" deducted." Ts'ui F'eng-lin (^mf;) deposes, "on one occasion I went out to make certain
" purchases. On my return I was severely flogged, and was compelled to work in irons during
" three months." Yang Ch'i-man (Jf $L Jjg) deposes, " on one occassion, I was beaten with great
" severity and it was not until I was so gravely injured that I vomited blood, that the blows
" ceased. I also saw a flogging inflicted on another man, of such severity that finding the pain
" unendurable, he leaped into a well." Yeh A-yao (^ ppj ft) deposes, "for refusing to eat maize
" I was almost beaten to death. My entire person was lacerated; on it there was not a single
" spot uninjured." Li A-ta (^ |5pJ jjl) deposes, " on one occasion I received 200 blows, and
" though my body was a mass of wounds I was still forced to continue labour." Li San-mou
(^ H xS) deposes, " on two occasions my trowsers were removed, and I was beaten with a rattan
"rod on my naked person." Wu A-san (^ ppj H) deposes, "the Chinese in chains were beaten
" severely if they did not imitate the cries of sheep and dogs."

VIII.
Are the Agreement Stipulations carried out ?
Eight contracts issued at various dates between the 3rd year of Hienfeng and the 12th
year of T'ungchih have been examined. Of these only one — that has never been employed, —
is framed in accordance with the provisions of the Emigration Convention of the 5th year of
T'UNGCHIH. The stipulations of the remainder are in most respects alike. Among these is a clause to
the effect that labour cannot be enforced during more than 12 hours of the 24, whilst enquiries
have shown that as much as 21 hours are exacted; another to the effect that Sunday shall
be a day of rest, whilst it is ascertained that in the great majority of cases, no cessation of labour
takes place on that day; a third prescribes that the daily rations shall consist of 8 taels'
weight of salt meat and z\ lbs. of miscellaneous articles of food, all to be of good quality, whilst

( «)
it appears, that the rations of meat supphed have been as small as a little more* than i tael, and
that the other articles furnished have been only potatoes, bananas or maize; and a fourth
providing that in all cases of sickness, it matters not how long its duration, the labourers shall
be sent to hospital by their masters to be properly cared for until cured, and that no deduction
from wages is on this account to be made, — whilst investigation has proved, that in the larger
number of instances, a Chinese complaining of sickness is punished by chains and blows,
chastisements that have continually resulted in death, and that it has been but rarely that the
wages have not been withheld ; $ 8 are also specified as the sum to be advanced to the labourer
before his departure, and the method of refund indicated is a subsequent monthly deduction
by his employer in Cuba of $ i, until the sum in question has been recovered; but though'
many have not received even a single cash, the almost universal practice has been to withhold
not $8 but $ 12 during the first year of service. Again, a clause is found to ther effect that
at the close of the eight years, the labourer may without restraint seek employment, and
that his original master cannot, on the plea of debt or of an agreement, retard his liberty
or exact from him the performance of new tasks; but in despite of this provision it is proved that,
in most instances, chaining and chastisement and other means are devised, in order to obtain an
additional forced labour of even several years. It is likewise provided, that on the expiration of
the contract term a period of 6o days shall be accorded in order to enable the labourer to arrange
at the proper port for his return to his country, and that if he does not desire to go back he shall
be at liberty to take such steps for improving his position as are permitted to the general
labouring class in the island; yet it is ascertained that the labourers who refuse to be constrained
into renewing their contracts are delivered to dep6ts to work without wages, that they never
enjoy the specified term for preparing for their return home, and that, the functionaries of the
dep6ts into which they are thrust becoming their masters, they are altogether precluded from
independently seeking employment.
In these respects then the actual practice in Cuba is directly at variance with the various
provisions to be found in the contracts inspected, as is testified by the recorded depositions and
petitions.

IX.
If the Employers violate the Stipulations, what redress has the Coolie by Law?
The 44th article of the Spanish Royal Decree of i860 provides, that when Chinese la
bourers are wronged by their employers or are subjected to any breach of the conditions of the
contract, they shall proceed to the official designated as their Protector, who shall duly investigate
the matter. But though the Chinese in cases of violation of contract thus possess the right of
bringing a charge before the authorities, their imperfect acquaintance with the people and the
locality, and the restraint and the confinement to which they are subjected by their unscrupulous
employers gender it difficult for them to avail themselves of the privilege ; whilst even when they
succeed in preferring a complaint, redress would appear to be nearly impossible.

(*3>
The petition of Ts'ai 'Heng ("fj; fg) and 79 others states, "the paper without which we
¦" could not move a single step was refused, but we had no means of complaint or protest in regard
•"to this injustice." The petition of Lin Chin ($# ^) and 15 others states, "on the plantations
•" and farms we seek refuge in death by every form of suicide. It is impossible to enumerate all
" the outrages to which we are subjected. The authorities when such cases reach their ears,
" accept the master's bribes and give no heed to the crime. The instances of this class are innu-
" merable." The petition of Huang Feng-chi (;gr j|b ¦§) and 1 1 others states, "we had to endure
" every kind of suffering. When our terms of service were drawing towards their close we thought
" that we could rely upon our contracts, and that we would be able to go out and reap advantage,
" but these documents were held as invalid, and our freedom was withheld." The petition of
Lai Chih-chih (§fj jf jf£) and 3 others states, "foreigners are so untrustworthy as to disregard
" altogether the stipulation of the contract that we are engaged for only eight years. After these are
" expired they desire us to work again for a similar term." The petition of Ch'iu Pi-shan (Jr]$ f| [lj )
and 34 others states, "after eight years of these sufferings, and the completion of the term of service,
" a new contract for six years must be entered into." The petition of Yang Yiin (^§ -fa) and 130
others states, "the contracts signed at Macao were for a term of eight years, but here we find there is
"no limit to our labours." Cheng Sheng (J|$ ^fg) declares in his petition, "I and 24 others sold
" with me, had each a contract stating that at the expiration of eight years we would be free, but
"our employer, devoid of conscience, refused to accord to me my liberty, and coerced me into
" working six more years. I 'could not avoid yielding, and now that I have finished the second
" engagement, he again declines to permit me to go away, and has sent us all to the foreign
"authorities." Ku Ch'iao-hsiu (-£ |* f|) declares in his petition, "I know of more than one
"hundred who were with me, who on the completion of their contracts were forced either to
" accept fresh engagements or to enter prison." The petition of Wu A-fa (^ ppj %) and 39 others
states, "foreigners in no way consider themselves bound by the provisions of the contracts. After
"the eight years are completed they refuse us the cedulas and we are forced to remain slaves in
" perpetuity." Again, Yeh Yu (j§| $jj) deposes, "on the plantation we were constantly beaten. If we
" complained to the officials, our employers presented them with money, and we were sent back,
" and after our clothes were removed again flogged." Li T'ung (^ jj§) deposes, "I complained to
" the officials because no rice was supphed ; I, in consequence, was kept in chains during one
"month." Wu Yiieh (J^. j|§) deposes, "on account of the unendurable sufferings on the
"plantation many committed suicide. Complaints were made to the officials, but they gave no
" heed." Ch'Sn A-shun (^ ppj JH) deposes, " on the plantation was a prison, in which men were
" constantly confined and chained. If we went only a few steps beyond the limits of the estate,
"we were seized, flogged and chained, so that there were no means of preferring complaints."
'Ho A-pa ($f ppj /V) deposes, "if we went outside only a few steps, we were regarded as
" attempting to escape, and were seized, chained and beaten. Thus no one dared to prefer
"complaints." Yu A-shih (§f ppj ^) deposes, "according to the contract I was entitled to
"clothes, which were not supphed to me; I therefore declined to work and was in consequence
" chained and beaten." 'Huang Hsing (jl? ||) deposes, " on the plantation we are constantly
'" chained and beaten, but dare not complain to the officials through fear of being subjected

( H)
"to even greater cruelties. I myself made an attempt to cut my throat." 'Huang-
A-shui (g ppj 7JC) deposes, "whilst employed on the plantation, a native of P'anyii (# ill),
"by name A Kuei (ppj jgi), was struck dead by the administrator. On the following day
" we started in order to lay a complaint before the authorities, but we had proceeded only
" half the distance when we were overtaken by the administrator at the head of a party of
" armed men, and were carried back and chained." Kao A-lun ( if| ppj ff}" ) deposes, " we, nine
" in all, proceeded to the officials but were sent back to the plantation, tied up and flogged by an
"overseer— a white man— until his hand was fatigued." Lai Ch'uan-shou (f$ )]\ *g) deposes,..
" the black overseers constantly beat us. I myself have already oh four occasions been flogged,
"and afterwards placed in foot-irons. On my endeavouring to offer an explanation when an
" overseer abused me, he became angry and struck and chained me. Thus remonstrance is-
" denied to us." Lin A-t'ai ($f: ppj H) deposes, " my employer owes me $ 128. I came to Havana
" to complain, but the official not only gave no heed, but also confined me in the depot, where I
" have now been working without wages during two years." Lin A-cho ($c ppj •§) deposes, " my
" master owed me $ 108, and when I complained to the official I was brought back and again forced
" to labour for five months, still receiving no money. As he stated that, as a punishment for my
" bringing a charge against him, he would sell me to a sugar plantation, I and two others proceeded
" to Havana in order to renew the complaint, and were there placed in confinement in the dep6t„.,
" where I have now worked without wages during seven or eight years. My master has never
" been called upon to reply to my accusation." Ch'en A-yin (Pff ppj f^) deposes, " a foreigner who-
" hired me for work on board ship owes me $ 100. I have preferred a complaint before the
" officials, but no heed has been given to it." Hsieh A-fa ( ffj ppj fg ) deposes, " I was
" beaten if I worked a little slowly, and during the hours of labour was not permitted even to-
" relieve nature. On one occasion, having been flogged with great severity, I laid a complaint
" before the officials, but my master by an outlay of money was enabled to bring me back,,
" and then compelled me to labour in irons." Liu A-wen (fij ppj 3£) deposes, " some years since,.
"on account of the barbarous cruelty of the administrator, I complained to the officials. My
" complaint was not accepted, and after returning, I and 39 others were forced to work in irons
"for three months. Our wages for the same period were withheld." Ch'en A-mu (|*|i ppj g|')<
deposes, " on the plantation I was treated with great cruelty, being constantly beaten. Last
"year, after a flogging of even unusual severity, I proceeded to the officials, and preferred a
" complaint. My master having presented them with money was enabled to bring me back, and
" chained my feet during several months and subjected me to an ill-usage greater than that
" which I had to endure before." Tseng Ch'ing-jung (if j§ $|) deposes, " of those with me, one
"committed suicide by swallowing opium, and another by name A-fu (PPJ fg") was beaten to
" death. The bodies were at once buried and no enquiry was made." Teng Kuan (f g %)
deposes, " during the two years which I passed on the plantation I was constantly beaten with
'" great severity. I made a complaint to the officials, but through my imperfect acquaintance
" with Spanish, the result was that I was sent to the depot, where, with chained feet, I had to
"work without wages on the roads and breaking stones." Lin A-chung ($ ppj tf») deposes",
" I and A-sMng (ppj &) and A-fu (ppj jjig) requested the administrator to issue to us our wages
"in silver. The latter became angry and sent us to the dep6t where 'we had to work without

<*5)
"wages." F6ng Chi ('{fa ^) deposes, "after the expiration of the contract term I had to work
""for seven years, during five of which I received as wages $ 17. My employer then wished to
" substitute the paper currency, and as I declined to accept it I was within two or three days
"removed to a dep6t by Government officials." Li Chia (^ H) deposes, "at the end of the
" eight years, my master denied that the contract term was completed. I therefore laid a
" complaint before the officials, who retained me to perform, without wages, Government work on
"the roads." Lo A-erh ($| ppj ~) deposes, "on the expiration of the contract, I was sent to a
" dep6t, where I passed four months. I was then removed by my master, who forced me to
" labour in chains during three months. He daily beats me, and yesterday flogged me with great
" severity. Five months have now elapsed, during which no wages have been issued to me. On
" account of this and the other ill usage, I requested a fellow workman to, on my behalf, lay a
•" complaint before the officials. He has done so on three occasions and in each instance it has been
"rejected, and I have thus to go on labouring; whilst if I ask for wages the threat of chaining
" is made. I in all earnestness now meditate suicide."

X.
If the Coolie breaks his Contract, what redress has the Employer by Law?
By the 77th article of the Spanish Royal Decree of 1 860, it is provided that, in the event
-of repeated offences on the part of the labourer, the employer shall report the occurrence to the
-official designated as protector of Chinese, who shall, if the laws afford the necessary means,
prescribe a punishment in accordance with their provisions, or if the contrary be the case, an
augmentation of the disciplinary penalties. This clause thus enables the employers to without
limit increase penalties which in a former clause were limited, and to impose punishments never
-contemplated by the laws, whilst in addition, in practice, they resort to whatever cruelties their
fancy may suggest.
The statements collected show that on all the plantations the owners have established
prisons, to which stocks and various implements of punishment are attached, and that the
-administrator and overseers constantly at will make use of hounds, knives, bludgeons and whips,
so that the Chinese are in constant terror of death ; and it is likewise testified that in cases too
frequent to be enumerated, they are flogged when no offence has been committed or provocation
offered, and that even after the contracts have expired they are chained and beaten. It is not
likely, therefore, that they would voluntarily provoke such sufferings by any deliberate breaches
Hof their agreements, and in consequence such instances are of the extremest rarity.
Thus, not only do the Regulations though prescribing reference to the protecting official
confer on the employers the right of imposing and augmentmg penalties ; but, in reahty, the
latter inflict at will cruel chastisements of every class, without any authorization from the
representatives of the Government.

( 26)
XI.
Do Employers treat Coolies kindly?
Although a kind treatment of the labourers would be the right course it, in Cuba, is in the-
great majority of instances, that which is not followed. The petition of Chang Ting-chia.
(38 S M) aQd 127 others states, "the daily food consisted of only maize and bananas. Our
" monthly wages, in the meantime, are only $ 4 in paper, not equal to $ 2 in China, and insuffi-
" cient to procure us even the additional necessary supplies of food and clothing. It is thus
" impossible to save money." The petition of Yang Wan-sheng ( f § H J|§ ) states, " I -had to
" labour night and day, suffered much from cold and hunger, was flogged when seriously ill, and
" was chained and imprisoned even for resting a few moments." The petition of Wang Hua
(3E SO and 16 others states, "we are allowed three meals a day, composed of sweet potatoes,
" maize, plantains and a piece of rotten salt beef, weighing 2 taels." The petition of Li Ying-sung
( ^ -j£ IS ) states, " I had to work night and day, was fed on only potatoes and plantains, and
" was limited to a few instants of sleep." Liang Yu-sh§ng ( ^ ^ Jp ) declares in his petition,.
" I am beaten night and day, and my sufferings are unendurable." The petition of Li Chao-ch'un
(^ Ip ^) and 166 others states, "on the sugar plantations we are paid $4 (paper) worth
" only a little more than $ 1 in silver, and not sufficient even for the additional food and clothes,
" that are indispensable. On each estate there is a shop belonging to the administrator and
" others ; the things are of bad quality and very highly priced, but if we attempt to make a
" purchase outside it is said that we are running away, and we are compelled to work with chained
" feet. How is it possible, after the term of service, to have saved enough to pay for our passage
" home ? " P'an To-li ( JH fj ^0 ) declares in his petition, , " if we make purchases at a shop
" outside the plantation our wages suffer deduction during some ' months and we are forced to
" work with chained feet for a similar period." The petition of Wu A-fa ( ^ ppj ff ) and 39
others states, " the monthly wages of $ 4 are issued in currency, $ 2 of which are not equal to
" $ 1 in silver." The petition of Lin A-ch'ing ( $f; ppj J| ) and 1 other states, " we have not even
" three meals a day, and the rations consist of only maize and rice. Our wages of $ 4 ( paper }
" do not even represent $ 2 in silver, and for the slightest cause a deduction is made." The
petition of Yeh Nien ( H £f. ) and of 20 others states, " out of our wages of $ 4 we are forced to
" provide clothing and other necessaries, and whilst starvation is the compensation of our toil,.
" blows are accorded to us instead of repose."
Wang A-chi (31 ppj $1) also deposes, "at the commencement of my service, I was allowed
" daily three meals; during the second year they were reduced to two and I was severely flogged."
Yang Chin (|§ ffa) deposes, "the food issued consisted of rotten beef. If I did not eat, my feet
" were chained." Chang Ch'ang-kuei (gg J| j|) deposes, "I was employed in a brick-kiln eight
"years, during six of which no wages were issued." 'Ho A-jui ($f ppj Jg) deposes, "for making
" cigars in a clumsy manner I was kept in irons during two months." Liang A-hsiu {%, ppj ff )
deposes, " I and 23 others, driven by hunger and by a consequent weakness which disabled us for
" labour, begged our employer's son to increase the allowance of food, and for so doing we were
" all chained and beaten. On the plantation also there were no habitations for us, and we were

( 27)
" told to provide them ourselves. Our monthly wages were but $ 3, and as even a grass hut for
"two would cost $ 10, it was not in our power to obey. We explained this to our employer's son,
" who became very wrathful, struck us indiscriminately, and together with certain negroes, seizing
"knives killed one of our number, a native of Hiangshan (=f!f [Jj), and wounded the remainder."
Liang A-chao (^ ppj $3) deposes, "on the plantation is a shop owned by the master, at which
" all our purchases have to be effected. The prices too are very high." The depositions of
Chu Chia-hsien (%j~ ^ jfc) and j6 others, also declare that all purchases have to be effected at
the shops on the plantations. Liu A-wen (§1) ^% ) deposes, "all edibles have to be bought from
"the steward." Liu A-yao (||J ppj jf|) deposes, "all articles have to be bought from the clerk."
F&ng Erh QJ| ~) deposes, "on this plantation, at present, two men are in prison chained and in
" the stocks on account of making purchases outside." T'ang Ming-kwei ( -^ BfJ 2g) deposes,
" monthly, as wages, we receive four tickets, which can only be employed in payment of purchases
" at the plantation shop. Elsewhere they cannot be used, nor is it possible to change them for
¦"bank notes." Ts&ng Fu-min (-ft" g J;) deposes, "as wages the master issues an order, which
" can be used in payment of articles bought at his shop, but cannot be converted into money, so
"that no purchases can be made elsewhere." Ch'en A-fu ([Sff [SpJ jjig) deposes, "as I was young
" I was directed to watch the horses which were grazing. Constantly my trowsers were removed,
" and whilst held down by four men, I was flogged with a rattan rod." Ts'ai A-fang (|js ppj ~ff)
" deposes, " owing to sickness I worked less than the others, and in consequence chains were
" attached to my hands and feet, and I was flogged on my naked person with a cowhide whip."
Chang Shui (»JJ| 7JC) deposes, " when^sick I was still compelled to labour, and as I performed less
"than the others I was chained and beaten." Lo A-pao (fj| ppj ||) deposes, "the proprietor of
" the sugar warehouse is excessively cruel. I have constantly suffered injury from his blows.
" He wounds both skin and bone, and draws blood. He is most hurtful and venomous." Ch'en
A-lien (|S|f ppj j|i|) deposes, '' I myself witnessed the death of an old man, whom the administrator
"had directed to move a heavy implement. He was unable to do so and was at once struck dead."
P'ang A-tung ( JH ppj jg ) deposes, " the overseers all carry cowhide whips for the purpose of
"chastising the Chinese." Liu A-lin (|fi] ppj jffi) deposes, "The administrator is of exceptional
" cruelty. The owner has told him to flog without restraint, that it matters not if one is beateh
" to death as ten others can be bought in his place." Hsieh A-ssii (f|J ppj |a) deposes, "the owner
" has urged the administrator and the overseers to flog us. He has said that it matters not if one
"is beaten to death as he is rich enough to buy ten others." Liu A-jui (fij |ipj jjj}) deposes,
" the owner continually urges upon the overseers that a large crop of sugar is the only matter of
"importance, and that no consideration should be shown to the labourers, as if one be beaten
" to death ten others can be purchased."
On the other hand, among the depositions it is found that Chang A-wen ( $]| ppj j$£ )
declares that when working on a farm, belonging to a Frenchman, he was well used ; and that
T'ang Sheng ()|£ ££) declares that his master treated him passably, that he was sufficiently fed,
and that when sick his wages were not deducted, — instances of what must be regarded as kind
treatment, but unfortunately too few in number.
Again, Wang Chiu (31 %) alleges, that the owner was kind but the administrator the
reverse. Ts'ai P'ei ( ^ 2j ) also alleges that the owner was kind, but that the administrator

(28 )
constantly flogged ; Wang A-sMng (31 ppj J*g) likewise declares that the owner was just but the-
administrator cruel, and 'Ho Hsi (-fpj $|) states that the owner was good, but the administrator
exceedingly cruel. In these cases although the cruelties were not committed by the owners in
person, yet, as the administrators are their servants, they are responsible for the acts of the latter,.
and consequently cannot be admitted to have accorded the considerate usage referred to in the
query.

XII.
Do Coolies serve Employers faithfully?
Chinese after having been at the will of their importers sold out of the men-market and'
transferred to their purchasers, cannot be otherwise than obedient, through the terror inspired by
the administrator and overseers, by the chains at their side, and by the rods and whips which
goad them to labour.
The petition of Cheng A-mou (H5 ppj J|) and 89 others states, "though we had neither
" food nor repose, though the rations consisted of only plantains and maize insufficient to satisfy
" hunger, we commenced labour in the middle of the night."
Yang Fa-ch'iang (H§ f<| ip) also deposes, "my master was in debt, and sent me to work
" on his creditor's plantation as a method of payment." Lu Chung (^ $j§) deposes, "my wages
" were all expended in the purchase of additional edibles in the plantation shop. My debt was
" ever proportioned to my earnings, but I dared not raise any objection." Chung Sheng ($|§ /g|)
deposes, "at the completion of the contract term, though a cedula was withheld, and I was
" against my will constrained to continue labour, I had open to me no course but obedience."
Wu T£-sheng (^ $% ||) deposes, "at the end of the eight years my master constrained me to
"remain for an additional term of two years, and I dared not do aught but obey." Ch'en A-yiian
(W. PPJ*7C) deposes, "when I had worked during seven years I gave my master $ 150 in gold,
" in order to redeem myself. He nevertheless retained me for another year, at the close of which
" he did not furnish me with a cedula, so that my outlay was wasted." Ou Yiian (HI 3J2) deposes,-
" on the expiration of the eight years I applied for a cedula, but my master put me off from
" year to year. When I had thus completed other four years I handed to him $ 500 for the cost
" of my passage home ; and though two years have since passed away, he neither furnishes me
" with a cedula, nor. permits me to embark." 'Ho A-ssu (¦fpj ppj |7g) deposes, " at the end of the
" eight years no cedula was supplied to me, and I was forced to work for another term of four
" years. A few days ago I asked my master for a cedula, and was told by him that I had to-
" serve for other six years. If this be the case, suicide is the best course open to me."

( 29 •)
XIII.
Does the Law authorise Employers to punish the employed — how and why ?
The 69th clause of the Spanish Royal Decree of 1 860 is to the following effect :
" Employers are empowered to exercise a disciplinary jurisdiction in virtue of which they
"' shall be able to inflict the following penalties —
" 1. Arrest from one to ten days.
" 2. Loss of wages during the same time.
" The first of these may be imposed without the second ; but the latter cannot be resorted
M to unless the first has been enforced." The 74th clause thus specifies the offences for which
.these penalties may be inflicted :
1. Insubordination towards employer or any representative of the employer.
2. Refusal to work, or want of punctuality in the execution of the tasks assigned.
3. The commission of an assault producing injury not rendering necessary suspension
of work by the person injured.
4. Flight.
5. Drunkenness.
6. Violation of the Rules established by the employer, — [note by translator — Such
rules not being contrary to the conditions of the contract, or to any of the
provisions of the Decree (Art. 64)].
7. Any offence against morality, so long as it is not one of those which requires the
intervention of a prosecutor, or, as being of that class, the party injured refrains
from complaint.
8. Any other act intentionally committed and causing injury or loss to another
person, but not constituting a crime of which the law can take cognizance.
Thus the Spanish Government distinctly limited the penal powers conferred on employers,
;and never intended to sanction the arbitrary infliction of chastisements and fines. The action
-of the Cuban proprietors has been however totally at variance with the course thus prescribed.
. The petition of Chang Ting-chia (5J1 j£ M) and 127 others states, "the prison was full
• " of instruments of punishment, the chains weighed from 50 to 20 catties, and there was no limit
" to the number which one man carried ; and with the ankles thus burdened, labour had still
"to be performed." Lo A-pao (|§ ppj f|) declares in his petition, "I was sold to a sugar
" warehouse, where I was constantly beaten, so that the blood came out from all parts of my
" body." Chang Kuan ( 5J| || ) declares in his petition, " we have to labour 2 1 hours out of the
" 24, and if we work half an hour less we are beaten severely, so that our skin and flesh become
" lacerated and sore." Ch'en T^-ming ( ^ f|! BfJ ) declares in his petition, " if we went outside
" to make purchases, we were brought back, confined in irons for three months and fined three
" months' wages." Li Ch'i ( ^ ^ ) deposes, " on one occasion four Chinese killed an overseer —
¦' a negro — they were confined in the plantation prison six months, after which two men were
-" hanged, and the two others shot on the plantation, in the presence of all the other labourers."
Li A-te (^ JipJ flji) deposes, " for smoking whilst at work, I was seized and held down by four men,

(3°)
" received 24 blows, so that skin and flesh were lacerated ; yet this chastisement is to be regarded
" as a light one. Chains are attached to our feet and we are goaded on with whips. If the
" administrator is of a kind disposition these fetters may be removed in two months, if he is not,
" they have to be worn six months. The chain extends from the neck to the ankles and may
" weigh 40 catties. I have myself been thus chained on three occasions. My offence was telling-
" the administrator that, fed only on potatoes, I did not possess strength for my work. During
" the entire year we are not permitted to wash our clothes. If, when at leisure, we do so, and are
" seen by the negroes, we are chained and beaten. A man, too, was in chains eight months for
"simply effecting a purchase at a small shop in the neighbourhood." 'Ho A-pa (JpJ PPJ A)
deposes, " on one occasion my master who observed me making a cigarette, ordered four negroes
" to seize my hands and feet, and I was flogged with a rattan rod so severely that my flesh was
" lacerated and the bones became visible. I was besides placed in the stocks- and was again
" beaten with a whip by the administrator." T'an Fa ( f]J H ) deposes, " for buying rice, the
" administrator on one occasion confined me in irons during two weeks, and fined me one month's
" wages." Liu A-ping ( § 1] jipj ^ ) deposes " I was beaten for the slightest slowness, even for
" relieving nature." Pu A-hou ( J» ppj jj ) deposes, " if thought to be absent too long when
" relieving nature the administrator and the white overseers would incite four large dogs, and men's
" feet have thus been bitten so severely that they were unable to walk." Chiang A-ch'i
( $C PPJ M ) deposes, " we were constantly struck and hounds were also incited to bite us." Liu
Hsin-fa ( § jj gf f§ ) deposes, " on one occasion I was flogged with such severity that my shoulder
" was broken, and that the blood drawn out of my back dripped over my entire body." Chung'
A-tai (M PPJ fG) deposes, "the owner of the plantation himself broke my arm by a blow."
Ch'en Hsiang ( gji ff ) deposes, " I was transferred to a sugar plantation, where during five years
" I suffered great hardships. As I was flogged daily, I asked my employer why, as my tasks were-
" well performed, I was thus chastised ; and he replied that he had bought me not to labour but
" to be beaten." Yuan A-ts'ung ( gjc ppj Q§ ) deposes, " my master was very cruel. He beat all
" without discriminating between those who worked well and the inefficient, and even when we
" by chance met him on the road he would deal us a few blows." Lo A-£rh ( $| ppj r^ ) deposes,
" I wished to redeem myself by payment of the price originally paid for me, but, my employer not
" only refused, but also kept me in chains during one month, and flogged me severely." . Sung
Hai ( $Jc $|) deposes, " at present there are here 40 Chinese who though recently arrived and
" ignorant of the language work in chains." Yang A-ch'ang ( $§ ppj || ) deposes, " my master
" acts with great cruelty. For one day's sickness he deducts a dollar." 'Ho P'ei-ch'i ( ¦fnT ?l& ffi )
deposes, " I was sick during six months and my wages during an entire year were deducted."

XIV.
Does the Law provide for an Appeal by Coolies from the Punishment authorised
to be used by employers?
It is provided in the 71st Article of the Spanish Royal Decree of i860, that the Chinese
shall in every case " possess the right of making complaint to the Protector, regarding any wrong;

( 3i )
" done to them by their employers, whether such wrong consists in the infliction of punishments
" without sufficient cause or the imposition of unauthorised penalties, or in the breach of any of
" the provisions regulating the treatment of them." Thus, in the event of employers abusing the
disciplinary powers conferred on them, the right of preferring charges is accorded to the sufferers,
but numerous as the latter are, the proportion that has been enabled to obtain redress or even
make complaint is very small.
Lin Kuei-hsing (ffi j| Jj|) deposes, " on the plantation, though wrongs of every kind have
" to be endured, there are no means of preferring complaints, as all egress is prohibited." Liu
A-lien (gi] ppj gt) deposes, " the overseer flogs with great whips until skin and flesh are lacerated;
" thus wounded we still are forced to labour and no one is able to go out to make an accusation."
Li Yii (^g .jj| ) deposes, " as when I was at work on account of not understanding the language
" I was beaten with a cowhide whip, and found the chastisement unendurable, and as I saw
" that another man poisoned himself through being unable to support the cruelties, I preferred
" a charge before the officials. They gave no heed to my accusation. I afterwards was
" chastised even more severely, and after the completion of my contract term I embodied in
" a petition addressd to the Captain General, a statement of the wrongs endured by Chinese in
"Cuba, but this also met with no notice." Chu Chia-hsien (^ ^ ft) deposes, " as I saw Liu
" A-k'o (fi] ppj jfjj) receive 150 lashes dealt with severity, I, in indignation, proceeded to Havana
" in order to prefer a charge against the overseer. The official gave no heed to me, but sent
"jne back to the plantation, where an exactly similar chastisement was inflicted upon me-
"The flogging continued from 8 to 10 a.m., and an hour afterwards Liu A-k'o (§1] ppj jpf) threw
"himself into a sugar caldron." Liang En (H§,1!,) deposes, "one Liang Yu-sheng ('|j| ^ $£)
" being beaten to death by the administrator, I and three others made a complaint to the officials,
"but as the owner's agent presented them with $100, and the administrator sent them four
" negroes, the charge was unheeded, and I was sent back to the plantation where I had to work
" with chained feet during an entire year. I was afterwards transferred to another plantation
" appertaining, to the same proprietor, when, as I had finished my term of eight years, I applied
" for a certificate of completion. I waited a year labouring in the customary way, and at its close
" left, intending to seek redress from the authorities ; but the clerk of the plantation presented
" money to the guards, and I was arrested on the plea that I was attempting to escape, and I was
" delivered back to the plantation, where during four months I had to labour in foot irons."
Lin A-san (|^ [!pj 31) deposes, "I was flogged without any cause. It depended on my master's
" caprice, on his good or bad humour. I did not dare to complain to the authorities, because
" such a course only resulted in being chained and flogged with even greater severity." Wang
A-ts'ai (31 ppj •%) deposes, "I constantly received injuries from flogging, I resolved to prefer a
" charge before the officials. My intentions were detected, and I was forced to work in irons
"during nine months." Li Tai (^ |j|) deposes, "one of us, able to speak Spanish, told our
" employer that rice was the customary diet of Chinese, and that, whilst at Macao it had been
" distinctly understood that Sundays were to be days of rest, the existing practice was different.
" Our employer gave way to anger, regarding these words as too daring ; and afterwards our
" companion fell sick and was sent to the hospital where in a few days he died." Chou T6-'hua
(^| f* H) deposes, "they broke my finger merely because I was unable to express myseK in

(32 )
"Spanish." Ch'ien A-sheng (gg ppj £) deposes, "my master was not good. He constantly
" inflicted floggings, and broke my left arm, so that now it is disabled for work."
The petition of Li Chao-ch'un (^ ^ §) and 165 others states, "our countrymen are
" murdered, cut their throats, and drown themselves, and the occurrences are either not reported to
" the authorities, or if reported there is a brief inspection, and all is over. On the same planta-
" tion there may be a friend or relative of the victim, but though he has witnessed all, he dares
" not come forward to testify. If he did so his days would soon come to an end."

XV
During Agreement-term, what time has the Coolie at his own disposal — how can
he use it — and does the Law portect him in turning it to porfitable
account ?
The 10th article of the Emigration Convention of 1866 provides that of every seven days
one is to be a day of rest, and that in the 24 hours work during more than 9^ hours cannot be
enforced, and that all compulsory additional labour is prohibited. The 5th clause of the contract
used in the ioth year of HienfEng states that besides the specified times of rest, Chinese shall
not be compelled to work on Sundays or holidays, and that on these days they shall be permitted
to work as they may see fit for their own profit ; and the 4th clause of the contracts used in the
3rd, 4th, ioth and 12th years of T'ungchih, prescribes that Sundays shall be days of rest. The
article — the 52nd — of the Royal Decree of i860, which refers to the same point, is however
somewhat at variance with the above provisions, as it directs the execution of the ordinary daily
tasks even on festival days, when, despite the celebration of the festival, work shall have been
permitted by the ecclesiastical authorities.
The contracts for these four years of T'ungchih also stipulate that only 1 2 hours out of the
24 shall be devoted to labour. The 53rd article of the Decree of i860 provides that under no
circumstances whatever shall employers exact on an average more than 1 2 hours' work ; and the
54th article, that even when an employer is empowered to distribute in the manner most con
venient for his interests, the number of hours agreed upon, it shall be understood that no more
than 15 hours can be exacted in one day, and that the labourer shall enjoy at leat six consecutive
hours of rest ; and the 45th article authorises their engaging in amusement during their days or
hours of leisure. These three clauses, though not altogether in accordance with the Emigration
Convention, evince a care for the interests of the class to which they apply, and have been
disregarded by the great majority of the Cuban proprietors.
The petition of Ch'iu Pi-shan (6J5 g| |Jj) and 34 others states, " a plantation is a veritable
" hell ; the Chinese are beaten the entire day, and the cruelties of the owner, administrator and
" overseers are very great. Their bodies are covered with sores, their feet have no rest, and out
" of the 24 hours they are granted only four for repose." The petition of Wang A-ching (31 ppj §£)
and 22 others states, "the work is very hard. We get up at 3 A.M., and labour until noon; at 1 p.m.,
-" we resume work until 7 p.m., when we rest half an hour and are allowed a ration of maize, .after

(33)
" which work is continued up to midnight. We are struck and flogged, and out of our party of
"more than 200 men, only over 80 remain." The petition of Wang Hua (31 l!$i) and of 16
others states, " we have to labour at night nearly until 1 A.M., and we have to recommence work
" at 4 a.m., and our bodies and our bones cause us so much pain that we cannot work with great
" activity." Ch'§n Te-ming (f^ f|| BJJ) declares in his petition, " I was sold to a sugar plantation
" where I endured every hardship. I and the others got up at 4 A.M. and worked until 1 A.M."
The petition of Lin A-ch'ing (^f; |ipj Jg) and 1 other states, " we are in the service of a railway
" company and have to work night and day. The overseer is very cruel, but whatever he alleges
" to the superintendent is believed by the latter. Those who have completed their eight years
" are not allowed to go away. We are constantly flogged by the superintendent at the instiga-
" tion of the overseer. We get up at 4 A.M., and cease work only at 1 a.m. On Sundays we do
"not rest." The petition of Yeh Fu-chiin (^ jjig |*) and 52 others states, "when sold to sugar
" plantations, we had to work night and day, having only three hours' sleep." The petition of
Ch'en Ku (g^ ¦£) and 2 others states, " on the sugar plantation we toil daily from 3 A.M. until
" midnight." The petition of P'an To-li (f|| ^ f ij) and 2 others states, " we have to labour 19 or
" 20 hours out of the 24."
The depositions of T'ang Chien (JjJ $£) and 170 others testify that they have laboured on
the sugar plantations from 3 a.m. until midnight, and that on Sundays similar hours were
enforced. The depositions of Chang Chao (jjg #3J and 1 2 1 others testify that they have laboured
on sugar plantations from 4 A.M. until midnight, and that on Sundays similar hours were
enforced. The depositions of Wen A-chao' ($J [ipf {(B) and 20 others testify that they have
laboured on sugar plantations from 2 a.m. to midnight. The depositions of Ch'en Wan-sheng
(Ell H §£>) and 47 others testify, that they have laboured on the sugar plantations from 3 a.m.
until 11 P.M. The depositions of Ch'en Ch'ih (^ $&) and 27 others testify that they have
laboured on the sugar plantations from 4 a.m. till 1 1 p.m. The depositions of Ch'en Ting-hsien
(Eft M R) an(l 6 others testify that they have laboured on the sugar plantations from 3 A.M..
until 9 p.m. The depositions of Tseng Erh-ch'i (|* jj£ ^) and 7 others testify that they have
laboured on the sugar plantations from 2 a.m. until 1 1 p.m. The depositions of Li Ho (*£ /g.) and 8
others testify that they have laboured on the sugar plantations from 4 A.M. until 10 P.M. The
depositions of Chang K'ai (jj-§ IjjJ) and 6 others testify that the they have laboured on the sugar
plantations from 5 a.m. until midnight, and that the same hours were enforced on Sundays. The
depositions of Su A-'hai (f| ppj f§) and 1 other testify that they have laboured on the sugar
plantations from 4 a.m. until 9 p.m., that during the collection of the crop the same hours were
enforced on Sundays, but that at other times work ceased on that day at 9 a.m. Liu A-san
(fll PPJ H) deposes, "on the plantation I rested during half the day on Sunday." The
depositions of Ch'6n Lin ([^ $fc) and 3 others testify that on the sugar plantations on Sundays-
they ceased labour at 9 A.M., but recommenced it from 4 p.m. to 6 p.m. The depositions of
Kuo Chan (f|5 j!j) and 1 other testify that on certain sugar plantations, during the coUection
of the crop, the ordinary hours were enforced on Sundays, but that at other times work ceased
at 8 A.M. Lin A-i ($. ppj >$) deposes, " on the plantation in the 24 hours I rested two hours
"and a half." Wu Ch'ieh (^ Jl) deposes, "on the plantation I got up at 6 A.M., and ended
" work at midnight." Li Yu (^ JJJ) deposes, " on the plantation I commenced work at

(34)
"midnight and continued until 7 o'clock of the following evening." 'Huang Chieh (^ ^)
deposes, " on the plantation I worked from 4 A.M. till 12 p.m. On Sundays I was allowed to rest
"during two hours, in order to wash my clothes." 'Huang A-hsien (j| ppj fl") deposes, "on
" account of my refusing to work on Sundays, I was kept in chains during one month." Li
A-yao (ag ppj $j) deposes, "in the sugar warehouse there were no fixed limits to the working.
" hours." The depositions of Huang A-ts'ai (fj; ppj -%) and 3 others state that in a sugar ware
house they worked from 4.30 a.m. until 6 p.m. Ch'£n A-chi (|Jg ppj "g) deposes, "in the sugar
"warehouse I worked from 4 a.m. until 5 P.M." The depositions of Li Sh6-fu (fjj£ jjffc fl) and
4 others testify that they work in sugar warehouses from 4 i..M. until 1 1 p.m. Liang A-ch'6ng
(f^ PPJ J$) deposes, " I am engaged in an establishment for this hiring of cargo-boats, and work
" from 4 a.m. until midnight. My master had promised that on Sundays labour might cease at
" noon, but when I wished to act in accordance with* this assurance the overseer forbade my so
" doing and struck and kicked me, and as I am ignorant of the language I could not complain."
Li Yii (^ .jjg ) deposes, " when employed in laying roads, I worked from 2 a.m. until 7 p.m."
'Hu A-te (jjj(j [ipj fg) deposes, "when employed as a baker I commenced work at midnight and
" continued it until 3 a.m. I rested from 3 a.m. until 5 a.m. I then resumed work until 7 a.m.
" when I again rested for an hour, after which work is again continued until 2 p.m." Hsu A-f§n
(ffr PPJ 3£) deposes, "when employed in a baker's shop, I worked from 10 a.m. until 6 A.M. of the
"following day." Ch'&n A-'huan (^ ppj ^) deposes, "I am employed in a cigar shop, I work
" from 5 a.m. till midnight." Yii A-ch'ang ( fi> ppj || ) deposes, " I serve as scavenger, and have
"to work from 9 p.m. until 10 a.m." The depositions of .Ch'en Meng-ming (pfi jfc EIJJ) and 5
Others state that in the depot they work from 6 a.m. until 6 p.m. The depositions of Cheng A-fu
(115 15PJ Ha ) and 5 others state that in the Havana barracoon they worked from 6 a.m. to 6 p.m.

XVI.
Considering the expense incurred by Employers in procuring Coolies, the rate of wages
in China, the hours and conditions of labour in Cuba, and the fact that the
Coolie, knowing the state of things in China, signs a Contract to work in
Cuba; does the Employer act equitably, as well as legally, in holding the
Coolie to his Contract?
The "procuring Coolies" signifying the engagement of voluntary labourers, is a very
different act from the sale of men, and the compulsory exaction of their assent, and the term, in
that sense, cannot therefore be applied to the Chinese in Cuba, who for the most part have been
the victims of either fraud or violence.
The depositions of every class that have been collected state that, in the most cases, the
labourer in the first instance was handed only a few dollars, and that some were even paid but
300 cash or 10 cash or received nothing. Thus the original outlay incurred is insignificant, and
the entire expense on account of a Chinese landed at Havana, may be estimated, — as is observed

V 1

. ( 35)
in the Westminster Review, — at $ 190, so that the ultimate profits of the importer become
very considerable. To this effect is the paragraph in the petition of Jen Shih-chen (££ -jg jj|),
Tai Erh-chieh (j|J ~ -j^§) and Liang Hsing-chao (^ || $BJ which states, "each Chinese decoyed
" or kidnapped for sale here is disposed of for a sum varying from $ 400 or $ 500 to $ 1,000, leaving
" on the average a profit to the importer of $ 200 or $ 300, so that the gain on ten thousand of
" us must amount to two or three millions. In all some 200,000 have reached Cuba, representing
" a profit of several tens of millions, a sum which, as it accrued from the sale of our bodies, ought,
"justly speaking, to be remitted to our families."
The second question raised in the query is of course not regarded as referring to the cases
in which men of wealthy families or of position have been decoyed ; and it is impossible to put
forward with certainty any rate of wages as that applicable in China to the men composing
the general body of labourers, as their earnings would have differed according to individual
qualities, .and must have varied from year to year. A man, too, whose life is in the hands of
those who have seized him, and who is being sent out of his country by force, is not able to take
into account the considerations suggested, to discuss the provisions of a contract, or to weigh
and compare various rates of compensation; whilst those who went of their free will were
misled by false assurances, believing the actual gain to be greater, and the term of service
shorter, and imagining that they would be treated as in their own country, exempt from tyranny
and cruelty, and free to go or stay ; and under this delusion they embarked, contract in hand,
only to realize on arrival the great contrast of the reality. " The $ 4 wages," is observed in
the petition of P'an T'ai ("H Jf|) and 89 others, " are insufficient for support, the cost of all being
" so great." Chiang A-lin (J| ppj jg|) deposes, " although the wages are nominally larger than in
" China, the paper currency is so much depreciated, and prices are so high, that $ 8 or $ 10 do not
" represent more than $1 or $ 2 would there." Lo A-chi (fg ppj g,) deposes, " in China I
" found 100 cash daily sufficient for the support pi a family, whilst here the cost of living is so
" great that $ 1 ,a day will hardly maintain a single individual." These statements indicate
a sufficiently grave condition of misery; and that condition is aggravated by the fact that
whilst the benefits conferred by the contracts — the rest, medical attendance, food and
clothing — are far from being invariably accorded, hardships of which these documents contain
no mention — the stocks, the lash, the rod and the bite of the hounds, — are inflicted without
restraint. In the engagement of Chinese labourers in China it would be just that the provisions of
the Emigration Convention of the 5th year of T'ungchih should be adhered to; but not only is
the term of service — eight years — a breach of that document, but even after its completion, they
are either forced into renewal, or handed again and again to the dep6ts to await successive
new engagements, a fresh violation of the contract stipulations, which subjects them to endless
misery. " On the completion of the eight years," remarks Chang Luan ( gg §| ) and those
who signed • with him, " instead of giving the freedmen's papers prescribed by rule, the Chinese
" is removed to the dep6t, where he has to labour in irons, in company with the murderer and
" deserter. Legally free, he is made a prisoner, and is treated as a runaway, although he has not
" attempted to escape. Where and at what time have similar acts of injustice been perpetrated ?"
It is thus needless to discuss whether employers "act equitably in holding the Coolie to his

(36 )

s

" contract," as repudiation of the terms of agreement ( to the prejudice of the Chinese ) is the
habitual practice of the class in question.

XVII.
Some Employers are cruel by nature and harsh to the employed: others are kindly
and treat Coolies well; what remarkable cases illustrate each side, and
what is the general state of the relations between employers and employed ?
When a master treats a servant well and gives no cause for complaint or accusation, there
is nothing in his action which can result in any record of instances of it being preserved. On
the other hand the cruelty and harshness of an employer aided by his administrator and
overseers, the maiming of limbs, and the infliction of fatal injuries, though they may not generally
be noticed or punished by the officials, cannot be effectually suppressed, and force themselves
prominently before the eyes of all.
Thus Lai A-ssii ( gj ppj 0J ) deposes, " I recollect the year before last a Chinese was
" murdered, and that his body was cast into the sea. It was found by the guards, and was
" recognised as that of a workman in the sugar warehouse. This however was denied by our
" employer, and no further action was taken by the officials. Last year also, in the 7th month,
" a native of the Hoyiien ( {pj -jjg ) district, by name A Erh ( ppj ~ ), was killed. ' The
" authorities on this occasion sent for us to give testimony. Our master denied his guilt, and
" imputed the crime to an overseer, a negro, and the latter was in consequence imprisoned. At
" the same time another native of Hoyiien ( }pj $g ), who had declared that he had witnessed
" the commission of the act by the master himself, was sold away to the mountains. Our master
" also continually urged the negroes to beat us ; he used to say, ¦ ' If one were killed, two others
" could be bought.' " Fan Ssii-'ho ( ^ E3 fil ) deposes, " the black overseers ever strike us,
" whenever they see us, whether we are working or not ; and the administrator also beats us. I
" saw Ch'en A-ssii ( PJ ppj 0 ) struck dead simply for pushing with a bundle of cane against
" an overseer. It was then alleged that he had hanged himself." Lii A-ch&n ( g ppj |£ )
deposes, " the overseers were negroes, and though I committed no offence I was constantly flogged.
" I have seen men beaten to death, the bodies being afterwards buried, and no report being made
" to the authorities." Hsieh A-sheng ( H ppj £g ) deposes, " with me were a native of Sinning
( iff If ), by name Ch'en ( ^ ), and a native of K'aip'ing ( |§ Zp ), by name Liang ( ^ ). The
"administrator accused them of cutting grass slowly, and directing four men to hold them in a
"prostrate position, inflicted, with a whip, a flogging which almost killed them. The first
"afterwards hanged himself, and the second drowned himself. The local officials visited the
" plantation but instituted no proper investigation, and I and my companions were prevented by
" our ignorance of the language from laying before them a statement of these crimes." Lo A-erh
PPJ ZL) deposes, "I and my uncle Lp Nan-shao ($| J§ |g) were both sold to a railway
company. An overseer with an iron bar wounded my uncle so severely that he died in half

(37)
" a month. I preferred a charge before the officials, and the overseer was arrested, but he was
" released after a month's confinement and no other punishment was imposed." 'Hu A-'hua
(fij ffl ?£) deposes, "I heard 'that when Lin A-teng (^ PPJ ^) was murdered his body was
" placed in a chamber and examined by the officials, and that the overseer was imprisoned."
Hsieh A-'hou (i§J ppj $|) deposes, "four men out of a gang of 30 newly arrived, died in the
" hospital four hours after they had entered it, on account of alleged sickness. Upon this 20
" men laid before the authorities a charge of murder, and at the request of the administrator an
" official of low rank visited the estate. I, acting as interpreter, translated the evidence of two
" witnesses who declared that sickness had been the cause of death. On the following day other
" officials continued the enquiry. All were present, and on a question being put as to the prior
" existence of sickness, the general answer was that the men had not been ill. The officer of low
" rank then declared that, on the previous occasion, I had interpreted incorrectly, and I was
" placed in prison. I was subsequently released on my master's bail." Liang A-kuang (^ ppj |j|)
deposes, "with me was a Cantonese, by name A-liu (PPJ /^). A little more than a month after
" arrival, being unable to endure the cruelties, he hanged himself. The official visited the estate
" for the purpose of making an inquiry, but our employer was rich and no further action ensued.
" In Cuba the officials are at the orders of the rich." Wang Mu-chiu (31 S£ it) deposes,
" finding the labour too arduous, I made a complaint to the officials, and the latter recommended
"my master to be less exacting, and to supply me with sufficient food. He assented,
"but when he had brought me back he forced me to work with chained feet during
"seven months." 'Huang Shih-jung (J! ft ^J) deposed, ''I was a witness of the sufferings
"of 'Huang A-kuang (j| fpj %). Driven by the hardships he had run away. He was
" captured, placed in chains, and so severely flogged that the blood and flesh dripped
" down from him. He then, still in irons, was forced to labour, and being deprived of food,
" in hunger ate some sugar-cane. This was observed by the administrator, who again flogged
" him, and on the same evening he hanged himself. Twenty of us preferred a complaint to the
" officials, declaring that we were unwilling to return to the plantation, but the master arranged
"that 12 should be brought back under guard, the remaining 8 being, on the advice of the
"authorities, sold to other plantations." Lin Ho (ff; fe) deposes, "a native of the Shunteh
" (M fli) district, by name Li Te (^ $§), had worked on the plantation nine years, and
" possessed 72 ounces of gold, which he handed for safe custody to an overseer. The latter, aided
" by a negro, murdered him when in the field. The body was buried, and no report was ever
" made to the authorities." 'Huang A-t& ( jf£ ppj f^) deposes, " last year I saw the murder of a
"native of Hiangshan (f| [Ij). An official visited the estate in order to examine the body,
" but never arrested the offender. The latter was a negro, and of this fact our master was aware,
" but he simply inflicted on him a slight chastisement, and the matter was then considered
"terminated. Negroes indeed receive better usage than the Chinese." Hu A-ssii ($j ppj 0)
deposes, "a native of Sinhwei (iff #), by name A-feng (ppj f|), was murdered by negroes. The
" body was buried and no report was made to the officials." Chang Luan (§g §g) deposes, " I saw
" the administrator flog a native of Tungkwan (]g ^), by name Meng (jg;), so severely that his
" whole body was lacerated ; chains also were attached to his feet. The latter hanged himself.
" The officials visited the estate, and entered into conversation with the administrator, but no

(38)
" questions were addressed to us." Yeh A-ling (H ppj ft) deposes, "in the ioth year of T'ung-
" chih, a negro murdered a Chinese. The negro was a great favourite of our master, and the dead
"body was removed and buried. Certain Chinese having discovered the place of burial, our
" master induced the authorities to chastise them. He also intimated that they had committed
" the crime, and they were in consequence tried and eight men were sentenced to imprisonment."
Ch'en Lin-shan (Pi $; jlj) deposes, "as, after the completion of our contract term, the adminis-
" trator flogged us with great severity, we all, 30 in number, became much discontented. On
" information being given to him of our having expressed indignation at his cruelty he placed
"more than 10 in irons, and having bribed the authorities, procured the presence of certain of
"the guards, who shot four. One of the four was a native of the district of Kaoming (^ fjfj),
"by name Li A-ch'i (a£ ppj jjg), one was a native of the Kaoyao (JfJ f|) district, by name
" A-chao (ppj $5), one was a native of the prefecture of Hweichow (3», 'M)> by nam(3 ^i K6ng-yu
"(^ MM)' an(i the fourth was a native of the Sinhwei (?Hf -§") district, and was named
"A-hsing ( ppj H)."

The following instances of injuries
wounds on the bodies of: —
Yuan A-ts'ung. . . (BJcPPjJf.)
Tseng Jung-ch'ing . .(**£)
Wen A-chao . . . (fill)
Li A-'hou. . . . ,. (SfHfli)
Liu A-chi .... (iljppjia)
Ch'en A-'hung . . . ({g ppj gfc)
LiA-k'ai . . . . (gspggg)
Liang A-'hung . . . ($ ppj gt)
Mo A-hsiin . . . . ( ^ PPJ f l| )
Ho A-hsien . . . . (SP! ft)
Liang A-kuei . . . {% ppj j|)
Yen A-yu  (H9f)
Scars on the heads of: —
Ch'ii A-ping . . . ( g
ShenT'ai-kao . . . (•$
Scars on the head and face of: —
Chu Ts'ai-fang . . -(&#§)
Scars on the head and arms of : —
'Ho A-fa  (faPPj^)
Scars from wounds self-inflicted in the hope
Huang A-ping . . (ffHft)
Ch'ii Tan-k'o. . . . (JBUfi^)
Actual wounds on the bodies of: —
WuA-ch'in . . . (f£ ppj 5p)

were verified by personal inspection. Scars of old

m) 1^)

Liang A-lin
Lo A-chi . . .
'Ho 'Hai . .
Lin Chao-chin .
Chung Sheng .
Kao A-lun . .
Han Ch'ing-to
T'an Lien-chin .*
Liu A-t'ing.
Chang Shih-chen
Hung A-i . .

Miu Yang-chiao
Ch'en A-shen .

of death, on the throats of:
Lin Lun-mei .

Lan A-mu

mmtt)
(»»«)¦(fa m)

(#(i

(mmm)
(RID
(fflBje)
(£fcppJH)

mmm
cwraas)

mmm)

(UPPJS)

(39)
Actual wounds on the heads of: —
Chang Sheng ... (51 £) Yu A-t'ien . . . . (&PPJH)
Actual wounds on the face of: —
WuA-fang . . . . (J%ppJ£)
Actual wounds on the chest of: —
Ch'en Chung-hsiu . (EfC&H)
Actual wounds on the legs and thighs of: —
Wang Ta-ch'en^ . . (£*]«) Ch'en I-yu . . . . (p§C£W)
Ts'ai A-lu  (SH#) Ch'ii Chieh-k'ang . .(g||)
LinTztL-yu. . . . ($&£) Li A-lii  (^PPJg)
The loss of the left ear by Liang A-yu ( |j£ ppj ^ ), deliberately cut off by his master.
The loss of a portion of one ear by Huang A-sh£ng ( j| ppj jjg ).
The loss of sight by Li A-ta (^ ppf jH), the disease of the eyes having commenced immediately
after a flogging, during which 200 blows were administered.
The injury caused to one eye of Liang A-'hua ( "|j| ppj ^ ).
The loss of two teeth of Ch'en P'ei-ch'ang ( p| fijj j| ).
The fracture of the arm of the hsm-ts'ai Ch'en Shao-yen ( pfj >p J| ), of Li A-'hui (^ ppj ^ ),
Yiian Ai-shan (MW &) and Ch'en A-'hai ( PJjJ ppj ffc).
The maiming of the right hand of Lo Kuan-hsiu (§|f) by a blow from a knife between
the thumb and forefinger.
The loss of four fingers by Liu A-lin ( gij ppj $c ), deliberately cut off.
The fracture of the fingers and toes of Li 'Hung ( ^ gt ) and Li 'Ho ( ^ fa ).
The fracture of one leg of Lu Sh&ng-pao ( ^ 4>§ f^ ).
The loss of the use of one ankle by Wu A-kuang ( ^| ppj % ), the result of wearing fetters.
The maimed condition of the feet of Hsii A-fen ( f$ ppj ^ ), from the same cause.

XVIII.
Some Coolies are industrious men, who emigrate willingly to better themselves, and
who work cheerfully and well; some coolies emigrate willingly, but
being bad characters, do so to escape the results of gambling and crime,
and carry with them their bad habits ; some coolies are " kidnapped,"
being stupid fellows, and never can work intelligently ; some coolies,
clever fellows, are induced to embark under false pretences, and on
finding themselves deceived and entrapped, become desperate — their
desperation being regarded by the employer as defiance, mutiny,
disobedience, &c. allowing that among the coolies there are representa
tives of all these classes to be found, what are their fates during
agreement-term respectively ?
Industrious men who work willingly and well, can support themselves at home, and do
not emigrate voluntarily : " Born in China and never in want of food or clothing, we, like our

( 40 )
" ancestors," remarks the petition of Chang Luan (jj| $)> "did not dream of seeking a livelihood
" across the ocean."
The depositions, on the other hand, show that men have gone abroad to escape the results
of crime and gambling, but even these did so in complete ignorance of the suffering which was
before them, whilst, tempted by lotteries, &c, they adhere to their evil habits in their new place
of residence, and are unable to lay by a single cash.
From the moment of their falling into the snare, an existence of suffering is the only one
known to both the stupid who are kidnapped and the clever who are induced to embark under
false pretences. Before embarking they are tormented by those who entrapped them, on board
by the master and all his subordinates, on landing by the employe's of the men-market, after sale
by their purchaser, his administrator and overseers, and after the completion of their contracts by
the depot and other functionaries; but though they realise how they have been deceived
there is open to them no means of escape, and cruelty at last drives them to despair, and to seek
a means of death. The depositions show that besides those killed on the spot and those who
died from the effects of wounds, a countless number destroyed themselves by cutting their
throats, by hanging, drowning, poison, and casting themselves under wheels or into sugar-
caldrons, and that they are even goaded into offering up their lives by murdering their overseers.
Constantly, too, when but one or two have committed the crime, ten or twenty longing for death
will accuse themselves of the act. " It is because they cannot help it," is observed in the
petition of Li Chao-ch'un (^ ^ §), " that Chinese murder their administrator, for who is not
" afraid of exposing himself to death ?" And in the petition of Chang Luan (jj-fi $$£) and others,
it is stated, " the young strive for the shelter of a prison, voluntarily breaking the law in order to
"reach it." The depositions also of Huang A-p'ei (jl ppj fHp) and 21 others, declare that the jail
is preferable to the plantation. The position of all classes is described in the petition of Ch'iu
T6-i (SfrffiM)'- " We are now," he states, "more than 100,000 Chinese in this island, whose daily
existence is that of criminals confined in jail." Again, in the petition of Kao Lao-hsiu (^ ^ j§r )
and 16 others, it is observed, "though all these wrongs are inflicted, we can only fold our arms
" and submit;" and in that of CMng Hsing (|J5 '[;§) and 5 others, " for these daily wrongs there is
" no redress;" and in that of Wu A-fa {% ppj f|) and 39 others, " our existence is so miserable
" that the hours seem as days, and the days as years."

XIX.
Taking a broad view of the matter, is the condition of Coolies during Agreement-
time AS GOOD AS THEY HAVE A RIGHT TO EXPECT? Or, IF NOT, WHERE DOES IT
FAIL TO BE SO — WHERE, HOW AND WHY, AND ON WHOM DOES THE RESPONSIBILITY
OF THE FAILURE REST ?
In many instances the very act of accepting the agreement was the result of compulsion,
and consequently an instance of unjustifiable treatment; the deaths from thirst, blows and
suicide, are an indication of the treatment during the voyage; the stripping and shameless

(4i ).
examination of the person show how the Chinese are used in the men-market after landing ; and
hunger, want of sleep, neglected maladies and wounds of which they dare not complain, are the
characteristics of their existence in their places of service. " The contract and stipulations are
" violated with indifference :" "the state of things in no way fulfils the promises of the contract :"
" we are constantly beaten, and are not treated in accordance with our contracts," are statements
to be found in the petitions of Huang Yu (j| ;jtf) and 1 5 others, of Chao K'un (|§ j|) and 97
•others, and Yeh Nien (:§| &£) and 20 others.
Their condition therefore is not so good as they have a right to expect, and this assertion
is applicable to those who came voluntarily, cognizant of the condition of the contract, as well as
to those who were kidnapped and decoyed, and to whom the purport of the agreement was
never explained. Justly speaking, the responsibility lies on the men who, under the cloak of engaging
labourers in a legitimate manner, obtain possession of their fellow men by violence and deceit,
and on the vicious Chinese leagued with them. As to the latter, the 5 th article of the Emigra
tion Convention of the 5th year of T'ungchih provides that "Chinese employed to collect
" emigrants must obtain a permission sealed by the local officials. Such Chinese shall be held
" responsible for all violations of the laws, whether voluntary or otherwise, and shall in such cases
" be arrested and punished by the proper authorities."
The numerous . fraudulent devices that are resorted to, as described in the depositions,
show the character of the agents by whom the labourers now in Cuba were entrapped. These
unscrupulous men of course held no certificate from any official, and the traffic is a constant
violation of the law. But those who could prove their guilt are already inside the trap, and no
one is at hand to heed their cries ; soon they have crossed the ocean, their families being ignorant
of their departure, and all means of communication being denied, and in Cuba the interests of
the sellers and buyers of men being identical, every plan is devised to prevent an ultimate return
to their country. Thus the preferring of a charge > becomes impossible, and the Chinese officials
are precluded from effecting the arrests and imposing the punishments prescribed in the clause
which has been quoted.

XX.
THE AGREEMENT-TERM EXPIRED, WHAT BECOMES OF THE COOLIE ?
The following extracts from depositions furnish a reply : —
'Hu Ju (j§g fna) deposes, "on the expiration of. the contract time, a cedula was withheld,
" and I worked for other two years, under contract, on the same plantation. On the termination
" I was sent to the dep6t, from which I was hired out for three years. These ended I was sent
" back to the depot, where I laboured for five years without wages. I then again, during nine
" years, was hired out under various engagements, returning to the depot at the close of each."
The depositions of Ch'en A-fu (f§f ppj jjig) and 63 others state that cedulas were withheld on the
completion of their contracts, and that they were delivered to depots. The depositions of Li

(42 )
Ta-ts'ai (^ ffc |J) and 2 others state that after the expiration of the eight years they worked for
another period of twelve months and were then sent to depots. The depositions of Ni A-'huan
OK M %k) and 1 1 others state that after the expiration of the eight years, they laboured for another
period of two years, and were then sent to dep6ts. The depositions of Yeh A-yao (H ppj M) and
1 other state that after the expiration of the eight years they laboured for one year and were
then sent to depots. Chang Hui ( jjg #) deposes, " I would have been beaten to death if on the
" expiration of the eight years I had declined to enter into a fresh one for a period of six years."
The depositions of Lin A-hsiu (# PPJ H) and 3 others state that after the expiration of the
eight years, they laboured for another period of six years and were then sent to dep6ts. The
depositions of Chang Chao (g| $3) and 12 others state that on the completion of the contract a
cedula was withheld, and that they were handed over to depots by the officials. The depositions
of Hsu Chien-fa (i£ St H) and 2 others state that on the expiration of the eight years they
worked in brick-kilns for four and a half years, after which they were seized by the officials and
handed over to dep6ts. Huang A-mu (j| ppj /fc) deposes, " on the expiration of the eight years,.
" I worked for another term of six years, after which, owing to my not possessing a cedula, I was
"seized by the officials and handed over to a dep&t." Liang A-sheng (%. ppj §&) deposes, "on
" the expiration of the eight years, I worked for another period of three years. I then obtained
" a cedula and laboured as a charcoal burner during one year, after which I was placed in a dep&t
"where I worked four years without wages." Li 'Ho (a£ -&) deposes, "after the expiration of
" the eight years, I worked in various ways during four years. I then was sent to a dep&t."
Lin A-i (^f; ppj 7$) deposes, "after the completion of the contract I worked for another period of
" six months. I then was sent to a depot." Lin Yiieh ($flc J% ) deposes, " on the completion of the
" eight years, I worked in various ways during seven years, after which I was sent to a depot."
Ts'ai Hsia (|j| .f|) deposes, " after the expiration of the eight years, as my legs were diseased, I
"was sent to a depot." Huang shih (j| 1$) deposes, "on the expiration of the eight years, I
" worked for two other terms, the first of two years, the second of four years, after which I was sent
" to a depot." Wang Fu (31 jjfg) deposes, "after the expiration of the eight years, I worked for
" another period of five years, after which I was sent to a depot." Lu A-hsing (|j| ppj ^) deposes,
" after the expiration of the eight years I received from my master a cedula ; but at the end of
"the 12 months I was not allowed to renew it, and was sent to a dep6t." Ch'en A-ch'ing
(E§t PPJ H) deposes, " on the expiration of the eight years, my master asked me to renew the
" contract. As I declined my feet were chained for two nights, and I was sent to a depot." Ch'&n '
A-hung (|ijg ppj §t) deposes, " after the expiration of the eight years, I worked for another term of
"three months. My master still desired me to remain in his service, and on my refusing he
" struck me on the back with a stick, and dealt me blows with bricks, and sent me to a depot."
Lo A-yii ( f| ppj 3£ ) deposes, " on the expiration of the eight years, I entered into another
" contract for three years. .1 then was sent to a depot where I worked during 10 years." Ch'&n
Wan-sheng ( gig |g ££ ) deposes, " after the completion of my contract, I worked for another
"term of 11 years, I then was sent to a dep&t." Ch'&n Yu (|Sf[ 7%) deposes, "on .the expiration
"of the contract, my employers desired me to enter into a new engagement for six years, and
" on my refusing, attached irons to my feet, and compelled 'me to labour." The depositions of
Wu Yii-sheng (35 ft J$j) and 2 others state that they were originally sold to a depot, and after

(43)
the expiration of the eight years, they entered into new agreements. Ch'en Kou (gjg ^)
-deposes, "men who had completed their contracts were not allowed to go away. If they
" persisted in refusing to renew their engagements, they were sent to the depot." Lii A-wu
(g ppj j£) deposes, "after the expiration of the contract, on my applying to my master for a
" cedula, he desired the police to conduct me to jail." Wu A-hou (^ ppj $|) deposes, " after the
" expiration of the eight years, I laboured on Government work, without wages, during five
"years." The depositions of Ch'&n A-'hung (Eft ppj $fj and 3 others state that on the eve of
the expiration of the contract they were chastised with increased severity and that, of the gang of
40, 34 were placed in irons and sent to the dep&t. The depositions of Ch'en A-'heng (fj$ ppj »|g)
and 3 others state that a few days before the completion of their contracts they were placed in
-chains and severely flogged, and that they were told that if they consented to renew their
engagements they would be released, and that they would be sent to the depot if they declined ;
they add that, when being escorted there, two were tied together, as is practised in the case of
robbers, and that they were not permitted to remove their clothing from the plantation. Hu
A'-ssii (j|fj ppj 0) deposes, "at present in the prison in this plantation a man is confined whose
" contract is on the eve ,of expiration. He is forced to labour with both feet chained."

XXI.
Can he choose between staying in and leaving Cuba?
The petition of Jen Shih-ch&n ( •££ -jg j| ) and 2 others states, "we were here sold to
" plantations, where we suffered from hunger and cruelty during eight years. As jre were forced
" to purchase additional supplies of food and clothing at the plantation shop, we saved nothing,
" and at the end of the contract term, when we thought that we would be able to procure other
" and better remunerated employment, so as to be able in a few years to amass sufficient for a
" passage home, our employer delivered us to the dep&t, whence on the following day we were
" sent out to labour in chains, on the roads, receiving no wages, and in every way treated like
" criminals of the jail. Afterwards we were forced to sign fresh contracts, and to enter the service
" of planters, of the wages paid by whom out of $ 15 the official retained $ 10, whilst out of $ 30
" they handed to us only $ 6; and when these fresh engagements were terminated we again were
" handed to the dep&ts. In these we passed several months, after which contracts were again
" imposed upon us, so that by means of these successive engagements, not one day of freedom
" was accorded to us." The petition of Huang Erh (jjf ~) and 5 others states, "last year in the
" 3rd moon our contracts expired, but still we have been kept at work up to this date. More
"than a year has thus already elapsed and the superintendent (of the Guanabacoa Railway Co.)
" declares that he desires us to enter into other contracts for four years." The petition of Liang
A-te (|{£ ppj Hi) declares, "on the completion of my contract term I imagined that I could seek
" employment elsewhere, but my master chained me and flogged me and forced me to engage
" myself for six years." The petition of Yii A-hsia (^ ppj |&) declares, "I was sold to a railway
¦" company with an engagement for eight years, but though that term expired seven years ago, no
6

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" dedula has as yet been issued. I sometimes want to take a walk outside, but I cannot through dread
" of my master knowing of it, and of his flogging, chaining and ill-treating me." The petition of
Liu A-shou (||J ppj ftp) and 4 others declares, "after we had completed our eight years, our master
" refused to issue cedulas, and desired us to work six more years. If we refused we were beaten
" and chained. Those who have no money to hire a padrino, who wish to go to other places 01
" service, are exposed to be arrested by the guards, and sent to the depot." The petition, of Chu
Chi-hsiin (^ 3| f||) and 10 others declares, "to procure from the officials a Letter of Domicile
" and a cedula an outlay of $ 50 or $ 60 and baptism and adoption by a foreigner were indis-
" pensable, so that it was useless for a poor man to endeavour to obtain these documents." The
petition of Li Ying-sung . (ag 3fe |jl) declares, "on the termination of the agreement I was refused
" the necessary papers, and my master was even wrathful at my applying for them. I was
" delivered to the officials, who would not permit me to speak, and was confined in prison for six
" years, labouring but receiving no wages, a helpless victim of cruelty." The petition of Yeh
Fu-chiin (|g jjig ||) and 52 others declares, " when the completion of the eight years term was
" approaching, every one was consoled at the prospect of speedy liberty, of saving money, and
" going back to China, but our employer was so heartless as to insist on our binding ourselves for
" other six years, sending those who refused to the dep&t, where they had to labour on the roads the
" whole day, with chained feet, receiving no wages, and not haying enough to eat, whilst the
" severity of the toil was augmented by the burning sun." The petition of Ho A-ying (fa ppj 3fc)
declares, " I purchased my liberty in the 6th year of T'ungchih, but in the 9th year I lost my
" cedula, and up to this time I have been kept in jail working for the benefit of others. There
"is no one to whom I can appeal." The petition of Chang Kuan (?J||f|) declares, "after we
" have toiled for so many years we ought indeed to be set free, but instead we are sent to the
" dep&t, where we are forced to work without wages." The petition of Chang M&ng (jjjtsjj;)
states, " having no papers I was seized by the guards and placed in the prison. I was employed
" in it as a sweeper, receiving neither wages nor clothes, so that imprisonment like a criminal
" is the termination of my seventeen years' service." The petition of Chang Shih-lien (jJJt >6 j£)
declares, " I was sold to a market-gardener, under whom I worked during eight years. At their
" close my master desired me to stay other four years, after which he sent me to the dep&t..
" I have now been in it five years, employed on municipal work. I am an old man and should
" like to procure a document permitting me to go out and beg. I cannot obtain one, and I pray
"that you will aid me in the matter." The petition of Yuan Ai-shan (t§£ fg ]}\) declares, "at
" the close of the eight years I was forced to sign another engagement for two years. My contract
" was detained by the overseer, and he never returned it. I subsequently was seized by foreign
"guards, and I have now been over three years in the dep&t. We have to endure endless
" hardships. I am now sixty-six years old, and I beg that you will procure me a mendicant's
" pass, so that I may go out and beg for food. The change would revive me."
Again the 37th clause of the Regulations published in Cuba, and dated September 1872,.
prescribes that "all immigrants arrived after the 15th February 1861, who shall be found
" employed, without being in due form contracted, on a plantation or in an industrial or commercial
" establishment or private residence, shall be conducted to the chief town of the jurisdiction."
These extracts are evidences of the extent to which a Chinese, whether he desires to go away or

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remain, is deprived of freedom of choice, for as is remarked in the petition of Lin Chin ( ^ # )
and 1 6 others, " the foreign authorities consider the Chinese as a source of wealth for themselves.
" To whom then can we apply for redress ? "

XXII.
If he elects to stay, what follows ?
The ist clause of the Regulations, dated September 1872, prescribes that, "every Chinese
"immigrant arrived after the 15th February 1861, is compelled to leave the island on completion
" of his contract, or should he desire to remain, to re-contract himself in the capacity of
" immigrant labourer or workman, according to the provisions of Article VII. of the Royal Decree
"of i860, and of Articles 51 and 52 of the Instructions of 1868, and of the Decree of 18th
"October 1871." As, however, the smallness of the wages, aggravated by the necessity of
purchasing food and clothing in addition to those supplied on the place of service,
renders it impossible to lay by sufficient for the cost of passage, and as the latter is not
supplied by the employers, the rules now in force retain on the island under the control of
the dep&ts, all Chinese, and those who stay cannot be regarded as following a course suggested
by free election. Thus the petition of Tseng A-shih ( -f|" ppj ^ ) remarks, " I pray you
" to aid me in escaping from a life-time slavery, by procuring for me my freedman's papers,
" a boon for which I shall ever be grateful." Liang A-tti ( |J£ ppj f^jj ) observes in his
petition, " my hope is to be rescued by you, so as to find it in my power to obtain a situation
" in another locality, where in two or three years I may save sufficient for the expenses of my
"return." Again, the depositions of Ch'en T'ung (^ jj|) and 1 other state that they were
forced to pay monthly $ 3 to foreigners who acted as their godfathers or padrinos, and that pass
ports for a return home were refused to them by the officials. Hu A-ju (§J ppj #u) deposes,
¦" though I held a certificate of completion of service, issued by my master, it was necessary to in
"person hand to the officials three ounces, ($51) when applying for a cedula." The depositions
of Wen Ch'ang-t'ai ( 3^ J* J| ) and 6 others also declare that for their cedulas they each
expended $51. The depositions of Wu Yiieh (Jj| ^) and 1 other declare that they each expended
$ 8 in the purchase of cedulas. The depositions of Hsii Shu (§£ $fc) and 1 other declare that
they each expended $ 102 in the purchase of cedulas. Feng A-hsiu Q,f§ ppj ||) deposes,
" I purchased a cedula from the secretary of the officials for $ 59^." Chou Jun-feng (J|J }jlj $£)
deposes, "I paid $ 17 for my cedula; although on it was distinctly noted that it was issued
"gratis." The depositions of Wang Cheng-fu (31 J£ jjjg) and 2 others declare, that they
each purchased their cedulas for $ 100. The depositions of. Ts'ui Teng-lin (^ § #)
and 2 others declare that they each expended $ 68 in the purchase of a cedula. Kuan
A-neng ( §| ppj fg) deposes, "I, in the first instance, purchased my cedula for $ 100,
"and besides annually for its renewal I have to pay $ 1 or $ 2 or $ 5 or $10."
.P'an Yo-heng (f§ $¦ Hj ) deposes, " I expended $ 90 in the purchase of a cedula." Li Shun

(46)
(g£ Jg) deposes, " I expended $ 50 in the purchase of a cedula." Hsu A-fa (|f ppj ft) deposes,.
" a cedula being refused on the completion of my contract term I had to expend $ 300 in order
"to obtain its issue by the authorities." Ch'en A-fa (|$ ppf H) deposes, "L expended $20 in
"the purchase of a cedula." Wu A-ssii (f£ PPJ 0) deposes, "I expended $255 in purchasing-
"a cedula from the officials." Chiang A-ch'i (ft ppj j&) deposes, "after the expiration of the
" contract term, I worked for another period of five years. I then gave the officials $ 85, but did
" not even by this outlay succeed in purchasing a cedula." Liu A-chi (f l] ppj IE) deposes, " I
"had to expend $36 for the renewal of my cedula although properly, the fee is only $0.50."
'Huang Te (f£ jjgr) deposes, " on applying to the officials for a cedula, I was seized and placed in
" a dep6t." Liang A-ying (§§ ppj $Q deposes, " I expended $ 5 1 in the purchase of a cedula
" from the officials, but after having worked independently for two years, the officials of another
" locality, after inspecting it, took it away on the plea that it had not been issued under their
"jurisdiction." Wan Ch'ang-hsiu Qjg J| H) deposes, "I expended $51 in the purchase of a
" cedula, but it was torn up by the officials of another locality and I was sent to a depot." Wu
Wen-fan (J% £ =f§) and 5 others depose that they were deprived of their cedulas by the
authorities and were placed in the dep&ts. Wu A-fu ( J% ppj jjjg ) deposes, " my cedula was
"burnt, and I was removed to a dep&t." Li A-tou (^ ppj 5|-) deposes, "I expended $51 in
"purchasing a cedula, and after working independently during eight years, the authorities-
"declared that the document was fictitious, took it away and arrested me." Li A-'hung
(s£ ppj $|) deposes, "I expended £135 in purchasing a cedula, but afterwards, on the plea that
" it was fictitious, I was arrested and placed in a dep&t." Li Hsi-pao (^ ppj g) deposes, " after
" the expiration of the contract term, I worked for another period of six years ; at its close by an
" outlay of $ 68 I bought a cedula. The functionary who sold it to me assured me that I could
" make use of it in any locality, but the guards of the place where I went declared that it was
"not in order, and sent me to a dep&t." Lin A-lung (££ ppj ||) deposes, "my cedula having;
" been stolen, I was arrested and taken to prison." T'an A-hsing (jij| ppj H) deposes, " as I lost
" my cedula during certain disturbances caused by the insurgents, I was arrested and placed in a
" dep&t." Ch'en A-kuei fljsji ppj ^) deposes, " having lost my cedula I was placed in a dep&t."
Wang Tzu (31 $|) deposes, " my cedula having been stolen I reported the fact at the dep&t and
"was detained there." Kuo Chi-hsiu (||5 j^ ^) deposes, "one Sunday, I went out without
" carrying my cedula on my person, and was arrested and placed in a dep&t." Liang Lien (3|| 5j|)
deposes, " certain guards whom I met tore up my cedula but did not arrest me."

XXIII.
If he elects to leave, what follows?

The 2nd clause of the Regulations of September 1872 is to the following effect: "The
" immigrant who, on completion of his contract, desires to leave the island shall be removed to
" the dep6t of the chief town of the jurisdiction, so that his embarkation within two months
" may be effected as laid down in Article VII. of the Royal Decree of i860, and in Article 54 of

(47)
" the Instructions of 1868, and if at the close of this term, he has not prepared the sum required
" for the cost of passage, or if though possessing sufficient funds, he has not taken his departure,
"he shall be liable to be re-contracted, so that the Municipalities may be spared the outlay
" involved by a large assemblage in the dep&t of such immigrants, and so that other evils arising
" from such assemblages, together with those resulting from the withdrawal from active labour
" of a large number of Chinese, may be avoided." The whole purport of this rule certainly
indicates a desire rather to enforce new contracts, than to facilitate departures. The 25th clause
of the Regulations of May 1873 again is to this effect: "Chinese who have completed their
" original and subsequent contracts, and who desire to quit the island, shall receive passes to
" enable them to proceed to Havana in order to procure passports in the manner prescribed in
" the Orders of the Colonial Goverment of the 1 3th July 1 872, and shall deliver their original
" contracts and the certificates of completion to the Central Commission. Those residing in
" Havana shall be conducted by their employers before the Central Commission, to which at the
" same time the above specified documents must be delivered. Failing their production or the
" guarantee spoken of in the said order the passport shall be refused," and the order quoted
prescribes that the guarantee must be satisfactory to the Central Commission. All these forma
lities — the inspection of contracts and certificates of completion, or procuring guarantees that
are liable to rejection, and the obtaining of passes and passports, are obstacles causing many
difficulties to Chinese who may desire to leave. Thus the petition of Wu Chin-ch'eng (Jj| $$ j$)
and 123 others declares, "it constantly happens that men who, having completed their time,
" apply for a passport, not only lose the money which they have paid to the person to whom they
" have confided the application, but also fail to recover the cedulas which had to be delivered
" with it." Tseng Lin ( -^ ffi ) also deposes, " I had sufficient money for a passage home, and
"wished to return, but my master would not furnish me with a certificate of completion,
"and desired me to enter into a new engagement," and T'ang Chien (J|£ gj;) declares that a
passport may cost from $ 70 to $ 200.

XXIV.
DO MEN ELECT TO LEAVE OR TO STAY, AS A RULE?
As the majority of the Chinese have been brought to Cuba against their will, and as the
sufferings endured during the eight years of service result in the deaths of so large a proportion,
it may be assumed that the survivors long to escape from a spot which has been' to them so
perilous; but the difficulties impeding their departure — the withholding of the certificates of
completion by employers, the compulsory renewal of contract and the detention in dep&ts — prove
insuperable. Thus Lu A-hsing (§g ppj ^) deposes, "since my contract, term was completed I
" have still been a victim of wrong. My discontent is great, and I desire to depart, it matters
" not where. Any locality is better than this island. The injustice has become unendurable and
" death is preferable." The depositions of Liang A-hsin (%. ppj fff) and 2 others declare, that
their only desire is to be away from Cuba. Chou A-tung (Jj| ppj ]g) deposes, " I can only implore

(48)

" that I may be rescued out of this island. I will pay with my life for such a boon." Yiin Lin-
shan ( j| $fc [Jj) deposes, "my only desire has been to leave, but the frauds to which I have been
" subjected have prevented my laying by the passage money, whilst besides the fact of a passport
" costing more than $ 100 is an obstacle rendering departure impossible." Hsieh A-jui (f^ ppj Jjg)
and i other depose, " even if my confinement in the dep&t ceased, and I were permitted to engage
" in profitable employment, I would go away. I would not remain here." T'ang Yii ( jg? 3£ )
deposes, " even if I could acquire wealth here I would not remain."

XXV
The first period ended, do those who elect to stay receive higher pay and enter
into new contracts on more favourable conditions?
In the Decree of the Colonial Government of December 1871 it is provided that all
Chinese — other than those domiciled — not employed on estates, or in commercial establishments
or in private residences, are immediately to be arrested and confined in the dep6ts; that all
Chinese so employed, but not formally re-contracted are to remain under the temporary guardian
ship of the individuals in whose service they may be, until the Government can ascertain
whether they are deserters or whether they have been guilty only of the fault of neglect to
re-contract themselves in a legal manner; that a contract is to be entered into between their
guardians and such Chinese thus placed under them to the effect that monthly wages of $ 1 2 are
to be paid, $ 4 of which are to be handed to the workmen and $ 8 to be deposited in the hands
of the Government, and that Chinese who, whilst the census is being carried out, complete their
first contracts, are to have the option of remaining under the guardianship of their masters
or of entering the nearest dep&t; and that during the same period no papers of any class
whatsoever are to be issued to Chinese, save passes for those serving under original contracts,
whom their masters may desire to transfer from one locality to another. Again, the 14th
article of the Regulations of May 1873 is to the following effect: "Chinese arrived after the
" 15th February 1861, who, having completed any contract, are either unwilling or unable
"to procure its renewal, shall be delivered by their employers to the local authorities, and
" the expired contracts and cedulas must be handed in at the same time." The expression
" those who elect to stay " is thus hardly applicable to the class in question. The petition of
Lin A-yu ( $. ppj 7g ) also states, " on the completion of the contract term not only was the
" liberty to which I and the others — 42 in number — were entitled withheld, but we were also
" placed in irons and treated as criminals." The petition of Lai Sheng ( jjjg J|s ) and 9 others
declares, " on the contracts we have signed in Chinese it is plainly stated that we are engaged
" for eight years, and that after having completed our time, we shall be free either to work for
" our own account, or to return to China, but now when our terms of service are finished, liberty
" is withheld and we have no means of obtaining it." The petition of Ts6ng A-shih (/ft |5pJ ^ )
declares, " when my eight years were completed, my employer placed me in irons in order to
" coerce me into continuing labour, and he still not only withholds my freedom, but also declines

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" to augment my wages, and I am forced for the moment to consent to his demands in order to
" be released from my fetters." Sh&n A-ts'ai (%fc ppj ¦%) deposes, " on the completion of the eight
" years my master forced me to remain in his service for other four years but did not increase my
" wages." Ch'6n Te-lin ( Eft %¥(•) deposes, " on the expiration of my eight years I made a fresh
" contract with my master for two years at monthly wages of $ 6, but he only paid me $ 4." Ch'en
A-chi ( Eft PPJ g ) deposes, " after the expiration of the eight years I was forced to work for two
" additional months, and I was only released on payment of $ 1 7." Ch'en I ( Pft f| ) deposes,
" when our contracts expired nine months' wages were due to us, and we applied to the new
" master for payment. Upon this, he directed us to continue our labour and to await the return
"of our former employer. We — 16 in all — then inquired what wages would be issued to us,
" and were told that we should receive only the former rate of $ 4. We replied that after our
" original engagement had been completed a higher rate ought to be conceded, and that if it were
" not granted we should prefer to be delivered over to the authorities. The administrator then
" declared that our first contracts had not yet expired, and that it mattered not whether
" willingly or reluctantly we must work on the old conditions ; and when we persisted in our
" refusal the overseer brought cords and chains, and stood round us, as if intending to place us in
" fetters. Upon this one of our number conversant with Spanish urged upon the administrator
" that our contracts had really expired, and that we refused to work on the former terms. An
" overseer then struck me with a whip-handle inflicting an open wound on. my head. Two of
"my companions succeeded in escaping observation, and reporting the occurrence to the
" authorities. The latter then sent for us and the administrator and a consultation took place
" between the latter and the officials which ensued in ten being sent back to the plantation. I
" and five others who refused to return were sent to the Colon dep&t." W&n Ch'ang-t'ai (3^ J| M)
deposes, " when my contract expired I was locked up by my employer and compelled by him to
"enter into a fresh contract." P'ang A-tung (Jfi ppj ]g) deposes, "after the expiration of the
" eight years, if I had refused to enter into a fresh contract I would have been flogged and
" chained." 'Huang Ch'iian-hsi (^ & 3|.) deposes, " though I had been a source of profit to my
" master,— he hiring me out for $ 25 per month, and paying me only $ 3 or $4, — on completion
" of the contract term he handed me to a Government official. The latter told me that if I
" could not pay $ 5 1 for a cedula, he would contract me to another employer, and that I must
"pay him $4 of my earnings." Lu Sh&ng-pao (,|J .§§ ffi) deposes, "after the expiration of the
" eight years, my employer kept me in chains during six months, and then handed me to
"a depot, without delivering my original contracts. The officials alleged that I was a
" deserter, and I was beaten so severely that my ankle was broken. As the surgeon neglected
"me and I was starved in the hospital, the injury became incurable and I was forced
" to become a beggar, and now even my beggar's pass has been taken away by the guards,
"and I sleep in the street." Ck'&n A-shun (Eft PPJ IK) deposes, "after the expiration of
" the eight years, I worked for a. other term of seven years, and at their close my
" cedula was detained by my master who declined to deliver it unless paid $ 68." Ch'6n Hsiang
(Eft @) deposes, "my cedula was forcibly taken away > by my second employer. I procured
" another, of which I was also deprived by certain officials, who exacted money, and as I was
"unable to satisfy this demand I was placed in a dep&t and forced to work without wages."

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Ch'en A-ho (pft ppj %\) deposes, "when on the expiration of the eight years a new contract is
" entered into and wages are increased to the extent of a few dollars, the fact of payment being
"made in the paper currency renders the augmentation altogether nominal." Tseng A-shih
(H PPJ +) deposes, "I and 39 others whose contracts had expired were not sent to a dep&t, but
" our master forced us to work in chains, and inflicted on us daily a number of blows, equal to
"the number of dollars paid us monthly as wages." Lo A-chi (g| ppj £) deposes, "on the
" expiration of the eight years I was forced to enter into a contract for another term of four years,
" an increase of wages of $ 4 being accorded to me. I afterwards worked for an additional period of
" three years." Lin Ho-chuang (ffi fe %£) deposes, " on the expiration of the eight years I was
" forced to enter into a new engagement for six years at monthly wages of $ 15. At their close
" I was handed to a dep&t." Ch'&n Man (|Sft j{|) deposes, '' on the expiration of the eight years
" I was forced to enter into a new engagement for four years at monthly wages of $ 1 1. At their
¦" close I was handed to a dep&t, where I had to work without wages." Wang Shui-t'ou
(3: yK $§) deposes, " after the expiration of the eight years, I worked for another period of six
" years at monthly wages of $ 8. I then was sent to a depot, where I laboured during six years
" without wages." Ch'&n Ting-hsien (|Sft Jfji jg) deposes, " on the expiration of the contract term
" I was handed by my employer to the officials. They compelled me to enter into another
" engagement for two years at monthly wages of $ 6. I subsequently obtained a cedula, but the
'*' year before last, having no money for its renewal, I was arrested and placed in a dep&t."

XXVI.
What means are provided for the re-patriation, or departure, of those who
desire to leave cuba ?
By the 9th clause of the Emigration Convention of the 5 th year of T'ungchih, the term
for which engagements can be entered into is limited to five years, and on their completion the
employer is bound to furnish the sum specified in the contract for the cost of passage back to
China. The clause also provides that in the event of the immigrant electing to remain and of
his being permitted to do so by the authorities, he shall, if he re-engage's with the same employer,
receive only half the amount prescribed as cost of passage, the employer however to again bind
himself in the new contract to, at the close of the second term of five years, provide the entire
sum specified; on the other hand if the Chinese does not again enter the same service, the
employer has to at once deliver to him the amount in question. On the immigrant is also
conferred the right of demanding the same concession, in the event of his being incapacitated by
sickness, before the close of the contract term, and of, if it be refused, seeking redress from the
authorities. Among the forms of contract inspected only one is framed in accordance with
these provisions. Its 2nd clause defines five years as the period of the contract ; the 6th states
that if at their completion' the immigrant desires to return, he shall receive $ 75 for the cost of
passage ; the 7th, that if a second contract is entered into with the same employer, the immigrant
shall at the end of the first receive $ 35.50, and on the termination of the second, the entire

(5i )
amount of $ 75 ; and the 8th, that even if on arrival the immigrant is incapacitated by sickness,
the cost of a return passage shall be at once supplied to him. This form of contract is however
blank, whilst the others which have been used contain clauses at variance with the Emigration
Convention. .
The 1 8th clause of the Spanish Royal Decree of i860 is to the following effect: "Two
" months after the termination of his engagement, the Chinese must either have renewed his
" contract, or have quitted the island ; this provision becomes successively applicable to him on
" the completion of each engagement into which he enters, and in the event of his not fulfilling
" it, he shall be employed on public works, until after deducting the cost of maintenance the sum
" accumulated to his credit is sufficient to defray the cost of passage to the locality which he may
"select, or which, if he fails to do so, the, Captain General may designate for him."' The 55th,'
clause of the Instructions of 1 868 provides that Chinese desirous of quitting the island but not
possessing the necessary funds, shall, if after working one year for Government the sum to their
credit is insufficient, be, sent away at the cost of the dep&t ; and the Royal 'Decree of 1 87 1 (note
by the translator — ordering the expulsion of all classes of Chinese not working under contract)
directs, that the deportation of vagabonds and paupers is to be effected at the cost of Govern
ment. These various clauses evincing a certain consideration for the interests of the Chinese, are
however but empty words. In practice, the Chinese, deprived of all free choice, is forced either
by his master or the dep&t to sign a fresh contract, and receives no wages for the labour he
performs during the interval which, in the latter case, he passes in that establishment. The
actual gains, too, of those whose new engagements. are effected by the dep&ts, prove to be insigni
ficant, whilst it is as little to be hoped that their functionaries will burden themselves with the
expense of sending Chinese home, as it is that the latter can find it in their power to take
counsel with the Captain General as to the destination most suitable for their interests.
Hsien Tso-pang (j5£ i& #15) and 13 others state in their petition, "formerly Coolies arrived
" from Canton and Fukien with contracts for only five years, but of these tiiey were deprived
"here (Havana) in the barracoons, whilst those who have embarked at Macao have all been
" contracted for eight years, a rule the origin of which is unknown to us. Passports of departure
"must be bought, the prices exacted being in proportion to the supposed affluence of the
" applicant, varying from tens to hundreds of dollars. How then can even a few hope for a return
" home ? " The petition of Lin Chin (fft ^£) and 16 others declares, " when the time has expired
" and the cedula is asked for, the master defers giving it day after day, and at last by an arrange-
" ment with the officials, our countryman is seized and coerced to sell himself again for eight
" years." Wu Sheng (^ Jjf) states in his petition, " on the completion of the eight years I was
" delivered over to the officials. By them I was sent into the mountains to aid in the execution
" of certain Government works, quarrying stones, &c, &c, and whilst thus engaged my arm was
"broken. No compassion however is displayed towards me, and no steps are jtaken for my
" relief, and I know not where I can apply even for food." The petition of Wu Chin-ch'&ng
(Jj| |jjj j$) and of 124 others states, " we have heard that men who have been permitted to. leave
" have been starved to death during the passsage, or are taken to other places and again sold."
The petition of Kao Lao-hsiu (iff ^ ^f ) and 16 others states, " some who have been able to think
" of a return home, through their ignorance of the movements of vessels expend all their earnings

(SO
" whilst waiting and thus lose their opportunity, or, if known to possess a little money, they are
" murdered and robbed."

XXVII.
Are there Chinese in Havana and other Cuban cities? To what classes do they
belong ? What is their condition and how are they treated ? What are
their views of life in cuba ?
Chinese who on their arrival have been disposed of for service in Havana and other Cuban
cities, are employed in sugar warehouses, and in cigar, shoe, hat, iron, charcoal, bakers',
'- confectioners', stone-cutters' and carpenters' shops, and in bricklayers' and washing establish
ments, in railways and gas works, and as municipal scavengers, in brick-kilns or on board
cargo-boats, and as domestics and cooks. There are some, also, who having obtained Letters of
Domicile, have engaged in atrade of small proportions. Of all these the great majority are,
according to their own statements, subjected to wrong. Besides, enquiry has shown that, in the
various 'cities, those who have been delivered to the depots and who thus detained undergo
extremer hardships, form the most numerous class. These are constantly seen on the highways
working in gangs like convicts, digging, or carrying stones, and watched by guards who goad
them on with the whip and the rod.
The following extracts from depositions will indicate the treatment accorded in the various
cities. Li A-chiu (^ |JpJ -fa) deposes, "after holding a cedula during six years it was taken away
" by the officials, and I was forced to labour on Government works." Yao A-ya ( $(: ppj ffl )
deposes, "my cedula was taken away by the officials, and I was placed in the Colon dep&t."
W&n Ch'ang-t'ai (3t ;§| Jf§) deposes, "seven years ago Chinese of every class, those who had
" completed their contracts and those who had not, were forced to labour in the construction of
" the church which stands in front of this hotel (at Sagua). A white man was in charge of every
" four Chinese, and the slightest slowness on the part of the latter was punished by blows. I
"myself saw within a very brief space of time, seven men commit suicide by jumping into wells,
"and besides, the voluntary deaths by hanging and the deaths from violence were exceedingly
" numerous." Ch'&n A-cMn (Eft ppj 3ji) deposes, "I was robbed of my cedula, and was in conse-
" quence placed in the dep&t." Ch'&n Shui (Eft $) deposes, " I have to pay yearly an ounce for
"the renewal." Ho A-erh (fa ppj ~) deposes, "I had held a cedula during seven years, when
" certain disturbances having taken place, I quitted the town to convey information to the
" Government officials, and subsequently falling sick lost my cedula, and was confined in a dep&t."
Li Cho (&.£.) deposes, "I was hired out to labour by the authorities of the place, and if my
"wages amount to $20, I have at least to hand to them the half." Lo A-ch'ang ($| ppj J|)
deposes, " owing to the wages being small I left a shop in which I had been employed in free
" service. The owner, in revenge, induced the police to deprive me of my cedula, and to confine
" me and force me to labour in the depot." Ch'en A-fu (pft ppj jjtg) deposes, " having been deprived
" of the use of one arm through an accident caused by machinery, I was expelled from the dep&t

(53)
" and have now been a beggar during more than ten years." Ts'ai A-lu ( H ppj # ) deposes,
" whilst in the dep&t my legs became diseased. I was in consequence expelled from it and forced
" to beg." Liang A-po {% ppj §g) deposes, "in the Colon dep6t I have seen two men beaten for
" breaking wind." Ch'en A-shun (gft ppj |g) deposes, " the police on discovering a Chinese without
" a cedula demand a bribe of $ 4. Sometimes, too, in order to extort money they seize the cedulas,
" and if it is refused, tear them up and deliver the holder to the officials." Yang Chin (£§ $||)
deposes, " seeing some Chinese and negroes fighting, I endeavoured to put a stop to the quarrel.
" The police arrested me as well as the others, took away my watch, money and cedula, and
" confined me in the stocks. I now serve as cook in this dep&t." Pei A-pao ( j| ppj jg) deposes,
" on my losing my cedula the local officials sent for me, and gave me certain work to execute,
" promising wages at the rate of $ 17 monthly, but though I laboured for an entire year they paid
"me nothing." Li Yen-ch'un (^ tff M) deposes, "men arrested for not possessing cedulas can
" procure release by a payment to the police, but the release is soon followed by a fresh seizure."
Chang Erh (55 Zl) deposes, " cedulas can always be bought here, the price varying from $ 50 to
" $ 200. If the applicant is known to possess any money, the sum asked is invariably greater.
" The functionaries of the dep&t detain any cedulas which Chinese may hold and after their
" death, sell them." Chuang A-i (^£ ppj ;§£) deposes, " after the completion of my contract I kept
" during seven years a shop for the sale of meat. I afterwards opened one for the sale of
" miscellaneous articles. Of my four assistants one was wounded by a blow from a knife and
" died. Subsequently a white soldier entered my shop and endeavoured to remove a number
" of articles without payment, and on my resisting, beat me with a stick, and when my
" assistants endeavoured to interfere, stabbed one in the left ribs and another on the head.
" The first has been sent to the hospital, but the wounds of the other may be examined. My
" own arms, too, have been so injured that I cannot move them with any freedom. The people
"here declare that the killing of a Chinese is no more than the killing of a dog. I have
" complained to the officials in regard to the last assault, but though six days have elapsed, we
" have not been sent for to give evidence." Yang A-t'ien (/jif§ PPJ JB) deposes, " I came to Cuba in
" a ship from California, on board of which I was employed, and losses by gambling compelling
" me to remain, I was seized and placed in the dep&t of this city (Colon). I have now been here
" four months, receiving no wages and constantly beaten. Chinese are certainly treated as if
" they were fowls or dogs." The petition of Wu Chin-ch'&ng (^ fj| j^) and 123 others states,
" when four or five Chinese converse together in the street, a policeman will accuse them of
" conspiracy, and if they assemble four or five in a house, shutting the door, they will be charged
" with gambling, and unless we at once offer money we are taken to jail. We may be left there
" two or three years without being tried and we may petition four or five times without any reply
" being vouchsafed. On each occasion of petitioning we must request a friend to engage an
"advocate for our protection and after the payment to him of a certain sum of money our
" statement is forwarded. But if we do not afterwards fulfil the wishes of the official addressed
" (give the sum demanded) we are never released."

(54)
XXVIII.
Are there Chinese in the country? To what classes do they belong? What is
their condition, and what do they say about it?
Chinese are disposed of, but not in large numbers, to tobacco and coffee estates, to farms
and market gardens. The great majority however are employed on sugar plantations, and it is
there that the greatest wrongs are inflicted upon them, wrongs far graver than those endured in
the cities. The following extracts will indicate the condition of those working in the country districts.
Ch'&n T'ung (Eft jj|) deposes, "on all plantations there are jails, in the smallest of which 12
"or 15 can be confined." Ch'ii Tan-k'o ( Jgj -0J %) deposes, "in the day-time we work in irons,
" and at night are confined in the stocks. On the plantation there are three cells, one of iron
" and two of wood. In the former 30 individuals are constantly placed, and in the others several
" tens are as often detained." Ch'en Chin ( |Sft £ ) deposes, " for reporting myself sick, I
" received 200 blows on the back, which became lacerated. I was forced to work as usual on the
" same day and at night the wounds were rubbed with salt and lime-juice." Li Yiin ( ^ ^ )
deposes, " I have seen four men shot dead on the plantations." Huang Ch'ao-ping ( ^ J|9 i® )
deposes, " on a plantation I had to work in irons during three years, and I never knew why this
" chastisement was inflicted." Liang Tao-'han ( ^ $fr ^ ) deposes, " on the cane fields there
" are ground fleas which penetrate and lay eggs under the skin, and eat and corrupt the flesh,
" and no cure is possible ; and as no shoes are furnished, we are constantly unable to move our
" feet." Ko Ch'i ( ^J -§| ) deposes, " on the expiration of the eight years, I worked for another
" term of two years'. My savings out of my wages I had entrusted to my master, and as he joined
" the insurgents, I lost all I had laid by." Ch'en Kou ( Eft ^ ) deposes, " I had saved by self-
" denying economy $ 100. These were stolen from me. The thief was discovered, but he
" divided with the administrator what he had taken." Wu A-hsiang (j]£ ppj ffi ) deposes, " I
" was sold to a plantation belonging to one of the local officials, who for six months' service only
" paid me two months' wages, and forced us to catch squirrels for food in order to save the cost
" of dried beef." Wen A-neng ( fi PPJ fb ) deposes, " there were men confined in the jail of
" the plantation, but they were removed in anticipation of the visit of the Commission." Chang
Hui ( 51 M ) deposes, " on the plantation there is at present a man who was beaten two
" days ago. He is now locked up so that he may not be seen by the Commission, as it is feared
" that he may be interrogated." Ts'ai Hsi ( |g ®ft ) deposes, " Passing the gates of a plantation,
" I was seized by white men, who robbed me of what I had with me, and of my cedula. I
" complained to the officials, and the result was that I was confined in the Cardenas dep&t."
Ch'en A-yu (Eft ppj W) deposes, "passing a plantation,. I was seized by certain of the overseers,
"who robbed me of my cedula." Ch'en A-'ho (Pft ppj fn) deposes, "I gave my cedula to the
" head of the gang for renewal, but he ran away and took it with him, and I was seized and
" placed in a dep6t. The ti-pao (capitan de partido) would sell me another cedula, but I do not
"possess the necessary funds." Ho A-kuan (fa ppj 'g) deposes, "I handed my cedula to my
" master for safe custody, and going out without it, was arrested. I was then forced to work in

( 55)
" the repairs of drains, and in all, had to labour ten years without wages." The petition of T'ang
Lien-sheng (Jg ]]ffj pg) and 106 others states, "last year, for the work of the Trocha, a locality
"most unhealthy and close to the insurgent districts, the Government dispatched TVth negroes
" and i%-ths Chinese. Of the latter a third perished, and those who survived, instead of receiving
" on their return the freedmen's papers which had been promised to them, are now confined in
" the various dep6ts. It is because officials, planters and other men of influence, think only of
" using us for their own ends to augment their wealth, that they are thus so devoid of scruples
" and so deficient in honour, and it is useless to protest against these violations of good faith."
Liu A-sung (gjj ppj fy) deposes, "at the Trocha a shop was opened by a small official whose
"opium and miscellaneous articles could be purchased. These were sold on credit, payment
"being secured by deduction from the wages." Chang A-wen (55 ppj 2fc) deposes, "at the
" Trocha all eatables were extremely dear. A cup of good water cost half a dollar, so that it was
" impossible to save money. The climate was very bad, and the labour very hard." Liu A-lien
(fl] PPJ jS) and 3 others depose, " when being conducted to the Trocha we were tied together each
"in turn, and thus transported in the railway." Li A-yao (^ ppj jig) and 127 others depose that
they, when proceeding to the Trocha, were promised cedulas by the officials, and that not only
is this pledge disregarded, but they are sent to the Havana dep&t, and forced to perform unpaid
labour.

XXIX.
Are there Chinese in the prisons ? For what crimes ? How punished ? How treated ?
The jails to be found in the Cuban cities are substantially constructed, lofty, clean, and
cool, contrasting most favourably with the low, damp and hot chambers of the dep&ts, and the
filthy and close quarters allotted to Chinese on the plantations. The prisoners, too, excluding
those in the chain-gang who work on the roads, and who suffer like the similar class in the
*dep&ts, are burdened with no labour heavier than the making of cigarettes, and are but lightly
• chastised ; so that the treatment accorded to the criminals may be regarded as considerate.
The following extracts from depositions supply information in regard to the points referred
to in the query. Wang A-fu (31 PPJ fg) deposes, "I left my master's service after working for
¦ " him during fourteen years. He upon this accused me of deserting and I was arrested and
" sentenced to two years' imprisonment." Liang Kuei-chung (fjl jJH) deposes, "on one occasion,
" I went out on horseback, neglecting to take with me my cedula, and was placed in prison by a
"guard whom I met, and who demanded the production of my papers." Li Hsiang (^f|)
deposes, " I was arrested and imprisoned but I am ignorant of the cause." Wu A-chao (^| ppj $8)
deposes, "my master having joined the insurgents, I proceeded to the authorities in order to
" report the occurrence, and was imprisoned because I did not possess a cedula." Wu Ch'ieh (^ J[)
deposes, " I was imprisoned on a false charge of theft, and though four months have since elapsed
" I have not been examined by any official." T'ang A-lung (J£ ppj |g) deposes, " after being
-" confined for six months in a jail, in which I was placed by the official of another locality,

( 56 )
" I was removed to the Havana prison. I have committed no offence, and can only conjecture
"that a foreigner with whom I had difficulties when carrying on a trade with certain
"detachments of troops, calumniated me. I have now been imprisoned here (Havana) three
"years, and though I have addressed four petitions to the Captain General my case has not
"even been tried." The depositions of Yang A-ssii ($§ |5pJ 0) and 6 others state that they
belonged to a gang which, during the previous year, was working on a plantation, their
cedulas having been inspected and accepted as in order by their employer; that owing
to the latter being in their debt $ 1,300, to their refusal to' perform night work, and
to a desire on the part of the authorities to extort money, the documents in question were
declared to be fictitious, that their remonstrances pointing out that the cedulas had already been
admitted to be genuine were disregarded; that they and four others were imprisoned, and that they
were even prohibited from removing their clothes from the plantation. Liang Yu-t& ( "^ W fH )
deposes, "having entered into conversation with three Chinese whom I met on the street, I was-
" arrested by the police on the charge of inciting them to run away. I was confined in the
" Guanajay jail. The food is not sufficient, but on bribing the jailer, an improvement takes
"place." 'Ho Hsi (fa %) deposes, "I was the head of a gang, and was arrested on the false
" charge of employing deserters." Chang Ch'ang-kuei (55 Jl jfc) deposes, " as I had refused to
" lend the ti-pao (Capitan de partido) money and a saddle, he falsely accused me of stealing-
" certain articles from another Chinese, and I was imprisoned. Another reason was that I was
" disliked on account of having married a white woman. At first on admission I was beaten by
" the jailer, but he ceased doing so after I had paid him $ 3." Lo A-fa (jH ppj |g) deposes, " I
" chanced to be passing four Chinese who were fighting and, though I had nothing to do with
" the dispute, the ti-pao (Capitan de partido) arrested and imprisoned myself and Hsu A-wu
(^ ppj 2i)." Ch'en Ch'eng-ch'i (Eft j$ %£.) deposes, "having obtained a cedula, I opened a
" shop for the sale of sundry articles. A Spaniard falsely declared that his wife had entrusted -
" to me $ 400, and I was in consequence arrested and imprisoned." Hsu A-hsing (^ ppj gjl)
" deposes, a policeman whom I met having directed me to produce my cedula for inspection,
" declared that it was not properly mine, and a discussion having arisen, he incited his dog~
"to bite me. I kicked his dog, and for so doing was arrested and imprisoned by the
" ti-pao (Capitan de partido)." Jung A-k'uan (*§• ppj %) deposes, " I was accused of stealing-
"my cedula from another man, and was in consequence imprisoned. No trial, however,
" has even taken place." Sung Chin ($£ f|) deposes, " on a cedula being refused at the
" completion of the eight years of service I went away, and worked independently during six
"years. I was then seized, and placed in this (Matanzas) prison." Teng A-ssti (§|$ ppj |jg)
deposes, "holding a cedula, I procured for the owner of a plantation 20 labourers, all of whom
" possessed a similar document. Nevertheless the police accused me of hiring men whose terms
" of contract service had not been completed, seized me, deprived me of $ 70 in silver and of
" $ 200 in paper, demanded another sum of $ 200 as the price of my release, and, as I was unable
" to pay it, placed me in prison. No trial, however, has taken place." Liang A-yu (|g ppj ;g)
deposes, " on the 3rd moon of this year, a Chinese sent out to collect accounts failed to return.
"Enquiries on every side being made (by his master) I reported that, a few nights previously,,
"I had heard what resembled the noise of a horse. An investigation which followed this.

( 57 )
¦¦'" testimony resulted in the discovery of the corpse, and I was arrested and imprisoned. All
" know that I am suffering injustice, but, as I have not been tried, I cannot be released, and my
" confinement has already lasted one month." Lung A-ch'uan ( || ppj Jl| ) deposes, " the year
" before last I bought a cedula for $ 68. During the first month of last year, at the time of
" renewal, the police declared that the document was fictitious, and placed me in a prison." Lin
Wa (££ ~%) deposes, "a white man, who owed me several tens of dollars, and to whom I had
" refused to lend certain articles which he wished to borrow, accused me of stealing cigars, &c,
" of which a Chinese had been robbed, and though the Chinese himself declared that I was not
" the culprit, no heed was given to this exoneration, and I was placed in prison." Liang Hai
(W: W) deposes, "I bought from a Cantonese named A Fa-tsai (ppj H *fj) a gold watch-chain.
" Certain persons came to inspect the chain, and accused me of having purchased stolen property;
" and I was removed to prison where I have been confined twenty months without trial." Li
Ta-ts'ai (s£ -fa fft) deposes, "the assistant cook, a negress (whom I was censuring for delay
" in the preparation of my master's dinner), accused me of striking her with the small knife
"with which I cut paper, and the cook, a white woman, sen! for the police who arrested
"me and placed me in prison." Ko Ch'i (^f -^|) deposes, "the officials demanded money
" from me, and as I was unable to comply they declared that my cedula was fictitious and placed
"me in prison." Ch'en Hsing (fft jll) deposes, "I was arrested and placed in prison for having
" a pistol in my box." Wu A-yao (f£ ppj jjg) deposes, " I went out to purchase certain cooking
" utensils, and met a white man who told me that he had some for sale. Before I had settled
" with him in regard to the price, police came up who declared that the articles in question had
"" been stolen. The white man ran away and I was arrested and have already been in jail three
" months." Hsii A-hsiang ( f^ ppj jfg ) deposes, " when Li A-liu ( ^ ppj $jc ) had been robbed
" and murdered by a negro the master bribed 'Ho Chang-yu ( fpj jfc ^ ) to testify that I was
" the criminal. All the Chinese were indignant at this, and 'Ho Chang-yu ( jpj j§£ ^ ) himself
"admitted that he had been induced to give false evidence. I, however, am still in prison
" without a trial." Miao Chi-yu ( $f g, ^j ) deposes, " the negro cook of the establishment in
" which I was employed as domestic, one evening came home drunk, and seizing a knife ran
" after me. I went upstairs to inform my master, and the negro whilst following me, fell down
" and wounded himself. He then declared to the master that the injury had been inflicted by
"me, and I was sent to prison, tried, and sentenced to six years' imprisonment." Ch'en A-lin
( Eft PPJ ffl ) deposes, " whilst purchasing vegetables, the money which I was carrying fell out
" of my hands on an adjoining stand of melons, and when I was picking it up, I was accused
" of committing a theft, was arrested, and imprisoned. Owing to my ignorance of the language,
" I was sentenced to one year's imprisonment; through an outlay of $ io I am exempted from
" all labour but that of watching the yard." 'Ho A-hsien ( J| ppj ft ) deposes, " the police who
" were in search of a deserter met me, and, declaring that I resembled him, and that I also had
" committed a robbery of $ 200, arrested me and placed me in prison. I have already been in
"jail six months, but have not been examined by any official." Liang A-yu (^ ppj /fjj ) deposes,
" my master cut off my left ear for going out. An official who happened to pass, observing how I
" was maimed, inquired in what manner the injury had been inflicted. Both I and my master were
¦¦" arrested and placed in prison, but the latter, in three days, by an expenditure of $ 2,000, obtained

(58)
" his freedom. In the meantime my confinement continues, and my money and other property
" cannot even be removed from my master's premises." Lo Kuan-hsiu (|§|f|^) deposes, "the
" administrator dealt me a blow with a knife between the thumb and forefinger, and at the same
"time wounded the head of A Kuo (ppj f|5), a native of Yangkiang {% ft). Our employer
" reported the occurrence to the official, and we and the administrator were all placed in jail.
" The latter was released on the following day, but our imprisonment still continues." Wu Yeh-
ch'&ng (Jg. || j$) deposes, "four negroes in league with certain recently arrived Chinese killed
" the new administrator. By an outlay of money on the part of our employer, the participation
" of the negroes was not mentioned, and the crime was imputed to us — ten in all — whose contracts
" were on the eve of expiration, and we were consequently imprisoned." Wu Shao { §% $g )
deposes, "an overseer owed me $ 100, and on my asking him for payment, struck me, and dashed
" me to the ground. I had a knife on my person, and stabbed him to death. I was arrested
"and imprisoned, but have not been sentenced." Liang A-hsiu (i|£ ppj H) deposes, "when our
" employer's son, aided by the negroes, seized knives and killed one of us — a native of Hiang-
"shan (ff Jll), and wounded #11 others, we seized the weapons and killed him. We, 22 in all,,
" were arrested and placed in prison ; one died there, four were sold away to Havana, sixteen
" were sent back to the plantation, and there are still two in jail." Hsieh A-kou (f|J ppj jjpj)
deposes, "we stabbed to death the administrator, on account of his cruelty. We, 24 in all,
" proceeded to the jail and surrendered ourselves. Our master, by an outlay of $ 680, induced
" the officials to order 12 of our number to return to the plantation, and on our refusal, an officer
" of low rank discharged fire-arms, wounding nine and killing two. There are 22 still in jail, and
" we consider it preferable to the plantation." The deposition of Chang A-hsiu (55 PPJ If) and
4 others states, "four of our gang of 40 having been killed by the violence of an overseer, eleven
" of us murdered the latter. We find the jail preferable to the plantation." Wu Hua-ch'ang
(Jj| ]gf -g) deposes, " I prefer remaining in jail." Ch'&n A-ch'iu (|Sft ppj fij;) and 22 others depose
that the jails are preferable to the plantation. Huang Shih-pao (j|r JJJ jj|) deposes, "the labour
" on the plantation is more severe than that enforced in jail." Wang A-ts'ai (31 ppj ^) deposes,.
" I bought a gold watch for 1 \ ounces, which a foreigner accused me of having, stolen, and I was
" in consequence placed in prison, where I have each week to manufacture 16,000 cigarettes, and.
" if this number is not completed I receive 12 blows."

XXX.
The contract Coolie is a man who has pledged himself to work according to contract
for a term of years: he is not a slave. is he treated as a man who has-
CONSENTED TO BE BOUND BY A CONTRACT, OR AS A SLAVE? Are THERE SLAVES IN
Cuba — or were there, and what is or was their treatment?
The distinction between a hired labourer and the slave can only exist when the former-
accepts, of his own free will, the conditions tendered, and performs in. a hke manner the work

( 59)
assigned to him ; but the lawless method in which the Chinese were — in the great majority of
cases — introduced into Cuba, the contempt there evinced for them, the disregard of contracts,
the indifference as to the tasks enforced, and the unrestrained infliction of wrong, constitute a
treatment which is that of " a slave, not of a man who has consented to be bound by a contract."
Men who are disposed of in Havana, who are afterwards constantly, like merchandise, transferred
from one establishment to another, and who, on the completion of their first agreements, are
compelled to enter into fresh ones, who are detained in dep6ts and delivered over to new masters,
whose successive periods of toil are endless, and to whom are open no means of escape, cannot be
regarded as occupying a position different from that of the negroes whose servitude has so long
existed in the island, and who are liable to be hired out or sold at the will of their owner.
Thus 'Hu Ju ( $J in ) deposes, " I have been here twenty-seven years. The inhabitants truly
"desire to reduce the Chinese into slaves for life." Ch'en A-shun (|Sft ppj J^) deposes, "the
" officials and merchants of Cuba desire to convert the Chinese into slaves for a life-time."
Liu A-t'ang (gij ppj jg;) deposes, "on the plantations, the Chinese are treated exactly like the
"negro slaves." Lin A-lung ($C PPJ fl) and 6 other depose that on the sugar plantations the
Chinese are treated exactly like the negroes. Li Ch'eng-hsiin (ag ^ f||) deposes, " in Cuba we are
"treated exactly like slaves." Liu A-jui (ffij ppj 3J§) deposes, "I am treated exactly like a negro
" slave." Lin A-t'ai (:fcfc ppj Jf|) deposes, " on the plantation, the slaves and the Chinese are all
"treated alike." Hsu Shao-lin (f^ fg J§|) deposes, "the inhabitants are accustomed to employ
" the negro slaves, but their treatment of us is even worse than that of the latter." The petition
of Hsien Tso-pang (g£ f/£ ^[5) and 13 others states, "the subjects of other countries come and
" depart without hindrance, and in their transactions endure no wrongs, and it is hard to
" understand why Chinese should be subjected to such outrages, to a treatment worse than that
" of the negroes." Ch'&n Te-lin (gft f* ;j$) deposes, "at the close of three years I was disposed
" of to another plantation, by which, after the lapse of a similar period, I was again sold."
Lin Yiieh ( ffi fl ) and 7 others depose that they were resold by certain plantations, to,
another plantation. Li A-chieh ( ^ ppj ^ ) deposes, " I was resold by a farm to a
" sugar plantation." Tseng Erh-ch'i ( -g" jl£ 3^ ) deposes, " my employer disposed of me
"to a cooper." Ch'&n A-chi (Eft PPJ g) deposes, "I was resold by the local officials to
" a sugar warehouse for $ 70." Li A-pao ( 3g£ ppj ffi ) deposes, " I was originally sold
" to a railway company for $ 238 ; at the close of three years I was disposed of to a
"jeweller for $170; and afterwards I redeemed myself by an outlay of $306." Liang Piao
($%kW:) and 1 other depose that they were resold by their employer to bakeries. Li A-tou
(^ ppj 5|-) and 1 other depose, that they were sold to other employers by the plantation by
which they had been originally bought. Liu A-tai (g|J ppj Jj|) deposes, "I was resold to the
" plantation by a bricklayer." Yu A-shih (§f ppj ^) deposes, " I was resold by the plantation to
" a market garden." Lin A-yung ($f; ppj ^) deposes, "after I had worked for three years I was
"resold to a second employer for $ 163." 'Hu A-pao (j§fj ppj $•) and 4 others depose that they
in all were sold to six different employers. Ch'&n A-'hai (Pft ppj ffc) deposes, "when my right
"arm was broken, I was resold to a cigarette manufactory." Wen A-hsien (}^ ppj ft) deposes,
" out of the 82 who were -bought with me, yy were resold." Liao San (J§C 31) deposes, " three
" months after arrival on the plantation, I was resold to another one." Liang A-sheng (^ ppj Jjg)
8

(6o)
deposes, "after I had worked for a year I was resold to a sugar plantation." Li Jun-chu
(Hr M 3%) deposes, "I was resold by the plantation to a railway company." Lin Erh ($fc ~)
deposes, " after working nine months in the service of the Railway Company I was resold to a
" plantation." Lo A-erh (jg ppj ~) deposes, " after working two years for the Railway Company
" I was resold, and employed as a domestic servant. I remained in this position three years
" when, my master becoming impoverished, I was again disposed of to the Havana Municipality
" for $ 102." ¦ Chung Sh&ng (g§ Jf|) deposes, "after working seven years at the gold mines, I was
" conducted by my master to Havana and then sold for $ 85." Wang Ts'ung-sh&ng (31 |£ ^)
deposes, "originally I was employed in the gold mines. I afterwards was sold to charcoal-
" burners." Ch'&n A-wu (Eft ppj iE) deposes, "I was resold and became a domestic at Havana."
Chang Jung-chi (jf£ H $£) deposes, " I was resold after a year's service." Lin A-p'ing ($f; ppj 5J5)
deposes, "after three years' service I was resold." Ch'ii Jung (|g $|) deposes, " I was resold to a
"plantation, and by it again sold to a sugar warehouse." Kuan A-hsi (§g ppj 4f) deposes, "I
" have been sold twice to employers in Havana." Liang A-yu (^ ppj W) deposes, " I was resold
"for service in a shop." Ch'&n Shao-chi (gftlg g) deposes, "I was resold to a shoemaker in
"Havana." Ts'ui Lan-fang (^ Hf ^) deposes, "I was resold to a shoemaker." Wang Kuei-
chieh (31 jj; Jg.) deposes, ." I was ill at the time of arrival, and was sold to an establishment at
" Matanzas, which was in the habit of purchasing the sick, curing them, and then reselling them."
Liao A-ping (J§C ppj >|fj§) deposes, " I was disposed of by the Havana barracoon to a similar
" establishment at Matanzas (for sale)." T'ang A-lung ( J£ ppj ^) deposes, " three years ago, the
" Governor of Havana brought back to Havana all Chinese, and resold them as slaves for six '
" years." The petition of Su Chin-sh&ng (j|| jf§ ££) and 11 others states, "again, on the ioth of
"the 9th moon of the nth year of T'ungchih, the authorities, in concert with the planters,
" devised means to force us to recontract for six years. During the night all were arrested and
" shut up in the fortress, in the dep&t, or in the jail, and it was not until a month had elapsed .
" that the Consuls who had taken pity on such sufferings succeeded in obtaining the release of
"those who could furnish security. The remainder, over 160, were sold by the 2nd military
" officer of Havana to the hills at $ 102 each." The petition of Wu Chin-ch'&ng (^| $j| j$) and
123 others states, "we were decoyed to this island, where those of us who have not completed
" their eight years are subjected to much ill treatment, and the others, whose contracts have
"expired, are also the victims of wrongs. For example, when travelling by rail we are not
" allowed on the better cars, and in the hotels and in the shops we are kept apart in the same
"manner as the black slaves." The petition of Jen Shih-chen (ft ¦{£ jj|). and 2 others states,
"but though the officials, the merchants and the planters are all indebted to us, they, with
" heartless cruelty, torment us daily and hourly, refuse to treat us as human beings, disposing of
" us as slaves and acting towards us as if we were brute' beasts. We learn that friendly relations
" now exist between China and the greater powers of the West, and that it is by the efforts of the
" latter that the traffic in negro slaves has been suppressed. Why do they not render to us a
" similar service ? "

( 61 )

XXXI.
Has the Spanish Government legislated in favour of the Coolie? Has it made laws
FOR HIS GENERAL WELFARE AND PROTECTION? ARE THE LAWS EFFECTIVE? If NOT,
TO WHAT EXTENT AND IN WHAT RESPECTS INEFFECTIVE, AND WHY?
The 31st clause of the Spanish Royal Decree of i860, directs that the Captain General
shall be the chief protector of Chinese, and that he shall exercise this function in the various
jurisdictions, by means of his delegates, the Governors and Lieutenant Governors, who, in turn,
shall be aided by the Captains of districts; the ioth clause provides that minors can only contract
themselves with the consent of the persons under whose charge they are; the 12th clause provides
that vessels carrying Chinese shall be supplied with a quantity of water and sound food, propor
tioned to the number of individuals who have to be conveyed and the distance to be traversed ;
the 2 1 st clause provides that Chinese, the rights of the importer over whom have been forfeited
(through certain violations of Regulation), shall be at liberty to contract themselves ; and the
22nd that should they not desire to do so, the Captain General shall exact from the consignee a
sum sufficient to defray the cost of the re-exportation of the entire number ; the 32nd clause
provides that in their relations with the tribunals of justice, immigrants shall be defended in the
lower, by the Attorney of the Court of Justice of the Peace, and in the higher, by the Attorney
General; the 33rd clause provides that under no circumstances whatever and notwithstanding
any stipulations to the contrary, shall employers exact from Chinese, on an average, more than
12 hours' work; the 54th, that when a contract empowers the employer to distribute, in the
manner most convenient to his interests, the number of hours agreed upon, it shall be understood
that no more than 1 5 hours can be exacted in one day ; and the 69th, that the duration of an
imprisonment imposed by an employer cannot exceed 10 days.
These provisions, characterised by a care for the welfare and protection of the Chinese,
have however never been observed, and are in practice null, whilst on the other hand, the restric
tions resorted to by the dep&ts in order to enforce renewal of contracts, and to render continuance
of labour unavoidable, are daily becoming more oppressive. Thus the petition of Chien Shih-
kuang (^ ft %) and 69 others complains of the baneful laws and evil deeds of Spain ; and that
of Li Chao-ch'un (^ ^ §) and 165 others alleges that, "within the last few years, the planters
" have, in concert with the authorities and the Commission of Emigration, enforced very unjust
"rules." These statements certainly indicate that the laws in favour of the Chinese have not
been effective, and the following extracts will explain the cause of this failure.
The petition of Chang Luan ( 55 §1 ) and 30 others states, " again, officials here are
" often merchants, others are completely under the influence of the planters, and all ignore the
" outrages committed, and do not even make an inquiry into the cases of suicide or murder.
" Of late years, too, the issue of cedulas has ceased, or they can only be obtained by a large
" outlay. On the other hand, the dep&t is enlarged, and police make raids on every side, with
" the view of forcing the Chinese to enter into fresh contracts, so that the wishes of planters may
"be satisfied and officials enabled to share in the labourer's earnings. Towards such officials,
" and the citizens of fortune who govern the dep&ts, gain flows in a deep and rapid stream, as

(62 )
"at their will they hire out to labour or recall from it, our countrymen, whom they have
" converted into serfs, not of an individual but of the entire island, serfs deprived of all hope
"of again seeing their homes." The petition of T'ang Lien-sh&ng (J§ ffl PS) and Io6 others
declares, " we are coerced into entering into fresh contracts, of the wages specified in which the
" greater portion is retained by the officials. At the close of these new contracts the same course
"is followed, and is afterwards successively adhered to. Thus the Government works of the
" island are executed free of cost, and the relations between the planters and the officials are
"tightened by mutual gain, whilst our sufferings, in the meantime, become more and more
" oppressive."

XXXII.
Can the Captain General ordain laws without reference to Spain? Or is the law
proposed in Cuba required to be confirmed by Spain? Has Spain refused
to confirm any proposed laws? Or, have laws proposed in Cuba not gone
into operation?
By the 56th clause of the Spanish Royal Decree of March 1854, all previous legislation
on the subject of the introduction of labourers into Cuba was abrogated, and the Decree of 1854
was itself annulled by that of July i860 which is still in force. The 31st clause of the latter,
by appointing the Captain General to be Protector of Chinese, renders the government of them
one of his normal functions, but the 81st clause reserves to the Spanish Government "the right
" of at any time suspending or prohibiting the introduction of Chinese labourers into Cuba."
" The resolution," it proceeds to declare, " it may arrive at on this question, shall be made
" public in the Madrid and Havana Gazettes, and the term on the expiration of which importa-
" tions must cease, shall begin from the date of publication in the latter. This term shall not
"be less than eight months, and all importations taking place after its termination shall be
" regarded as appertaining to -the category of those specified ( as subjecting the importer to
" forfeiture of his rights ) in Article 20. It must be understood by importers, that the fact of
" their engaging in this traffic is a recognition by them that its suspension or prohibition confers
" upon them no right to any compensation."
Subsequently, in February 1868, the Captain General made public other Regulations
containing 83 clauses, the objects of which were stated to be, the extinction of abuses which had
arisen through a disregard of the Provisions of the i860 Decree, and the establishment of perfect
order in all matters connected with Chinese immigration.
In July and August 1870 the Captain General urged the prompt cessation of this immi
gration, and in June 1871 was pubhshed a Royal order acceding to the request; but on the
1 8th October a Decree was issued by the Captain General, declaring that the permission thus
accorded would not be availed of.

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Again, on the 14th September 1872, Regulations — containing 40 articles — for the recon-
tracting of Chinese, framed by the Central Commission of Colonization, were made public by the
Captain General, and though assent to them was subsequently refused by the Spanish Govern
ment, they are still in force. The Regulations, containing 65 articles, of the 7th May 1873, were
also published on the authority of the Colonial Government, alone.
No answer can b'e supplied to the last paragraph in this query. No means existed for
obtaining information as to " laws proposed but not gone into operation."

XXXIII.
What parts of Cuba are in rebellion?
The regions extending north-west of Santiago de Cuba, south-east of Sagua, and north
east, of Cienfuegos are infested by migratory bands of insurgents.

XXXIV
Have Coolies aided rebels, , and, if so, under what circumstances — where,
how, and when ?
The petition of Chang Luan (55 |§) and 30 others states, " The rebellion in Cuba is one of
" Spanish subjects against the Spanish Government; many instances have occurred of planters,
" when joining the rebels, endeavouring to induce the Chinese labourers to do likewise, and of
" the latter, even at the risk of death, refusing, or of, if constrained to go, at once returning. The
" number of those who have acted thus is not considerable, as is proved by enquiry. Again,
"though plantations and the Trocha are close to the districts held by the insurgents, we
" have heard of no instance of a Chinese flying to the latter. A Chinese labourer can
" scarcely be expected to return good for evil, but born in a country where the principles
" of right are respected, he is able to refuse to attach himself to disturbers of law and
" order. The people of Cuba, however, instead of recognising and being grateful for the
" display of such feelings deny their existence, and use this denial as an excuse for fresh
"prohibitions and restrictions." Ho A-hsien (51 PPJ ft) deposes, "when my master joined
" the insurgents I ran away to Havana." Wang A-jui (31 PPJ 3$J) and 1 other depose, " when my
" master joined the insurgents, I went away to another plantation." Tseng Li-chieh (^ *j£ #j[)
deposes, " my master joined the insurgents, but I attached myself to a gang of labourers and
"worked under its head." Mo A-mu (JptppJ |§) deposes, "my employer joined the insurgents,
" but I remained, and worked for the new owner." Chang Jung-chi ( i§£ $| jfjji ) deposes, " my
"master joined the insurgents, but I went away and performed work for the officials." Yin
Shou-k'un (f£ *J J&) deposes, "when my master joined the insurgents, I escaped to the officials,

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"reported what had occurred and worked for them." T'ang Yii (j@ 3t) deposes, "when my
" master joined the insurgents I proceeded to the officials in order to report the occurrence, and was-
" called upon by the authorities to labour for them without wages." Wang T'ing-kuei (31 ^ jj|)
deposes, "my master became an insurgent; I refused to go with him, and ran away to the
" Government officials, one of whom I served as cook." Li K'ang-wen (^ jg H) deposes, " when
" my master joined the insurgents I went of my own accord to a dep&t and laboured there."
Liang A-chao ( §£ ppj $3 ) and i other depose, " my master joined the insurgents ; I declined to
"go with him, and the administrator conducted me to the dep&t." Ch'&n A-hsiu (Eft ppj ^)
deposes, " our master joined the insurgents but we all dispersed ; I, however, was arrested by the
" authorities and placed in a dep&t." Chiang A4in (H ppj $|) deposes, " when my master joined
" the insurgents I ran away, and was seized and confined in a dep&t." Wu A-jung ( J^. ppj § )
deposes, " I was carried away by the insurgents, but in a few days I succeeded in escaping, and
" was subsequently conducted to a dep&t." Chang Sh&ng ( 55 £ ) deposes, " after I had served
" for four years, the plantation was set on fire by the insurgents. I ran away, was arrested and
" placed in jail."
Thus, the probability is that the Chinese are unwilling to take part in aiding the insurrec
tion; minute details could only be ascertained by reference to sources of information, — the
camps of the insurgents, — which could not be reached.

XXXV
Has Coolie legislation in Cuba been affected by the rebellion? How does it, as
thereby affected, affect Contract Coolies, and why? If a temporary
precaution merely, has the government had just cause to take the
precaution, or is its action simple and indefensible tyranny? to what
extent is such special- legislation in operation, and what do the better
class — e.g., the moneyed chinese in the cities — say of it?
No changes proposed or effected in the system of Government applied to the Chinese,
have been explicitly admitted to have been the result of the insurrection, with the exception of
the cessation of the introduction, which was recommended in 1870 on the plea that they impeded '
the pacification of the island; and in the following year the suggestion was withdrawn, as " owing
" to the progress effected in the pacification of the island, measures formerly desirable had become
"needless." The Rules of September 1872, devised by the Central Commission with the sole
object of retaining Chinese in Cuba and inducing -them to renew their engagements, contain no
provision indicating any apprehension of participation by them in the insurrection, and the fact
derived from the Tables of the same Commission, that out of 1,932 labourers despatched to the
Trocha — the point the closest in proximity to the insurgent districts — 1,827 were Chinese, is clear-
evidence that no precautions in regard to them were deemed necessary. Moreover, if their
presence called for such precautions, why do the proprietors of the island still desire to bring
them to it in large numbers ? It is thus apparent that no such suspicions are entertained in
regard to them.

(65 )
In Cuba there exists no better class of Chinese ; all receive the treatment of slaves, and
however much legislation may degenerate "into simple and indefensible tyranny," protest is
impossible, and, deprived of every means of escape, the men who have completed the years of
service for which they contracted, as well as those who have not, have simply to submit. Avarice
induces the merchants and planters to disregard such provisions as were framed for the
protection of the Chinese, and a similar cause induces the guards and police not to overlook the
enforcement of a single clause of those of the opposite nature. Such a clause is the 16th Article
of the Rules of 1868, defining the manner of registration of domiciled Chinese. It is to the effect
that during the second fortnight of February, the deputed officers shall visit their residences, and
shall personally inspect and call for the production of their Letters of Domicile and Cedulas, and
that the former documents shall be retained by the inspecting officers, and the latter returned to
the holders, sealed and endorsed "Registered." The Decree of the Captain General dated
December 1871 contains similar instructions ; the officers designated are to direct one or more
of their subordinates, accompanied by the residents in the vicinity, to visit the dwellings of, and
personally inspect the Chinese in question ; the Letters of Domicile and Cedulas of the latter are
to be examined with the most scrupulous care and the descriptions of personal appearance which
they contain are to be compared with the actual appearance of the holders ; and the adoption is
authorized and enjoined of every precaution that may appear necessary in order to ascertain the
genuineness of each document, &c. This system of inquisition, producing a perpetual dread, is
applied not only to those who, because they failed to obtain certificates of completion, or because
they arrived after February 1861, never received cedulas, but to the men who years ago enjoyed
the good fortune of securing freedmen's papers.
The petition of Chien Shih-kuang (||j ffc %) and 96 others states, "the police, knife in
" hand, burst open our doors, search our chests and boxes, and take away whatever of value they
" see. We may call in vain for any aid from our neighbours, and if we attempt resistance we are
" at once charged with crime and conveyed to prison," and ("in the ioth year of T'ungchih the
"planters and corrupt officials") "marshalled troops and effected a general seizure of Chinese,
" depriving us of our freedmen's papers, and placing us all in jail." The petition of T'ang Lien-
sh&ng £ /§ J$H EH ) and 106 others states, "if the applicant succeeded in obtaining a Letter of
" Domicile, and intended to remain in the island, he had to procure an additional document, a
" cedula which cost ten dollars more or less, which has to be changed annually, and of which the
" loss or delay in renewal provokes severe penalties. Again, a journey from one town to another
" necessitates a pass, and a physician cannot practice, or a beggar ask for food, without a similar
" document, the issue in each case requiring the payment of a fee, whilst application for authori-
" zation to open a shop of any class involves greater delay and larger outlay. When these
" documents have been received the inspection of them is constantly demanded by any guard
" whom we may meet, or by the police who search our houses ; the papers are then alleged to be
" fictitious, and are torn up and we are dragged away to prison or to the dep&t. We there are
'' laden with chains on the neck and feet, and compelled to labour on Government works."
The petition of Chu Chi-hsiin (^ ^ |{J||) and 10 others states, "the police and guards day and
"night enter our houses and accuse us of opium smoking or of possessing no papers, whilst their
" real object is the robbery of our money and our property. Whether we hold papers or not we

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" are dragged away to officials or to a dep&t to work on roads, and are subsequently fined $ io to
" $ 20 and are not released until we can induce a foreigner to become bail." The petition of
Chao K'un (Jf j|) and 97 others states, "the police and various official underlings, constantly
"in search of gain, feed upon us more ravenously than a silkworm does on leaves; they
" constantly enter our apartments, search over our beds, accuse us of a breach of law, basing
" the charge on the possession of any article on which they lay their hands, and then rob lis of
" all we have, furniture or money." T&ng A-ssii (g|5 ppj 0J ) declares in his petition, " in October
" last year, I was employed on a sugar plantation, when the guards visited it and accused me of
" having forged my papers, and, alleging that I had not completed my term, conducted me before
"the authorities. I was placed in jail, and was deprived of all I had on me, worth about $70;
" besides, $ 200 in paper, and two horses belonging to me were taken away by the officials." The
petition of Tai Jih-sheng (jg 0 £) and 1 other states, "in cities, too, our countrymen are
" exposed to the exactions of the police! Those who do not hold papers are arrested and must
" yield to extortion, whilst even the possessors of them are subjected to penalties." 'Ho Fu-t'ang
(fa !M jit) declares in his petition, " I find all my movements restricted, as on the railways we are
"asked to produce our cedulas and if unable to do so are arrested and punished." Yii A-hsia
(^ PPJ ?fr) declares in his petition, "those who formerly obtained cedulas dare not go beyond the
" limits of this city lest they be arrested by the foreign guards." Fan Tsu-hsing ( ^ jg, j| )
declares in his petition, " when one of us possessing a cedula and a little money prepares to
" return to China, the circumstance is soon discovered by the police and other small officials, and
" his papers are seized and torn up, and he himself is accused of being a deserter. He is tied up
" and tortured, robbed of his money and effects, and if he tries to offer any protest or explanation
" is severely beaten. Many have been thus killed."

XXXVI.
What is the Health of the Coolie ?
It may be admitted that the greater portion of the Chinese employed as cooks and
domestic servants received sufficient food, and are comparatively physically vigorous ; but in the
larger number of instances the men seen on the plantations and in the dep&ts showed, in their
features and their spiritless demeanour, the privations and hardships which they were enduring ;
and not a few of those who now gain their living independently, still suffer from maladies, the
result of their years of exhausting suffering.
The petition of Chien Shih-kuang (fg[ ft 3£) and 96 others states, " we see almost half of
" our companions die, and we who survive are either mutilated or internally injured." Lin A-i
(# PPJ #F) deposes, "my chest was injured by blows on the plantation, and I still suffer
" constantly from the pain." Kuo A-jung (||5 ppj $|) deposes, " the administrator and the over-
" seer constantly dealt me thrusts with sticks, or kicked me, and I now still suffer from internal
"bleeding." Lii A-wu (g ppj j© deposes, "the master directed negroes to hold me down and
" dealt me more than 80 blows with a rattan rod, and inflicted injuries which caused me to vomit

( 67 )
*" blood and from this malady I am still suffering." Ch'&n A-shun ( pft ppj Jig ) and Yang Chin
(JH $&) depose that on the plantation they were injured by blows and that they still vomit
blood. Huang A-chang (^ ppj j§£) declares that he suffers from a similar malady ; and Ch'&n
A-yang (gft ppj 3§|) deposes, " a few days after my arrival, I received such blows and thrusts from
" sticks that I still constantly vomit blood." Chu K'ai-tzti (jfc §fj Q) deposes, " I was allowed
" no bed and compelled to sleep on the ground, and the humidity having induced a disease of
" the back I am now forced to beg for food." Shen A-ts'ai (g£ ppj #) and one other depose,
" when I arrived I possessed strength, but I have been so constantly beaten that I am now
" entirely debilitated." Hu K&ng-hsiu ( $3 Jf? H ) deposes, " my health has been entirely
" destroyed by the hardships I endured on the plantation." Weng A-i (H ppj Jf£) deposes, "I suffer
" from rheumatism in my feet and hands, and the malady is the result of the labour imposed
" upon me." P'an Yo-'h&ng ($f -g- |jj|) deposes, " my foot is diseased, the result of wounds
" caused by chains." Lin A-mei (jjsf; ppj §|) deposes, " my left foot is diseased, the result of an
" accident when at the Trocha. Maimed as I am, I am still compelled to labour." P'ang A-tien
(M PPJ fi) deposes, " the wounds I received have maimed me for life." Liu Kuang-ts'ai (gij % Jfc)
deposes, " I was decoyed here and wept every day, and to this and to bad treatment I attribute
" the disease of my eyes." 'Hu A-t'ai (jjjg ppj ^) deposes, " I received internal injuries from the
" flogging with sticks, and I am now constantly sick."

XXXVII.
HOW ARE THE SICK CARED FOR ?

Many of the hospitals existing in each Cuban city possess extensive accommodation, are
arranged not without a regard to elegance, and are surrounded by, or surround gardens and
shrubberies, are completely fitted with bedding and other appointments, and are well provided
with attendants, and although not specially constructed for Chinese, the latter enjoy in them all
the advantage that they afford.
The infirmaries on the plantations are also clean, and are, in some cases, under the care of
surgeons, but according to the statements collected by the Commission the proportion of Chinese
permitted to enter them is small.
The petition of Lai Chih-chih (|| J| jj|) and 3 others states, "if we are sick and cannot
" work we are beaten." Li Ying-sung (^ jj| $fe) states in his petition, "I was, if sick, struck with
" the closed fist, kicked, or even when greater severity was displayed stabbed or flogged almost
"to death." Ch'&n T&-ming (gft f|j[ BJj) declares in his petition, "if sick, we were not allowed to
" rest in the hospital, and when we applied for admission we were beaten, chains were placed on
" our feet, and our wages were withheld." To the same effect are the following extracts from
depositions. Lin Lung ($[f ft) and 17 others declare that when ill they were not permitted to
report themselves sick; Liao Ying (|§C H) and 15 others declare that they were flogged for
reporting themselves sick; Yang Chin (^ $%) and 9 others declare that they were not permitted
-to report themselves sick, and that if they did so, their feet were chained; Chou Liu (JjlJ ^)

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and 2 others declare that, when sick, they were not allowed to enter the infirmary, that
they were chained, beaten and forced to continue labour; Ch'ien A-jung (fg ppj H)
deposes, "when ill I was not allowed to cease labour; I was beaten and forced to resume
"work." Ts'ui An (-g %) deposes, "for reporting myself sick, I was twice chained
" and beaten." Ch'&n A-jung ( fft ppj $| ) deposes, " during three years my eyes were diseased,
" but I was never permitted to report myself sick." 'Han Chin ( ^ $j} ) deposes, " several
'' times when reporting sick, I was placed in irons and beaten. Once I was flogged so severely
"that I vomited blood, and I was besides kept in chains during seven months." Li A-lai
( ^ PPJ 2fc ) deposes, " when I reported myself sick I was constantly beaten. I was accused of
" pretending to be ill." Ch'ii Tan-k'o ( Jgj 0. *g ) deposes, " labourers who reported themselves
" sick on account of sores on the feet were told by the master that such ailments could not be
" regarded as sickness, and he also, seizing a stick, beat them indiscriminately." Ch'&n A-chin
( Eft PPJ & ) deposes, " when I was sick and reported the fact to the overseer he accused me of
" speaking falsely, and ordering four men to hold me down removed my trowsers, and flogged me
" so severely that my flesh became lacerated. I then had to labour in irons, and at night, when
" I returned, my wounds were rubbed with salt and lime-juice, causing a pain that almost killed
" me." Li A-'hui ( ^ ppf -§* ) deposes, " when, on the plantation, I was incapacitated for work.
" by sickness, four negroes were directed to hold me prostrate, Avhilst I was being flogged on my
" naked person. Afterwards when ill in the Depot my elbow was broken by an overseer." Chou
A-ting ( jq) ppj "J" ) deposes, " two men who suffered from sores on the head and were inca-
" pacitated for severe labour asked to be permitted to perform a lighter class of work, and for so
" doing the administrator chained their feet and beat them almost the death." Hsieh A-hsiian
( IB PPf si ) deposes, " I have seen men flogged, forced to ; work in chains during the day and
" placed in prison for reporting themselves sick ; others too, natives of Tungkwan ( ]|f *? ), I
" saw who, having been flogged for reporting themselves sick, hanged themselves through fear
" of being confined in the stocks." Wu Lien-sh&ng ( ^| %§ Ufa ) deposes, " I saw a sick man
" who. was unable to go out to labour, killed by the overseer." Huang A-tou (;gf ppf 5J-) deposes,.
" I saw a native of Hiangshan ( f| |Ij ), who had been severely beaten by the administrator
"for reporting himself sick, hang himself on the same evening; I also was the witness of
"the murder of a native of Hunan (•$)) j§), by name Li (^), who had been flogged for
" reporting himself sick. I saw, too, the suicide by drowning of a man named Ch&ng (gfi) who
"when sick had been dragged out and flogged; and I know that two men, one a native of
" Swatow, the other a native of Kwangtung, died in the infirmary from starvation." Wang
A-sh&ng (31 ppj Jjg) deposes, "when repairing a cart-road my leg was fractured, and the surgeon
" found it necessary to furnish me with a wooden limb. The master relieved me from all severe
" labour but the administrator on one occasion ordered me to move some heavy stones, and as I
" was unable to do so broke my wooden leg, and also, by a blow, removed a portion of my ear."
Liang A-j&n (^ ppf 3r) deposes, "when on the plantation we reported ourselves sick, a negress-
" was told to make water, and if we consented to drink it our statement was admitted, but if we
" refused we were compelled to continue labour." Ch'&n A-fu (|Jft ppj jjjg) deposes, " one of my
" arms was broken by the injury. The fracture was cured, but I was punished by the deduction'
" of nine months' wages." Li Cho (^ ^) deposes, "for reporting myself sick the administrator

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" beat me, and chained my feet during three days, and withheld from me wages during eight
" months." Huang A-man (H ppj }j!g) deposes, " when sick the surgeon incited the dogs to bite,
"and beat us with rods." Yii A-t'ien (^ ppj 03) deposes, "when so seriously sick that I was
" unable to move, the surgeon in the first instance beat me before admitting me into the
" hospital." Liu A-yao (gj| ppj j5g) deposes, " when sick I was locked up in the infirmary, and
" sometimes during a few days received no food whatever ; but the surgeon never visited me."
Yiian A-an (jg; ppj 4g?) deposes, " when so sick that I vomited blood, the surgeon would not admit
" me into the hospital." Kao A-tai (jU ppj f£) deposes, " when I was sick, I received no medical
" care."

XXXVIII.
What is the rate of mortality?

The census effected under the supervision of the Central Commission of Colonization applies
to a period commencing in the 6th moon of the 27th year of Taokwang and terminating at the
7th moon of the nth year of T'ungchih. The statistics show that during five years of this period
— from the 28th year of Taokwang until the 2nd year of Hienfeng inclusive — no vessels con
veying Chinese reached the island, and that during the 20 remaining years 114,081 landed, of
•whom, on the completion of the census, there remained 58,400.
Another Table prepared by the Commission shows the departure during 1872 and the first
nine months of 1873 of 235 Chinese, being an annual average of 134. Assuming — to aid the
calculation — that 571, the number arrived in the reign of Taokwang, were all enabled to leave,
and bearing in mind that the departure of any men comprehended in even the first subsequent
importations — those of the 3rd year of Hienfeng — could not commence before the nth year
of HienfEng — producing at the above average, a total of departures for that and the eleven
following years, of 1,608, — the entire number departed amounts to 2,179; and a deduction of
these and of the surviving population shows that the deaths reached the aggregate of 53,502, in
which, also, are not comprised the deaths during the voyages, which up to the same date — T'ung
chih nth year 7th moon — exceeded 15,000. All these, too, were young men, and their fates
certainly merit compassion.
The facts of the Tables of the Central Commission only specifying the population surviving
in the nth year, and of no information being attainable, as to that successively existing at the
end of each of the antecedent ones, and as to the augmentation effected during each, preclude
any minute reply to the query.

XXXIX.
What have been the causes of death ?
The excessive heat of the climate, the severity of the labour, and the scantiness of the
food, have been the causes of a great mortality, through sickness ; but the deaths from other
-causes have likewise been numerous. Yiian Kuan (gr |g) states in his petition, " the new

( 7o)
" administrator was cruel as a wolf or a tiger and his heart was as venomous as that of a snake..
",A certain Ch'&n A-tsao (gft ppj %£) not being able to endure the ill-treatment jumped into a sugar
" caldron ; Lien A-hsing (jig |5pJ ||) suffering from a bad leg and unable to work, on being forced
" to labour hanged himself; Liu Pai-j&n (gjj "g jg.) was flogged by the administrator till he spat
" blood and died ; Hung A-fu (gt |5pJ g), being unable to do the work allotted to him, ran away,
" was brought back and at night was killed by the administrator ; Chang A-ping (55 PPJ \%)> being-
" sick and unable to work, poisoned himself; Chou Shih-lan (j^ 7fi If), 15 days after arrival, was
" flogged by the administrator so severely that he died." Lin A-yu (ffi ppj W) deposes, " last
"year, Ts&ng A-chi (-§¦ ppj g) was murdered, a crime for which no punishment could be
" obtained." Ch'&n A-chi (Pft PPJ "§) deposes, " on the plantation I saw three men commit
" suicide, on account of a severe flogging which had been inflicted on them." Ch'&n Lin (gft $#)
deposes, " of ten men who were with me three killed themselves by hanging." Chou Liu (Jj| ^,)
deposes, " on the plantation ten men hanged themselves." W&n Ch'ang-t'ai (jjifc J| H) deposes,.
" I saw nine men hang themselves, one man throw himself into a sugar caldron, and 12
" men die from the results of wounds — these festered and bred maggots." Ho Hsi ( fa |g )
" deposes, " with me were 20 men ; of these two hanged themselves, and four cast themselves
" into a well." Liang En ( U§ J§. ) deposes, " with me were 15; of these four hanged them-
" selves, one named Liang Pai-sheng ( %, "g" ]§. ) after being wounded on the head and body
" by the administrator, was attached by the latter to his horse's tail and dragged back to the
" quarters. He proved to be then dead, and his body was cast upon the dung-hill." Ch'&n
" A-ying ( |Sft ppj J§l ) deposes, " I have seen many hang themselves. In the boiling house I
" have seen two who hanged themselves by one rope — others I saw who had died in a similar
" manner in the privies and dormitories." Jung A-ts'ai (*§J ppf ^) deposes, " a man who ran
" away and was captured was beaten by the administrator with a thick stick so severely that he
" died." Wen A-chao (jg. ppj $H) deposes, " I saw a man named A-lai (ppj ££) killed through
"blows inflicted with a stick and a knife when in chains; I saw also another named A-san (ppj 31)
" hang himself." Feng A-hsiu (]J§ ppj ^?) deposes, " I saw five men hang themselves." Wu
A-ch'ing (^ |ipj fjf) deposes, " of 50 men who were with me, only 25 survive. There were
" suicides by drowning, hanging and cutting of the throat." Li Hui (^ gf) deposes, " I saw two
" Shunt&h(J(g I*) men, by name Ch'en (gift) and Liang (•$£), who found the chastisements unendur-
" able, poison themselves with opium. I saw also a Hakka hang himself." Lo A-fa (jjg ppj ||)
deposes, " I saw the administrator strike two men dead with a knife, and I also saw two men
" who found the ill-treatment unendurable, hang themselves." Li Cho (^ ^) deposes, " at the
" end of the eight years I had seen six or seven men killed by violence, 13 men hang themselves,
" and three men poison themselves." Lin A-i ( ^ |ipj jfl; ) deposes, " with me were 20 men, of
" whom, finding the ill usage unendurable, two poisoned themselves, five hanged themselves and
" four cut their throats." Lo A-ch'ang ($| ppj ||) deposes, " with me were 24 men, of whom two
" hanged themselves." Lin A-t'ai ($fc ppj ||) deposes, " I saw four men hang themselves to-
" gether, of whom two died. The cause was that they found the ill-treatment unendurable."
Liang A-lin (^ ppj $fc) deposes, " I saw three men hang themselves, ten die from wounds and
" four poison themselves with opium." Wen Man (fg $£) deposes, " I saw on the plantation the-
" suicide of two men by hanging; one was named A-ch'ih (ppj jg) and the other A-kuan (ppj §)..

( 7i )
" Both killed themselves on account of finding the ill usage unendurable." Ch'&n A-yang
(Eft PPJ W) deposes, " I saw a Cantonese, by name A-lu (|5pJ §§), cut his throat in the plantation
"jail, and I saw another Cantonese hang himself." Lo A-chi ($1 ppj $£) deposes, "with me were
" 80 men; within a few years four hanged themselves, three poisoned themselves with opium, and
" the master reported all the deaths to the officials as the results of sickness." Ch'en Chiin-k'ai
(Eft ^ ffl) deposes, " I witnessed the suicide by drowning of Yeh A-ts'ai (^ ppj ^)." Li Wen-ts'ai
(^ 3t Bt) deposes, " on the plantation I saw two men hang themselves, three men throw
" themselves into wells, and other three poison themselves with opium. I also saw two
" others who were sick, and were flogged in order to force them to work, die on the spot."
Jung Chou-kuan (§ Jgj %) deposes, " I saw a man hang himself, on account of inability to
" endure the ill usage." Wu Chin-kuei (j£ jf§ j!;) and two others depose that they saw two men
die from thrusts with a stick, and other two from the effects of wounds inflicted. Ts'ai A-ping
(^ PPJ W) deposes, " I saw four men hang themselves, unable to endure the ill usage, one jump
" into a well, and three die whilst in chains from wounds." Chang A-hsi (55 |5pJ §) deposes,
" I saw a native of Shunteh (Jl|f( ||»), by name Huang (^), hang himself after the administrator had
" beaten him with such severity that his legs were lacerated." Li Yu (^ yfa) deposes, " I saw a
" native of the Hwa (;$») district, by name A-kuei (|5pJ ^), hang himself, because he found the
" treatment unendurable, and the food insufficient." Li Ho (gjs fa) .deposes, " I saw a native of
" the Sinhwei (fjf •§•) district, by name Ch'&n A-kuang (gft |IpJ %), 20 years old, hang himself on
" account of finding the chastisements unendurable. I saw also two other men, natives of the
" same place, Li A-wei (^ ppj g)|) and Ch'&n A-ch&n (gft ppj ffi), commit suicide in a similar
" manner." Shih A-kou (/ft ppj $jj) deposes, " I saw four men who found the usage unendurable
" hang themselves. They did so on one cord." Ch'en A-shun (gft ppj j§|) deposes, "I saw three
" Chinese killed by violence on the plantation. No report was made to the officials. The bodies
" were buried ; and the matter was ended. I also saw four men hang themselves when wounded,
" owing to the usage being unendurable." Lin A-pang (|^ ppj |§) deposes, " I have seen some
" 20 men commit suicide by hanging themselves and by jumping into wells and sugar caldrons."
Liang A-jen (^ ppj 3?) deposes, " I saw the suicide by hanging of one man, who found the usage
" unendurable." Ch'en A-yin (gft ppj H) deposes, " I saw the suicide by taking opium of Huang
" A-fa (j|r ppj f|), who had been so severely wounded that he was incapacitated' from labour. I
" saw the death by hanging of a Tungkwan (]f[ ^5) man, named A-ho (|ipj ^j), who had been
" wounded by blows." Ch'en Shui (gft 7JC) deposes, " I saw on the plantation one man jump
"into a well, and one man hang himself." Yu A-shih ($£ ppj ^5) deposes, "with me were
"16 men, of whom eight are already dead." Ho A-chi (fpf ppj :g) deposes, "I saw a man
" who being sick had been refused permission to rest, attempt to hang himself, and after
"being rescued jump into a- well." Su A-fa (|g ppj ||) deposes, "on the plantation I saw
" three men flogged in such a manner that on the following day they were dead." Ch'&n
A-shun (gft PPJ M) deposes, " on the plantation one man was killed by a blow from a knife,
" dealt by the manager of the plantation shop ; the latter was not arrested. Other two died
" from the effects of blows dealt by the administrator, but as the latter presented the officials
" with money no proceedings were taken." Ch'&n A-erh (gft ppj ~) deposes, " on the plantation
" I saw eight men drown themselves and four men hang themselves, owing to their finding the

(70
" labour and the chastisement unendurable." Ch'en A-pao (gft ppj %) deposes, "on the plantation
"two Cantonese who could not endure the chastisement hanged themselves, and of 31 of my
"gang, two hanged themselves, and three swallowed opium, owing to their finding the ill
"treatment unendurable." Li Shun (|g! J§f) deposes, "one of the men with me, a native of
" Hweichow ( j§f %) killed himself on account of the cruelty." Han Yen-p'ei ($| jjg Jg) deposes,
" of 50 men with me three drowned themselves and two hanged themselves, on account of finding
" the cruelty unendurable, and 13 died from the effects of wounds." Ch'en Chung-hsiu (gft ,§^)
deposes, " with me were 22 others, of whom two hanged themselves, and two poisoned themselves
" with opium, owing to finding the cruelty unendurable. Besides four died from the effects of
"wounds." Yang Shih-feng (|§ fi JgJ deposes, "with me was a native of Polo (f$ H), by
" name Hsien Shih (ft i) ; he was so wounded by blows that the pain was unendurable. The
" surgeon gave him some aperient medicine, which he vomited, and he afterwards hanged
"himself. A native of Kweishan (g§ H), by name Ch'&n A-ts'ai (gft ppj ;f), after being flogged,
" was ironed on both feet and forced to work, and fell into a lime-pit, in which he died. The
" deaths from wounds and in the hospital, of which I have been a witness, have exceeded 100."
Li Hsin (^ f=) deposes, "I saw a native of Hweichow (3§f >)]\), by name Lin A-ssii (^jc ppj 03), hang
" himself, being unable to endure the pain resulting from a flogging. The 20 men of the same
" gang laid a charge before the officials, but the latter gave no heed to the complaint ; and the
" master having brought them back placed them in irons, so that the accusation could not be
"renewed." Li A-wu (*g PPJ f£) deposes, "I saw three men drown themselves, and five hang
" themselves, on account of the cruelties to which they were being subjected." Ch&ng A-chu
(815 PPJ U) deposes, " I saw Li A-san (^ ppj 31) killed by blows because being sick he was unable
" to move certain bundles of cane. I also saw two men hang themselves, and one man jump into
" a well." Huang A-yung (^ ppj $£) deposes, " on the plantation, I saw Ch'&n A-kou (gft ppj J&J)
" and Hsien Yii-tsai (|$ ,!§, ff) hang themselves, being unable to support the chastisement. One
" hanged himself on a tree, the other in the dormitory." Chiang A-lin (H ppj j||) deposes, " I saw
" one Cantonese hang himself, and four men poison themselves with opium." Yu A-ssii
(M Pfif 13 ) deposes, " I saw one of my gang, a native of Fukien, by name Ch'&n A-kou (gft PPJ J&J),
" so beaten with a stick, for weakness in the legs, that he died in seven days. I also saw the suicide
"by hanging of three natives of Nanhai ( jg $£)." Liu A-jui (gjj ppj JJg) deposes, "I saw two
"men hang themselves." Ch'en I (gft 1|) deposes, "I saw three men hang themselves and one
" drown himself." Ch&ng A-t'u ( % ppj ± ) deposes, " I saw ten men so wounded by blows that
" in a few days they died, and other four who were unable to endure the cruelty hang them-
" selves." Liang A-hsin ("^ PPJ §f) deposes, "on the plantation, I saw three men who were
" unable to endure the cruelty cut their throats." Chang Erh (55 Zl) deposes, " of those with me,
"two drowned themselves and three swallowed opium." T'an Yu (g^) deposes, "I saw a
"native of Sinning (§f ff)> ty name Huang A-yang (f? ppj §|), killed by blows dealt by the
" administrator." Wu A-i (^ ppj j|) deposes, " on the plantation I saw one man drown himself,
"three men poison themselves with opium and one man hang himself." Liu A-ssii (fj ppj 0j')
deposes, " I saw the death in the infirmary of ten men, who had been wounded ; it took place
" within one or two days after infliction of the blows. I also saw the suicide of a native of
" Fukien, who was driven to the act by the cruelty." Sun Kuan-fu (|,|j|) deposes, " of those

( 73 )
" with me, two hanged themselves and one poisoned himself with opium. They did so because
"they found the cruelty unendurable." Yeh A-san (3§| ppj 3i) deposes, "I saw a Cantonese
"poison himself with opium." Ho A-pa (fa PPJ A) deposes, "I saw the master kick, so
" that he died, a man who reported himself sick and whose statement was not accepted.
"The matter was in no way investigated by the officials." Liu A-ch'ang (§|J ppj -g) deposes,
"I saw a Cantonese hang himself on account of the cruelty. No enquiry was made by
"the officials." Lin A-mei ($f; ppj H) deposes, "I saw three Cantonese hang themselves."
T'ang Chan-k'uei (^ £ jg§) deposes, "of those with me in the bakery, one man unable to
"endure the blows hanged himself." Lo Yung-sheng ($g jfc Jjf) deposes, "during the eight
" years I saw a Cantonese throw himself into a well, a Fukienese throw himself into a sugar
" caldron, and a native of Swatow cut his throat. Besides eight Cantonese hanged themselves."
Ch'&n A-'huan (gft ppj ^) deposes, "with me were ioo men, of whom 50 hanged themselves."
Ch'&n A-fu (gft ppj fs) deposes, "with me were 25, of whom three hanged themselves." Yii
Ming-hsing (§* % J|) deposes, " I saw two men cut their throats. One was named A-k'ai (ppj g^)
" and the other Chiu Chio-chih {% f$ $£-), but the wounds were afterwards healed. I also saw
" three men hang themselves, and one man kill himself by wounds inflicted on his private parts."
Huang A-ying (j| ppj ^) deposes, " I saw one man, a native of Kaochow (jj=jj jj'|'|), hang himself."
Lu Chung (Jj gjf) deposes, "of those with me, one threw himself into a well, and two poisoned
" themselves with opium." Wang Tzu (31 $|) deposes, " I saw two men commit suicide." Ch'iu
Yiian (ffJJ jq) deposes, " of 20 men with me, three committed suicide." Ch'en Han-pin (gft |H |f$)
deposes, " of those with me two committed suicide, and one was killed by the administrator by a
" blow from a knife." Han Chin (|$ $f|) deposes, " with me were 30 others, of whom, in the eight
" years, two hanged themselves, two drowned themselves, and one poisoned himself with opium."
Li Pan-chang (^£ $£ i§£) deposes, " I saw two men commit suicide by hanging, and one man drown
" himself." Liang A-yin (^ ppj |^) deposes, " of those with me, eight hanged themselves, and two
" drowned themselves." Li A-ta (H ppj j|§) deposes, " of those with me, one man after having been
" wounded by blows, entered the infirmary, and died there in one day." Li A-'hung (^5 ppj $|)
deposes, " I myself saw one man killed by blows." Liang Tao-'han (^ jjjj; §|) deposes, " of 12 with
" me, two poisoned themselves and one hanged himself." Li Yu (^ tjjfe ) deposes, " I saw 20 men
" commit suicide." Kuo Ching-fang (^|5 ^ Jy) deposes, '' I saw two men poison themselves with
" opium, and three hang themselves." Li A-fu (^ ppj fg) deposes, " I saw four men hang them-
" selves on account of being flogged with severity." Tseng A-shih (if ppj -\-) deposes, " I saw a
"native of Nanhai (]fj $p) killed by blows. He vomited blood, but the chastisement was not
"stopped." Ch'en T&-ch&ng (gft f# JE) deposes, "I. saw five men hang themselves." Ch&ng
Chiu (SIS ^L) and 14 others depose, "I saw Li A-erh (^ ppj zl) struck, fall into the water, and
" in it die by drowning." Ho Ch'iu-shih (fa $t j£) deposes, " I saw two men cut their throats ;
" one died and the other was cured." Huang A-chang (;pf ppf j§£) deposes, " I saw two men who
"had been wounded by blows dealt by the administrator removed to the infirmary, in
" which they died on the next day. I also saw six poison themselves with opium, and three
" hang themselves." Wang T'ing-ku/ (31 «ci ji|) deposes, " of those with me five hanged them-
" selves." Chu Ts'un-fang (^ J-j- ||) deposes, " my brother, by name Chu Mei-hsiang (^ $| |f ),
" placed on a waggon a smaller than ordinary quantity of sugar-cane, and in reply to an overseer

( 74)
" explained that the oxen were thin, and not able to move a heavier load. The overseer became
" very angry, said he would not permit Chinese to argue with him, and seizing a stick, inflicted
" heavy blows. This occurred about 4 p.m. and at 6 p.m. my brother was dead. I also saw six
" men hang themselves." Ssii T'u-hsing (^J % >[£) deposes, " of 43 with me, 29 committed
" suicide." Liao A-ping (Jg ppj fjf) deposes, " I saw four men hang themselves and one man
" drown himself." Li Jun (^ |§) deposes, " I saw four men struck dead by the master, who
" suspected them of mutiny. I also saw a Hakka, by name Lin Ch'iao ($£ ;jf ), drown himself."
Ts&ng A-yang (-§¦ ppj §|) deposes, "I saw a native of Hweilai (fli j$i), named Li Lien-hsiu
" (*£ ]$| ^), poison himself with opium as he was unable to endure the chaining and flogging."
Pai Mien (£ ffi) -deposes, " of ten men with me, one poisoned himself with opium." Wu I
Q5| j£) deposes, " I saw ten men hang themselves." Yeh Ch'iian (3g ^) deposes, " I saw
"a native of Tungkwan (^ ^) poison himself with opium." Yu A-chli (jj£ ppj g) deposes,
" I saw three men poison themselves with opium, and two men hang themselves through
" being unable to endure the cruelty." Ho A-ch'iu (fa ppj *$) deposes, " of those with me
" one man poisoned himself with opium." Li A-lai ( ^ |ipj 2j£ ) deposes, " two men who had
" been beaten severely died from the effects." Ch'iu Mu ( Jjg 7JC ) deposes, " I saw two men
" hang themselves." Li Chia (^ |g) deposes, '' I saw three men hang themselves, and five
"men poison themselves with opium." Liang A-k'o (ig| (ipj jjjlj) deposes, "I saw three men
"hang themselves, and three men poison themselves with opium. Last year, in the second
" month, the administrator struck dead three men by blows from a stick." Ch'&n A-ch'ing
(Eft PPf M) deposes, " I saw two men cut their throats, two men die from the effects of wounds
" inflicted two days before, and two men hang themselves. No official came to enquire into
"the matter. We were not able to1 leave the plantation, and did not know where any officials
" were to be found." Chang A-chao (5H ppf $8) deposes, " A man with me, a native of Ho-
"yiien (fa jjg), by name Wen T'ing-jang (jg %£ jg|), unable to endure the chastisements,
"poisoned himself with opium." Lin A-kuei (;jjf; ppj jj|) deposes, "I saw three men hang them-
" selves, three poison themselves with opium, and six die from the effects of blows, one or two days
" after their infliction." Yeh Ying-pao (3g Jg g) deposes, "I saw one man poison himself with
" opium and one man drown himself." Li K'un ( *£ j|) deposes, " a man with me, by name
"A-yu (ppj jg), unable to endure the chastisements drowned himself." Wen A-lai (?£ ppj 3§J)
deposes, " of ten men with me, one drowned himself, and three hanged themselves." Liang A-lien
(^ PPJ $1) deposes, "of those with me, one hanged himself and three poisoned themselves with
" opium." Lo A-t& (jg| ppj jfg) deposes, "I saw the master of the plantation kill one man by blows."
Ch&n A-'hung (gft ppj gt) deposes, "of 13 men with me, seven were killed by blows." T&ng A-mu
(f B PPJ 7t0 deposes, "of three men who came with me, one, a native of Hoshan (g§ tfj), by name
" Huang A-liu (•£ ppj ft), and another named Wu A-chiu (f£ ppf %), poisoned themselves with
"opium." Yiian A-ts'ung ( gjj ppj J|§) deposes, "of those with me two, unable to endure the
" chastisements, jumped into a well." Wang Ta-ch'&ng (31 % fflj) deposes, "I saw a man killed by
"blows on the plantation." Tsou A-&rh {% ppj ~ ) deposes, "of ten men with me, one man
" drowned himself, and three died from the effects of wounds caused by blows." Chung A-tai
(M PPJ fS) deposes, "I saw three men hang themselves who were unable to endure the chastise-
"ment." Liang A-san (^ ppj =) deposes, "I saw a man byname Hu (g|), unable to endure

'( 75 )
" the chastisement, hang himself." Li Shun (^ J|f ) deposes, "of those with me, I saw 1 1 commit
" suicide." Ho P'ei-ch'i ( fa ?$ $S| ) deposes, " I saw one man hang himself, one man leap into
' " a well, and another, an old weak man who had allowed a certain field implement to fall into a
" pool, killed by blows dealt by the administrator." P'ang A-tung (H ppj ]ff ) deposes, "of those
" with me, one hanged himself, and another died from the effects of a severe flogging." Lai
Ying-lai ($fj ^ 2}S) deposes, "I saw three poison themselves with opium, and two men drown
" themselves." Chang Hui ( 5Jt 1^ ) deposes, " I saw two men hang themselves, and one man
" poison himself with opium." Huang A-hsing (j! |ipj ^) deposes, "of 40 men with me, three were
" so severely beaten that one died on the spot, and the two others afterwards, in the infirmary." T'ang
Shih-chu (J| ^ £fc) and 1 other depose, that on the premises of the Railway by which they were
employed they saw two men poison themselves with opium, and one man hang himself — the suicides
being due to their inability to support the ill usage. Ho A-wei (fa PPJ f$) and 1 other depose, that
they saw two men poison themselves with opium. Liu Wu (g|J 3L) deposes, " I saw three men
" hang themselves, one man poison himself with opium, and a third, who had been beaten by an
" overseer, jump into a well." Li Shan (^ (I|) deposes, " I saw three men poison themselves with
" opium, and other three hang themselves." Wu A-yao ($£ ppj fj|) deposes, " of 20 men with me,
" three poisoned themselves with opium." Chu A-fu (^ ppj jjjg) deposes, " I saw a native of
" Hiangshan (ff |I|), by name Ch'en A-wang (gft ppj flj), so severely beaten that he drowned
" himself. Besides there were other seven who committed suicide." Kuang K'uan (||]$ 1j|) deposes,
" on the plantation three men hanged themselves, and three men poisoned themselves with
" opium." Wang Ching (3- <|£) deposes, " I saw three men drown themselves." Ch'en Yu (gft 7^)
deposes, " I saw two men hang themselves, and three men drown themselves, on account of their
" being unable to endure the cruelty." T&ng Sh&ng (g|J ]]$;) deposes, " I saw six men poison
themselves with opium." Li Ts'ai (*£ ^f ) deposes, " of those with me one man hanged himself
" on account of having been severely beaten by the overseer." Chung Lai (|j| 2$-) deposes, " an
" old man who could not move a heavy weight was killed by blows dealt by an overseer." Liu
A-shih (§1] ppj %j) deposes, " a native of Hweichow ( JC >}\\), by name Chu A-mu (^ ppj 7J;), was so
"severely chastised by an overseer that he drowned himself." Huang Hsing (jff||) deposes,
" I saw three newly arrived Chinese killed by blows from the overseer, who declared that they
" could neither speak nor work." Lin Tzii-yu (ffi gg 7g) deposes, " I saw a native of
" Yangkiang ( |§ %£ ) hang himself with a handkerchief, being unable to endure the hard-
" ship." Liang A-sheng ($£ ppj 4*g) deposes, " I saw a Cantonese, by name Li (ajs), hang himself
" because he had been chained and confined in the prison though guilty of no offence." Liang
A-sh&ng (igg ppj ;gg) deposes, " I saw a Cantonese, by name Ch'&n A-kuang (gft ppj %), hang himself
" when wearing chains, through inability to endure the ill treatment." Huang A-t'i (^ PPJ ff)
deposes, '' I saw three men wounded by blows and removed to the infirmary; in it they died
" on the following day." Huang A-ch'ang (^ ppj ||) deposes, " I saw Wang A-kuang (31 PPJ it)
"hang himself after having been ironed and severely beaten." Ch'&n A-hung (gft ppj ££)
and 3 others depose, " I saw a man named A-chi ( ppj ^ ) so severely struck on the neck
" by the negro overseer that he died in three days." Chou A-hsing (JjSJ ppj g|) deposes, "I saw a
" native of Hweichow (]§i jjtj), by name Chang (511), poison himself with opium, through inability
"to endure the ill treatment." Chiang Li-shih ($§: jflf H) deposes, "I saw three men hang
10

(76)
"themselves." Lii A-liang (H ppj J|) deposes, "of the men with me, a -native of Kweishan
" (II 41). by name A-yin (ppj H), was killed by blows, another, a Hakka, by name Ma Tsai (,f§ f-f ),
" hanged himself, and a third, A-t'ou (ppj j§), poisoned himself with opium." Chang Cheng-kao
(5ft JE Wi) deposes, "I saw Wang A-chiang (31 ppj ft) hang himself in his chains, on account of
" the frequency of the floggings inflicted. Of those with me seven men, who had been gravely
"wounded by blows, died from disease thus produced." Lin Kuei-hsing ($ft j|; ||) deposes,
" I saw a native of Polo (fg |§), by name Huang (J), killed by blows." Ho A-ch'&ng (fa ppf j$)
deposes, " I saw a man jump into a sugar caldron, two men hang themselves, and another wearing
"chains throw himself into a well." Hsiao To (|| %) deposes, "of those with me, one man
" hanged himself, as he was chained and constantly beaten." Lo Fu {% M) deposes, " of those
" who came with me, one man hanged himself, and another died from the effects of a severe
" chastisement." Liu A-sung (gjj ppj ]$fe) deposes, " of those with me two hanged themselves, and
"two poisoned themselves with opium." Wen Erh-chang (g Zl W) deposes, "I saw one man
" poison himself with opium, and one man hang himself, being unable to endure the hardships."
Lai A-hsi (gf ppj J§) deposes, "I saw six men hang themselves." Yeh Jui-chang (^ J| %)
deposes, " I saw a native of Sinhwei ( ilf # ) killed by blows dealt by the administrator."
Chiang A-t'&ng ($£ ppj H) deposes, " I saw 12 men hang themselves." Huang Ch'&n-fu (j| gft fg)
deposes, "I saw one man killed by blows." Ch'&n Hua (gft ggE) deposes, "on the plantation I
" saw a native of Sinhwei (fjf -ft), by name Huang A-fang ( jjf ppj 5§r), who worked in the sugar
" storehouse and who was detected asleep, beaten and bitten to death by dogs incited to attack
"him. Another man poisoned himself with opium." Liao Chiin (J§£ jfy) deposes, "I saw a
"native of Nanhai (iff $$), by name Lin (^fc), hang himself." Huang Chien-hsing (^ ^iSp)
deposes, "of those with me, three men committed suicide." Liu Chin-hsiu (§1] fj| j§? ) deposes,
" I saw two men hang themselves." Ch'ien Yu (f§ 7^) deposes, " I saw 28 men hang themselves
"through inability to endure the cruelty." Wen A-an (fi ppj 4£) deposes, ''I saw three men
"drown themselves." Hung A-i (gfc ppj JI) deposes, "I saw the Cantonese Liang A-hua
(IH PPJ 30 and n others poison themselves with opium." Hsieh A-hsing (f|J |ipj JB.) deposes,
" I saw a native of Hweichow (g, ijfl), by name Lin A-fa ($jc PPJ H ), and a native of Hiangshan
" (If lll)> °y name A-man (ppj $g), killed by blows. Another man, too, who was placed in foot
" irons, wounded on the legs by blows, and deprived of food, hanged himself." Chou A-chiu
( JbJ PPJ ll) deposes, " of 20 men with me, six died from blows which caused wounds and vomiting
" of blood." Liang A-hua (^ ppj J) deposes, " of the 42 men with me, two threw themselves into
" the mountain ponds, two were killed by blows dealt by the administrator, and one by blows
" inflicted by the surgeon." Tseng A-ming (¦§• [ipj Bg) and 3 others depose, " of 13 men with me,
" six died from the effects of wounds and bad medical treatment." Ch'&n A-sh&n (gft ppj g») deposes,
" I saw one man who had been wounded by blows die on the following day, one man who was beaten
" and cruelly used drown himself, and two hang themselves." Ho A-hsien (^ ppj ft) deposes, " I
" saw a native of Hweichow ( |t iNf), named Liu A-hsiu (||J ppj f|), so wounded by blows dealt with
"a stick that he died on the following day." Ho A-chien (fa ppj ^) and Teng San (fg H)
declare that they each saw on plantations two men hang themselves, who were unable to endure
the cruelty. Mai A-an (§g ppj 4£) deposes, '• I saw, on the plantation, two men hang themselves.
" Their terms of service had expired and they were not permitted to leave." Huang- A-yu

( 77)
(!iE PPJ S) deposes, " I saw a man struck on the neck with a stick. He was injured, and died in a
" few days. I also saw other two men hang themselves." Huang Yang-shun (^ |§ J§f ) deposes,
." on the plantation I saw two men drown themselves, two hang themselves, and three poison
" themselves with opium." Hsii Kuan (^ fg) deposes, " the overseer kicked a man and inflicted
" wounds from which he died. I also saw three men commit suicide." Ch'ii Jung ( |J| H) deposes,
"in the sugar warehouse eight men hanged themselves." Chang Ssii (5ft 0) deposes, "of those
" with me two men committed suicide." Ch'&n Ping (gft >tpj) deposes, " I saw five men commit
" suicide, of whom three poisoned themselves with opium ; the two others killed themselves when
" in the stocks. Last year a native of Shunt&h (Jig (*) was struck by an overseer with a stick on
" the ribs and died on the same evening." Hsii Pai-hao ( $Jj If #f ) deposes, " on the plantation
" I saw two men commit suicide, and another was so severely wounded by lashes with a whip
" that he died." Liu A-yao (ffi) ppj j|f) and i other declare that two days before they made their
depositions two men hanged themselves, the cause being inability to endure the cruelty. . Liang
A-chang (^ PPJ ^) deposes, "I- saw one man hang himself and 14 men poison themselves with
" opium. These were all Cantonese." Lai A-ssii (^ PPJ E3 ) deposes, " I saw the Cantonese
"A-t'ien ( ppj EH) hang himself on account of having been severely flogged. Two others also
"poisoned themselves with opium. These were all Cantonese." Ch'&n Kuan-chih (gft H ffi)
deposes, " I saw two men who were chained together leap into a sugar caldron." Chao Ch'ang
(IS Jl) deposes, " I saw a man commit suicide." P'an W&n-tao (ff§ ~% $=L) deposes, " of those with
" me two men committed suicide." Chung Liang-ch'&n ($g ^ gl) and 1 other depose, "I saw a
" native of Fukien, by name Lin Sung-ming ($fc ^ BJJ), poison himself with opium in the fields,
"being unable to support the cruelty." Kuan Hsien (§j§ J) deposes, "I saw a man
" hang himself in the infirmary who had been placed there after being flogged." Ho
A-w&n (-fpj ppj ~$£) deposes, " I saw three men commit suicide." Liang A-kuan (-|j| ppj §|j)
deposes, " of those with me two hanged themselves, and one who had been severely flogged
" died from the effects." Hsii Shao-lin (^ fg Jg§j) deposes, " my brother, by name Hsii Shao-jung
" (%fc IS $k)> drowned himself, because he was unable to endure the flogging." Huang A-mu
(Si PPJ H) deposes, " of those with me more than 100 died from blows." Ch'ii Tsu-k'ang
(01 IE M) deposes, " of those with me one man hanged himself." Sh&n Yao-chung (ffi $g ,§„)
deposes, " I saw two men killed by blows and three men kill themselves voluntarily by casting
" themselves under wheels." Sh&n Chin-kuei (ffi ^ ^s) deposes, " of three men with me, one, a
" native of Kiangsi (jQQ "pjf), by name A-man (|ipj jjg), died from blows." Yiian A-an (g ppj t£)
deposes, " of those with me two hanged themselves, being unable to endure the cruelty. A native
" of Sinhwei (Df H"), by name A-ping (ppj jEj§), also cut his throat, but the wound was cured."
T&ng A-hsing (f|5 ppj j|) deposes, " I saw a native of Nanhai (j§ jfc), by name Lin ($fj), hang
" himseff." Chu A-jui (jjj PPJ Jg) deposes, " I saw a man killed by blows; another man committed
" suicide by jumping into the furnace, and a third whose ribs had been fractured by blows, died
" in the infirmary on the following day." Mo A-kang (J| ppj [gjj) deposes, " I saw three men who
" had been wounded by blows hang themselves, and other three for a similar reason poison them-
" selves with opium." Ho A-fa (¦fft ppj ff ) deposes, " I saw Chang A-wang (5ft ppj H£) nang him-
" self on account of the cruelty to which he was subjected, and two others, natives of K'iungchow
" (=|J $\\) poison themselves with opium." Yang A-chi (|§ ppj $j>) deposes, " a sick man who was

(78)
" not permitted to enter the infirmary, poisoned himself with opium and died on the same day.
Mai T'ai-ch'ang (gS |$ <% ) deposes, " of those with me two hanged themselves, and one cut his
" throat." Liu A-kuei (||] ppj j|) deposes, " of those with me six hanged themselves on account-
" of the severity with which they had been flogged." Tu I (^fc |g) deposes, " I saw an old man die
" from a fracture of the ribs caused by a blow dealt by an overseer. He died at once." Li Erh
(^ H) deposes, " I saw a native of Nanhai (]§ f$) hang himself on account of the cruelty."
Liang Man (ijg , j$f) deposes, " I saw a native of Ch'aochow (M 3\)> hJ name Cn'gn Li
"(Eft H). nang himself, on account of the insufficiency of the food and the constant
" flogging." Ts'ai A-t'eng ( ^ ppj Jjf ) deposes, " I saw two men hang themselves, two men
" poison themselves with opium, and another leap into the sugar caldron." Liu Ying-fa (fl] Hit)
deposes, " I saw a Cantonese, by name Lin T'ien ( ;$ fi ), drown himself, being unable to endure
" the flogging." Shen Yang ( -ffi fl] ) deposes, " I saw a native of Changchow ( \% % ), by name
" Hsieh, ( f^ ), so severely beaten that, after vomiting blood, he died. A native of Ts'iianchow
"(M- 'M) also, by name Ts'ai (|g), "poisoned himself with opium." Ch'&n I-yu (gft £ ^)
deposes, "I saw one man cut his throat; the wound however was healed. Other three men
" hanged themselves." Hsieh A-tung (g| ppj )g) deposes, " on the plantation I saw a Fukienese,
" by name Ch'&n A-lai ( gft ppj $g ), hang himself." Hu A-ssii ( $j ppj 03 ) deposes, " I saw one
" man unable to endure the cruelty drown himself." Ko A-ch'ing ( $f ppj jg ) deposes, " I saw
" one man die from injuries caused by kicks inflicted by the administrator on the preceding day."
Wu A-ch'eng (^ ppj j$) deposes, " I saw the manager of the shop on the plantation kill by blows
" with a stick a man named Ch'&n A-fu (gft ppj Jg ). Another, by name Yang A-k'un ($§ ppj J$),
" was so severely flogged by an overseer that he died on the following day." Ch'&n Lung
( gft H ) deposes, " two newly arrived men, natives of Fukien, hanged themselves." Yii A-p'ing
( ^ ppj 2Ji ) deposes, " on the plantation only a few days ago two men hanged themselves." Hu
A-t'ai ( -£ ppf J| ) deposes, " I saw 3 men die from wounds caused by blows. Another man,
" a native of Hoyiien ( fa $§), by name A-i (ppj H), drowned himself." Liu A-hsiu (ffi) ppj jf )
deposes, "of 25 men with me six who were not allowed to report themselves sick and were also
"severely beaten, died." Chu A-shan (^ ppj Ul) deposes, "of 23 men with me two hanged
"themselves, and one man poisoned himself with opium." Ch'en P'ing-an ( gft 2p ^ ) deposes,
" of 34 men with me, two hanged themselves." Liang Lien-ch'ing ( ^ jj| J| ) deposes, " on
" the plantation there were suicides on account of the cruelty ; two men drowned themselves,
" and two hanged themselves." Liang P'ing-an ( ^ 2p % ) deposes, " I saw three men
" hang themselves, four men poison themelves with opium, and three men throw themselves
"into the sugar caldrons." Liang Piao (|g ;jjjg) deposes, "in the baker's shop I saw
" one man poison himself with opium." Liang A-hsiu ( |J£ ppj ff ) deposes/ " I saw a
"Hakka poison himself with opium." Yeh A-hsi ( :f| ppj || ) deposes, "I saw a native
" of Hweichow ( % % ), by name Wan A-fa ( |? ppj || ), hang himself, being unable to endure
" the cruelty. I saw also Wan A-hsing ( H ppj ffi ) and his brother jump together into
" a well." Kuo A-jung (||5 PPJ H) deposes, " I saw a man who was working in irons pushed
" down, and wounded by a white man. He desired to proceed to the infimary, but was observed
" and beaten with great severity by the same white man, and in a few days he died." Ch'&n Shou
(Eft 3£) deposes, "I saw one man killed by blows." T'an Ch'ang-hsiu (% J| f§-) deposes, "I saw

( 79)
" a man ha»g himself." F&ng Erh (JJ| zl) deposes, "I saw a native of Tungkwan (}g %) poison
" himself with opium." Ch'ii A-ch'iu (|g ppj $) deposes, "I saw a man so severely beaten, that
" he died in a few days from the effects of the blows." Liu Hsin-fa (gjj ff %) deposes, "of those
"with me one man hanged himself." Liang Ting (^£ T) deposes, "Li A-ch'iu (^ ppj jfc), a
"native of Ch'aochow ($pj jJ>|J) being old and unable to move the refuse cane, was struck by an
" overseer in the ribs, and in consequence died." Cheng A-chi ( f|5 PPJ Ipj ) deposes, " I saw a
"native of Hiangshan (§ |Ij), by name Ch&ng (Up), hang himself. A man named A-fu (ppj jjig)
" poisoned himself with opium. The cause of both suicides was inability to endure the cruelty."
Liang T'ing-po ( ^ ££ §£ ) deposes, " I saw one man vomit blood, and die in consequence of
" thrusts with a stick, dealt by the administrator. Two others died in the infirmary from the
" effects of grave injuries inflicted by the administrators." Chi A-1& ($£ |^f |f£) deposes, "I saw
" seven natives of Shanghai commit suicide. Of these, two being unable to endure the chastise-
" ments poisoned themselves with opium, three drowned themselves, and two hanged themselves.
" Of six Fukienese, also, four hanged themselves together, one poisoned himself with opium, and
¦' one threw himself into a sugar caldron. Severe injuries were the causes of all these suicides."
Chou A-tung (Jjl] ppj Tf[) deposes, "I saw eight Cantonese commit suicide owing to inability to
" endure the cruelty. Besides four men, who after being wounded by blows, were forced to
" labour, died within three days from the infliction of the injuries." Ho A-keng ( fa PPJ Jt )
deposes, " I saw four men hang themselves in a chamber, and three men hang themselves on
" trees; these had been unable to endure the cruelty."

XL.
When a man dies, how does the employer arrange his affairs? Is there any
difference in the treatment of men who die during or out of
agreement term?
Chinese procuring a Letter of Domicile and a Cedula, are in the enjoyment of a small
amount of independence, but the refusal of these documents during recent years, the withdrawal
of others previously issued and the successive renewal of contracts enforced by the master or the
dep&t on all who through either the refusal or the withdrawal, are unprotected, causes the fact of
death taking place after the completion of the agreement, to create no difference in the arrange
ment by the employers of the affairs of the remainder.
The following extracts from the depositions furnish information as to the manner of this
arrangement. Chou Jun-ch'ing (Jj|| ;p§ fl|f) deposes that the unbaptised are not admitted into a
cemetery. Hsii Li-sh&ng (^ jjr ££) and 98 others depose that Chinese receive neither coffin
nor grave, and that their bodies are cast out anywhere. Ch'en Te-lin (gft f* ^fc) and 2 others
depose that when buried they are not placed in coffins, and that their clothing is removed. Kuo
A-mei (§[$ ppj §|) and 1 other depose that they made the coffins (used on the plantation where
they served) and that these were provided for negroes but not Chinese. Huang Chieh (;§| J§)
and one other depose that their employers used one coffin, which was brought back after the
bodies had been' carried to the hills and buried. Li A-chiu (^ ppj %) deposes that Chinese are

(8o)
not placed in coffins, and that after the lapse of a few years their bones are burnt into lime. Lo
A-chi ($g ppj $1) deposes that the bodies are placed in a shallow hole, that in the course of time-
the bones are turned up by the spade, and piled up in little heaps, dissolve under the sun and
rain ; he also remarks that as the charred bones of oxen are required for the refining of sugar,
the mixture of those of men would produce an even purer whiteness.
Again the petition of Jen Shih-chen (ft It JO and 2 others contains the following
statement: "we have been here 17 and 18 years, and are so environed by the devices of the
" Commission of Colonization and others interested that egress is hopeless. We are old and
" weak and it is only uncertain whether we shall die in a dep6t or in a fresh place of service, or
" cast out as useless by the roadside ; but it is certain that for us there will be neither coffin nor
" grave, and that our bones will be tossed into a pit, to be burnt with those of horses and oxen
" and to be afterwards used to refine sugar, and that neither our sons nor our sons' sons will ever
" know what we have endured."

XLI.
What is the Chinese population of Cuba?
The census prepared by the Central Commission of Colonization shows that at the com
mencement of the 7th month of the year before last there were in Cuba 58,410 Chinese, and the
Tables received from the British Consulate General specify 11,332 as the number which sub
sequently quitted China up to the 3rd month of this year. From the latter figures have to be
deducted 907 deaths on board ship, reducing the number landed to 10,425; and as there is no
record of the mortality since the completion of the census the only estimate that can be offered.
of the existing population is 68,825.

XLII.
How IS IT distributed?
a. supporting themselves,
6. WORKING OUT CONTRACTS,
C. WAITING TO GO ELSEWHERE,
d. IN PRISON.

Those supporting themselves,— that is, who, formerly having obtained certificates of
completion from their employers, and having been baptised, procured Letters of Domicile and
Cedulas, were enabled to engage in a small trade or to gain their livelihood by free service, and
are described in the Census Table as " naturalized " or " subjects of foreign powers,"  may be
estimated as forming ^ths of the population; but it must not be forgotten that even these have-
undergone hardships and have been and are subjected to extortion, and that at present the issue
of passports and a departure to their country are attended by many difficulties.

( 8i )
Of those working out contracts it is needless to speak; and the freedom of the men whose
agreements were completed during more recent years is so completely restricted by the enforced
renewal of contracts, that the "going elsewhere" is an impossibility for them, and that no
-distinction can be drawn between them and those whose original engagements are still in force.
The depositions and petitions all agree that it is desired to render them prisoners for a lifetime,
and that they have to abandon all hope of a return home, and these two classes form 7 or 8
tenths of the entire number.
The proportion in jails, consisting of those sentenced, of those who have been long detained
without trial, and of men who, on the termination of their engagements, were confined without
any cause, does not exceed a few hundreds.

XLIII.
Have any Chinese become wealthy? Socially, what is their status? To what extent
does the Government recognize them?
The smallness of the proportion that has ever received Letters of Domicile and Cedulas ;
the liability of the holders to the withdrawal of these documents, a measure which at once
prevents the engaging in any independent business, and the constant, extortions practised by
every class of the inhabitants, preclude any hope of the acquisition of wealth being entertained ;
and the enquiry has shown, that among the Chinese in question, there are no men of opulence.
By officials the Chinese are regarded as appertaining to a category very different to that under
which their own countrymen are recognised as falling ; and this view is shared by the people
generally. Thus the petition of Kao Lao-hsiu (]^ jg 5§?) and 16 others states, "the shops, too,
" of those of us engaged in a small trade at any of the towns, are daily entered by the inhabitants
" who take away what suits their fancy without even offering payment, and if we ask for it we
" receive only blows. They care not if they kill us, and a single individual commencing an
" assault is aided by ten others, whilst all complaints to the officials are totally unheeded. Thus
" we have only to fold our arms and submit." The petition of Lin A-yiian ( £jc ppj -}Jg ) and
3 others states, "the foreigners — black and white — make purchases from us on credit, or promise
" payment at the end of the month, but when the time comes they are so unprincipled that not
" only they refuse us our due, but, besides, beat us. At other times after having sold us an
" article, they induce an accomplice to come to our premises to claim it as his, and to accuse us
" before the tipao (Capitan de Partido) of theft. The officer makes enquiry, declares that we
" deal in stolen goods, places us in fetters, and sends us to jail. We complain to the manager
" of the market, but either he is not willing to interfere or if he speaks to the officer, the latter
" does not heed him, and we eventually have to pay a fine." The petition of Hsien Tso-pang
(i5t i£ 215) and of 13 others states, that they all without reference to their abilities or positions
in their own country were treated as common labourers and slaves; they add, "in the streets we
"are constantly exposed to insult, to being struck by stones, and unless we submit in silence

(82 )
" we are soon assaulted by a mob and are finally dragged off to jail. If a Chinese desirous to
" effect' a purchase tries to bargain, he is at once abused, but a Spaniard or Cuban entering
"the shop of a Chinese wounds or even kills the latter if he attempts to ask for payment."
The petition of Chien Shih-kuang (fg ft ft) and 75 others states, "though those employed in
" the cities may suffer a little less, they are treated by the inhabitants worse than slaves." The
petition of Chu Chi-hsiin (Jfc *£. f||) and 9 others states, "when we go out or make any sales or
" purchases, three or five of the inhabitants will together assault us with stones, rotten eggs or
" some other offensive missile, wounding us on the head, face and body, and breaking whatever
" we may be carrying ; indeed sometimes wounds so serious as to have fatal results, are thus
" received. The neighbours in such cases never interfere, and the police, if appealed to, accord
" nothing but abuse. They ask why such as we, having neither fathers, nor mothers, nor families
" should throw ourselves in a tiger's path ? Vicious men armed with kniyes or firearms
" constantly rob us of whatever we may have on our persons, and wound us with their weapons,
"regardless whether we live or die." The petition, of Ch'iu T§-i (% ffi jg) states, "on the
" streets, too, boys constantly throw stones at us, without any attempt at prevention on the part
" of the Government, and the underlings of the officials arrest us on fictitious charges, and drag
" us before the authorities, who close our mouths and impose fines."
Chou A-chiu (J§| ppj ji) in his deposition declares, "I keep a shop for the sale of
" sweetmeats. I am subject to wrong, as I am forced to sell on credit, and never permitted to ask
"for payment; if I do so I am beaten. For what passers by, too, may choose to pick up and
" take away, I dare not ask any payment. Against all the acts of malice from which we suffer
" here at the hands of the white men we cannot utter a remonstrance." Han A-hsing (f| ppj J|)
deposes, " I carry on a small business in selling sweetmeats. I earn sufficient to support myself.
"If I laid by any money the people of the country would come and extort it from me.
" Every ' day men enter my shop, pick up and take away something, never enquiring the
" price, and strike me if I ask for payment." Liang Tao-han ($fe M Wk) deposes, " I
"keep a small shop for the sale of spirits and rice. The white men constantly subject
" me to extortion, buy on credit and refuse payment." Yeh Yu ( H jjj ) deposes, " I sell
"vegetables. The people of the island buy on credit and strike me if I ask for payment.
" On the street they constantly pelt me with stones." Lin Ch'iian (ffi ^) deposes, "here Chinese
" are treated most injuriously. Debts due to them are not paid, and a request for settlement is
" replied to by blows. If we walk in the streets stones are cast at us, and the officials look on
" with indifference." Chou Ch'en-tung (J^J gft ^) and 4 others depose, that on the streets the
boys— white and black— cast stones at them. Hung A-pan (gfc ppj J£) deposes, "the people are
" bad. They constantly stone the Chinese." P'an A-pao (jf |SpJ {£) deposes, " on the streets the
" white people constantly pelt me with stones." Wu A-ch'ing (J& ppj jf ) deposes, " the white and
" black men whom we meet on the streets all cast stones at us. They also rob us of our property,
"and look upon us as pigs or dogs." Kuo Chan (f|5 £) deposes, "Spaniards who meet us on
" the streets constantly kick us and no one interferes." Li A-pao (^ ppj {£) deposes, " on the
" streets we are scoffed at and abused. This occurs perpetually." Ch'&n A-fa (gft ppj |g) deposes, '
" it is the custom of this country that the police, who carry swords, arrest all Chinese wearing
" good clothes whom they may meet. They charge them with being gamblers. The officials in

(83)
"no way interfere, and an outlay of money is the only way of arrangement." Li Yu (^^)
deposes, " the inhabitants treat the Chinese with great injustice. The innocent are dragged away
"to the dep6ts, and are not released until they disburse money." Pai Yung-fa (jjj ^ H)
deposes, " the Chinese here suffer greatly, and are treated worse than the negroes." Li A-tung
(^6 ppj Jg) deposes, "my master treats the Chinese worse than the negroes. The Spaniards
" devote themselves to the traffic of decoying and selling us, as they consider us slaves for a life-
" time." Ch'&ng Chang-ming (^g 1|£ Bfj) deposes, "because they look upon us as horses or dogs,
"they think that we should be slaves for a lifetime." Ts&ng A-shih ("If PPJ +) deposes, "the
" Chinese here are treated worse than fowls or dogs." Ch'&n A-fu (gft ppj fl) deposes, "Chinese
" here are treated like fowls or dogs, and I long for death." Chi A-1& (jg* ppj |g|) deposes, " the
" administrator constantly says that Chinese are like fowls and dogs, and when they die others
" can be bought." Ho Fu-hsing ( fpj ^ Jli) and 9 others depose, that the sufferings of the Chinese
are matters of public notoriety, that they are treated worse than beasts. Ch'&n Shui (gft jjc) and
1 other depose, " Chinese are now in Cuba treated worse than formerly. The negroes also at
" present strike us more violently."

XLIV.
Abe Chinese found in positions of trust? Positions requiring intelligence, character
and attentiveness ? are they fairly paid and properly treated, or the
REVERSE ?
The larger proportion of the Chinese in Cuba are Cantonese. With this exception natives
of Fukien, Hukwang, Kiangsu and Chehkiang are the most numerous. Besides, there are natives
of every province, and even Bannermen.
Out of these, during the course of the enquiry, were met civil and military officials and
literary graduates (hsiu-ts'ai) mixed up with the general body of common labourers. They had
been decoyed and sold like the remainder, for, as is remarked in the petition of Chang Luan
(5ft M) and 30 others, " the intelligent as well as the vicious are caught in these nets and fall
"into these snares;" and among the. several tens of thousands in the island, there undoubtedly
must be men gifted with " intelligence, character and attentiveness." One treatment however is
applied to all, the treatment of slaves, and to them ability is a useless possession.
Wages, also, are paid in accordance with a fixed system, usually $ 3 during the first year
and $ 4 during the remaining seven, and whatever augmentation may be granted on the com
pletion of the term of original engagement is not a recognition of the existence of exceptional
capacity. No method of giving effect to any such recognition is included among the provisions
of the rules which govern the Chinese in Cuba.

( 84)

XLV.

as compared with their former condition in china, what is their condition in cuba ?
More comfortable, more prosperous, or the reverse? Do they regret
having gone to cuba ? do they wish to get away? can they get away?
Lin A-yung (ffi ppj $) deposes, " on account of the condition of affairs at Cuba I do not
desire to remain." F&ng Hui Qj§ -f|) deposes, "the food is insufficient and the labour arduous;
"my'repentence is without limits." Li A-lung (||J ppj gg) deposes, "in China I worked daily
" during 8 hours, here I have to labour during 20." Liu A-fu ( gfl ppj H ) deposes, " though
" I hold a Letter of Domicile and Cedula, and work independently, I am constantly subjected to
" outrage. Here we are regarded as appertaining to the same class as the negro, indeed some-
" times these latter are treated better than we are." Li Hsi-pao ( ^ H g ) deposes, " we are
" struck without cause ; such usage would not be endured in China a single day." Chao A-ling
(fl PrI §0 and 14 others depose that they think the existence of a beggar in China preferable to
theirs in Cuba. Ho A-chi (ft ppj g) deposes, " Chinese are treated like the black slaves. I prefer
" returning to China to beg, to remain here to be ground and broken." Liu Sh&ng-lin (g|J |jg |j$|)
deposes, " although my master is good, the labour I have to perform is ten thousand times more
" grievous than that of China." Chang Lin-an (5ft ffi %) deposes, " the men in China who suffer
"the extremest hardships, suffer less than those here." Li A-yao (^g ppj H) and 185 others
all declare in their depositions that they desire to return to China. Ch'&n Hsio-chou (gft ^ J^J)
deposes, " through the aid of friends I was able to redeem myself and in two years saved sufficient
" for the cost of my passage back. I then met certain officers who had been sent to arrest all
" Chinese, and I was seized, placed in prison and there forced to labour. My padrino or godfather
" upon this, by an outlay of $ 1 50, was permitted to bail me, and I thus avoided being again
" sold to the mountains as a slave, but I lost all my property." Wang Hsiang (31 |nj) deposes,
"I now possess $200; if the depot would grant my release I would return to China.

XL VI.
Have the men married? What wives? What is the condition of their wives and
children, and what future have the children before them?
The 35th clause of the Spanish Royal Decree of i860 is to the following effect: "Immi-
" grants may marry with the consent of their employers."
" If this consent is refused and the immigrant is of age, he may either redeem himself in
" accordance with the provisions of clause 43, or may seek another employer who will fulfil these
" provisions for him." m

(85)
The 43rd clause is thus worded: "Every immigrant can at any time redeem himself by
" paying the following amounts: —
" 1. The amount originally paid for his acquisition.
" 2. The amount due as indemnity for the cessation of work during contract hours, or
" from any other cause.
" 3. The highest estimate passed by experts of the increased value of the services of
" the immigrant since his acquisition.
" 4. Compensation for the loss that may ensue from the difficulty of replacing the
" labourer.
" The immigrant cannot make use of this right of redemption during the sugar season or
" at the time of execution of any of the pressing labour permitted even on the festivals of the
" church." From these extracts the difficulty of effecting redemption becomes apparent.
Some years ago two Chinese having completed their term of contract, having obtained
Letters of Domicile and Cedulas, and having won prizes in a lottery, married Chinese women. They
and their wives are still in the island, being unable to pay the cost of passage home.
Ch&ng A-lai (JU5 ppj 2j£), a native of Ch'aochow (J|g $\), the only man among the tens of
thousands of Chinese who have landed in Cuba who is reputed to have amassed any considerable
sum of money, married a white woman. He subsequently twice endeavoured to leave the island,
but was on each occasion arrested. He is now dead and no portion of what he possessed was
remitted to China.
At present there is another by name Chang Ch'ang-kuei ( 5ft Jl J|) who has married a
a white woman and who earns by his labour sufficient for his support. His deposition was taken
and in it he states that he was disliked on account of his marriage, and speaks of the hatred
ente'rtained towards him for other reasons, and of .the injury done to him by the tipao (Capitan
de Partido ).
Besides, a few others, by name Ho Hsi (ft |jg), Chuang W&n-ming ($£ ^ flfj), Wu A-
ling ( f£ ppj ft ), Ch'&n Hsiu ( gft ^ ), Ho Tan-kuei ( fa jf ^ ), &c, &c, have married mulattoes
and negresses. But the aggregate of these cases is very small.
Of the children it can only be said that they are brought up by their parents.

XL VII.
In certain laws said to have been proposed for temporary enforcement and conse
quent on the rebellion, the words occur "at the expiration of their
" contracts, colonists will remain under the guardianship of their late
"patrons," and "in case the colonist should not desire this, he will be
" placed in the municipal deposit." what is " guardianship," and what is
a "Municipal Deposit"?
Changes in the regulations applicable to Chinese in Cuba have been of frequent occur
rence, but no rules are stated to have been framed in consequence of the insurrection. The

(86)
necessity of either a renewal of contract or of labouring on public works was laid down as long
ago as i860, in articles 7 and 18 of the Decree of that year.
(Note by translator : —
The term " temporary guardianship " referred to in the query is used in the Decree
of the Colonial Government, a portion of the purport of which is quoted under
query 25, and which is more fully described in the memorandum concerning
Legislation. The guardianship meant temporary continued use of the services of
the Chinese in question, on condition of the employer guaranteeing their appear
ance whenever it might be called for, and their retention in one locality until
" the Government can ascertain whether they are deserters or whether they have
" been guilty only of the fault of neglect to re-contract themselves in a regular
" manner."
As shown in the memo, referred to, the guardianship ceased on the 14th September
1872, and was replaced by the re-contracting prescribed in the Regulations of
that date.)
" Guardianship " by the original employer, being prolonged service for his benefit, was
not likely to be acceptable to those interested. As shown by the petition of J&n Shih-ch&n
( ft IS JC ) and two others, the enforcement of contracts for eight years entered into for five, is
regarded as a wrongful exaction of three years' labour, and a few other extracts will prove the
feelings of dislike in regard to any such prolongation entertained by the Chinese, and the preju
dicial nature of such a tutelage when imposed. Thus Ts&ng A-shih (-§¦ ppj -f-) deposes, that 40 men
who had completed their contracts were forced to labour in chains ; P'ang A-tung (j|| ppj Jg), that
at the end of the eight years if a new contract was refused, they were beaten and chained;
Lin Tzii-yu (ffi $| 7g), that a native of Nanhai (j§ $$) who declined to renew his contract "was
so injured by thrusts with a stick in the chest inflicted by the administrator that he died in a
few days; and Liang A-sh&ng ("|j| ppj ^), that a Cantonese, by name A-chi (|JpJ ^), who declined
to renew his contract was so injured by thrusts that he died in a few days.
The institution known as the " dep&t " is named in the depositions in various ways, but
these different appellations, ten in number, have reference to one establishment. This originally
was created for the detention of runaway slaves, and its jurisdiction was subsequently extended to
the similar cases of Chinese. To the latter were added, later, all not possessing Letters of Domicile
and Cedulas, whether the absence of these documents be due to refusal of them, or loss, or with
drawal by violence ; and the general cessation of their issue which has taken place of recent years
has rendered Uabihty to such arrest universal. The Chinese who declines to renew his engage
ment with his original employer, and who, despite the chains and the whip, in so many cases
resorted to, persists in his refusal, is delivered to the depot to labour on Government work
without remuneration until through its intervention a new contract is enforced, — a process con
stantly repeated and calculated of course to prevent any return home and any attempt to gain a
livelihood independently, and resulting in exposing to the danger of being handed over to the
cruelties of the plantation, — the extremest, — men who, hitherto employed in other services, have
escaped them.

(87 )
The petition of Li Chao-ch'un (afg ^ §) and 166 others states, "our countrymen who
" have completed their first contracts must enter the dep6t, and they have either to in it work
" in irons and without wages, or are hired out to labour in any part of the island, a servitude
"without limit <md which may last till death. The original employer or any other may
" also make an agreement with the official, under which he will pay $ io, or over $ io, a month,
" for the services of each Chinese he selects in the dep&t, and we are bound by the conditions
" of this contract, though the authorities receive the greater portion of the wages and only some
" $ 4 a month reach our hands. The contracts issued to us at Macao are in most instances kept
" by the master. If a death occur, the employer may, after agreement with the officials, visit the
" depSt and point out such or such a man as the signer of the dead man's engagement. ,
" The depot was formerly a house of detention for deserters, but at present many of our
"countrymen who never ran away and who regularly completed their time of service are
"forced to enter it, and whilst in it are compelled to carry earth and hew stones, working
" in chains, some wearing even two or three, under overseers who with whip and knives
" drive them to labour. The sole object of these cruelties is to oblige them to enter into
" new contracts with the wealthy proprietors and to thus fetter themselves again for a certain
" number of years, and when the new engagement is over, they are sent back to the dep&t
"and successively dealt with in the same manner. Is it not real slavery for life to which
" Spaniards condemn us? All these measures are devised to retain us here till death, to prevent
" our ever again seeing our country." The petition of Hsien Tso-pang (gfe f£ W) states, " these
" depfits are in no way different from prisons, and many of us who years ago fulfilled our contracts
" are liable to removal to either one or the other on a charge of desertion. Such are the devices
" for the retention of the Chinese in this island, for the execution by them of Government work
" without wages, and for the deriving profits from the fees payable when fresh contracts are
" entered into." The petition of Ch'ii Ping-nan ([g jKpjj ]§) and 22 others states, " the dep&ts
" established for the Chinese are filled by the acts of the police officers, who visit at night the
" residences of the freedmen, demand the production of their papers, arrest on the plea of opium
" smoking or gambling those who present them, and on the plea of desertion those who fail to do
" so; and all thus seized have to work with foot irons in the depots." The petition of Ch'&n Ku
(Eft 'iSf) and two others refers to their countrymen being dragged away by the police to the
endless servitude of the depots. The petition of T'ang Chan-k'uei (|£ [5 j|fc) and 8 others states, " in
" all the towns of the interior dep&ts now exist, and our countrymen when their original engagement
" is at an end are placed in them whence they are either taken away to the mountains or are
" coerced into renewing their contracts; whilst in the depots they are fed like fowls or dogs,
" chastised and forced to labour like oxen or horses." The petition of Chao K'un (j|§ J§,) and 97
others states, " when the officials have refused the papers we are at once arrested and confined in
" the dep6ts where chains on neck and feet and the whip are also in use. The stronger may be
" able to work again in a plantation, but the older, after toiling hke oxen or horses, are allowed
"to die like useless insects." The petition of Ch&ng Hsing (fj|$ f^) and 5 others states, "at the
" end of the eight years, too, we were delivered by our employer to officials who forced us to
"repair roads, attached chains to our feet and placed us under the orders of overseers who
"constantly struck us." The petition of Lai Sh&ng (§f[ Jp) and 9 others states, "when taken to

(88)
" the dep6ts we are employed in the fatiguing labour of repairing or cleaning the roads and are
" given no wages. The food there too, is insufficient." The petition of Ch'iu Pi-shan ( Jft gj ill )
and 34 others states, " confinement, chains and hard labour— the treatment in fact of criminals —
" is that accorded in the dep&ts ; the cruelties which we there endure differ in no way from those
" practised in the plantations. The object in view in subjecting us to these wrongs is to retain
"us as slaves for life." The petition of Wu A-kuang (Jg. ppj %) states, "we all are confined in
" chains in the depots, compelled to execute unpaid labour and even escorted to the place of
" work by an armed guard. Unless guaranteed by a Spaniard, Chinese may wear chains until
" the day of their death. I myself was in irons for years and my feet are in consequence maimed,
" rendering me a cripple for ever, and mutilated." The petition of Lo A-pao {% ppj Jg) states,
" after my eight years, the master being bad refused to give me a cedula. I went away to work
" elsewhere, but having no papers was found and seized by the guards and brought to this
" depot. I have now been in it four or five years, receiving no wages." The petition of Ch'&n
Yii-shu ( gft 3g fg ) and 4 others states, " those who had the patience to complete their eight
" years, thinking that their position would then be improved, were, under the system devised
"by the officials, either obliged to bind themselves by a new contract or were sent to the
" dep&t, from which there is no outlet." The petition of T'ang Chan-k'uei (Jg £ U) and 106
others states, " originally the slaves of only one individual, we are now, through the dep&ts,.
" in the servitude of the entire population, a servitude, too, that can end only with death."
Chang K'ai ( 51 PI ) deposes, " having lost my cedula, I was sent to the dep&t where I laboured.
" for eight years without wages." Huang A-mu ( jf? PPJ yfC ) deposes, " the depot hired me out
" as a seller of water at monthly wages of $ 20 of which $ 1 5 were retained by the officials of
" the dep&t." Liu A-t'ang ( §[1] ppj Jg ) and 4 others depose, that they were hired out at monthly
wages of $ 15 of which $ 10 were retained by the officials. Liu A-hsing ( H? PPJ ^ ) deposes,-
" I was hired out by the dep&t -to a plantation at monthly wages of $ 20 of which $ 10 were
" retained by the officials." Li A-te ( ^ PPJ ^ ) deposes, " I was hired out by the depot at
"monthly wages of $ 11 of which $ 10 were retained by the officials. I subsequently was
" transferred to a manufacturer of machinery at monthly wages of $ 17 of which the officials
"retained $ 12." Chang Luan (5ft |g) deposes, "I am hired out by the depot, leaving it in
" the morning and returning at night. Of the wages paid only $ 4 are delivered to me, the
" balance is retained by the administrator." Lin A-te ( $fc ppj ?# ) deposes, " many are hired
" out by the depot, the wages being all retained by the latter. Nine men who were with me
"are now hired out to a plantation." Li A-pao (^ ppj {£) deposes, "the dep&t is cramped
" and filthy and we all sleep on the ground like pigs in mud, and though we number more than
" a thousand have all to wash ourselves in a trough a few feet long." Li Hsi-pao ( ^ |g tgf )
deposes, "in the depot I saw a native of Shunteh (Jig fg) over 60 years old whose arm had
" been fractured by blows and subsequently cured. I also saw there a native of Canton more
" than 40 years old and whose back bones had been injured by blows inflicted on account of his
" walking slowly." Ho A-shan ( ft ppj f§ ) deposes, " in the depot the negro overseer strikes
" most frequently the men advanced in age. Wang Ta-ch'&ng ( 3; ft f$ ) deposes, " at the
" Trocha, when clearing the mountains, my leg was broken by a tree. I was conducted back to
" the dep&t where, after the fracture had partially healed, I was knocked down by the adminis-

( 89)
" trator, the fall causing the injury to resume its original proportions." Ch'en A-pao ( gft ppj $j« )
deposes, " ten old men who were cripples were sent away to the country two days ago on account
" of* the visit of the Commission being expected. My brother who, holding a cedula,
" is unjustly confined in the depot, was also sent away." Yu A-sstt ( f^ PPJ E3 ) and 8
others depose, " we originally slept on the ground and our feet were in consequence swollen. On
" the visit of the Commission being expected, wooden beds and clothing were issued." Li A-n&ng
(2^ ppj f |) deposes, "these new clothes were issued yesterday; the men in chains were also
"released yesterday." Lin A-kou (ffi ppj jjft)' and 21 others depose, "when the visit of the
"Commission was expected clothing was issued to us." Lin Erh (ffi Zl) deposes, "when the
" visit of the Commission was expected rations of rice and new clothing were issued." Liu A-hsi
(ill PPJ ¦§•) deposes, "when the visit of the Commission was expected rations of rice were issued."

XL VIII.
Have the Chinese examined talked freely?
The men examined in the depots, prisons and plantations were selected by the Commission
from a number who, in the first instance, were designated by the functionaries of the respective
establishments. Besides, on the plantations, in most instances the enquiry had to be conducted
under the eyes of the administrator or overseers. Their presence tended to produce intimidation
-and reticence; nevertheless some did not hesitate to recapitulate their sufferings, to boldly
exhibit their scars, and to hold forward the raw bananas, dried beef and maize which were their
food. The purport of the several depositions, too, constitutes a reply to the point raised in the
query. [The author of the Report interprets the query to possibly refer to the permitted attitude
of Chinese under examination by Cuban authorities, as well as to their demeanour
during the interrogation by the Commission, and consequently appends the following
extracts : — ]
Sh&n San-wen (^ H li) deposes, "a negro who had committed a theft having accused
" me of being an accomplice, I was imprisoned and sentenced to seven years' confinement.
"During the trial the official would not allow me to enter into any details. The term for
"which I was sentenced has expired but I am still in prison." Lai A-hsi ($f ppj J|) deposes,
" a native of Polo ( flf J|§ ), by name Huang A-kuang ( H ppj %), having been beaten and
" forced to work in chains hanged himself during the night. We laid a charge before
" the neighbouring officials. They, however, gave no heed to our complaint and the body was
" buried without any enquiry being made. We, 23 in all, in view of this wrong renewed the
" accusation before an officer of higher rank. The administrator followed us and reached the
" office at the same time as we did. A prolonged conversation took place between him and the
" official, at the conclusion of which the latter enquired who of us were willing to return to the
" plantation, giving an assurance that we would not be chastised ; and he added that those who

(9o)
" refused would be sold to other plantations. Ten accepted the second alternative ; I and 12 others
" went back to the plantation." Kuan A-hsi ( §g ppj ^ ) deposes, " our master having dealt a blind
" man blows with his fist and wounded his head, we laid a charge before the officials. The latter
" however refused to accept our complaint and placed us in prison." Han Yen-p'ei ( 1$. & $jf )
deposes, " on my asking the administrator for eight months' wages ( due me ) he beat me. I
".preferred a charge before the officials ; when the latter sent for him he declared, that I had stolen
" straw from the stable, and I was at once imprisoned." The petition of Ts&ng Jui-t'o ( j| Jjg f£)
and 4 others states, " after the 7th year of Hienfeng, the officials, corrupted by the planters,
" endeavoured to coerce all of us, irrespective of the date of arrival or the possession of papers, to
" enter into fresh contracts, disregarding all remonstance."

XLIX.
Have the Spaniards offered all' necessary facilities ?
With one exception, the Commission is indebted to the instructions issued by the late
Captain General, Lieut. General Jovellar, for its admission into the dep&t, prison, hospital and
barracoon of Havana, into the depots, prisons and hospitals of the other towns visited, and into
the plantations at which it prosecuted its enquiry. At the time of quitting Havana for the interior,
letters addressed to the Sub-Commissions of Colonization established in the chief town of each
jurisdiction, were received from Senor Zulueta, then Governor now Mayor of Havana, and
President of the Central Commission of Colonization. The exception indicated was Las Canas,,
the plantation of Senor Poey, visited by the Commission on the invitation of the owner.
At the other plantations the Commission was only received after arrangements had been
entered into between the local official and the proprietor.
Whilst the interrogations were proceeding, representatives of the Government occasionally
were present, but they in no way interfered.
No other facilities were afforded by Spaniards of any class.

Has there been any interference or intimidation ?
The proceedings of the Commission within the depots, prisons and hospitals of Havana
and the other cities were attended by no difficulties ; but the depositions show that in the first
of these establishments in expectation of the visits rations of rice, new clothing and even beds,.
were supphed to the occupants.
The hours of visiting the plantations were settled in advance by the local officials, and by
them the Commission was occasionally accompanied.
To the proprietors of some plantations the Commission is indebted for the providing of
carriages and hospitality, but the request that the common labourers should be produced for

(9i )
interrogation was constantly met by the excuse that they were at work in the fields, and the
cooks and other domestic servants, in all an inconsiderable number, were offered in their stead,
and when after a long delay a few of the class desired were brought forward, it was urged that
their absence was productive of harm and that the examination should in consequence be as brief
as possible. Ordinarily, too, the administrators and overseers stood by whip in hand; but for
tunately they attempted no more overt intimidation. It is right however to place on record that
on the plantation "Armonia" in the Matanzas jurisdiction the administrator, though he had con
sented to the examination of thirty labourers, dispersed with blows and kicks, after ten had been
questioned, the remainder who were awaiting interrogation, and only after a prolonged discussion
promised to bring forward a few others on the following morning — a promise fulfilled by the pro
duction at 4 a.m. of a small number, who, also, had to be questioned with the utmost haste.
The following extracts from petitions supply additional information. Liang A-te" (|j| ppj f^),
in service at Matanzas, declares, " I last night intended to in person lay my story before the
" Commission, but I was dragged back and placed in irons by my employer, and I am in conse-
" quence compelled to hand in this written statement." P'an To-li (jig ^ jpj) and 2 others in
service in the neighbourhood of Cardenas declare, " hearing of the inquiry which you are institut-
" ing we intended to in person present our statement, but our employer said he would only allow
" (other) eight men to visit you, and as his severity is great we did not dare to disregard the
" order and therefore transmit this written petition."

True translation.

(Signed) A. MACPHEESON,
(Signed) A. HITBEK,
Commissioners of Customs.

12

II.

FRENCH VERSION.

(94)

Traduction de la depichc adresse'e au Yamin par les Commissaires envoye's a Cuba.

L'officier delegue" Ch'en et les Directeurs des Douanes Macpherson et Huber ayant
termine" leur enqu&te (sur les conditions des travailleurs Chinois a, Cuba) adressent cette reponse:
Le ioe jour de la ioe lune de la i2e ann&e de T'ungchih fut recue la communication
suivante: "Attendu qu'une enqu&te doit etre faite sur les conditions des Emigrants Chinois
" dans la Colonie Espagnole de Cuba, le Tsung-li Yam&n vient de designer le mandarin Ch'en
" Lanpin, officier charge" de la mission d'&ducation a l'Etranger pour aller faire cette enqu&te et
" a aussi d&signe' le Directeur des Douanes a Hankow Macpherson et le Directeur des Douanes
" a Tientsin Huber pour l'accompagner, et cette mesure a ete approuvee par un Decret Imperial
" en date du 3013 jour de la 7e lune de la i2e annee (le 21 Septembre 1873) de T'ungchih. En
" consequence ce mandarin attendra l'arrivee de MM. Macpherson et Huber aux Etats Unis et
" ils se rendront ensemble a la Colonie Espagnole ou ils feront une enqu&te exacte et complete ;.
" ils adresseront ensuite un rapport minutieux qui servira de base pour traiter l'affaire, etc."
II fut tout d'abord accuse reception de cette communication le I2e jour de la ioe lune
(le ier Decembre). Le Directeur des Douanes Huber arriva aux Etats Unis le 26° de la i2e lune (le 12 Fevrier
1874), et le mandarin Ch'En Lanpin partit avec lui pour la Colonie Espagnole de Cuba le 3e jour
de la iere lune (le 19). Ils arriverent a la Havane le 29s jour de la ire lune (le 17 Mars) et prirent
leurs logements a l'h&tel ou etait le Directeur des Douanes Macpherson.
Le 20 jour de la 2e lune (le 19) une visite fut faite au Capitaine General de Cuba, au
Gouverneur de la Havane, aux principaux membres de la Commission de Colonisation, et ensuite
aux Consuls d'Angleterre, de France, des Etats Unis, d'AUemagne, de Suede et Norvege, de
Danemark, de Hollande, d'Autriche, de Belgique et d'ltalie.
Le 3e jour (le 20) l'enqu&te fut commencee dans le barracon de Mr. Ibafiez.
Le 4e jour (le 21) elle fut commencee dans le dep&t.
Le se jour (le 22) elle fut continuee dans le barracon.
Du 6e au ne jour (du 23 au 28) elle fut continuee dans le dep&t.
Le 13", le 14* et le 15° jours (le 30 et 31 Mars et le i« Avril) elle fut continue'e dans la
prison. Le i7e et le i8e jours (le 3 et 4 Avril) furent employe's a visiter la plantation a sucre
de Las Cafias.
Le 22e jour (le 8) nous nous rendimes a Matanzas et pendant les jours suivants nous y
procedames a l'enqu&te dans le depot et la prison et dans les plantations a, sucre des environs San
Cayetano, Concepcion et Armonia.
Le 28e jour (le 14) nous nous rendimes a Cardenas et pendant les jours suivants nous y
procedames a l'enqu&te dans le depot et la prison et dans les plantations des environs Esperanza,.
Recreo et San Antonio. La ville voisine de Cimmarones fut aussi l'object d'une visite.

(95 )
Le 30 jour de la y lune (le 18) nous nous rendimes a Colon et pendant les jours suivants
nous y procedames a l'enqu&te dans le dep&t et la prison et dans les plantations des alentours
Espana et Flor de Cuba.
Le 6e jour (le 21) nous nous rendimes h Sagua-la-Grande et pendant les jours suivants
nous y procedames a l'enqu&te dans le dep&t, la prison et les plantations Santa Anna, Santa
Isabella et Capitolis.
Le 9e jour (le 24) nous nous rendimes a Cienfuegos ou pendant les jours suivants nous
procedames a l'enqu&te dans le dep&t et la prison et dans les plantations Juniata et Candelaria.
Le I3e jour (le 28) nous nous rendimes a Guanajay ou pendant les jours suivants nous
procedames a l'enqu&te dans le dep&t et la prison, retournant a la Havane par la ville de San
Antonio. Le I7e jour (2 Mai) nous allames a Guanabacoa et le m&me jour procedames a l'enqu&te
dans les dep&ts a sucre de Regla et Santa Catalina.
Les autorites locales fixaient toujours l'heure a laquelle nous pouvions aller proceder a
l'enqu&te dans les dep&ts et les prisons, et c'etait aussi apres avoir obtenu au prealable leur
assentiment que nous allions visiter les plantations, mais en chemin et dans les hotels ou nous
descendiqns nous prenions sans cesse des informations.
Tous les interrogatoires des Chinois e'taient conduits verbalement par nous m&mes en
personne. II ressort des depositions et petitions que les T8T du nombre total des travailleurs
Chinois ont declare" qu'ils avaient e'te' enleve's de vive force ou amenes par la ruse, — que pendant
la traversed la mortalite" provenant soit de blessures causees par des coups, soit de maladie ou de
suicide a atteint plus de 10%, — qu'a l'arrive'e a la Havane on les vendait en esclavage, une
petite proportion etant vendus aux families ou dans les boutiques ou ils sont maltraites, pendant
que la tres grande majorite devenaient la propriety des planteurs de canne a sucre et avaient a,
endurer les plus grandes cruautes,. — que le travail est par trop penible et la nourriture trop
insuffisante, que les heures de travail sont trop prolongees et que les verges, le fouet, les chalnes,
les stocks et autres chatiments occasionnent toutes sortes de souffrances et de blessures. Pendant
les annees passees quantite de Chinois ont ete tues sous les coups, ou sont morts des blessures
qu'ils avaient recues, ou bien se sont pendus, se sont coupe la gorge, se sont empoisonnes avec de
l'opium ou se sont jetes dans les chaudrons remplis de sucre bouillant. Nous avons pu voir nous
m&mes un assez grand nombre de Chinois avec les bras ou les jambes cassees, les yeux aveugl&s,
la tete couverte de plaies et d'autres a qui on avait casse des dents, mutile les oreilles, lacere la
peau et la chair, preuves evidentes de cruaute que tous pouvaient voir.
A l'expiration des contracts les maitres dans la plupart des cas refusent de donner les
certificats de liberation et insistent pour qu'on signe de nouveaux engagements de plusieurs
annees, quelquefois de plus de 10 ans, pendant lesquels les gens sont maltraites comme auparavant.
S'ils ne veulent pas accepter ces nouveaux contracts, on les envoie au depot ou ils sont employes
a reparer les routes enchaines et surveilles et sans aucun salaire, traitement qui ne differe en rien
de celui des criminels dans les prisons. Ensuite on les force a entrer de nouveau au service d'un
maltre et a signer un nouveau contrat, a l'expiration duquel ils sont encore conduits au dep&t. '
C'est ainsi qu'on procede a leur egard chaque fois qu'ils ont termine" leur contrat, de sorte que non

(96)
seulement ils ne peuvent jamais retourner en Chine mais ils ne peuvent m&me pas gagner leur
vie en libertd En outre, depuis la 2* lune de la ne annde (Mars-Avril 1861 ) de Hienfeng on a cesse"
tout a fait de delivrer des lettres de domicile et des cedulas, de sorte que tous les Chinois sont
sujets a &tre arr&tds. Ceux qui e"taient deja possesseurs de ces documents ont constamment a les
exhiber, tant dans les rues ou routes que dans leur propre maison, aux Agents de police qui de-
mandent a les examiner, et il arrive constamment qu'on les en depouille et qu'on les dechire et
qu'on les emmene au depot ou ils ont a, endurer toute"s sortes de mauvais traitements.
Depuis le 2913 de la ire lune (17 Fevrier), epoque de notre arrivee a Cuba, jusqu'au 23 de la
3e lune (8 Mai), jour de notre depart, les travailleurs Chinois que nous vimes etaient presque tous
maltraites, et nous n'entendimes guere que des paroles de souffrance. Tout cela nous l'avons vu
de nos propres yeux ou entendu de nos propres oreilles, tous trois.
1,176 depositions ont ete prises et 85 petitions portant 1,665 signatures ont &te recues, et
copies de ces documents avec leur traduction en langue Europeenne sont annexees ci-joint.
Nous transmettons egalement ci-joint nos reponses aux 5 1 questions contenues dans le
memorandum (du Yamen) reeu dans la i2e lune (Janvier-Fevrier 1874) de l'annee derniere — des
tables de statistique des Chinois embarques pour Cuba et arrives a, Cuba qui nous ont et&
fournies par le Consul General d'Angleterre et par la Commission de Colonisation — une copie des
reglements applicables aux Chinois a Cuba actuellement— une copie des instructions donnees
par les marchands de Cuba aux Capitaines des navires d'Emigrants Chinois — 8 formes de contracts
anciens et nouveaux, et les tables de statistique de la population Chinoise a Cuba qui nous ont
¦ete fournies par la Commission de Colonisation. Tous ces documents sont accompagnes de leur
traduction. Le ne jour de la ge lune de la i3e annee (20 Octobre 1874) de T'ungchih.

(97)

Cette partie contient la traduction Francaise des reponses aux questions
r^dig^es par le Tsung-li Yamen pour guider la Commission pendant son enqu&te
a Cuba.

m

If w

[Signature chinoise.]

Mg

ins 15

(Signe)

A. MACPHERSON.

*

m 3c

( ,, )

A. HUBER.

(98)

Reponses aux questions contenues dans l'annexe a la dep&che I.G. Np i de 1873. "Memo
randum de questions a repondre — ^  ^-.  ™-^ — = — Novembre 1873."
^ r Commission Chmoise

I.
D'otr Cuba REgoiT-iL les Coolies?
La plus grande partie des Coolies chinois actuellement a Cuba proviennent de Macao,
Amoy, Swatow et Canton et ont ete attire's a l'Etranger par des moyens illegitimes.
La petition du Hsiu-ts'ai Hsien Tso-pang (gfc j£ %) et de 14 autres declare que "les
"Etrangers de Macao emploient des malfaiteurs chinois pour enlever de vive force les Coolies
" ou les attirer par ruse dans les barracons et a bord des na vires d'ou ils ne peuvent s'echapper,
" qu'ils les maltraitent la comme bon leur semble, qu'ils les transportent malgre eux a la Havane,
" qu'ils leur coupent la queue et leur donnent d'autres v&tements, puis les mettent en vent© sur
" le. ' marche d'hommes.' "
Le Hsiu-ts'ai Ch'&n Shao-yen ($fc >p J|) s'exprime ainsi dans sa petition: "des malfaiteurs
" m'ont amene ici par ruse."
La petition de Shih Chih-ho ($£ |fc ^j) et 28 autres declare: "nous avons ete amenes de
'' Macao par ruse, a cette tie espagnole de Cuba."
Wu A-kuang (^| ppj ft) declare dans sa petition: "j'ai ete induit par les trompeurs de
" Coolies a m'embarquer a bord du navire."
Ch'ii Ping-nan (|H jtg $3) et 22 autres disent dans leur petition: "nous fumes transported
" de force a bord."
L'officier militaire ($£ Sgl) Chang Luan (jjg H) et trente autres disent: " des Portugais et
" des Espagnols agissant de concert et aides par des malfaiteurs chinois font leur metier d'attirer
" par ruse et de vendre les hommes."
Lin Chin (ffi 4£) et 15 autres disent dans leur petition: " nous avons ete trompes par des
" malfaiteurs chinois soudoyes par des Etrangers."
Yang Yiin (^ fc) et 132 autres disent dans leur petition: "des malfaiteurs nous trom-
" perent et nous induirent a aller nous engager."
Huang Yu ( jf; 7g ) et 15 autres declarent dans leur p&tition: " nous avons ete induits par
" les trompeurs de Coolies a vous embarquer a bord du navire."
Le Hsiu-ts'ai Li Chao-ch'un (sgipS) et 165 autres declarent dans leur petition:
" nous avons tous, a des epoques differentes, ete amenes par force ou par ruse dans les barracons
" de Macao par des malfaiteurs chinois soudoyes par des Portugais."
T'ang Chan-k'uei ( J|£ £j $J§ ) et 8 autres disent dans leur petition : " n'etant pas sur
" nos gardes nous fumes trompes par des malfaiteurs."
Chien Shih-kuang ( H} ft ft ) et 96 autres disent dans leur petition : " nous avons ete
" tromp&s par des malfaiteurs."

(99)
Ch'iu Pi-shan ( $$ f§ [Jj ) et 34 autres disent dans leur petition : " les trompeurs de
" Coolies cherchent toutes sortes de moyen pour tromper les gens. Sous pretexte d'offrir du
" travail aux ouvriers, ils les font tomber dans leurs pieges et en font leurs victimes."
Le Fukiennois Wang Chun-sh&ng ( 3E % |£ ) d&clare dans sa petition : " j'ai ete tromp6
" et vendu." Ts&ng Jui-t'o ( fl Jj^ §{j ) et 4 autres disent dans leur petition : " nous avons ete attires
" par ruse ou par force a bord du navire de Coolies."
Ch&ng Chiu ( f|5 ^L ) dit dans sa petition : "j'ai ete amene par ruse a Cuba et vendu a
" une plantation de sucre."
Chao K'un (g ^) originaire du Chihli et 97 autres declarent : " des batiments
" espagnols viennent en Chine et avec l'aide de malfaiteurs chinois qu'ils soudoyent a, cet effet
" ils emportent des cargaisons completes d'hommes, dont 8 ou 9 sur dix sont trompes."
Tiao Mu ( <J 7^; ) et 3 autres disent dans leur petition : " des malfaiteurs ont amene par
" ruse ici, a differentes epoques, des dizaines et des centaines de mille paysans."
P'an T'ai ( $| ^ ) et 89 autres declarent dans leur petition : " trompes par de belles
" paroles ou attires par ruse nous avons ete amen&s ici pour y &tre vendus comme esclaves."
Yeh Nien ( H if ) et 20 autres declarent dans leur petition : " les courtiers de Coolies
" nous ont attire a l'&ranger pour nous vendre aux planteurs de sucre."
Tai Jih-sheng (jj| 0 ££) et 1 autre disent dans leur petition: "n'etant pas sur nos
" gardes nous avons ete amenes par la ruse dans ce pays espagnol."
T'ang Lien-sh&ng (Ji^lfir |^) et 106 autres disent dans leur petition: "des portugais
" ont soudoye les malfaiteurs de notre pays pour nous amener par la force au par la ruse a,
" Macao, d'ou nous avons ete transports a Cuba, pour y &tre vendus comme esclaves aux
" planteurs de sucre ou autres endroits."
Ts'ai H&ng ( !§: '|g ) et 79 autres disent dans leur petition : " nous avons ete attires par
" ruse par des malfaiteurs dans des maisons etrangeres, et tromp&s par de belles promesses nous
" nous embarquames sur des navires qui nous transporterent a l'etranger ou nous fumes vendus."
Hsieh Shuang-chiu (Wi M Wt) et lI autres declarent dans leur petition: "nous fumes
" trompes par des malfaiteurs et contraints par force de nous embarquer."
Wu A-fa (§% ppj |jf) et 39 autres disent dans leur petition: "des malfaiteurs nous
" attirerent a Macao par ruse."
Yeh Chun-fu ( ^ g , fg ) et 52 autres disent dans leur petition : " nous fumes les victimes
" de la ruse."
Huang F&ng-chi (jffjUln) et II autres disent dans leur petition : nous fumes trompes
"par les offres1 de travail que nous firent trois malfaiteurs Wen A-chiao (fg ppj jjg), Lai Chi-
" ch'ang ( || fE g ) et Chung Lu-yiian ( §§ jj^ % ), et arrives a, Macao nous fumes mis a bord
" d'un navire par eux et leurs mechants at, ocies."
Lai Sh&ng ( || 0) et 9 autres declarent dans leur petition: "nous fumes trompes et vendus
" comme esclaves par des Strangers."
Liu A-shou (§)] PpJ ft) et 4 autres disent dans leur petition: "nous fumes amen&s par la
" ruse dans les barracons de Macao et bien que n'ayant pas ete interroges par les officiers portugais,
" nous fumes lies les uns aux autres par la queue apres un repas du soir et conduits de force a
13

( *oo )
" bord d'un navire sous la garde de soldats Grangers arme's, sant que personne fit attention aux
" cris que nous poussions en chemin pour demander du secours."
Chang Ting-chia (g| g? flu) et 127 autres disent dans leur petition: "nous avons ete
" amenes par ruse et vendus a la Havane par des hommes vicieux."
Cheng A-mou (|g ppj ^) et 89 autres disent dans leur petition: "nous fumes induits k
" nous rendre a Macao par des offres d'emploi a l'etranger avec des salaires eleves et par l'assur-
" ance qu'on nous donna que les huit annees etrangeres specifiees dans les contrats equivalaient
" seulement a quatre annees chinoises, et que nous serions libres apres ce laps de temps. Nous
" avions aussi observe sur les enseignes des maisons etrangeres les mots 'agences pour I'engagement
" des travailleurs,' et nous pensions que tel etait le but de ces etablissements, ne soupconnant pas
" qu'une fois entres il ne nous serait plus permis de sortir. A notre arrivee a la Havane nous
" fumes exposes en vente et notre valeur fixee de la maniere la plus brutale, et nous vimes alors
" que nous ne serions pas engages comme travailleurs, mais bien vendus comme esclaves."
En outre, des 1,176 depositions recueillies a Cuba il ressort,
1°. que sur les Coolies partis de Macao: W&n Ch'ang-t'ai (3t H Je) et 65 autres ont
ete enleves de vive force; que Tseng Erh-ch'i (•§• jj£ ^) et 689 autres ont ete
trompes et conduits a l'etranger malgre eux;' que Liu A-jui (§1] ppj Ijjj|) et 50
autres n'ont signe de contrat que parcequ'on leur a fait croire qu'ils signaient
simplement a la place d'autres Coolies absents pour le moment; que Huang
A-mu (j$( ppj /f;) et 93 autres ont ete les victimes de pieges qui leur ont ete
tendus apres qu'ils eussent perdu aux jeux de hasard; et que Ch'&n A-chi
(EU pljj pi) et 65 autres ont emigre de leur plein gre.
20. que sur les Coolies partis d'Amoy: Su A-hai ( $j| ppj fg) et 1 1 autres ont ete enleves
de vive force; que T'ang Chien (jj§£ ^fr) et 22 autres ont ete trompes et conduits
a l'etranger malgre eux; que Lin Sheng (ffi |g) et 10 autres ont ete les victimes
de pieges qui leur ont ete tendus apres des pertes eprouvees au jeu ; et que
Huang Shui-t'ou (^ ?fC Bj|) et 5 autres ont emigr& volontairement.
30. que sur les Coolies partis de Swatow: Ch'en A-kuei (^ ppj ^) et 4 autres ont
ete enleves de vive force; que Chang A-lin (ijg ppj ffi) et 27 autres ont ete
trompes et conduits a l'etranger malgre eux; que Lo Fu-ch'ung [($| g ^)et
1 1 autres ont emigre volontairement.
40. que sur les Coolies partis de Canton et Whampoa: Yang Shih-f&ng (^ %j Jg,)
et 16 autres ont ete trompes et conduits a l'etranger malgre eux; que Ch'&n
A-ch'iu (pg ppj $\) et 7 autres sont tombes dans des pieges qu'on leur a tendus
apres des pertes de jeu, et que Liang A-sh&ng (^ ppj £g) et 11 autres ont emigre
volontairement.
50. que les deux Coolies, Li San-mou (*£ H j3i) et uh autre, qui partirent de
Hongkong ont ete trompes et conduits a l'etranger malgre eux; que des cinq
coolies partis de Manille, Wei L&ng (|| }$) a ete enleve de force, et Wang Wei
(¦£3$) et les tr°is autres ont ete trompes et sont partis malgre eux. Enfin le
seul Coolie parti de Shanghai, Chang Kuei-t'ing (gg jgj g£), a ete trompe et est
parti malgre lui.

( ioi )
En outre Chang Jung-chi (jffc |g fji) declare dans sa deposition que plus de dix hommes
de la ville de P'ingyang (2J5 ^) pr&fecture de W&nchow (f^ ll'l'l) province de Ch&hkiang, ont ete
trompes et emmenes a Macao par des Strangers et conduits a l'etranger malgre eux — Yii A-chao
(& ffi fl5) declare aussi dans sa deposition que des Strangers l'ont trompe et amene a Macao et
la lui ont fait signer un contrat en lui faisant croire que c'etait seulement au nom d'un autre
Coolie absent pour le moment.
Ce qui precede montre que parmi les travailleurs chinois qui sont partis pour Cuba, 8 ou
9 sur dix y ont ete conduits malgre eux.
D'apres le memoire prepare par le Consul General d'Angleterre a la Havane, 142,422
Coolies chinois ont et& embarques pour Cuba depuis la 27° annee de Taokwang jusqu'a la 3« lune
de la 13s annee de T'ungchih. Sur ce nombre 43,273 sont partis de Amoy, Swatow, Hongkong,
Canton, Whampoa, Annam et Manille, tandis qu'il en est parti de Macao 63,455 entre la
270 annee de Taokwang et la fin de la 5e annee de T'ungchih, et 35,694 depuis cette epoque
jusqu'a la 3e lune de la 13° annee de T'ungchih.
L'embarquement de ces derniers 35,694 Coolies constitue une violation des stipulations de
la Convention d'Emigration de la 5e annee de T'ungchih qui exclue Macao des endroits ou
I'engagement des travailleurs est autorise, et de plus la maniere dont la plus grande partie des
Coolies ont ete introduits k Cuba, ainsi que les depositions et petitions le demontrent,. constitue
une violation de l'article X du Traite Espagnol signe dans la 3e annee de T'ungchih, qui declare
que l'Espagne s'engage a ne pas donner protection aux criminels chinois, et a ne pas tromper ou
vendre les sujets de la Chine.

II
Signent-ils des Contrats?

Dans la Convention d'Emigration de la 5e annee de T'ungchih, il est stipule que les
Agences d'Emigration dans les ports seront visitees par les officiers des deux nations interessees
quand bon leur semblera, et que ces fonctionnaires devront aussi assister a la signature des
contrats et a l'embarquement. Le ne article declare aussi que les chinois au dessous de 20 ans
ne pourront pas emigrer a moins de produire une autorisation ecrite de leur parents scellee par
l'autorite locale de l'endroit ou ils habitent — ou, s'il est impossible de produire ce document, une
autorisation ecrite de l'autorite locale seulement. Le decret Royal Espagnol de i860 declare egale-
ment que les mineurs ne peuvent pas signer de contrats sans la sanction de leurs parents ou tuteurs.
La grande majorite de Chinois actuellement a Cuba ont ete conduits la par ruse ou par
violence pour y &tre vendus. Majeurs ou mineurs ils n'ont pas recu de contrats ou ont ete
induits par la ruse a les accepter ou contraints par la force a les signer, ou bien decides a y
mettre leurs noms par l'assurance qu'ils ne faisaient que signer pour d'autres. Dans certains cas
ces documents leur etaient delivres dans les barracons et dans d'autres cas a bord des navires.
Aucun des officiers designes dans la Convention n'assistait a la signature et aucune des
autorisations specifiees n'etaient produites. Ainsi done les reglements presents tant par la Chine
que par l'Espagne etaient violes.

( «>2 )
Chu Chi-hsiin (^ ^ f||) et io autres disent dans leur petition: "nous avons ete trompes
" et conduits dans des maisons etrangeres a Macao, ou nous avons ete forces de signer des
" contrats, et ensuite nous avons ete mis a bord d'un navire et transports a la Havane."
Ho A-ying (fij ppj 3fc) dit dans sa petition: "j'ai ete enferme dans une chambre en haut
jusqu'a ce que je consentisse a signer le contrat."
Lo A-pao (§§ ppj gg) dit dans sa petition: "j'ai ete contraint de signer le contrat."
Ku Ch'iao-hsiu (^gf) dit dans sa petition: "j'etais battu tres severement et ne
" pouvant endurer davantage les mauvais traitements force me fut d'accepter le contrat et de me
" rendre a bord sans laisser voir ma douleur. Je trouvai la 600 autres chinois, tous victimes
" d'une pareille injustice."
Ch&ng A-mou ( gl|5 ppj xg ) et 89 autres disent dans leur petition : " nous n'avons signe aucun
" contrat et au bout d'un mois nous avons ete contraints de nous rendre a bord d'un navire."
Yeh Fu-chim (H ®g fj) et 52 autres disent dans leur petition: "quand nous fumes
" entres, un &tranger ferma les portes et ne pouvant plus sortir nous comprimes que nous avions
"ete trahis, mais il n'y avait aucun remede possible. Nous etions plus de 100 dans ces m&mes
" chambres et le plus grand nombre passaient les jours et les nuits a pleurer. Quelques uns
" etaient couverts de sang, resultat des punitions qu'on leur avait infligees soit parcequ'on les
" soupeonnait de vouloir s'echapper, soit parcequ'ils avaient declare qu'ils ne voulaient pas partir
"lorsque l'lnspecteur portugais les avait interroges. Le barracon etait tres profond et par
" surcrolt de precaution, pour empecher les cris d'&tre entendus du dehors, on battait le gong,
" et Ton faisait partir des pieces d'artifice, pendant qu'on chatiait les gens, de sorte que la mort
" aurait pu s'ensuivre sans qu'on le sut ailleurs. Temoins de ces cruautes nous n'avions qu' a
" nous inchner et nous recumes au moment de l'embarquement un document qui etait, nous
" dit-on, un contrat pour 8 ans."
J&n Shih-chen (££f£ j|) observe dans sa petition: "de quel droit peut-on disposer de
" nous m&mes sans l'authorisation ecrite de nos parents ?"
Li Chao-ch'un (^ lp §) et 165 autres disent dans leur petition : " bien que des annees —
" (et en certains cas plus de dix annees) — se soient ecoulees depuis que nous avons et& conduits
" ici malgre nous, nos families ignorent oil nous sommes et si nous sommes vivants ou morts."
Ho A-hsien (JUffi ft) et 235 autres declarent dans leurs depositions qu' ils ont ete
contraints par la force a signer leurs contrats.
'Huang Ch'ao-ping (31 ?fj jlj§) et 192 autres declarent dans leurs depositions qu'on leur
remit des contrats dans les barracons.
Kuo Chan (f|5 £) et 116 autres declarent dans leurs depositions que les contrats leur
furent remis a bord du navire.
W&n Ch'ang-t'ai (3fc -g f|) et 231 autres declarent dans leurs depositions que les contrats
leur furent remis au moment de l'inspection d'un officier portugais.
Su A-hai (|^ ppj $$) et 42 autres declarent qu'ils n'ont recu aucun contrat.
Li A-wu (^5 ppj 5EL) et 1 autre declarent dans leurs depositions qu'ils furent induits par la
ruse a signer des contrats.
Hsien Ch'&ng-ku (gfc j$ ¦£) declare dans sa p6tition: " comme je ne voulais pas, le contrat
" me fut donne de force et on ne me permit pas de parler."

( ">3 )
Hu A-pao ($§ ppj $J) declare: " au moment de l'inspection je refusai de signer le contrat,
" mais I'officier portugais me prit la main de force et aussitot qu'elle eut fait une marque sur le
" papier, il mit ce papier de c6t6."
Li A-pao (ag ppj $£) declare: " une marque fut faite avec ma main sur un contrat et on me
" donna dix sapeques."
Lo A-&rh (j$| ppj Zl) declare: "apres qu'on m'eut enferme pendant quinze juors, on me
" donna un contrat."
Chu Chieh (Jfc Ji§) et 2 autres declarent dans leurs depositions qu'ils ont signe le contrat
sans avoir ete interroges par aucun officier.
Yang A-wang (^ ppj |$£) declare dans sa deposition: "un autre a signe le contrat en
" mon nom." Huang A-yu (j| ppj £) declare: "a l'age de 16 ans on me fit signer un contrat en me
" disant que je ne faisais que signer pour un autre."
Wang A-jung (]£ ppf III) et 1 autre declarent qu'ils etaient ages de 1 8 ans quand ils ont
signe le contrat.
Ch'&n Hua (|5j§( ^|) declare : " je fus trompe et emmene malgre moi quand j'avais 1 1 ans."
Ch'&n A-wu ($$ ppj 3£) declare: "j'avais 12 ans quand je fus trompe et emmene malgr&
" moi." Ch'&n A-fu ([iff ppj jjig) declare : "j'avais 1 1 ans quand on me remit un contrat dans un
" barracon." » Lin A-ch'iu (ffi ppj $)j[) declare : " je signai un contrat a bord du navire et fus paye deux
" cordons de sapeques."
Liu I-ling (fij jilt f^) declare : " arrive a bord on m'enferma, et l'lnterprete me remit un
" contrat fait au nom de Wang A-man (]£ ppj jjSg)."
Chang Huo-hsiu (ijj| *JC^) declare: "dans le barracon je vis que ceux qui refusaient
" d'afier. a l'etranger etaient frappes sur les joues et places sous les latrines, il ne me restait done
" qu'a consentir." Wang T'ing-kuei (]£ JS jj;) declare: "je fus amene par la ruse mais je refusai de m'embar-
" quer. On me remit alors sous les latrines et on me dit que si je persistais dans mon refus, on
" ne me laisserait jamais sortir, je fus done force de consentir."
Liang A-sheng (|j| ppj j»g) d&clare: "je vis que ceux qui refusaient d'aller a l'etranger
" etaient enfermes sous les latrines."
Ch'&n Lung ($§[ ||) declare : " quand je fus interrog& par les Autorites Portugaises, je
" declarai que je ne voulais pas aller a l'etranger. L'lnterprete me dit alors que si je persistais
" dans mon refus je serais enferme sous les latrines pendant trois ans."
• Lin A-lien (ffi ppj jg£) declare : " comme je ne voulais pas aller a l'etranger, le chef du
" barracon me dit que je serais place sous les latrines si je ne consentais pas."
Chang Lin-an (jjj| ffi ^): "je m'echappai du barracon, fus pris et place sous les latrines."
Hung A-i (gfc ppj JS) declare: " apres avoir ete enferme dans un barracon pendant trois
"jours, on me donna un contrat fait au nom de Ho A-yu (fij ppj ^f) natif de Sanshui (H 7K)-"
Ch'en Shao-yen (^ ^? j§) declare: " a bord on me donna un contrat fait au nom de Cheng
" Ts'ai (ft #).."

( i°4 )
Wu Lien-sh&ng (Jg. $$ JJ$) declare : " je fus force d'accepter le contrat et de signer le nom
".de Wu A-chung (J% ppj ,&)."
Wu Yao (ft ||) declare : " a bord on me remit un contrat fait au nom de Ch'&n A-ssii
"m ffi my
Mai A-kuei (§£ ppj J|) declare : " le contrat me fut remis a bord ; il etait fait au nom de
"Ch'&n A-fu (Qf[ pjjjjji)."
Liang A-chang (^ ppj J§£) declare : " le nom sur mon contrat etait Huang Fu (^ |g)."
Ts'ui Lan-fang (Jg |ff 5?) declare : " le contrat qui me fut donne etait fait au nom de Liu
"(311(88 4:)."
Yeh Tung-ho (|g ^£ £•) declare : "le contrat etait au nom de Yeh Tung (^ Jfc)."
Hsiao Meng-hsing (i|f 3£ J|) d&clare: "au moment de l'inspection de I'officier portugais
" on me remit un contrat fait au nom de Lin Fu ( ffi jjfg )."
Li Ts'an (s£ j|g) declare: "mon contrat portait le nom de Huang Hsing ([gf^f; )."
Yeh A-hsi (^ ppj H) declare: "apres m'&tre embarque on me remit un contrat fait au
" nom de Ch'en Ch'ing-yiin (|5$ J| j|)."
Li A-sh&ng (^ffiJB) declare: "mon contrat portait le nom de Ch'&n A-hsing (|Jg ppj gj$)."
Liang A-sh&ng (ffc ppj .§§) declare: "mon contrat portait le nom de Li A-erh (^ ppj ZZ)-"
Chang Luan (SH H) d&clare: "mon contrat portait le nom de Ch'&n Kuei (g^ jj|)."
Lin A-chung (ffi ppj pf») declare dans sa deposition: "a bord, on me remit un contrat fait
" au nom de Liang A-fu (fjjfc ppj |g), natif de Yangch'un (|§ §)."
Li A-pei (^ ppj ^fj) declare: "mon contrat »portait le nom de Lin Jih (ffi 0), natif de
"Yangkiangdia)-" Li A-t& (=£ ppj jfg) d&clare: "mon contrat portait le nom de Liu A-hung (§|J ppj jgj|)."
Ho A-ting (fij ppj ~f) declare: "a bord on me remit un contrat fait au nom de Ch&ng-
" A-ta (15 ppj:*)."
T'an P'ei (f|L j§) declare: "a bord un contrat fait au nom de Huang A-san (i§£ ppj 2)
" me fut remis."
Ch'en A-te" (gf ppj jg|) declare : " a bord on me remit un contrat fait au nom de Hou
"A-ku(^ppJ^)." Li A-yeh (*£ ppj fg) declare: " a, bord on me remit un contrat fait au nom de T'an A-ho
" (ft ppj £)."
Ch'&n A-liu (ff ppj ft) d&clare: "mon contrat portait le nom de Huang A-san (§¦ ppj =¦)"
Hu A-ch'iang (jj^j ppj ffi) declare: "mon contrat portait le nom de Ch'en A-wu (|5g ppj £)."
Chang A-ch'&ng (g| ppj j$) declare: "mon contrat portait le nom de Wu Yung-ch&n
"(ffi*jS)-" T&ng A-yen (fjj |^J ¦§§) declare: "mon contrat portait le nom de P'an Ying-yiian ($£ 3fc %)."
, Liang A-wan (% ppj ffi) d&clare: "mon contrat portait le nom de Hsieh Wu (jjgj fj-)."
T'an A-ch'in (fjf ppj ||) declare: "mon contrat portait le nom de Lan A-huo (|g ppj jjjj)
" dans le principe, mais apres mon arrivee a la Havane on me remit un autre contrat fait au
" nom de Li A-ssii (*£ ppj |jg)."

( io5 )
III.
A-T-ON SOIN DE VOIR QUE LES CONTRATS SONT COMPRIS?
Li Chao-ch'un (^ j(| §) et 165 autres ecrivent dans leur petition: " quand on traduit les
" contrats on saute beaucoup de passages et on ne lit que quelques clauses, &c. On dit qu' Annan
" et Singapore sont les endroits de destination de sorte que n'ayant pas perdu tout espoir de
" retour, il nous parait pr&f&rable pour eviter une mort immediate d'apposer nos signatures et de
" nous embarqtier." Huang Ch'ao-ping (j| }f!j »I$j) et 192 autres declarent dans leurs depositions: "on nous
" remit des contrats dans les barracons, et ces documents ne nous furent pas lus."
Kuo Chan (||5 j|J) et 116 autres declarent: "les contrats nous furent remis a bord du
" navire et ne nous furent pas lus."
W&n Ch'ang-t'ai (jj£ J| jf|) et 219 autres declarent: "les contrats nous furent remis en
" presence de l'lnspecteur Portugais, mais ne nous furent pas lus."
Wang Hsiang (3E |pj) et 8 autres declarent: " les contrats nous furent donnes en presence
" de l'lnspecteur Portugais et nous furent lus."
Li A-fu (^ ppj jjfg) et 2 autres declarent: "les contrats nous furent remis en presence de
" l'lnspecteur Portugais et nous furent expliqu&s."
Ch'&n T'ung (PU jj|) declare: " le contrat me fut remis dans le barracon et me fut lu."
Ch'&n A-kuei (p|f ppj j|) declare: " un etranger me dit d'apposer mon nom a un contrat
" qu'il avait entre ses mains, mais il ne me le lut pas."
Li Ming (^ BJJ) declare: " quand I'officier portugais m'interrogea je declarai que, comme
" mes parents vivaient encore, je ne voulais pas aller a l'etranger. Ce fonctionnaire me dit alors
" que si apres mon arrivee a Cuba je n'etais pas satisfait, on me paierait mon passage pour
" revenir." Hsii A-fa (g^ ppj ||) d&clare: " je demandai oil etait la Havane et l'on me repondit que
" c'etait le nom d'un bateau. Je pensais done que j'allais etre employe a bord d'un navire et je
" signai le contrat."
Hsieh A-fa (fU ppj |f) declare : " au moment de signer le contrat on me dit qu'une annee
" etrangere n'equivalait qu'a six mois chinois."
F&ng A-k'ai (\^ ppj ffi) et 6 autres declarent : " le contrat me fut lu, mais je ne comprenais
" pas quelle &tait la nature de ce document et d'ailleurs je ne sais pas lire."
Wu A-fang (^ ppj 5/ ) declare : " je ne comprenais pas ce que le contrat signifiait."
Pei A-pao (J| ppj J|) d&clare: "le contrat me fut lu, mais je ne comprenais pas ce que
" cela voulait dire."
T'ang Yii (^ 3£) et 6 autres declarent : "les contrats nous furent lus mais nous ne sairons
" pas ce qu'ils signifiaient.

( 106 )
IV.
Les lois pourvoient-elles suffisamment au bien-etre des Coolies pendant le voyage ?
Les batiments, tant k vapeur qu'a voile, qui sont employ&s au transport des travailleurs
chinois a la Havane appartiennent a differentes nations et cons&quemment ne sont pas soumis k
un systeme uniforme de Reglementation. Les regleinents pr&pares par certains marchands
espagnols pour la conduite des Capitaines des navires engag&s dans ce genre de commerce ne
sont generalement pas observes, et il est difficile de comprendre la raison-d'&tre de la 35* clause,
qui defend au chinois de se raser la t&te, et de la 2oe clause, qui present, que lorsque le navire a
besoin absolument d'&tre r&par&, le Capitaine ne doit, dans aucun cas, entrer dans les ports de
Chine, de la Grande Bretagne et des Etats Unis d'Amerique, " car cela causerait la ruine complete
de l'entreprise." Des 140,000 et plus de chinois qui quitterent la Chine pour Cuba, plus de 16,000 sont
morts pendant la traversee, ce qui prouve suffisamment que les reglements ne sont pas efficaces.
Li Chao-ch'un (^s Ip ^) et 165 autres ecrivent dans leurs petitions: "au sortir de
" Macao nous primes la mer, on nous enferma dans la cale en bas, quelques-uns m&me furent mis
" dans des cages en bambou ou enchaines a des barres de fer, et un petit nombre furent pris au
" hasard et fouettes pour intimider tous- les autres. Nous ne pouvons estimer le nombre de morts
" qui r&sult&rent des maladies, des coups, de la faim, de la soif, ou des suicides commis en se
"jetant a la mer."
Chiu Pi-shan ( Jft 3g jjj ) et 35 autres ecrivent: "si le Capitaine est un homme bon, les
" souffrances qu'on a a endurer ne sont que celles qui proviennent de graves maladies ; mais s'il
" est d'un naturel mechant les mauvais traitements sont sans borne, et dans certain cas plus de la
" moitie des Coolies sont morts pendant le passage. Les miseres qu'il faut subir pendant ce
" voyage de plusieurs mois sont sans nombre."
Tiao Mu (<J /fc) et 3 autres ecrivent: "beaucoup de Coolies meurent de maladie et
" beaucoup sautent par dessus bord et sont devores par les poissons."
Yeh Fu-chun (3|| jjig J?) et 52 autres ecrivent: "les vents et les vagues de l'ocean
" &taient forts, trois mois s'etaient ecoules mais nous n'&tions pas arrives. On ne distribuait plus
" de rations d'eau et il fallait l'acheter ; une seule tasse coutait un dollar. Un seul homme a la
" fois pouvait monter ou descendre par l'ecoutille et en bas la mauvaise odeur resultant de l'agglo-
<[ meration de tant de monde &tait intolerable, et causa des morts sans nombre."
Liu A-shou ( §1] ppj fj ) et 4 autres ecrivent : " nous ne pouvons estimer le nombre de
" morts caus&es par les mauvais traitements ; les cadavres etaient jetes a la mer."
Parmi les depositions les seuls cas ou les deposants furent bien traites pendant la traversee
sont les suivants :
Ch'&n A-ch'iu (gff ppj fij;) et 1 autre d&clarent que le Capitaine traitait bien les passagers.
F&ng Chi (jj§ "§) declare: le Capitaine me traitait d'une maniere passable.
P'an Ming ($| HJj) et 2 autres declarent qu'ils furent bien traites et eurent une nourriture
suffisante a, bord.
Yao A-ya (gfc ppj J^) declare: "je fus bien traite a bord et les rations de nourriture et
" d'eau douce etaient suffisantes."

( 107 )
Yii A-kou ( ^ ppj JbJ ) et un autre declarent qu'ils etaient bien traites a bord et avaient
assez d'eau et de riz.
D'un autre c6te :
Wang Shui-t'ou ( ]£ 5^C W. ) et 4 autres declarent que le riz et l'eau a bord &taient in-
suffisants. Ch'&n A-chi (p|f ppj •§) d&clare: "deux des passagers se jeterent k la mer parcequ'ils
" avaient 6t& fouettes pour avoir pris de l'eau alors qu'ils souffrai&nt vivement de la soif, et pour
" s'&tre refus&s a se laisser couper la queue."
Liang A-chao ( i§}£ ppj $g ) d&clare : "j'avais de l'argent sur moi quand on m'a conduit a
" bord malgre moi, mais le Capitaine ne voulut pas me permettre de me racheter."
Ho Hsi ( fij $& ) declare : " l'eau douce a bord etait insuffisante."
Ts'ai A-lu (Ijss ppj ^) d&clare : " l'eau etait insuffisante et beaucoup moururent de soif,
" en outre -trois hommes se jeterent par dessus bord."
Ch'&n Ch'ih ($£ ^) d&clare que le riz et l'eau douce &taient insuffisants et que ceux qui
demandaient de l'eau recevaient des coups.
Yii Ming-hsing (^ ^ Jl|) declare: "nous &tions maltraites a bord et quelquefois il fallait
" payer un dollar pour deux tasses d'eau."
Li A-pao (*£ ppj {$) d&clare : " plus de cinquante hommes moururent de soif et Ton me
" dit qu'un passager fut frapp& par le Capitaine et tomba mort, pour avoir vol& une tasse d'eau."
Liang En (|Sjj{ J@,) d&clare : " le riz et l'eau 6taient insuffisants et on ne nous permettait
" pas de monter sur le pont."
Huang K'ai (^ ffi) et 2 autres declarent dans leur d&positions qu'il fallait payer un dollar
pour une tasse d'eau.
Lin Ch'uan (ffi J^) et 2 autres d&clarent que la nourriture etait insuffisante, qu'il n'y avait
pas d'eau douce et qu'ils etaient constamment battus.
Kao A-tai (]fj ppj fU) d&clare : " nous &tions maltrait&s a bord et l'eau etait puante. Le
" chirurgien &tait un m&chant homme et les malades &taient jet&s a la mer au moment de la mort,
" encore moribonds."
Liu A-san (§|J ppj ^) declare : " vingt hommes se jeterent par dessus bord."
Ch'&n A-sh&ng ($f£ ppj $£) d&clare : " a bord trois cents hommes moururent de soif."
Chou Ch'&ng (ffi j$) declare : " tous ceux d'entre nous qui paraissaient forts furent mis
" aux fers." Li A-t& (a£ ppj fj|) et 1 autre declarent que chaque homme n'avait qu'un pied et 2 pouees
chinois de large pour dormir.
F&ng A-k'ai Q% ppj gfj) declare : " le chirurgien frappait tous ceux qui se disaient malades,
" souvent m&me il les faisait attacher et fouetter, et il tua ainsi trois malades."
Li Chin-ch'uan (*J§ $g H) declare: "le Capitaine etait un mechant homme, 12 malades
" moururent du traitement qu'il leur fit subir."
Liang Yu-t& (|j| 7g fjg) declare : " l'eau et le riz etaient en quantite insuffisante. Je vis
"trois ou quatre hommes, dont la force physique causait de la crainte au Capitaine, battus
" severement et mis aux fers, et ils ne furent mis en liberte qu'apres I'arrivee du bateau a la
" Havane."

( io8)
Wu Yiieh (^ jjg) d6clare: "le traitement a bord etait mauvais et 20 hommes se suicid&rent
" par crainte du voyage en mer."
Chou Jun-sh&ng (JgJ }|J P) d&clare: "un homme qui s'6tait plaint au second de l'etat de
" pourriture du poisson fut fouette par les matelots jusqu'a ce qu'il fut presque mort, d'apres
" l'ordre du cet officier."
Wu A-hou (^ ppj H) d&clare: "ayant le mal de mer, j'etais incapable de travailler et je
" fus en cons&quence battu par le maitre."
Li Yu (^ 7g) et 23 autres d&clarent qu'ils ont chacun ete temoins d'un suicide commis
en sautant a la mer.
Huang A-pei ( g ppj ft ) et 4 autres d&clarent aussi qu'ils ont chacun s&parement ete
temoins d'un cas de suicide.
Lung A-ch'uan (H ppj )l|) et 29 autres d&clarent qu'ils ont chacun et& temoins de deux
cas de suicide commis en sautant par dessus bord.
Wang Ch&ng-fu (]£ jj£ jjig) et 6 autres d&clarent qu'ils ont chacun &t& temoins de trois cas
de suicide commis en sautant par dessus bord.
Huang A-ch'ang ( j| ppj g) et 4 autres d&clarent que le riz et l'eau 6taient insuffisants et
qu'ils ont chacun &te temoins de 4 cas de suicide commis en sautant par dessus bord.
Liu A-ssii (§lj ppj 0) et 2 autres declarent qu'ils ont et& traites cruellement et qu'ils ont
vu chacun cinq cas de suicide commis en sautant par dessus bord.
Ts'ui An (|g 4g) declare: "j'ai vu 8 hommes attach&s et battus avec une grande s6v&rite,
" et deux d'entr'eux furent gardes aux fers jusqu'a l'arriv&e a la Havane."
Li Hui (^ Jg) declare: "je vis attacher un homme natif de Tungkwan (^ j^j) et il fut
"fusill&, et cinq autres qui furent attach&s et jet&s a la mer."
Li Yii (^ ^) d&clare: "le traitement a bord &tait mauvais, deux hommes furent battus
"jusqu'a ce que mort s'ensuivit."
Ts'ui Teng-lin (>g $£ ffi) declare: "deux hommes se jet&rent par dessus bord et deux se
" pendirent." Lo A-fa (^ ppj H) d&clare: "un homme fut battu jusqu'a mort."
Chao A-ling (Jg ppj §|) d&clare: "l'eau douce &tait insuffisante, trois hommes aussi furent
" fusill&s." Li W&n-ts'ai (aj£ ~% fft) declare: "le Capitaine voulait arr&ter cinq hommes qui avaient
" &t& emmen&s malgr& eux et 6taient m&contents, mais par erreur il en prit cinq autres et les
" enchaina, ce que voyant les cinq hommes qu'il avait voulu punir se jeterent a la mer."
Li A-chieh (^ ppj ¦Jf') d&clare: " cinq hommes qui s'&taient lev&s la nuit pour satisfaire au
" besoin de la nature furent fusilles par les matelots."
Shih A-kou (jfi ppj jftjj) d&clare: " beaucoup contracterent une maladie incurable en buvant
" de l'eau de mer."
Wang A-fu (jj£ ppj jpg) d&clare: " 8 hommes sauterent par dessus bord parcequ'ils avaient
" et& emmen&s malgr& eux et &taient m&contents."
Hsieh Kuan-chieh (§§ ^ jg.) d&clare: "un homme sauta par dessus bord parceque le
"Capitaine et l'lnterprete le battaient constamment. Ceux qui demandaient de l'eau &taient
" battus et beaucoup moururent de soif."

( 109 )
Ts&ng A-tai (f| ppj $£) d&clare: " l'lnterprete &tait un portugais et il nous donnait constam-
" ment des coups de pied."
Ni A-huan (^ ppj j$|) d&clare: " le second nous battait constamment avec une grosse corde."
Hsieh Fa (f§ |g) d&clare: "je fus encham& a fond de cale."
Kao Pao ( rfj S?) et i autre d&clarent qu'on ne leur permettaient m&me pas de, monter
respirer l'air sur le pont.
Ch'&n A-shun (p|t ppj Jig) d&clare: "Deux hommes se suiciderent. Un matelot me donna
" un coup de couteau et la cicatrice est encore visible. Le Capitaine blessa deux hommes avec
" une arme a feu."
Li Shun (^! JH) d&clare: " l'eau et le riz 6taient insuffisants, deux hommes furent fusilles,
" deux autres sauterent par dessus bord."
Li Hsin (|§£ *fH) d&clare: " deux hommes qui poussaient des clameurs en demandant du riz
" furent tu&s avec un pistolet."
Hsieh A-k&ng (f|J ppj Jfj) declare: "le Capitaine &tait un mechant homme, la nourriture
" etait insuffisante et il n'y avait pas d'eau. Des gens se suiciderent en sautant par dessus bord
" ou en se pendant, et d'autres moururent de maladie."
Chou A-wei ( ffi ppj jfc ) d&clare : " beaucoup sauterent par dessus bord parce qu'on les
" forcait a couper leur queue, quand nous demandions de l'eau on nous frappait avec une chaine
" en fer." Ch'&n I ( P§[ H ) d&clare : " les hommes qui avaient &t& tromp&s ne voulaient pas aller k
" l'&tranger et avaient l'intention de se r&volter. Les matelots d&charg&rent des armes a feu par
" les &coutilles et tuerent vingt hommes en blessant 40 ou 50. Tous les autres furent mis aux
" fers et chaque jour trente &taient conduits sur le pont et fouett&s."
Li Pi-ho (^ H fij ) d&clare: "cinq hommes furent li&s au mat et fusill&s, et je fus moi-
" m&me fouett& trois fois le corps nu."
Ch'&n Chin ( Pg Ip ) declare : " beaucoup moururent de soif, ceux qui prenaient de l'eau
" &taient battus."
Lin A-yung (ffi ppj ffl ) d&clare : " je fus battu parceque j'avais le mal de mer ; la nour-
" riture aussi etait insuffisante."
Lu Chung ( Jit H ) declare : " comme la nourriture et l'eau &taient insuffisantes nous nous
" mimes tous a pousser des clameurs. Le Capitaine fusilla les deux principaux meneurs et nous
" fumes tous s&verement battus."
Li A-hui (*$ ppj -U") declare: "j'avais faim et demandai a manger, aussit&t quatre mate-
" lots me renverserent a terre et me battirent, les cicatrices des blessures que je recues alors
" sont encore visibles."
Wang Wei (v£ ffi) declare: "un homme qui ne pouvait pas manger le boeuf, demanda
" qu'on lui donnat du sel a la place, on refusa et il se jeta a la mer."
Huang Tso (^ *£) d&clare: " cinq hommes furent tu&s a cause de troubles a bord."
Hsieh A-tso (§§J ppj f£) d&clare: "on ne nous permettait pas d'aller prendre un peu d'air
" sur le pont et beaucoup moururent des suites de cet emprisonnement."
Huang A-fang (^ ppj 3jF) d&clare : " onze hommes se suiciderent. Le lendemain de notre
" embarquement nous fumes tous appel&s sur le pont et des fers furent mis aux pieds de 173

( no)
" d'entre nous qui 6taient robustes et forts; en outre 160 hommes furent fouett6s sur leur corps
" nu avec des verges de rotin."
Wang T'ing-kuei (ISA) d&clare : " 24 hommes sauterent par dessus bord et deux
" s'empoisonnerent avec de I'opium parcequ'ils avaient et& tromp&s et emmenis malgre eux et ne
" voulaient pas aller a l'etranger."
Lai A-shih (gj ppj flf ) d&clare: "nous &tions tous emmen&s a l'etranger contre notre
" volonte et poussames des clameurs, alors le Capitaine ordonna aux matelots de nous frapper avec
" des chalnes et 80 hommes furent tu&s."
Chu Ts'un-fang (^ j$ W) d&clare: " un jour souffrant vivement de la soif je pris un peu
" d'eau et pour cette raison le Capitaine m'administra 25 coups sur chaque main."
Wu Lien-sh&ng ( ^ Jgjj Jjf ) d&clare : " je vis un natif du district de Hwa ( ffi ) tu& a coups
" de pied par le Capitaine parcequ'il demandait un remede, &tant malade. Trente hommes, moi
" compris, furent mis aux fers et on ne nous relacha que lorsque le navire arriva a une colonie
" anglaise." Ch'&n A-ch'ing ([Sfi ppj J§) declare: "deux malades qui &taient mont&s sur le pont pour
" satisfaire un besoin de la nature furent tu&s a coups de pied par les matelots."
P'ang A-tung (jjjf ppj }g) d&clare : "lorsque nous ne faisions pas bien ce qu'on voulait, par-
" ceque nous ne comprenions pas la langue qu'on nous parlait, on nous battait et l'un d'entre
" nous se jeta a la mer."
Liao A-ping (J§£ ppj jltpj) declare: "parceque j'avais bu une petite tasse je fus tir& sur le
" pont et fouett&."
Lo Huai-ch'ang (jp| '|g ||) d&clare : " un homme fut battu si cruellement par le Capitaine
" que ne pouvant pas endurer la douleur il se jeta a la mer."
Lo Hsien-fa (j|| ft ||) d&clare: "un homme fut fouett& jusqu'a mort a bord; cinq
" hommes se suiciderent et deux furent fusilles parceque n'ayant rien a manger et souffrant de la
" soif ils avaient demande de la nourriture."
Chang Cheng-kao ( iJJ| jj£ ^ ) d&clare : " le Capitaine etait tres cruel ; quelques-uns
" moururent de soif, d'autres sous le baton, d'autres furent jet&s k la mer lorsqu'ils etaient
"encore moribonds et d'autres ne pouvant endurer leurs souffrances se jeterent par dessus
" bord." Hsiao To (fjf §1) d&clare: "la nourriture et l'eau &taient insuffisantes, on &tait constam-
" ment battu, deux hommes se suiciderent, et deux autres furent si s&verement frappes a coups de
" pied par les matelots parcequ'ils fumaient, qu'ils moururent de leurs blessures."
Li Pao (*£##) declare: "deux hommes que le Capitame soupconnait d'avoir l'intention
" de se revolter furent pendus."
Ch'&n Hua (^ ^) d&clare : " le Capitaine fouetta quatre hommes jusqu'a mort."
Ch'&n Ch'i-kuang ( p^ ^ ft) declare: "un natif de Kiaying (jg |g) a qui on voulait
" couper la queue poussa des clameurs et la Capitaine le fit fusilier et d'autres furent fouettes
"jusqu'a ce que leur chair fut en lambeaux."
Ch'&n A-lin (jgg ppj ffi) d&clare: "le Capitaine etait cruel. La soif nous ayant oblig&s de
" monter tous sur le pont pour avoir de l'eau, il nous considera comme des r&volt&s, fit decharger
" sur nous les armes a feu et quarante hommes furent tu&s."

( III )
Hsu Kuan ( $£ JH) d&clare : " le second fit preuve d'une tres grande cruaut& ; soupconnant
" que moi et 1 5 autres nous avions des id&es de revolte, il nous enferma, nous enchaina et il nous
" faisait fouetter constamment."
Ch'&n Hsio-chou ( p§( 1^ ffi ) et 1 autre d&clarent que plus de 30 hommes furent fusilles
pendant la travers&e.
Chang A-chin (ffi ppj £fc) d&clare: "le chirurgien etait un etranger et beaucoup moururent
" de son traitement, beaucoup moururent de l'emprisonnement dans la cale et d'autres qui avaient
" &t& trompes, ne voulant pas aller a l'&tranger, se donnerent la mort."
Li A-ch'iang (^ |SpJ jji^) d&clare: "le Capitaine soupconnant deux hommes d'avoir des
" intentions de revolte, les fit pendre."
Liang A-yu (ijj| ppj ^) d&clare: "le charpentier fouetta jusqu'a mort deux hommes qui
" etaient fous."
Lin Chin ( ffi §r ) declare : " 30 hommes se suiciderent."
Ts'ui Lan-fang ( -g $jj '¦%) d&clare : " trois hommes cr&erent du tumulte disant qu'ils ne
" voulaient pas aller a l'&tranger ; deux d'entr'eux furent fusilles et le troisieme pendu."
Tseng A-sheng (ff ppj jffi) d&clare : " les hommes qui avaient ete tromp&s ne voulaient pas
" aller a l'etranger et 60 d'entr'eux furent fusill&s par le Capitaine ou se suiciderent."
Kuan A-hsiao (§§ ppj [JjjSj) declare: "pour avoir fum&, 4 hommes furent fouettes jusqu'a
" ce qu'ils crachassent le sang et mourussent."
Mo Shuang (]f| jf ) declare : " 4 hommes se suiciderent et le Capitaine en tua trois autres."
Liang A-chien (fj£ ppj f^) declare: "je suis fils unique et j'&tais plong& dans la douleur,
" mais personne ne faisait attention a moi. Pendant la travers&e un homme se suicida."
Huang Ch'iu-t'ai (JJ; $t 1*1) declare : " deux hommes se suiciderent et deux furent battus
"jusqu'a la mort."
Liang Piao ( -§§ $g ) d&clare : " l'eau et la nourriture etaient insuffisantes et si Ton s'en
" plaignait on nous d&pouillait de nos v&tements, et on nous appliquait quelquefois une centaine,
" quelquefois plusieurs dizaines seulement, de coups avec quatre rotins attach&s ensemble."
Ho A-fa ( fij ppj f| ) declare : " le Capitaine frappa jusqu'a mort trois hommes."
Lin A-san ( ffi ppj H ) d&clare : " sous pretexte qu'il y avait eu des troubles a bord plusieurs
"hommes furent battus jusqu'a la mort. Un homme aussi sauta par dessus bord."
Ch'en Lung ( |Sf[ || ) declare : " le Capitaine &tait un m&chant homme. Beaucoup
" d'hommes ne voulant pas aller a l'etranger se jeterent a la mer. On nous defendit de monter
" sur le pont et on nous refusa de l'eau, nous fimes du tumulte et le Capitaine nous considera
" comme des revoltes ; plus de dix d'entre nous furent tu&s par les matelots a coups de baton et
" de couteau. Pres de Malacca le navire fit des avaries et bien que l'eau pen&trat dans la cale,
" on n'ouvrit pas les &coutilles, et elles ne furent ouvertes que lorsque nous avions de l'eau
" jusqu'au cou et que plus de dix d'entre nous eussent &t& noy&s."
Liu A-lin (§?|J ppj ffi) d&clare: "un homme fut battu jusqu'a mort a bord."
Su A-wu (jgfjj ppj 3t) d&clare: "8 hommes furent d&pouill&s de leurs v&tements, fouett&s
" s&verement et mis aux fers d'ou on ne les relacha qu'apres l'arriv&e a la Havane."
Liu A-hsi ( fflj ppj 3j| ) d&clare : " a bord 4 hommes furent battus si s&verement qu'ils
"moururent le lendemain."

( I« )
Huang A-ch'&ng (g ppj j$) declare: "le Capitaine me soupconna d'avoir des id&es de
"r&volte parceque j'avais parle avec quelques autres passagers, et sur son ordre les matelots
" m'attacherent, me mirent a nu, me fouetterent et me mirent aux fers, 31 autres sub&rent le m&me
" traitem ent."
Ts&ng A-yang (-f| ppj 3§g) d&clare: "a bord on ne nous permettait pas de parler."
Wu Chen-ming (^ jg ig) d&clare: "6 hommes se suiciderent."
Liang A-pihg (i££ ppj ijj§) d&clare: "le Capitaine craignant une r&volte fit attacher et fouetter
" s&v&rement 30 hommes."
Fang A-ts'ai ( Jj ppj % ) d&clare : " deux cents hommes que Ton consid&rait comme
" dangereux a cause de leur force physique furent enchain&s et enferm&s."
W&n Ssii (^ ©) d&clare: "un homme se suicida et 50 hommes qu'on soupconnait de
" vouloir se revolter furent mis aux fers."
Lo A-fa (jj|| ppj f£) d&clare: "a, bord deux hommes se suiciderent et deux furent battus
"jusqu'a la mort."
P'&ng A-sheng (g£ ppj §£) d&clare: "1 homme se suicida en avalant de I'opium."
Huang A-tou (f| ppj 5J-) d&clare: "avant la d&part du navire, cinq hommes qui s'&taient
" jet&s a la mer pour se sauver furent tu&s a coups de fusil, et pendant la travers&e 24 hommes-
"furent attach&s, fouett&s s&v&rement et gard&s enchain&s a l'avant du navire. Deux d'entr'eux
" se suiciderent en sautant pas dessus bord."

V.
Si les Coolies ont $te maltraites pendant la traversee, les lois leur offrent-elles
des moyens d'obtenir reparation?
L'art. 16 du D&cret Royal Espagnol de i860 d&clare que si a l'arriv&e d'un navire on voit-
en examinant les papiers de bord que la mortalit& pendant la travers&e a excede 6 %, une enqu&te
sera faite pour en savoir la cause, et que s'il y a lieu des poursuites criminelles seront faites.
L'art. 30 d&clare aussi que dans les cas ou les.amendes indiqu&es auront &t& impos&es par le
Capitaine G&n&ral, le Procureur du Gouvernement pourra de plus intenter un proces au nom du
chinois. Mais en r&alit& non seulement les vies des Coolies d&pendent-elles pendant la travers&e du
bon plaisir du Capitaine et des officiers des bateaux sur lesquels ils ont &t& amen&s par la ruse et
malgr& eux, sans qu'ils aient aucun moyen d'appel contre les injustices que ceux-ci ont cru k
propos de commettre, mais de plus aussitot leur arriv&e a la Havane les Coolies sont enferm&s
dans des barracons, d'ou ils ne peuvent sortir que pour aller travailler sous bonne garde et ils ne
peuvent pas faire un pas en libert&. D'ailleurs leur ignorance de la langue espagnole les mettrait
dans rimpossibilite en tout cas d'exposer leurs plaintes. Ainsi done le droit qu'ils ont de d&poser
des plaintes est un privilege purement nominal et inutile dans la pratique.
II ressort des petitions que Ch'&n Ming-yuan (|jj| ig JU) et Yao W&n-hsien ($Jj ~% ft) tous
deux engag&s a bord comme docteurs, et Chang T'ai-lung (jjjg ^ g§r) engage a Batavia comme

( H3)
Interprete, avec la condition bien determin&e que le prix de leur passage de retour a la Chine
Jeur serait remis, furent a leur arrivee a la Havane vendus frauduleusement, injustice dont ils
n'ont pas eu le moyen d'obtenir r&paration bien que des ann&es se soient &coul&es depuis.
Et pour la masse des travailleurs ordinaires toute r&paration de ce genre n'est-elle pas plus
impossible encore?

VI.
Qu'arrive-t-il au Coolie, A l'arrivee?
L'art. 1 3 du D&cret Royal Espagnol de 1 860 d&clare que les navires qui transportent les
travailleurs chinois a Cuba doivent — a moins d'exigence contraire — les d&baf quer a la Havane.
De la vient la coutume d'aller a ce port apres avoir pass& en quarantaine a Mariello port dans le
voisinage de Guanajay.
Hsieh Shuang-chiu ( f|J |f jg£ ) et n autres ecrivent dans leur petition : " aussitot
" d&barqu&s, quatre ou cinq etrangers a cheval, arm&s de fouets nous conduisirent comme un
" troupeau de bestiaux au barracon pour y etre vendus."
Ch'iu Pi-shan ( g|$ *|| jjj ) et 34 autres &crivent : " les chinois y sont trait&s ( dans les
" barracons ) comme des chiens ou des cochons, tous leurs mouvements sont surveill&s m&me a
"leurs repas et apres quelques jours ils sont vendus."
Li Chao-ch'un (sjs ^i 5§0 et 165 autres &crivent: "a la Havane apr&s quelques jours
" de d&tention a la station de quarantaine on nous coupa la queue et nous attendimes dans le ^
" march& d'hommes ( barracon ) l'inspection d'un acheteur et 1' arrangement du prix."
Yeh Fu-chiin (^jyi^)et 52 autres &crivent : "lorsqu'on nous mit en vente au
" march& d'hommes on nous divisa en trois classes, icre, 2e et 3e, on nous forca de nous d&pouiller
" de tous nos vetements pour que nos corps pussent &tre bien examin&s et le prix arrange.
" C'6tait nous couvrir de honte."
Chang Ting-chia ( jjg % Jp ) et 127 autres &crivent : " a notre d&barquement a la Havane
" on nous mit en vente, nos personnes furent examin&es par les acheteurs d'une facon &hontee
" dont nous n'avions pas l'id&e."
Lin A-pang (ffi ppj ]f%*) et 1 autre declarent dans leurs d&positions que dans le march&
d'hommes dans lequel ils furent conduits a leur arriv&e a la Havane les gens qui desiraient les
acheter leur faisaient enlever leurs v&tements, et examinaient leur corps pour voir s'ils &taient
robustes, tout comme s'il s'&tait agi de la vente d'un cheval ou d'un bceuf ; qu'ainsi les chinois sont
soumis non seulement aux mauvais traitements mais aussi a la honte.
Kao A-san (jg ppj H) et J autre d&clarent qu'apres leur arrivee a la Havane, avant de
les acheter on leur enleva leurs vetements et leurs corps furent I'objet d'une inspection complete,
comme cela a lieu pour la vente d'un cheval ou d'un bceuf.
Yeh A-'huan ( g| ppj $| ) et 1 autre d&clarent aussi que lorsqu'on les vendit, on leur
-enleva leurs v&tements et on examina leur corps pour voir s'ils etaient forts, tout comme cela se
fait pour la vente des chevaux et des bceufs.

( "4)
Chang A-hsi (^ ppj jg|) et i autre d&clarent que'lorsqu'ils furent vendus, on leur enleva
leurs v&tements et que leur corps furent palp&s et examin&s, comme cela a lieu dans les villes de
campagne lorsqu'on achete un bceuf.
Chiang San (j£ =) declare : " dans le barracon a le Havane, je fus battu presque jusqu'i
" la mort parceque je ne voulais pas permettre qu'on me coupat la queue."
Li A-ling (0 ppj H) d&clare : " c'est la coutume quand on vend les Coolies de les d&pouiller
" de leurs v&tements pour que l'acheteur puisse faire un examen bien complet de leur corps."

VII.
Quelle est la position des Coolies pendant la duree du contrat?
Li Chao-ch'un (^ |g §) et 165 autres ecrivent dans leur petition: "90 % sont employed
" dans les plantations de sucre. La le propri&taire se repose sur un ' administrador ' pour avoir
" un fort rendement de sucre, et l'administrador compte sur les ' surveillants ' pour exiger la
" plus grande quantit& possible de labeur. Ils ne pensent tous qu'au profit a faire et se soucient
" fort peu de notre vie. Qu'importe que les travailleurs soient malheureux ou contents, qu'ils
"meurent de faim ou aient de quoi manger, qu'ils meurent ou vivent. L'administrador qui
" donne seulement quatre bananes vertes est consider comme un serviteur capable, mais s'il n'en
" donne que trois il est considere comme bien plus capable encore. L'administrateur qui force
"les chinois a travailler 20 heures sur 24 est un homme capable, mais s'il arrive a obtenir 21
"heures il est bien plus capable encore, qu'importe qu'il nous frappe, nous fouette ou nous
" enchaine selon sa fantaisie. Quand nous nous plaignons d'&tre malades nous sommes battus et
" nos rations sont supprim&es. Quand nous travaillons mollement on envoie des chiens apres
" nous pour nous mordre. Ceux d'entre nous qui travaillent dans les fermes ou les plantations
" de caf&, dans les magasins a sucre ou les fours a briques, dans les compagnies de chemin de fer
" ou dans les boutiques de boulangers, de cordonniers, de chapeliers ou chez les marchands de
" tabac et autres boutiques sont, partout, maltrait&s, fouett&s, mis aux " stocks " (entraves) ou en
" prison et tortures de toute facon comme sur les plantations.
Hsien Tso-pang (fjfc 0c fft) et 13 autres &crivent : " nous sommes nourris plus mal que
" des chiens et on nous fait travailler plus que des bceufs ou des chevaux. Partout il y a des
" prisons et les fouets et verges n'arretent pas, chaque jour on estropie ou lacere les membres des
" travailleurs. II n'y a presque pas de jour ou nous n'apprenions qu'un de nos compatriotes s'est
" suicid&. Ils se pendent, sautent dans les puits, se coupent la gorge ou avaient de I'opium."
Lin Chin (ffi ^) et 1 5 autres ecrivent : " le surveillant son gourdin a la main nous force
" a travailler nuit et jour."
Ch'&n Ku (pf[ ¦£) et 2 autres ecrivent: "l'administrateur et les surveillants sont aussi
" cruels que des loups ou des tigres. Le couteau a la main et le fusil sur l'&paule quand nous
" sommes un peu lents au travail ils nous frappent jusqu'a ce que le sang coule sur le terrain."
Chang Luan (J| §£) et 30 autres &crivent : " a Cuba sur un espace de terrain de moins de
" 2,000 Us on trouve des milliers de prisons, des dizaines de mille d'entraves de toute sorte, et un

( »5 )
" chiffre innombrable d'&tres humains qui pleurent sans cesse dans I'injustice et la douleur, le
" corps d&chir& et couvert de blessures, et cherchent la mort en se suicidant, se pendent, se noient,
" s'empoisonnent, ou se frappent a coups de couteau."
Shih Chih-ho (^ Jfc ?n) et 28 autres &crivent: "les hommes robustes peuvent a la
" rigueur supporter les effets produits par la flagellation et l'enchainement, mais les hommes
" faibles ou etg&s en meurent vite."
Chien Shih-kuang ($fj ft ft) et 96 autres ecrivent: "les instruments de torture sont en
" usage constant et aucun d'entre nous ne peut jamais &tre certain de passer un seul jour sans
" &tre maltraite ; nous n'avons pas non plus de repos suffisant."
Ch'&n Yii-shu (^ 3£ ^) et 4 autres &crivent : " que nous soyions vendus comme esclaves
" dans les families ou dans les magasins a sucre ou dans les boutiques, on nous traite comme des
" chiens, des chevaux ou des bceufs ; nous sommes mal nourris et priv&s de repos de sorte que
" chaque jour nous parait aussi long qu'une ann&e."
Kao Lao-hsiu (j^ ^ |§?) et 16 autres ecrivent: "les chinois a Cuba ont a travailler nuit
" et jour et n'ont pas un instant de repos; de plus nous sommes constamment battus et trait &s
" exactement comme des bceufs, des chevaux, des moutons ou des chiens."
Chao K'un (jjg Jl) et 95 autres &crivent: "nous n'avons pas une nourriture suffisante, on
" nous fait travailler beaucoup trop, nuit et jour. Dans la journ&e on nous fouette et on nous
" enchaine et la nuit on nous emprisonne et on nous met aux ' stocks. ' Aussi beaucoup sont-ils
" morts de leurs souffrances et d'autres qui ont essaye de se sauver ont trouve la mort au dehors."
Tiao Mu pj /f;) et 3 autres &crivent: " nous travaillons nuit et jour n'ayant qu'un tres
" court repos, a peine nourris, constamment battus et enchaines, consid&r&s autant que la mauvaise
" herbe, et trait&s comme des chevaux ou des bceufs."
-^ P'an T'ai ($j j£|) et 89 autres &crivent: " a la Havane les travailleurs ont opprim&s et battus
J " a coups de fouet ou de verges, la nuit ils ne peuvent pas dormir en paix, leur nourriture est
" insuffisante, on ne leur donne pas de vetem&nts; on ne saurait compter tous ceux qui sont morts
" de mauvais traitements."
Chang A-yiian (ffi |ipj ¦jfc) et 4 autres ecrivent: " II y a toujours un surveillant qui nous
" &pie le gourdin a la main, et d'un bout de l'ann&e a l'autre nous recevons des bastonnades qui
" tirent jusqu'a la derniere goutte de notre sang, et les uns en meurent dans l'espace de deux ou
" trois jours." Cheng Hsing (fjfi '|g) et 5 autres ecrivent: " le sommeil et la nourriture ne suffisent pas
" et nous avons beaucoup a souffrir de l'emprisonnement et du fouet."
Ts'ai Heng (fj5 '|Jf ) et 79 autres &crivent : " nous avons eu beaucoup a souffrir des surveillants
" qui, arm&s de fouets, de couteaux ou d'armes a feu, et la menace a la bouche, feroces comme des
" tigres, se tenaient sans cesse a nos c&t&s. Comptant sur l'influence de leur maitre, ils nous
" traitaient comme des chevaux ou des bceufs et notre existence dependait de leur bon plaisir."
Hsieh Shuang-chiu (fjj f| ®£) et 11 autres &crivent: "les surveillants sont plus cruels
" que les loups et les tigres. II n'y a pas de place pour la pitie dans leur coeur. Ils sont aussi
" terribles que la foudre et nous battent constamment avec leur fouet ou leurs verges, ou nous
"jettent des briques, ou nous donnent des coups de pied nous faisant toujours des blessures qui
" parfois amenent la mort." 15

( m6 )
Liu A-shou (fij ppj H) et 4 autres 6crivent: "les surveillants sont aussi cruels que
"les tigres et les loups, Si nous travaillons un peu lentement, nous sommes battus sur le
"dos a coups de fouet ou on envoie des chiens contre nous pour nous dechirer de leurs
" morsures." Chang Ting-chia (ffifefti) et 127 autres &crivent: "les surveillants allaient a cheval
" avec des fouets faits de peau de vache et des pistolets, frappant tout le monde indiff&remment
" qu'on travaillat ou non, ceux qui etaient a distance avec leur fouet et ceux qui &taient pr&s
" d'eux avec leur baton. Ils cassaient ainsi les cotes aux gens ou leur faisaient cracher le sang ;
" ils leur faisaient aussi d'autres blessures a la t&te et aux pieds, mais comme elles n'&taient pas
" exposees aux regards il les forcaient a travailler comme auparavant."
Ch&ng A-mou (g|$ ppj jcg) et 89 autres ecrivent : "nous commencions a travailler au milieu
" de la nuit, les cruels surveillants nous ensanglantaient de leurs coups et les travailleurs avaient
" constamment recours au suicide. A la fin de nos 8 ann&es la moiti& de nous &taient morts."
Ch'&n Ming-yuan (g|( rg J@|) &crit: "mais les souffrances de la masse des travailleurs
" chinois sont encore pires. Ils ont a souffrir de la faim et de l'enchainement et a endurer des
" miseres de toute sorte auxquelles ils ne peuvent se soustraire que par le suicide. II est
" impossible de compter tous ceux qui se sont jet&s dans les puits, se sont coupes la gorge, se sont
" pendus, ou ont aval& de I'opium."
Chu Chi-hsiin (^3^ f|[) et 10 autres &crivent: "tous les gens qui travaillent, soit dans
" les montagnes ou les plantations, soit dans les families, dans les chemins de fer, a bord des
" navires, ou bien dans les prisons aux travaux forc&s, sont non seulement expos&s a toutes sortes
" d'injustices de la part des m&chantes g&ns, mais de plus sont constamment battus par leurs
" surveillants. Ceux-ci se servent a cet effet aesfbuets faits de nerfs de bceufs s&ch&s au soleil
" dont les coups sont horriblement douleureux. Il^Naconstamment des suicides, on ne saurait
" les compter." Yang Yiin ($§}£) et 13 autres &crivent: "soumis a des injustices et des souffrances
" in&narrables, les gens se pendent aux arbres, se noient, avaient de I'opium ou sautent dans les
" chaudrons k sucre."
Wu A-ch'iang (f£ ppj $f) d&clare aussi dans sa deposition: "j'ai vu de mes yeux des
" hommes fouett&s jusqu'a ce qu'ils vomissent le sang et la mort survenait quelques jours
" apres." Li A-wu (*£ ppj f£) d&clare : " dans les plantations a sucre si on travaille un peu lentement
" le surveillant vous applique imm&diatement plusieurs dizaines de coups, qui font saigner,
" lac&rent la peau et produisent de l'enflure et de l'inflammation."
Ch'&n Te-ch&ng (pf[ ffi ]£) declare: "si le travail n'est pas fait comme l'administrateur le
" d&sire,4es Coolies sont mis en prison et ensuite forces a travailler avec des chaines au pied, ou
" bien on leur applique 10, 20, 25, 50 ou bien un nombre illimite de coups qui d&chirent les chairs
" et ensanglantent le corps."
Chu Chia-hsien (^ ffi ft) declare: "le surveillant disait qu'il importait peu que nous
" mourussions, car on pourrait en acheter d'autres pour nous remplacer."
Ch'&n Pao (g$ %) d&clare dans sa d&position: "je vis casser les jambes a.un chinois en le
" batonnant."

( »7 )
Ho A-t& (fij ppj j)|) d&clare: "quand j'&tais a la plantation de sucre, je fus fouette jusqu'a
" ce que ma chair fut toute lac&r&e, et les blessures furent lav&es avec des alcools ce qui me fit un
" mal extr&me." Ch&ng A-chi (gft ppj ^) d&clare: "j'ai ete fcviette tr&s sev&rement et les cicatrice" de mes
" blessures sont encore visibles sur mon corps. A cet usage"6n &: ^ervait d'un fouet de cuir et il
" arrivait constamment que le sang coulait et que mes habits &taient tout lac&r&es par les coups ;
" cependant je n'avais commis aucune faute."
Lin A-kou (ffi ppj Jpj) declare: "quand l'administrateur &tait ivre, il s'amusait a me donner
" des coups sur la t&te."
Chou Liu (ffi ft) d&clare: "notre administrateur me traitait si cruellement que je pris la
" fuite; on lanca des chiens a ma poursuite et lorsque je fus pris on me coupa deux doigts."
Ts'ui An (^§) d&clare: "je vis tuer un homme parcequ'il avait frap,p& le surveillant."
Ch'&n A-shun ([iff ppj J||) declare: "l'administrateur nous faisait fouetter constamment et
" excitait ses chiens a nous mordre."
Wang Ching (J ^) declare: "pendant mes 6 premiers mois de service, les chaines et le
" fouet me parurent si p&nibles que je me coupai la gorge dans le but de me suicider, la blessure
" mit un mois k se ferrner."
Lu Sh&ng-pao (J[ ^ {$) declare: "nos 4 dollars de salaire n'&taient pas payes chaque
" mois et pour un service d'une ann&e et demie je recus seulement $ 51."
Wang A-jui d ppj 3Q) d&clare: "je fus vendu au propri&taire d'un four a briques et
"pendant 18 mois je ne recus aucun salaire."
Han Yen-p'ei ( ^ Jjg jg ) declare : . " mon maitre ne me donnait pas la nourriture ; il me
" remettait des bons pour des vivres a recevoir au magasin de la plantation ou on les consid&rait
" comme de l'argent, leur montant etait mis a mon debit, et de cette facon ce que je gagnai pendant
" mes 8 ann&es me fut retenu en entier."
" Ts'ui Teng-lin ( >g %jfc ffi ) declare : " un jour je sortis pour faire certaines emplettes, et
" quand je revins je fus fouett& s&verement et oblig& de travailler pendant trois mois avec les
" chaines aux pieds."
Yang Ch'i-man ( |g§ -]M? $§ ) d&clare : " je fus une fois frapp& si s&verement qu'on ne cessa
" que lorsque je vomis le sang. Je vis aussi un jour un homme fouette si durement que ne
" pouvant endurer la douleur il se jeta dans un puit."
Yeh A-yao ( ^ ppj $£ ) declare : " je fus battu presque jusqu'a la mort parceque je refusais
" de manger le ma'is, mon corps &tait tout dechire, ce n'&tait qu'une plaie d'un bout a l'autre."
Li A-ta (^ ppj JH ) d&clare : " un jour on m'appliqua 200 coups et bien que mon corps ne
" fut qu'une plaie, on me forcait a faire mon travail."
Li San-mou (^£ H ]9t) d&clare : " deux fois on me fit enlever mon pantalon et on me
" fouetta avec des verges de rotin."
Wu A-san (^| ppj H) d&clare: "les chinois mis aux fers etaient battus quand ils ne
" voulaient pas imiter les b&lements des moutons ou les aboiements des chiens."

( "8 )
VIII.
Observe-t-on les clauses des contrats?
Hun contrats faits a diff&rent.p" epoques entre la 3« annee de Hienfeng et la I2« ann&e de
T'ungchih ont ete examines." Jn seul d'entr'eux, dont on ne s'est jamais serv&, est r&dig& en
conformit& avec la Convention d'Emigration de la 5e ann&e de T'ungchih.
Les clauses des 7 autres contrats sont presque identiques. L'une d'entre elles d&clare que
les Coolies ne seront pas oblig&s k plus de 12 heures de travail sur 24, mais l'enqu&te a demontr&
qu'on exige d'eux jusqu'a 21 heures de travail. Un autre clause stipule que le dimanche sera un
jour de repos ; mais il est demontr& qu'ils ont a travailler be jour-la dans la grande majorite des
cas. ,
Une troisieme clause stipule que la ration quotidienne consistera de 8 taels (onces) de
viande sal&e et de deux livres anglaises et demie de diff&rents articles de nourriture, qui doivent
tous &tre de bonne qualit& ; mais il ressort de l'enqu&te que les rations de viande ont parfois a
peine exc&d& 1 tael, et que les seuls articles de nourriture distribu&s consistaient en pommes de
terre, bananes ou mais.
Une quatrieme clause stipule que, en cas de maladie, peu importe la dur&e du mal, les
travailleurs devront etre envoy&s a l'hopital et soign&s convenablement jusqu'a gu&rison, et qu'on
ne d&duira rien de leurs gages pour cette raison ; mais l'enqu&te a demontr& que dans la grande
majorit& des cas tout chinois qui se plaint d'&tre malade est battu ou enchain&, chatiments qui
ont souvent caus& la mort, et que ce n'est que tres-rarement que les salaires n'ont pas &t& retenus.
Une autre clause stipule qu'une avance de $ 8 sera faite au travailleur avant son depart
de Chine et qu'a Cuba son patron lui retiendra $ 1 par mois jusqu'a ce que cette somme ait &t&
rembours&e ; mais outre que beaucoup n'ont rien recu du tout d'avance, la coutume presque
universelle a &t& de retenir non pas huit, mais bien douze dollars pendant la premiere ann&e de
service. Une autre clause stipule qu'a l'expiration des 8 ann&es le Coolie pourra chercher du travail
sans qu'on puisse le retenir, et que son premier maitre ne pourra invoquer le pretexte de dettes
ou d'une entente particuliere, pour retarder sa libert& ou l'obliger a un nouveau travail; mais il
est demontre que dans la plupart de cas les travailleurs sont enchain&s et maltrait&s et oblig&s de
continuer a travailler pendant plusieurs ann&es quelquefois. ' .
II est aussi stipule qu'apr&s l'expiration du contrat on accordera un laps de temps de 60
jours au Coolie pour qu'il puisse faire des arrangements au port d' embarquement pour son retour
en Chine, et que s'il ne desire pas retourner il sera libre de chercher a am&liarer sa position par
tous les moyens permis a la classe ouvriere de l'lle. Cependant il est prouve que les travailleurs
qui refusent de renouveler leurs contrats sont envoy&s aux depSts oh ils ont a, travailler sans gages,
qu'on ne leur accorde jamais le temps sp&cifi& pour preparer leur retour en Chine, et que, les
fonctionnaires des depots ou ils sont mis devenant leurs maitres, il leur est impossible de chercher
du travail comme bon leur semble.
Sous tous ces rapports la coutume actuelle de Cuba est completement oppos&e aux stipula
tions des contrats examin&s, et les d&positions et p&titions recues et annex&es en font foi.

( "9 )
IX.
Si les maitres violent les stipulations quelle reparation le Coolie peut-il
OBTENIR D'APRES LA LOI? ....
L'article 44 du Decret Royal Espagnol de 1 860 declare que lorsque les travailleurs chinois
•ont a se plaindre d'injustices commises a leur &gard par leur maitre ou de violation des conditions
-de leur contrat, ils doivent aller trouver I'officier design& comme leur protecteur qui fera une
enqu&te. Mais bien qu'ayant ainsi, en cas de violation de leur contrat, le droit de plainte devant
les Autorit&s, les chinois peuvent difficilement user de ce privil&ge parcequ'ils connaissent a peine
les habitants et les localit&3 et que leurs maitres sans scrupule les enferment et les contraignent
de toutes facons. M&me lorsqu'ils r&ussissent a presenter leur plainte il parait qu'il est impossible
d'obtenir. reparation.
Ts'ai Heng (3|| »|g) et 79 autres &crivent dans leur p&tition: " le document sans lequel nous
" ne pouvions pas faire un pas nous &tait refuse, mais nous n'avions aucun moyen de nous plaindre
" ou de protester contre une pareille injustice."
Lin Chin ( ffi §> ) et 15 autres ecrivent : " sur les plantations et dans les fermes nous
¦ " cherchons dans le suicide sous toutes sortes de formes un refuge contre nos miseres. II est
" impossible d'&num&rer tous les mauvais traitements auxquels nous sommes soumis. Quand
" cela parvient aux oreilles des Autorit6s, elles acceptent des pr&sents (bribes) de leur maitre et
" ne font aucune attention au crime commis. II y a des cas innombrables de ce genre."
Huang F&ng-chi (jff j^ '§) et 1 1 autres &crivent : " nous avions a endurer toutes sortes
" de souffrances. Quand notre temps de service tirait a sa fin nous crumes que nous pouvions
" nous reposer sur nos contrats et que nous pourrions bientot sortir et avoir un emploi avantageux,
" mais ces documents furent consid&r&s comme non avenus et on nous retint en servitude."
Lai Chih-chih ($$ J[ ]j§Q et 3 autres &crivent : " les etrangers sont si trompeurs qu'ils ne
" font aucune attention a la clause de nos contrats qui stipule que nous sommes engages pour
" 8 ans, et quand ce temps est expire ils veulent nous faire travailler encore pour autant
" d'ann&es." Chiu Pi-shan ($$ |§ llj) et 34 autres &3rivent: "apr&s 8 ans de pareilles souffrances et
" l'expiration de nos engagements, il faut faire un nouveau contrat."
Yang Yiin ( ^ fc ) et 1 30 autres ecrivent : " les contrats fait a Macao &taient pour 8 ans,
" mais nous trouvons ici que nous devons travailler a perp&tuite."
Ch&ng Sheng (§|5 JgSj) ecrit: "j'avais, ainsi que chacun des 24 Coolies vendus avec moi,
" un contrat stipulant que nous serions libres apres 8 ans, mais notre maitre d&nu& de conscience
" refusa de me donner la liberte et me forca a travailler six autres ann&es. Je ne pus m'y refuser
" et maintenant que mon second engagement est expir&, il refuse de nouveau de me mettre en
" liberte, et il nous a tous envoy&s aux autorit&s espagnoles."
Ku Ch'iao-hsiu ("jtf Iffijj ^) ecrit : " je connais plus de cent Coolies qui &taient avec moi et
" qui apr&s l'expiration de leur engagement furent obliges de signer de nouveaux contrats ou
" d'aller en prison."
Wu A-fa ( §% ppj || ) et 39 autres ecrivent : " les etrangers ne se considerent nullement
"comme li&s par les stipulations des contrats, et quand les 8 ans sont expires ils nous

( '20 )
"refusent les cedulas (permis de s&jour) et nous sommes oblig&s de rester en esclavage a
" perp&tuit&." En outre, Yeh Yu ( 3|g gj ) declare dans sa d&position : " sur la plantation nous &tions
" conbuarr-ment battus. Si nous nous plaignions aux Autorit&s, nos maitres leur donnaient de
" l'argent, et nous etions renvoy&s a la plantation, ou on nous d&pouillait de nos v&tements et on
" nous fouettait." Li T'ung (^ jg) d&clare: "je me plaignis aux Autorites de ce que nous n'avions pas
" de riz, et pour cela on me mit a la chaine pour un mois."
Wu Yiieh ( ^ %£ ) d&clare dans sa d&position : " beaucoup se suiciderent pour 6chapper
" aux miseres qu'il fallait endurer sur la plantation. Des plaintes furent adressees aux Autorit&s
" mais elles n'y firent aucune attention."
Ch'&n A-shun ( |ig( ppj Jl[j| ) d&clare : " il y avait sur la plantation une prison ou Ton
" enfermait et enchalnait les gens constamment. Si nous faisions quelques pas en dehors des
" hmites de la propri&te nous &tions saisis, fouett&s et enchain&s de sorte qu'il nous etait impossible
" d'aller nous plaindre."
Ho A-pa ( fij ppj j\ ) d&clare : " si nous faisions seulement quelques pas en dehors de
" de la propri&t& on nous regardait comme ayant essay& de nous sauver et on nous enchainait et
" nous battait. Aussi personne n'osait se plaindre."
Yu A-shih ( j|£ ppj ^ ) d&clare : " d'apres le contrat j'avais droit a etre v&tu, mais on
" ne me donnait pas de vetements, consequemment je refusai de travailler, mais je fus enchain&
" et battu." Huang Hsing ( jjf Jgl ) d&clare : " sur la plantation on nous enchafne et on nous bat
" constamment, mais nous n'osons pas nous plaindre aux Autorit&s de crainte d'etre soumis a un
" pire traitement. J'essayai un jour de me couper la gorge."
Huang A-shui ( g ppj ?JC ) declare : " sur la plantation, un certain A-kuei ( ppj %£ )
" originaire de P'anyii ( # ^ ) fut frapp& jusqu'a mort par l'administrateur. Nous partimes
" le lendemain pour deposer une plainte devant les Autorit&s, mais a moiti& route nous fumes
" rejoints par l'administrateur a la tete d'une troupe d'hommes arm&s et nous fumes reconduits
" a la plantation et enchain&s."
Kao A-lun ( )§j ppj fjjjf ) declare : " neuf d'entre nous allerent trouver les Autorit&s, mais
" on nous renvoya a la plantation ou nous fumes attach&s et battus par un surveillant — un blanc —
"jusqu'a ce que sa main fut fatigu&e."
Lai Ch'uan-shou ( % }\\ »jg ) d&clare : " les surveillants noirs nous battent sans cesse.
" Pour mon compte j'ai d&ja et& quatre fois fouett& et mis aux fers apres. Un jour que je
"m'explique parceque le surveillant me disait des insultes, il se mit en colere, me frappa et
" m' enchaina. De cette facon on ne nous permet pas m&me les observations."
Lin A-t'ai (ffi ppj ||) d&clare dans sa d&position: "mon maitre me doit 128 piastres "•
" mexicaines. J'allai me plaindre a la Havane (parcequ'il ne voulait. pas les payer) mais I'officier
" ne fit aucune attention a ma plainte et en outre m'enferma dans le d&p6t ou je suis depuis 2 ans
" ayant a travailler sans &tre pay&." »
Lin A-chu (ffi ppj ^f) d&clare: "mon maitre me devait $ 108 et j'allai me plaindre aux
" Autorites ; mais on me reconduisit a mon maitre qui me forca a travailler cinq autres mois,

( '21 )
" sans me payer. Comme il d&clarait que pour me punir d'avoir port& une plainte contre lui, il
" me vendrait a une plantation a sucre, je.me rendis de nouveau avec un de mes amis a la Havane
" pour porter plainte. La on nous enferma dans le d&p6t et j'y suis depuis 7 ou 8 ans ayant a
" travailler sans recevoir de gages. Mon maitre n'a jamais eu a repondre a l'accusation que
"j'avais port&e contre lui."
Ch'&n A-yin ($fc ppj ^) d&clare: "un &tranger qui m'avait engage pour travailler a bord
" d'un navire me doit $ 100 ; j'ai d&pos& une plainte devant les Autorit&s mais on n'y a fait aucune
" attention." Hsieh A-fa (§§} |5pJ |j|) declare: "si j'&tais tant soit ymi lent au travail on me battait, et
" pendant les heures de travail on ne me permettait pas de satisfaire les besoins de la nature.
" Une fois ayant &te frappe avec une grande cruaute, je portai plainte devant les Autorit&s, mais
"en d&boursant une somme d' argent mon maitre put me ramener chez luLet il me forca a
" travailler les fers aux pieds."
Liu A-wen (§1] [SpJ Tj£) declare: "il y a quelques ann&es, notre administrateur nous traitant
" tres cruellement j'allais porter plainte devant les Autorit&s, mais elle ne fut pas admise et a
" mon retour je fus encham& ainsi que 39 autres et nous eumes a travailler pendant trois mois
" les fers aux pieds. Nos gages furent retenus pendant tout ce temps la."
Ch'&n A-mu (^ |ipj §|) declare: "sur la plantation on me maltraitait cruellement, constam-
" ment on me battait. L'annee derniere ayant &t& fouett& avec une s&verit& inou'ie j'allai porter
" plainte devant les Autorites. Mais mon maitre leur donna de l'argent et me ramena a la
" plantation ou je fus enchain& pendant plusieurs mois et soumis a des mauvais traitements pires
" qu'auparavant." Tseng. Ch'ing-jung (^ J| |j|) declare: "un de mes camarades se suicida en avalant de
"I'opium et un autre nomm& A-fu (|ipf jjig) fut battu jusqu'a mort. Leurs corps furent enterr&s
" de suite et aucune enqu&te n'eut lieu."
T&ng Kuan (§§ %) declara: "pendant les deux ans que je passai sur la plantation, je fus
" constamment battu avec une grande rigueur. Je portai plainte mais parlant peu l'espagnol je
" ne r&ussis qua etre envoy& au d&pot ou je dus travailler sur les routes a casser les pierres, ayant
" les fers aux pieds et ne recevant aucun salaire."
Lin A-chung (ffi ppj 40 d&clare: "A-sh&ng (|5pJ ££), A-rfu ( ppj jjig) et moi nous demandames
" a l'administrateur de nous payer nos gages en argent. II se mit en colere et nous envoya au
" dep&t oii il nous fallut travailler sans gages."
F&ng Chi QJjj "§) d&clare: "apres l'expiration, de mon contrat je dus travailler encore
" pendant 7 ans, recevant un salaire de $ 1 7 pendant cinq de ces ann&es. Mon maitre voulut alors
" me payer en papier, je refusai et 2 ou 3 jours apres des officiers me conduisirent au d&pot."
Li Chia (a£ jf|) d&clare: "a la fin de mes 8 ans, mon maitre nia que mon temps fut fini,
" et j'allais me plaindre aux Autorit&s qui me retinrent et me firent travailler sur les routes sans
-" gages." Lo A-erh (f§ ppj Zl) d&clare: "a l'expiration de mon contrat je fus envoy& a un depot oil
" je restai 4 mois. Mon maitre me reprit alors et me fit travailler pendant trois mois les chaines
" aux pieds. II me bat constamment et hier encore je fus fouett& tres-rigoureusement. Depuis
¦" cinq mois je n'ai pas recu de gages. Pouss& a bout par ces injustices et autres mauvais traite-

( I22 )
" ments, je priai un de mes compagnons d'aller porter plainte en mon nom devant les Autorit&s.
" Trois fois il a d&pos& ma plainte et trois fois elle a 6t& ,rejet&e. II me faut continuer a travailler"
" et quand je demande mon salaire on me menace des chaines. Je suis presque d&cid& a me
" suicider maintenant."

X.
Si LE COOLIE ROMP SON CONTRAT QUELLE REPARATION PEUT AVOIR SON MAITRE
D'APRBS LA LOI?
L'Art. yy du Decret Royal Espagnol de i860 d&clare que dans le cas ou le travailleur
commettrait de nombreuses offenses, le maitre devra en informer I'officier designe comme
Protecteur des chinois, qui prononcera, s'il y a lieu, une peine conforme aux lois, ou dans le cas
contraire une augmentation des " chdtiments disciplinaires." Cette clause permet , done aux
maitres d'augmenter, sans qu'aucune limite soit fix&e, les chatiments qu'une clause pr&c&dente
limitait, et d'imposer des punitions que les lois n'ont jamais eu en vue. Ils ont de plus, dans
la pratique; recours a tous les moyens les plus cruels que leur fantaisie leur suggere.
II ressort des depositions recueillies que sur toutes les plantations les propri&taires ont
install& des prisons munies de stocks (entraves) et de diff&rents instruments de punition, et que
les administrateurs et surveillants font un usage constant de leurs chiens, de leurs couteaux, d&
leurs batons et de leurs fouets, de sorte que les chinois vivent sans cesse dans la crainte de la
mort. II ressort &galement que dans des cas innombrables, ils sont battus sans qu'aucune offense
ait &t& commise, sans aucune provocation, et que m&me apres l'expiration de leurs contrats ils
sont mis aux fers et battus. II est done peu probable qu'ils voudraient s'exposer d'eux-m&mes k
ces mauvais traitements en violant de propos delibere leurs contrats, cons&quemment ce n'est
que tres rarement que cela arrive.
Ainsi done non seulement les Reglements donnent aux maitres le droit d'imposer et •
d'augmenter les chatiments, tout en ordonnant d'en ref&rer au Protecteur officiel — mais de plus,
en fait, les maitres infligent selon leur bon plaisir toutes sortes de chatiments barbares sans
aucune autorisation pr&alable emanant des repr&sentants du gouvernement.

¦ XI.
Les Coolies sont-ils traites avec bienveillance par leurs maitres?
Bien qu'il soit juste et convenable de traiter les travailleurs avec bienveillance, ce n'est
pas ce qui a lieu a, Cuba dans la grande majorit& des cas.
Chang Ting-chia (»g§ g Jp) et 127 autres &crivent dans leur petition: " notre nourriture
" chaque jour ne se composait que de mais et de bananes. Nos gages ne sont que de $ 4 par mois,.
" en papier, ce qui ne fait m&me pas $ 2 de Chine, et ne suffit pas pour nous procurer les suppl&-
" ments de nourriture et les v&tements dont nous avons besoin. Aussi est-il impossible-
" d'economiser."

( 123 )
Yang Wan-sheng (ijj* ffi P) ecrit: "j'avais a travailler nuit et jour, je souffrais beaucoup
" de la faim et du froid, j'etais fouette quand j'&tais malade s&rieusement, et si je prenais quelques
" moments de repos on me mettait en prison et on m'enchalnait."
Wang Hua (]£ ^ ) et 16 autres &crivent: " on nous donne trois repas par jour consistant
" de patates douces, de mai's, de plantanes et d'un morceau de viande sal&e pourrie pesant deux
" taels." Li Ying-sung (^ jjju fy) &crit: "j'avais a travailler nuit et jour, n'etais nourri que de
" patates et de bananes et on ne me permettait que quelques instants de sommeil."
Liang Yu-sh&ng ($fc ;j=f J|$) ecrit: " on me bat nuit et jour, mes souffrances sont intolerables."
Li Chao-ch'un (^ Ip ^) et 166 autres &crivent: " sur les plantations a sucre, nous recevons
" $4 en papier par mois ce qui fait un peu plus de $ i en argent. Cela ne suffit pas pour acheter
" le suppl&ment de nourriture et de vetements dont nous avons besoin absolument. Sur chaque
" propri&t& se trouve un magasin appartenant a l'administrateur et a d'autres ; les objets sont de
" mauvaise qualite et tres-chers, mais si nous essayons d'acheter au dehors on dit que nous nous
" sauvons et on nous oblige a travailler avec les fers aux pieds. Comment pourrions-nous, pendant
" le temps de notre engagement, &conomiser de quoi payer notre passage de retour en Chine ?"
P'an To-li ( $| ^ f lj ) ^CT^ '¦ " si nous achetons en dehors de la plantation on nous fait des
" retenues sur nos gages pendant plusieurs mois et pendant cette epoque il nous faut travailler
" avec les pieds encham&s."
Wu A-fa (^ ppj ?f ) et 39 autres &crivent: "nos gages de $4 nous sont payes en papier
" qui ne vont pas la moiti& de l'argent."
1 Lin A-ch'ing (ffi ppj Jjj) et 1 autre &crivent : " on ne nous donne meme pas trois repas par
"jour et la ration ne consiste que de mai's et de riz. Nos gages de $4 en papier ne repr&sentent
" m&me pas $ 2 en argent et pour le plus petit motif on nous fait des retenues."
Yeh Nien ( 3|| i£ ) et 20 autres ecrivent : " sur nos gages de $ 4 il nous faut acheter des
" v&tements et autres objets necessaires ; en retour de notre travail on nous laisse mourir de
" faim, on nous bat sans cesse et on ne nous accorde aucun repos."
Wang A-chi (]£ |JpJ ¦§£) d&clare dans sa d&position: " au commencement de mon
" engagement on me donnait trois repas par jour, la seconde ann&e on ne m'en donna que deux
" et on me fouetta cruellement."
Yang Chin ( $f§ || ) d&clare : " notre nourriture consistait de bceuf pourri, et si je ne
" mangeais pas on me mettait des fers aux pieds."
Chang Ch'ang-kuei ( ffi Jg j|) d&clare : " je fus employe dans un four a briques pendant
"- huit ans et ne rectus aucun salaire pendant six de ces huit ans."
Ho A-jui (fij |5pJ ijQ) declare: "on me mit deux mois aux fers parceque je faisais les
" cigares maladroitement."
Liang A-hsiu (^ |5pJ 3^ ) declare: "24 d'entre-nous pouss&s par la faim et n'ayant plus la
" force necessaire pour travailler, prierent le fils de notre maitre d'augmenter notre ration de
" nourriture, mais nous fumes tous mis aux fers et battus. II n'y avait pas de logements pour
" nous sur la plantation et on nous dit de nous loger nous-memes. Nous n'avions que $ 3 par
" mois, et une hutte de paille pour deux coute $ 10. II nous &tait done impossible d'ob&ir et
" quand nous voulumes expliquer cela au fils de notre maitre, il se mit dans une violente colere, 1 6

( I24)
"nous frappa a tort et a travers, et aide par certains cnegrjes tomba sur nous a, coups de
" couteaux : un natif de Hiangshan ( § (Ij ) fut tu6, les autres re^rent des blessures."
Liang A-chao ( ^ ppj $8 ) d&clare : " sur la plantation il y a un boutique qui appartient
" au maitre et c'est la que nous devons faire tous nos achats. Les prix sont excessifs."
Chu Chia-hsien ( %£ ^ ft ) et y6 autres declarent egalement dans leurs depositions que
tous les achats doivent se faire a la boutique de la plantation.
Liu A- w&n ( g j ppj j£ ) declare : " tous les articles de nourriture doivent &tre achet&s du
" maitre d'hotel."
Liu A-yao ( gi] ppj -g ) declare : " il faut tout acheter du commis."
F&ng Erh Qj§ zl) d&clare : " il y a en ce moment sur cette plantation deux hommes
" aux fers dans la prison pour avoir fait des emplettes dehors."
T'ang Ming-kuei ( j^ BJj ^g ) d&clare : " on nous distribue chaque mois quatre billets en
" guise de gages et ils ne peuvent servir qu'a payer ce que nous achetons sur la plantation.
" Ailleurs ils ne sont d'aucun usage, et on ne peut pas les changer pour des billets de banque."
Ts&ng Fu-min ( •§• g J£ ) d&clare : " au lieu de nos gages, le maitre nous donne un
" ordre dont nous pouvons nous servir pour payer ce que nous achetons dans sa boutique, mais que
" nous ne pouvons convertir en argent, de sorte que nous ne pouvons faire aucun achat au dehors."
Ch'&n A-fu ( Pff ppj jjjg ) declare : " comme j'&tais tout jeune on m'employait a, surveiller
" les chevaux dans les paturages. J'&tais fouette constamment avec des verges de rotin pendant
" que quatre hommes me tenaient a terre apr&s m'avoir mis a nu." '
Ts'ai A-fang ( ^ ppj -fj ) declare : " &tant malade je ne pouvais pas faire autant de
" travail que les autres ; on me mit des chaines aux pieds et aux mains, et apr&s m'avoir depouill&
" de mes vetements on me fouetta avec un fouet de cuir."
Chang Shui ( jJJ! 7j*C ) d&clare : " malade il me fallait encore travailler et comme je ne
" pouvais faire autant de travail que les autres on m'enchainait et on me battait."
Lo A-pao ( §§ ppj jj| ) declare : " le proprietaire du magasin a sucre est tres-cruel.
" Constamment il m'a fait des blessures en me battant, il lac&re la peau et casse les os, le corps
" est couvert de sang."
Ch'&n A-lien (p§f ppj jj|) d&clare: "je fus temoin de la mort d'un vieillard: l'administrateur
" lui avait ordonn& d'emporter un instrument tres-lourd, il n'avait pas la force de le faire et il fut
" frapp& jusqu'a mort."
P'ang A-tung (j|| ppj T|f ) d&clare: "le surveillants ont toujours avec eux des fouets de
" cuir pour chatier les chinois."
Liu A-hn (gij ppj ;jj|c) d&clare : " l'administrateur est d'une cruaut& inouie. Le maitre lui
" a dit d'user du fouet sans pitie, que peu importe que l'un soit frappe jusqu'a mort car il peut en
" acheter dix autres a sa place."
Hsieh A-ssii (H ppj 0 ) declare: "le maitre a exhort& l'administrateur k nous battre,
" disant que peu importe qu'il tue l'un de nous sous les coups car il est assez riche pour en
" acheter dix autres."
Liu A-jtii ( glj ppj ^ ) declare : " le maitre dit constamment aux surveillants que la seule
" chose qui importe c'est d'avoir un beau rendement de sucre et qu'il ne faut nullement s'occuper
" des travailleurs car si l'un meurt sous les coups il peut en acheter dix autres."

( i25 )
D'un autre c6t& il ressort aussi des d&positions que Chang A-w&n (ffi ffi %) a &t& bien
traite pendant qu'il travaillait dans une ferme appartenant a un francajs — que T'ang Sh&ng
( M &¦ ) e*;a^ traite passablement bien par son maitre, qu'il avait une nourriture suffisante et
que lorsqu'il &tait malade on ne lui faisait aucune retenue de gages.
Ce sont des exemples de ce qu'on peut consid&rer un traitement bienveillant, malheureuse-
ment ils sont en tres petit nombre.
En outre Wang Chiu (3* ^i) dit que le propri&taire etait bienveillant mais que l'adminis
trateur etait tout le contraire. Ts'ai P'ei (^ 3S) dit que le propri&taire &tait bienveillant, mais
que l'administrateur les battait sans cesse. Wang A-sh&ng (3: ppj £g) dit aussi que le propri&taire
&tait juste mais l'administrateur cruel, et Ho Hsi (ppj $$,) dit que le propri&taire etait bienveillant
mais l'administrateur excessivement cruel. Bien que dans ces differents cas les maitres n'aient
commis aucune cruaut& eux-m&mes, ils n'en ont pas moins la responsabilit& des actes des admi
nistrateurs qui sont leurs employ&s, aussi ne peut-on pas dire qu'il aient traite les Coolies avec la
bienveillance dont il est fait mention dans la demande a laquelle on s'est propose de r&pondre.

XII.
Les Coolies servent-ils fidblement leurs maitres?
Vendus sur le marche d'hommes, selon le bon plaisir des importateurs, et transfers a leurs
acheteurs, les chinois ne peuvent pas n'&tre pas obeissants, grace a la terreur que leur inspirent
l'administrateur et les surveillants, aux chaines qu'on leur fait porter et aux batons et fouets avec
lesquels on les stimule au travail.
Cheng A-mou (JKJ ppj xJj) et 89 autres &crivent dans leur p&tition: "bien que n'ayant ni
" nourriture, ni repos et que nos rations consistassent seulement de bananes et de mai's en quantite
" insuffisante pour assouvir notre faim, il nous fallait commencer a travailler au milieu de la nuit."
Yang Fa-ch'iang (^ ff ffi) declare aussi dans sa p&tition: "mon maitre avait des dettes,
" pour les payer il m'envoya travailler sur la plantation de son cr&ancier."
Lu Chung (J[ $yf) d&clare: "mes gages etaient d&pens&s en entire a acheter des supple-
" ments de nourriture dans la boutique de la plantation ; on augmentait ma dette eh proportion
" de mes gains mais je n'osais faire aucune objection."
Chung Sh&ng (g§) d&clare : " apres que mon temps d' engagement eut expir&, on me
" refusa le cedula et je fus oblig& de continuer a travailler malgre moi, mais je ne pouvais faire
" autre chose qu'ob&ir."
Wu T&-sh&ng (^ ^ H) d&clare: "apres mes 8 ans mon maitre m'obligea de rester pour
" un autre terme de 2 ans, mais je n'osai pas ne pas obeir."
Ch'&n A-yiian (fijC PpJ %) declare: "apres 7 ans de service je donnai $ 150 en argent a
" mon maitre pour racheter ma liberte ; cependant il me retint pendant une autre ann&e, apres
" laquelle il ne me donna pas de cedula, si bien que cette somme fut perdue pour moi."
Ch'ii Yiian ((H %) declare: "apres mes 8 ans expir&s je demandai un cedula mais mon
" maitre me remit d'ann&e en ann&e. Au bout de quatre autres ann&es je lui remis $ 500 pour

( >26 )
" payer mon passage de retour en Chine ; il y a deux ans de cela et il ne me donne pas de cedula
" et ne me permet pas de m'embarquer."
Ho A-ssii (fij ppj 0 ) d&clare : " apres mes 8 ans de service on ne me donna pas de cedula
" et on me forca de travailler 4 ans de plus. II y a quelques jours je demandai un cedula a mon
" maitre mais il me dit que je devais servir 6 ans de plus. S'il en est ainsi je n'ai rien de mieux
" a faire que de me suicider."

XIII.
La loi autorise-t-elle les maitres A punir leurs employes ? Comment et pourquoi ?
L' Art. 69 du Decret Royal Espagnol de 1 860 est ainsi concu :
" Les maitres sont autoris&s a exercer une juridiction disciplinaire en vertu de laquelle
" ils pourront appliquer les punitiohs suivantes :
"i° Mise aux arr&ts depuis un jusqu'a dix jours.
" 2°. Retenue des gages pendant le m&me temps.
" La premiere de ces deux punitions peut etre impos&e sans la seconde ; mais la seconde ne peut
" &tre imposee sans la premiere."
L'Art. 74 sp&cifie les offenses pour lesquelles ces punitions peuvent &tre inflig&es :
i°. Insubordination envers le maitre ou tout repr&sentant du maitre.
2°. Refus de travailler ou manque d'assuidite dans l'execution du travail assign&.
3°. Attaque suivie de blessures n'occassionnant pas une suspension de travail a la
personne bless&e.
40. Fuite.
5°. Ivrognerie.
6°. Violation des Reglements etablis par le maitre [ces lois n'&tant pas contraires aux
conditions des contrats ou aux stipulations du D&cret (art. 64)].
7°. Toute atteinte a la morale, en tant qu'elle ne reclame pas l'intervention d'une
partie plaignante, ou qu'elle est de telle nature que la personne offens&e refuse de
se plaindre.
8°. Tout autre acte commis avec intention qui cause un pr&judice ou des dommages a
une autre personne mais ne constitue pas un d&lit pr&vu par la loi.
C'est ainsi que le Gouvernement Espagnol a limit& distinctement les pouvoirs de punir conf&res
aux maitres, et il n'est jamais entr& dans ses intentions de sanctionner des chatiments ou des
amendes arbitrairement inflig&s. Mais la conduite des propri&taires a Cuba a &t& tout a fait
differente de ce que leur etait ainsi prescrit.
Chang Ting-chia (ffi ^ #p) et 127 autres &crivent dans leur petition: "la prison &tait
" remplie d'instruments de torture, les chaines pesaient de 20 a 50 catties et ce qu'on pouvait en
" faire porter aux gens etait illimite, et il fallait encore travailler avec ces poids aux pieds."
Lo A-pao (|£ ppj g) ecrit: " je fus vendu a un magasin a sucre ou j'etais constamment
" battu de sorte que le sang jaillissait de partout sur mon corps."

( 127 )
Chang Kuan (ffi |g) &crit: " il nous faut travailler 21 heures sur 24 et si nous travaillons
" une | heure de moins nous sommes battus s&verement, notre peau et notre chair sont lac&r&es
" et couvertes de plaies."
Ch'&n T&-ming (|fig f* B^) &crit: " si nous allions dehors pour faire des emplettes on nous
" ramenait et on nous mettait aux fers pour trois mois en nous retenant trois mois.de gages."
Li Chi (^ |£) d&clare dans sa d&position: "un jour 4 chinois tuerent un surveillant — un
" negre — on les enferma pendant 6 mois dans la prison de la plantation et apres ce temps deux
" furent pendus et les deux autres furent fusill&s en pr&sence de tous les autres travailleurs."
Li A-t& (a£ ppj fj|) declare: " pour avoir fum& pendant les heures de travail je fus saisi par
" quatre hommes et tenu a. terre ou je recus 24 coups qui me dechirerent les chairs et la
" peau. Ce chatiment est ceyiendant consid&re comme peu severe. On nous met des chaines
" aux pieds et on nous pousse a coups de fouet. Quand l'administrateur est de bonne humeur
" on nous les enleve quelquefois au bout de deux mois, sinon il faut les porter 6 mois. La
" chalne s'&tend depuis le cou jusqu'a la cheville et peut peser 40 catties. J'ai &t& trois fois ainsi
" enchaln&, parceque je disais a l'administrateur que n'&tant nourri que de pommes de terre je
" n'avais pas la force n&cessaire pour mon travail. On ne nous permet pas de laver nos vetements
" et si, quand nous n'avons rien a faire, les negres nous voient les laver nous sommes enchaines
" et battus. Un Coolie fut laisse aux fers pendant 8 mois pour avoir fait une emplette dans une
" boutique du voisinage."
Ho A-pa (fij ppj 7V) d&clare : " un jour mon maitre me voyant faire une cigarette me fit
" saisir mains et pieds par quatre negres, et on me battit si s&verement avec des verges de rotin
" que ma chair &tait toute d&chir&e et que les os furent mis a nu. En outre je fus mis aux stocks
" et fouett& de nouveau par l'administrateur."
T'an Fa (gjf f|) d&clare : " une fois, parceque j'avais achet& du riz, l'administrateur me mit
" aux fers pour deux semaines et me fit la retenue d'un mois de gages."
Liao A-ping (]§£ ppj pj) declare : " si je m'arr&tais quelque peu pendant le travail, m&me
" pour satisfaire les besoins naturels, on me battait."
Pu A-hou ( f\ [ipj J|L) declare : " si on trouvait que nous prenions trop de temps pour
" satisfaire les besoins de la nature, on envoyait 4 gros chiens apres nous, et certains travailleurs
" ont ete mordus si s&verement aux pieds qu'ils ne pouvaient plus marcher."
Chiang A-ch'i (££ ppj j|E) d&clare : " on nous battait constamment et on nous faisait mordre
" par les chiens."
Liu Hsin-fa (g|] fgf ||) d&clare: "on me battit' si fortement une fois que Ton me cassa
" I'&paule et que le sang qui jaillissait de mon dos ruisselait tout le long de mon corps."
Chung A-tai (|jf ppj f^) declare : " mon maitre me cassa un bras lui-meme en me battant."
Ch'&n Hsiang ($$ §) d&clare : " on me transporta sur une plantation a sucre ou pendant
"cinq ans j'eus a souffrir toutes sortes de miseres. On me battait chaque jour et j'en demandai
" la raison a mon maitre, car mon travail etait bien fait ; il repondit qu'il m' avait achet& non pour
" me faire travailler mais pour me faire battre."
Yiian A-ts'ung (|^C PrT W) declare : "mon maitre etait tres cruel; il nous battait tous sans
" faire de distinction entre ceux qui travaillaient bien et ceux qui travaillaient mal, et si nous le
" rencontrions par hasard en chemin il nous administrait toujours quelques coups."

( 128 )
Lo A-erh (f§ RpJ zl) declare: "je d&sirais me racheter en payant le prix que mon maitre-
" avait donn& pour moi, mais non content de refuser ma demande mon maitre me fit mettre aux
" chaines pendant un mois et me fouetta rigoureusement."
Sung Hai (j£ #$) declare : " il y a maintenant 40 chinois nouvellement arrives et qui ne
" parlent pas l'espagnol que l'oniait travailler avec des chaines aux pieds."
Yang A-ch'ang (^ &pj J|) declare : " mon maitre nous traite avec beaucoup de cruaute.
" II nous retient $ 1 pour chaque jour de maladie."
Ho P'ei-ch'i (fij $jj WO declare : " je fus malade pendant 6 mois et on me retint mes gages-
" d'une ann&e."

XIV.
La loi offre-t-elle aux Coolies un moyen d' appel des chatiments que les maitres.
sont autorises A employer?
L'art. 71 du Decret Royal Espagnol de i860 declare, "que les chinois auront toujours le
" droit de se plaindre au Protecteur des injustices qui leur seront faites par leurs maitres, soit en.
" les punissant sans cause suffisante, soit en leur infiigeant des chatiments non autorises, ou bien
" en violant les reglements concernant le traitement des travailleurs."
Ainsi done si des maitres abusent des pouvoirs disciplinaires qui leur sont conf&r&s, les-
' chinois l&ses ont le droit de se plaindre ; mais bien qu'un tres grand nombre aient &t& ainsi l&s&s,.
il n'y a qu'un tres petit nombre d'entr'eux qui aient pu obtenir r&paration ou m&me se plaindre.
Lin Kuei-hsing (ffi j| J|) d&clare dans sa d&position : " bien que sur les plantations nous
" ayons a supporter des injustices de toutes sortes, il nous est impossible de nous plaindre car il
" ne nous est pas permis de sortir."
Liu A-lien (gij |JpJ j}|) d&clare: "le surveillant nous bat- avec de longs fouets et nous
" dechire la peau et les chairs ; dans cet etat nous sommes encore forc&s de travailler et personne
" ne peut sortir pour faire une accusation."
Li Yii (^ ^) d&clare : " &tant au travail je fus battus avec un long fouet de cuir parceque
"je ne comprenais pas l'espagnol; ne pouvant endurer la peine et ayant vu un homme
" s'empoisonner parcequ'il ne pouvait supporter les mauvais traitements, je portai plainte devant
"les Autorit&s; mais elles n'y firent aucune attention. J'eus a subir ensuite des chatiments
" encore plus severes, &c. Apres l'expiration de mon contrat j'adressai au Capitaine G&neral une
"p&tition exposant les injustices commises envers les chinois a Cuba mais on n'y fit aucune
" attention." Chu Chia-hsien (Jfc ^ ft) d&clare: "ayant vu Liu A-k'o (gij ppj jjSJ) recevoir 150 coups de
"fouet appliqu&s rigoureusement je fus indign& et me rendis a, la Havane pour d&poser une
" plainte contre le surveillant. L'officier ne fit pas attention a moi et me renvoya a la plantation
" ou on m'infligea le m&me chatiment. Cela prit de 8 heures a 10 heures du matin et une heure
" apres Liu A-k'o (gi] ppj |f) se jeta dans la chaudriere a sucre."

( I29 )
Liang En (^ ,§,) d&clare: "l'administrateur battit jusqu'a mort un certain Liang Yu-sh&ng
"*' (^ W M) J quatre d'entre nous, moi compris, adressirent une plainte aux Autorit&s mais l'agent
" du propri&taire leur ayant fait cadeau de $ ioo et l'administrateur de 4 noirs, elles ne firent
" aucune attention a notre accusation. Je fus renvoy& sur la plantation oil il me fallut travailler
" avec les fers aux pieds pendant une ann&e entiere. Ensuite on me transporta a une autre
" plantation appartenant au m&me propri&taire ou je terminal mes 8 ans de service. Je demandai
" alors un certificat de lib&ration et attendis une ann&e travaillant comme auparavant; je partis
" alors avec l'intention d'obtenir justice des Autorit&s, mais le commis de la plantation donna de
" l'argent aux gardes et je fus arr&t& sous "pr&texte que je voulais m'enfuir. On me reconduisit a
" la plantation ou il me fallut travailler pendant quatre mois avec les fers aux pieds."
Lin A-san ( ffi ppj ~, ) declare : " on me fouettait sans aucune raison, cela dependait du
" caprice du maitre selon qu'il etait de bonne ou mauvaise humeur. Je n'osais pas me plaindre
" aux Autorit&s car cela n'aurait eu d'autre r&sultat que de me faire enchalner et fouetter avec
" plus de s&v&rit& encore."
Wang A-ts'ai (3* ppj "%) declare: "on me faisait constamment des blessures en me frappant
" et je r&solus de me plaindre aux Autorit&s, mais on eut connaissance de mon intention et on me
" fit travailler avec les fers aux pieds pendant neuf mois."
Li Tai (^ ^) declare: "l'un de nous qui parlait espagnol repr&senta au maitre que les
" chinois se nourrissaient de riz et qu'a Macao il avait &te convenu qu'on ne travaillerait pas le
" dimanche, que Ton agissait ici tout diff&remment. Le maitre s'emporta trouvant ces paroles par
" trop os&es et apres notre comarade tomba malade et fut envoy& a l'h6pital ou il mourut quelques
"jours apres."
Chou T&-hua (ffi %^) declare : " on me cassa un doigt pour la seule raison que je ne
" pouvais pas parler espagnol."
Ch'ien A-sh&ng ( ^ ppj ^ ) declare : " mon maitre etait m&chant, il nous battait constam-
" ment et il me cassa le bras gauche de sorte que je ne puis plus m'en servir pour travailler."
Li Chao-ch'un (^j|E §) et 165 autres &crivent dans leur petition: "nos compatriotes
" sont massacr&s, se coupent la gorge, se noient, &c, et ces &venements ne sont pas port&s a la
" connaissance des Autorit&s ou, si cela a lieu, on fait une courte enqu&te et tout est dit. II est
" possible que sur la plantation il se trouve un ami ou un parent de la victime, mais bien qu'ayant
" tout vu il n'ose pas paraltre comme t&moin, car s'il l'osait son existence ne serait pas de longue
" dur&e."

XV.
Pendant la duree de l'engagement, quel temps le Coolie a-t-il a sa disposition
et comment peut-il s'en servir? S'il veut l'employer a son profit, la loi
le protege-t-elle ?
L'art. 10 de la Convention d'Emigration de 1866 stipule que sur sept jours il doit y en
avoir un de repos et que le Coohe ne pourra &tre forc& a. travailler plus de 9 heures \ sur 24, tout
travail obligatoire en plus etant d&fendu. La 5e clause des contrats employ&s dans la ioe ann&e

( 13° )
de Hienfeng stipule qu'en dehors des temps de repos sp&cifies les chinois ne pourront &tre
obhges a travailler les dimanches ou jours de f&te; et que ces jours-la ils pourront travailler comme
bon leur semblera a leur profit. La 4e clause des contrats employes clans les 3e, 4e, ioe et I2«
ann&es de T'ungchih d&clare que les dimanches seront jours de repos. L'art. 52 du D&crefc
Royal Espagnol de i860 qui traite de cette question, differe quelque peu cependant des provisions
pr&cit&es car il ordonne l'ex&cution des travaux de chaque jour m&me les jours de f&te, quand les
Autorit&s eccl&siastiques auront permis le travail malgre la c&l&bration de la fete. Les contrats
pour les quatre annees de T'ungchih precit&es stipulent aussi que seulement 12 heures sur 24
pourront &tre consacr&es au travail. L'art. 53 du Decret de i86o» d&clare que dans aucun cas les
maitres ne pourront demander un travail de plus de 12 heures en moyenne, et l'art. 54 stipule
que m&me lorsque le maitre a &t& autorise a distribuer de la maniere la plus conforme a ses
interets les heures de travail convenues il ne pourra cependant exiger plus de 1 5 heures par jour
et que le travailleur aura au moins 6 heures consecutives de repos. L'art. 45 autorise les Coolies
a s'amuser pendant les heures ou jours de repos. Ces trois articles bien que n'&tant pas tout a fait
conformes a la Convention d'Emigration, montrent cependant qu'on avait a cceur les int&r&ts de
la classe d'hommes qu'ils concernent, mais la grande majorit& des propri&taires a Cuba n'en ont
tenu aucun compte.
Chiu Pi-shan (Jig j|| llj) et 34 autres ecrivent dans leur petition: " une plantation a sucre
" est un v&ritable enfer; les chinois y sont battus toute la journ&e et les propri&taires, admin-
" istrateurs et surveillants y commettent les plus grandes cruautes. Les chinois ont le. corps
" convert de plaies, leurs pieds ne connaissent aucun repos et sur 24 heures ils n'en ont que 4 pour
" se reposer." Wang A-ching (3£ ppj j§£) et 22 autres &crivent: " le travail est tres dur. Nous nous levons
" a 3 a.m. et travaillons jusqu'a midi, a 1 p.m. nous recommencons a travailler jusqu'a 7 p.m.; nous
" avons alors une demi-heure de repos et une ration de mais, puis nous continuons a travailler
" jusqu'a minuit. On nous frappe, on nous fouette et sur 200 que nous &tions il n'en reste plus
" que 80." Wang Hua (3^ i§|) et 16 autres &crivent: "il nous faut travailler la nuit jusqu'a pres de
" 1 heure du matin et nous recommencons le travail a 4 a.m. Nos corps, nos os sont si
" douloureux que nous ne pouvons pas travailler vite."
Ch'&n Te-ming (^ fg HJj) &crit : " je fus vendu a une plantation a sucre ou je subis toutes
" sortes de mauvais traitements. Nous nous levions a 4 a.m. et avions a, travailler jusqu'a 1 heure
" du matin." Lin A-ch'ing (ffi ppj J|) et 1 autre &crivent : " nous sommes au service d'une compagnie
" de chemins de fer et avons a travailler nuit et jour. Le surveillant est tres cruel et le
" superintendant croit tout ce qu'il dit. Ceux qui ont fini leurs 8 ans ne peuvent pas partir.
" Nous sommes constamment fouett&s par le superintendant a la requ&te du surveillant. Nous
" nous levons a 4h a.m. et ne cessons de travailler qu'a 1 heure du matin. Nous n'avons pas de
" repos le dimanche."
Yeh Fu-chiin (^ jjig g) et 52 autres &crivent: "quand les Coolies sont vendus aux
" plantations a sucre ils ont a travailler nuit et jour n'ayant que 3 heures pour dormir."
Ch'&n Ku (H ¦£) et 2 autres &crivent : " sur la plantation a sucre nous travaillons de 3
" heures a.m. jusqu'a minuit."

('3x)
P'an To-li ($§ ^J ^ij) et 2 autres &crivent: "nous avons a travailler 19 ou 20 heures
" sur 24." T'ang Chien (J|f $j|') et 170 autres d&clarent dans leurs depositions qu'ils ont travaille sur
les plantations de 3 A.M. jusqu'a minuit, et que les heures de travail &taient les m&mes le
dimanche. Chang Chao (ffi $BJ et 121 autres d&clarent qu'ils ont travaill& clans les plantations a sucre
depuis 4 a.m. jusqu'a minuit chaque jour, m&me les dimanches.
W&n A-chao (^ ppj $8) et 20 autres d&clarent qu'ils ont travaill& dans les plantations a
sucre de 2 A.M. jusqu'a minuit.
Ch'&n Wan-sheng ([Sjg ffi ££) et 47 autres declarent qu'ils ont travaill& sur les plantations
.a sucre de 3 a.m. jusqu'a 1 1 p.m.
Ch'&n Ch'ih (p^ fy) et 27 autres d&clarent qu'ils ont travaille sur les plantations a sucre
de 4 a.m. a 1 1 p.m.
Ch'&n Ting-hsien (gig JjJ} f|) et 6 autres d&clarent qu'ils ont travaill& sur les plantations a
sucre de 3 a.m. a 9 p.m.
Tseng Erh-ch'i (f^ |j£ ^) et 7 autres d&clarent qu'ils ont travaill& sur les plantations a
sucre de 2 a.m. an p.m.
Li Ho (^ >£•) et 8 autres declarent qu'ils ont travaille sur les plantations a sucre de 4 a.m.
a 10 p.m. Chang K'ai ( ffi ffi ) et 6 autres declarent qu'ils ont travaill& sur les plantations a sucre
depuis 5 heures a.m. jusqu'a minuit, et que les heures de travail &taient les m&mes le dimanche.
Su A-hai ( j$§j |5jiJ $§¦ ) et 1 autre declarent qu'ils ont travaill& sur les plantations a sucre
de 4 a.m. a 9 p.m., que pendant la rentr&e des recoltes les heures de travail &taient les memes le
dimanche, mais que le reste du temps le travail cessait a 911 a.m. ce jour-la.
Liu A-san ( g|J ppj H ) d&clare : " sur la plantation, j'avais une demi-journ&e de repos le
" dimanche." Ch'&n Lin ( pjj| ffi ) et 3 autres d&clarent que sur les plantations a sucre le travail cessait a
9 A.M. le dimanche, et recommeneait de 4 a 6 p.m.
Kuo Chan ( j|5 fc ) et 1 autre d&clarent que dans certaines plantations pendant la rentree
-des r&coltes on travaille le dimanche tout comme les autres jours, mais qu'aux autres &poques le
travail cesse a 8 a.m.
Lin A-i (ffi ppj $;) d&clare: " sur la plantation j'avais deux heures et demie de repos sur 24."
Wu Ch'ieh (^| J3. )- d&clare : " sur la plantation je me levais a 6 a.m. et travaillais jusqu'a
" minuit." Li Yu (^ j$£) declare: "sur la plantation je commenyais a travailler a, minuit et ne
" m'arr&tais qu'a 7 heures p.m."
Huang Chieh (^ jjgt) declare : " sur la plantation je travaillais de 4 a.m. jusqu'a minuit ;
" les dimanches on me donnait 2 heures de repos pour laver mes v&tements."
Huang A-hsien (J| ppj ff) d&clare: "comme je refusals de travailler le dimanche, on me
" mit aux fers pendant un mois."
Li A-yao (^ ppj jjg) d&clare : " dans le magasin a sucre les heures de travail n'etaient pas
" limitees." 17

( 132 )
Huang A-ts'ai ( jjj ppj •%) et 3 autres declarent que dans un magasin a sucre ils travail
laient de 4.30 a.m. jusqu'a 6 p.m.
Ch'&n A-chi (J^ ppj •§) d&clare : " dans le magasin a sucre je travaillais de 4 a.m. a 5 p.m."
Li Sh&-fu (fg! f± jjig) et 4 autres declarent qu'ils travaillent dans les magasins a sucre de
4 A.M. a 1 1 P.M.
Liang A-ch'&ng (^ ppj j$) declare: "je suis employ& dans une compagnie d'alleges (cargo-
" boats) et travaille de 4 a.m. a minuit. Le maitre m'avait promis de ne pas me faire travailler
" apres midi les dimanches, mais quand je voulus me reposer a cette heure-la, le surveillant m'en
" emp&cha en me battant et me donnant des coups de pied, et ne connaissant pas l'espagnol je ne
" pouvais pas me plaindre."
Li Yii (^js .$$) d&clare: "quand je travaillais aux routes, je devais travailler de 2 A.M.
"jusqu'a 7 p.m."
Hu A-t& ( $j ppj j*) d&clare : " quand je travaillais comme boulanger il me fallait com-
" mencer a minuit et continuer jusqu'a 3 heures du matin ; je me reposais de 3 a 5 a.m. et
" recommencais a travailler jusqu'a 7 a.m. Alors j'avais une heure de repos et je reprenais
"jusqu'a 2 p.m."
Hsii A-fen (f^ ppj ^) d&clare : " quand j'&tais employe dans une boulangerie, je travaillais
" depuis 10 a.m. a 6 heures du matin le jour suivant."
Ch'&n A-huan (^ ppj jtj|) d&clare: "je suis employe dans une boutique de tabac, et je
" travaille de 5 a.m. a minuit."
Yii A-ch'ang (^ ppj |^) d&clare : " je suis balayeur des rues et travaille de 9 p.m. a io a.m."
Ch'&n M&ng-ming (pg jj; Bfj), et 5 autres d&clarent que dans le dep&t ils travaillent de
6 a.m. a 6 p.m.
Ch&ng A-fu (JfU ppj ¦§ ) et 5 autres d&clarent que dans le barracon a la Havane ils travail
lent de 6 a.m. a 6 p.m.

XVI.
Prenant en consideration les dEpenses des maitres pour obtenir les Coolies, la
moyenne des salaires en chine, les heures et conditions de travail a
Cuba et le fait que c'est avec la connaissance de l'etat des choses en
Chine que le Coolie signe un contrat pour aller travailler A Cuba, est-
il equitable, aussi bien que lEgal, d'obliger le- Coolie a remplir les con
ditions DU CONTRAT?
L' "obtention des Coolies" entendu comme un acte par lequel les travailleurs s'engagent
volontairement, est une chose tout a fait diff&rente de la vente des Coolies et de la maniere dont
on les force a donner leur consentement; c'est done un terme qui ne saurait s'apphquer aux
Chinois a Cuba qui pour la plus grande partie sont les victimes de la ruse ou de la force.

( 133 )
Les depositions de toutes sortes qui ont ete recueillies d&clarent que dans la plupart des
cas le travailleur n'a recu au d&part que quelques dollars, les uns m&me seulement 300 ou 10
sapeques, d'autres rien du tout. Ainsi la d&pense premiere est insignifiante et la d&pense total
pour tout chinois d&barqu& a la Havane peut etre estim&e: — ainsi que I'estime le " Westminster
" Review" — a 190 dollars, de sorte que l'importateur fait des b&n&fices consid&rables. C'est ce que
d&montre le paragraphe suivant des p&titions de J&n Shih-chen ($• -ftf; jj|), Tai J&n-chieh (jig fc !§)
et Liang Hsing-chao (|j£ £| $|) " chaque Coolie ainsi amen& par la ruse ou par la force est vendu
" ici pour une somme variant de $400 ou 500 a $ 1,000, ce qui laisse a l'importateur un b&n&fice
" moyen de $ 200 ou 300 ; pour 10,000 Coolies cela fait 2 ou 3 millions de dollars et comme environ
" 200,000 Coolies ont &t& import&s a Cuba cela fait un b&n&fice de plusieurs dix millions de dollars.
" Cette somme provenant de la vente de nos personnes devrait, en justice, revenir a nos families."
La seconde partie de la question posee ne peut naturellement pas &tre consid&ree dans les
cas ou des gens de bonne position ou appartenant a des families ais&es ou riches ont &t& tromp&s,
et il est impossible de d&terminer d'une maniere exacte le montant du salaire moyen en Chine des
gens qui forment la g&n&ralite des travailleurs, car leur salaire aurait varie d'apres les aptitudes
individuelles et aussi d'une ann&e a l'autre. L'homme dont la vie est entre les mains de ceux qui
se sont empar&s de lui et qu'on expatrie par la violence est incapable de reflexion, et de discuter
les clauses d'un contrat ou de peser et comparer ce qu'on lui propose comme compensation. Ceux
qui sont partis librement ont &t& tromp&s par des promesses mensongeres, croyant les avantages
plus grands et le temps de service plus court et pensant qu'ils seraient trait&s comme dans leur
propre pays, qu'ils ne seraient pas expos&s aux cruautes ou a la tyrannie, qu'ils seraient libres de
sortir ou de rester, et c'est avec cette illusion qu'ils se sont embarqu&s leur contrat en main, mais
ils se sont vite apercus a le.ur arriv&e du contraste de leurs id&es avec la r&alite.
P'an T'ai (j|| jj|) et 89 autres &crivent dans leur petition que " les $ 4 de gages ne suffisent
" pas aux necessites de l'existence parceque tout est tres cher."
Chiang A-lin (|g |ipj J$|) d&clare dans sa d&position: " bien que les salaires soient nominale-
" ment plus &leves qu'en Chine, le papier monnaie est si d&preci& et les prix des objets sont si
" chers que 8 ou 10 dollars ici ne repr&sentent pas plus qu'un ou deux dollars en Chine."
Lo A-chi (JjH ppj £,) d&clare: " en Chine 100 sapeques suffisent par jour pour les besoins
" d'une famine, tandis qu'ici l'existence est si chere qu'un dollar par jour est a peine suffisant pour
" un seul individu."
Ces d&positions d&montrent que la condition des Coolies est mis&rable et elle est encore
rendue plus malheureuse par le fait que les avantages stipul&s par les contrats, tels que le repos,
les soins m&dicaux, la nourriture et les -vetements, sont loin d'etre accord&s, et qu'en outre des
mauvais traitements dont il n'est pas fait mention dans ces documents — les stocks, le fouet, les
verges et les morsures des chiens — sont inflig&s sans aucune mesure.
L'engagement des Coolies en Chine devrait, d'apres la justice, se faire conform&ment aux
stipulations de la Convention d'Emigration de la 5e ann&e de T'ungchih, mais non content de
violer cette convention en ce qui concerne le temps de I'engagement et de le porter a. 8 ann&es,
on force encore les travailleurs soit a renouveler leur engagement, soit a aller dans les" d&pots
attendre un autre engagement, ce qui est une autre violation des clauses des contrats et ce qui
les soumet a des miseres sans fin.

( r34 )
Chang Luan (ffi fg) et les autres Coolies qui ont sign& la m&me p&tition &crivent: " quand
" les 8 ans d'engagements sont finis, au lieu de recevoir le certificat de liberte yprescrit par les
" R&glements, le chinois est envoy& au d&pot ou il doit travailler enchain&, avec les meurtriers
" et les deserteurs. Libre d'apres la loi, il est fait prisonnier et trait& comme un fugitif, bien qu'il
" n'ait pas essay& de s'&chapper. Oil et quand de pareils actes d'injustice ont-ils &te commis?"
II est done inutile d'examiner et discuter si les maitres "agissent &quitablement en obligeamt
" le Coolie a remplir les conditions du contrat " — puisque leur coutume habituelle est de r&pudier
" les termes de ce contrat (au pr&judice des chinois).

XVII.
Certains maitres sont naturellbment cruels et durs envers leurs employes, d'autres
sont bd3nveillants et traitent bien les coolies; quels cas remarquables
mettent en lumiere ces deux caracteres et quel est l'etat ordinaire des
relations des maitres avec leurs serviteurs ?
Quand un maitre traite bien son serviteur et ne donne lieu a aucune plainte ou accusation
de sa part, il n'y a rien dans ce fait qui doive &tre enr&gistr& pour qu'on en conserve le souvenir.
Mais au contraire les cruaut&s et les mauvais traitements inflig&s avec I'aide de l'administrateur
et des surveillants, les membres casses et autres blessures ingu&rissables ne peuvent pas &tre
completement supprim&s et s'imposent d'eux-m&mes aux yeux de tous, bien que les Autorites
puissent en g&n&ral ne pas s'en apercevoir ou ne pas les punir.
Lai A-ssii ( jjf ppj pg ) declare dans sa d&position : " je me rappelle que, il y a 2 ans, un
" chinois fut assassin& et que son corps fut jete a la mer. Les gardes le trouv&rent et il fut
" identifi& comme celui d'un travailleur de notre magasin a sucre. Notre maitre cependant le nia,
" et les Autorit&s s'en tinrent-la. De m&me l'ann&e derniere dans le ye mois un natif du district
" de Hoyiien (fcj jjgji) nomm& A-erh (ppj Zl) fut tu&. Cette fois les Autorit&s demanderent notre
" t&moignage. Notre maitre nia son crime et l'imputa a un surveillant — un negre — et celui-ci fut mis
" en prison. En m&me temps un autre natif de Hoyiien ( JpJ jjg) qui avait d&clar& qu'il avait vu
"le maitre lui-meme commettre le crime fut vendu au loin dans les montagnes. Notre maitre
"excitait constamment les negres a nous battre, disant que si l'un d'entre nous etait tue on
" pourrait en racheter deux autres."
Fan Ssii-ho ({S 0 %|) d&clare: "les surveillants noirs nous frappent toujours quand ils-
"nous voient, que nous soyons au travail ou non, et l'administrateur nous bat aussi. Je vis
" Ch'&n A-ssii (PU ppj 0) battu jusqu'a mort parcequ'il avait pousse un surveillant avec un fagot
" de Cannes, et on d&clara qu'il s'&tait pendu."
Lii A-Ch&n (g ppj 3^) d&clare: "les surveillants &taient des negres et j'&tais constamment
"fouett& sans avoir commis aucune faute. J'ai vu des hommes frappes jusqu'a la mort et leurs
" corps enterr&s sans qu'aucun rapport en fut fait a l'Autorit&."
Hsieh tA-sh&ng (g| ppj |g) declare: "il y avait avec moi un certain Ch'&n (pgr) originaire de
"Sinning (ff W) et un certain Liang ($£) natif de K'aip'ing (ffi Zp). L'administrateur les

( 135 )
" accusa d'avoir coup& l'herbe avec lenteur et les fit empoigner par 4 hommes qui les maintinrent
" a terre; il leur appliqua alors une vol&e de coups de fouet dont ils moururent presque. Ensuite
" le premier se pendit et le second se noya. Les Autorit&s vinrent sur la plantation mais ne firent
" pas une enqu&te convenable, et comme nous ignorions l'espagnol nous ne pumes leur exposer
" comment ces crimes avaient eu lieu."
Lo A-erh (j$| ppj Zl) declare: "moi et mon oncle Lo Nan-shao (jjg fg fg) nous fumes
" vendus a une cie de chemins de fer ; un des surveillants frappa mon oncle avec une barre de fer
" si s&verement qu'il en mourut au bout de 15 jours. Je d&posai une plainte devant les Autorit&s
" et le surveillant fut arret&, mais apres un mois on le relacha et on ne lui infligea aucun autre
" chatiment." Hu A-hua (|§g ppj ffi) d&clare: "j'ai entendu dire qu'apres l'assassinat de Lien A-t&ng
" (ffi ppj 5§l) son corps fut mis dans une chambre et examin& par les Autorit&s qui mirent le
" surveillant en prison."
Hsieh A-hou (|j)} ppj $|) d&clare : " sur 30 hommes qui etaient nouvellement arriv&s 4
" moururent a l'hdpital quatre heures apres qu'ils y etaient entres. On pr&tendit que c'&tait la
" maladie qui les avait tu&s, mais 20 d'entre nous allerent d&poser une accusation d'assassinat
" devant les Autorit&s et un officier de rang kaf&rieur fut, a la demande de l'administrateur, envoye
" sur la propri&te pour faire une enquete. Je servis d'interprete et traduisis les d&positions de
" deux temoins qui declaraient que la maladie avait caus& la mort de ces travailleurs. Le jour
" suivant I'officier continua l'enqu&te et quand il demanda s'ils etaient malades auparavant, on
" repondit n&gativement. Alors I'officier declara que pendant la premiere enqu&te j'avais inter-
" pr&te d'une facon incorrecte et on me mit en prison. Plus tard, mon maitre deposa une garantie
" et on me relacha."
Liang A-kuang ( ^ffc ppj J| ) d&clare : " il y avait avec moi un Cantonnais nomm& A-liu
" (ffi ~r\) cLue se pendit environ un mois apres son arriv&e parcequ'il ne pouvait pas supporter les
" mauvais traitements. L'officier vint faire une enquete mais comme notre maitre &tait riche,
" l'affaire en resta la. A Cuba les Autorit&s sont aux ordres des riches.
Wang Mu-chiu ( 3£ 31 % ) d&clare : " trouvant le travail trop penible je me plaignis aux
" Autorit&s qui recommenderent a, mon maitre d'&tre moins exigeant et aussi de me donner une
" nourriture suffisante. II y consentit mais quand il m'eut ramen& il me forca a travailler les
" pieds -enchaines pendant 7 mois."
Huang Shih-jung ( ^ 7fi § ) d&clare : " je fus temoih des souffrances que Huang A-kuang
" ( S ffi it) eut * endurer. II avait pris la fuite mais fut rattrape, mis aux fers et si s&verement
" fouett& que la chair et le sang d&gouttaient de de-dessus son corps. Cependant, il lui fallait
" encore travailler avec ses chaines, et comme on ne lui donnait pas a manger il apaisa sa
" faim avec de la canne a sucre. L'administrateur s'en apercut et le fit fouetter de nouveau,
" aussi le m&me soir il se pendit. Vingt d'entre nous allerent se plaindre aux Autorit&s d&clarant
" qu'ils, ne voulaient pas retourner a la plantation, mais le maitre fit de telle sorte que 12
" furent ramen&s sous escorte et les 8 autres furent vendus a d'autres plantations sur I'avis des
" Autorites." Lin Ho (ffi fe) d&clare : "un certain Li T& (^£ fig) natif du district de Shunt&h (Jg fjg)
" avait travaill& sur la plantation pendant 9 ans et poss&dait 72 onces d'or qu'il avait confi& a la

( 136 )

" garde d'un surveillant, mais celui-ci avec I'aide d'un negre I'assassina dans les champs. Son
" corps fut enterr& et aucun avis ne fut donne aux Autorit&s."
Huang A-t& ( ;ff ppj ^ ) d&clare : " l'ann&e derni&re je fus temoin de l'assassinat d'un
" homme de Hiangshan ( § [Il ). Un officier du Gouvernement vint examiner le corps, mais
" n'arreta pas le criminel, un negre. Le maitre savait que c'&tait lui qui avait commis le crime
" mais il se contenta de lui infliger une l&g&re punition et l'affaire fut consid&ree comme termin&e.
" Les negres sont certainement mieux trait&s que les chinois."
Hu A-ssii (gj ppj 0) declare: "un certain A-f&ng'(|ipJ ]§!) originaire de Sinhwei (%$ -g^)
" fut tu& par des noirs, son corps fut enterre sans qu'aucun avis fut donn& a l'Autorit&."
Chang Luan (ffi gj) d&clare: "je vis l'administrateur fouetter un certain M&ng (^)
" originaire de Tungkwan (^ %) d'une facon si sev&re que son corps &tait une v&ritable plaie; on
" lui mit aussi des chaines aux pieds et il se pendit. Les Autorit&s vinrent a la plantation et
" entrerent en conversation avec l'administrateur mais on ne nous questionna pas."
Yeh A-ling (H ppj jg) d&clare : " dans la ioe ann&e de T'ungchih un negre assassina un
" chinois dont le corps fut enterre. Le negre &tait un favori du maitre. Certains chinois ayant
" decouvert le lieu ou on avait enterr& le cadavre, notre maitre conseilla aux Autorites de les
" punir leur donnant a penser que le crime avait &t& commis par eux. En consequence on les fit
" passer en jugement et 8 d'entr'eux furent condamn&s a la prison."
Ch'&n Lin-shan (pff ffi [lj) declare: "nous &tions 30 d'entre nous tres m&contents parce-
" que l'administrateur nous battait tres s&verement bien que nous eussions termin& notre temps
" d'engagement. II fut inform& que nous avions exprim& notre indignation de sa cruaut& et mit
" plus de dix d'entre nous aux fers, puis ayant corrompu les Autorites il se fit envoyer quelques
" gardes qui tuerent 4 hommes. L'un d'eux s'appelait Li A-ch'i (^ ppj j|E) et &tait originaire du
"district de Kaoming (jfj Bfj), un autre s'appelait A-chao (ppj $BJ et etait originaire du district
" de Kaoyao (^ |g), un autre s'appelait Li K&ng-yu (^ J£ 7g) originaire de Hweichow (JJ ffi)
" et le dernier s'appelait A-hsing (|JpJ J|) et 6tait du district de Sinhwei (fjf -§£)."
La Commission a pu verifier par elle-m&me que les Coolies dont les noms suivent avaient
encore les marques des blessures que voici.

i°. Cicatrices de blessures anciennes sur le crops :

Yiian A-ts'ung .
Ts&ng Jung-ch'ing
W&n A-chao . .
Li A-hou . . .
Ch'&n A-hung .
Liu A-chi . . .
Li A-k'ai . . .
Liang A-hung . .
Mo A-hsiin . .
Ho A-hsien. . .
Liang A-kuei
Yen A-yu . . .

m m Ji)

(t$(a ffi
mffi
(PS M
(glJP!
(mffi m m
(Mffi
(Mffi mffi
(Mffi

ft)
M) ffi
W) m)
®) m)
il)
ft) *)
W)

Liang A-lin . .
Lo A-chi . . .
Ho Hai . . .
Chung Sh&ng . .
Kao A-lun . .
Lin Chao-chin
Han Ch'ing-to .
F'an Lien-chin .
Liu A-t'ing . .
Chang Shih-ch&n
Hung A-i . . .

mffim(mffi®,)
m &)
(M ffi fit)
m m &)
cm mm)
(il PpJ g)
m^n)
(mffim

( '37 )
2°. Cicatrices sur la t&te : —
Ch'ii A-ping . . . . (B ppj ft) Mu Yang-chiao . . . (Iff ft ft)
Sh&n T'ai-kao . . . . (ffi * ffi) Ch'&n A-sh&n . . . (H( H K)
3°. Cicatrices sur la t&te et la face : —
Chu Ts'ai-fang . . . (£ tf g)
4°. Cicatrices sur la t&te et les bras : —
Ho A-fa  C-TrT FRf W)
5°. Cicatrices de blessures faites par eux-m&mes en essayant de se couper la gorge dans le d&sir
de la mort : —
Huang A-ping . . . (^ ppj ft) Lin Lun-mei . . . . (ffi $jj| j|)
Ch'ii Tan-k'o. . . . (Jg f& .»)
6°. Blessures sur le corps, pas encore ferm&es : —
Wu A-ch'in . . . . (f£ ppj Ip) Lan A-mu  (f| ppj |§)
7°. Blessures sur la t&te, pas encore ferm&es : —
Chang Sh&ng . ... (ffi Bfi Yu A-t'ien  (^ PpJ 03)
8°. Blessures sur la face, pas encore ferm&es : —
WuA-fang  (& |5pJ £)
9°. Blessures sur la poitrine, non encore ferm&es : —
Ch'&n Chung-hsiu . . (R ,*, J|)
io°. Blessures sur les jambes et cuisses, non encore ferm&es : —
Wang Ta-ch'&ng . . . (£ ft jft) Ch'&n I-yu  (R Z, W)
Ts'ai A-lu  G£ H ft) Ch'ii Tsu-k'ang . . . (g ft ft)
Lin Tztt-yu . ... (ffi $ #) Li A-lu  (* ppj g)
En outre : —
Liang A-yu (^| ppj 7g) n'avait plus d'oreille gauche, son maitre la lui ayant coup&e de propos
delib&r&.
Huang A-sh&ng (^ ppj .gg) avait perdu un morceau de l'oreille.
Li A-ta (^ ppj JH) avait perdu la vue, ses yeux etant devenus malades aussit&t apr&s une baston-
nade de 200 coups.
Liang A-hua (^ ppj 3fc) avait un ceil endommag&.
Ch'&n P'ei-ch'ang (Ell flR J|) avait perdu 2 dents.
Le hsiu-ts'ai Ch'&n Shao-yen (|!g >J? H), Li A-hui (^ ppj -§), Yiian Ai-shan (g fg |Ij) et Ch'&n
A-hai (g|f ppj $$) avaient le bras cass&.
Lo kuan-hsiu ($& |g ff ) &tait invalide de la main droite par suite d'un coup de couteau recu
entre le pouce et l'index.
Liu A-hn (fij ppj ffi) avait perdu 4 doigts qu'on lui avait coup&s de propos d&lib&re.
Li Hung (g- gt) et Li Ho (^ fpj) avaient les doigts des pieds et des mains casses.
Lu Sheng-pao (^ Jjg %) avait une jambe cass&e.
Wu A-kuang (^. ppj ft) avait une cheville du pied hors d'usage, r&sulat des fers qu'il avait
portes, et Hsii A-f&n (fj= ppj %) &tait invalide des pieds pour le m&me motif.

( 138)
XVIII.
Parmi les Coolies, les uns sont travailleurs et ils emigrent volontiers pour ambliorer
leur sort, ils travaillent bien et avec plaisir; d'autres sont de mauvaises
gens et emigrent volontairement pour se soustraire aux consequences du
jeu ou du crime, ils emportent avec eux leurs mauvaises habitudes. certains
Coolies sont enleves de vive force, et Etant des gens stupides ne peuvent
jamais travailler d'une faqon intelligente ; d'autres, hommes intelligents,
sont amenes a s'embarquer par de fausses assurances et quand ils s'aper-
gotvent qu'ils ont ete trompes deviennent desesperes et leur desespoir est
A
CONSIDERS PAR LEUR MAITRE COMME UN DEFI, UNE REVOLTE OU DE LA DBSOBEISSANCE,
&C. ADMETTANT QU'IL SE TROUVE PARMI LES COOLIES DES GENS APPARTENANTS
A CES DIFFERENTES CLASSES, QUEL EST LEUR SORT PENDANT LA DUREE DE LEUR
TEMPS D'ENGAGEMENT ?
Les hommes laborieux qui travaiUent bien et volontiers peuvent gagner leur existence chez
eux et n'&migrent pas volontairement.
Chang Luan ( ffi |g) &crit dans sa petition: "n&s en Chine et ne manquant ni de nourriture
" ni de v&tements, nous n'avions, pas plus que nos anc&tres, la moindre idee d'aller chercher des
" moyens d'existence a l'&tranger.
D'un autre cote il ressort des d&positions que les Coolies se sont expatri&s pour &chapper
aux cons&quences du crime et du jeu ; mais m&me ces gens-la ignoraient alors completement les
souffrances qui les attendaient. D'ailleurs tent&s par les loteries, &c, ils continuent a se livrer a
leurs mauvaises habitudes et sont dans l'impossibilit& d'economiser une sapeque.
Quant aux hommes stupides qui sont enlev&s de force ainsi qu'aux hommes intelligents
qui sont induits par des assurances mensong&res a s'embarquer, leur existence depuis le moment
qu'ils sont tomb&s dans le piege n'est qu'une suite de souffrances. Avant l'embarquement ils
sont tortur&s par ceux qui les ont trompes, a bord pendant la travers&e par le Capitaine et ses
subordonnes, a l'arriv&e a' la Havane par les employ&s du march& humain, apres la vente par
leur nouveau maitre, son administrateur et ses surveillants, et apres l'expiration de leurs contrats
par les fonctionnaires du d&pot et autres Autorit&s. Ils voient clairement combien on les a
tromp&s, mais ils ne peuvent se soustraire a leur sort et les cruaut&s les reduisent enfin au
desespoir et a chercher des moyens de suicide.
Les d&positions prouvent qu'en dehors des Coolies tu&s sur la place et de ceux qui sont
morts des suites de blessures, un tres grand nombre se donnerent la mort en se coupant la gorge,
en se pendant, en se noyant, en s'empoisonnant, en se jetant sous les roues des voitures ou dans
des chaudrons de sucre bouiUant et qu'ils font le sacrifice de leur vie en tuant leurs surveillants.
Constamment aussi alors que seulement un ou deux hommes ont commis I'assassinat, dix ou vingt
d&sirant la mort s'accusent d'&tre les auteurs du crime.
Li Chao-ch'un (^ ^ |£) ecrit dans sa p&tition : " c'est parce qu'ils ne peuvent faire autre-
" ment que les chinois tuent leurs administrateurs; car qui ne craint pas de s'exposer a la mort?"

( '39 )
Chang Luan (ffi g|) et autres &crivent: "les jeunes hommes cherchent un refuge dans
" les prisons, violant de propos d&liber& les lois pour s'y faire mettre."
Huang A-p'ei (UPpJfiJj) et 21 autres d&clarent aussi dans leurs d&positions que la
prison est pr&ferable aux plantations.
Ch'iu T&-i ( JJB ffi ^ ) dans sa petition d&crit ainsi la position des differentes classes de
travailleurs: "nous sommes en ce moment plus de 100,000 chinois dans cette lie, dont l'existence
" est celle de criminels enfermes dans une prison."
Kao Lao-hsiu CjU 3a ^) et 16 autres ecrivent dans leur petition: "bien que tous ces
"mauvais traitements nous soient inflig&s nous ne pouvons que nous croiser les bras et nous
" soumettre." Ch&ng Hsing (g|$ >|||) et 5 autres &crivent aussi: "nous ne pouvons obtenir aucune
" r&paration pour ces injustices de chaque jour."
Wu A-fa (^| ppj H) et 39 autres &crivent: "notre existence est si malheureuse que les
"heures paraissent des jours et les jours des ann&es."

XIX.
Prenant une vue d'ensemble de la question, la condition des Coolies pendant la
duree de leur engagement est-elle aussi bonne qu'ils ont le droit de
l'espbrer? et si ce n'est pas le cas, en quoi, comment et pourquoi leur
attente est-elle deque, et sur qui en retombe la responsabilite ?
Dans beaucoup de cas, le contrat n'a &t& accept& que par force, ce qui ne peut dans
aucun cas se justifier ; les d&ces causes par la soif, les coups et le suicide indiquent le genre de
traitment pendant la travers&e; l'examination impudique des personnes mises a nu montrent
comment elles sont trait&es dans le marche humain ; la faim, le manque de sommeil, l'absence de
Soins en cas de maladies, et les blessures qui leur sont faites et dont ils n'osent pas m&me se
plaindre caract&risent leur existence dans les endroits oil ils ont a servir.
" Les contrats et stipulations sont violes sans scrupule. L'&tat des choses est tout diff&rent
" des assurances du contrat. On nous bat constamment, nous ne sommes pas trait&s conform&-
" ment aux contrats " — ainsi s'expriment dans leurs p&titions Huang Yu ( ^ 7^ ) et 15 autres,
Chao K'un (|§ Jg) et 97 autres, Yeh Nien (3g j£) et 20 autres.
Leur condition n'est done pas aussi bonne qu'ils ont le droit de l'esp&rer et cette assertion
s'applique aussi bien a ceux qui sont venus volontairement, connaissant les conditions de leur
contrat, qu'a ceux qui ont ete enleves de force ou amenes par la ruse et auxquels la teneur et le
sens du contrat n'ont jamais &t& expliqu&s.
A vrai dire la responsabilit& de cet &tat de choses revient aux gens qui sous pr&texte
-d'engager des travailleurs d'une maniere l&gitime s'emparent d'eux par la violence ou la ruse, et
aux chinois vicieux qui leUr pr&tent leur concours. En ce qui concerne ces derniers, l'art. 5 de
la Convention d'Emigration de la 5e annee de T'ungchih declare : " les chinois employes pour
" le recrutement des &migrants doivent demander et obtenir un permis scell& par les Autorit&s
" locales. Ces recruteurs seront consid&r&s comme responsables chaque fois que la loi sera violee, 18

( HO )
" que ce soit volontairement on non, et seront dans ce cas arr&t&s et punis par les Autorites
" comp&tentes." Les artifices sans nombre auxquels on a recours — ainsi que cela est decrit dans les d&posi
tions — montrent quelle est la moralite des agents par lesquels les travailleurs actuellement a
Cuba ont &t& pris au piege, et naturellement ces gens sans scrupules n'avaient recu aucun permis
des Autorit&s, et leur commerce &tait une violation constante de la loi. Mais ceux qui peuvent
prouver leur culpabilit& sont d&ja tomb&s dans le piege qui leur a &te tendu et personne aupres
d'eux ne peut entendre leurs cris de douleur; bientot ils sont de l'autre c6t& des mers, leurs
families ignorent leur depart, on leur enleve tous moyens de communication, et comme a Cuba
les int&r&ts des vendeurs etdes acheteurs sont identiques on a recours a tous les moyens possibles
pour les emp&cher de retourner en Chine. De cette facon aucune accusation ne peut &tre port&e
devant les Autorites chinoises et elles ne peuvent faire les arrestations et infliger les chatiments
prescrits par l'article pr&cite.

XX
Quand le temps d'engagement est fini, que devient le Coolie?
Les extraits suivants des depositions reeueillies repondent a cette question :
Hu Ju ($J jift) d&clare: "apr&s l'expiration de mon contrat on retint mon cedula, et je
" travaillai pendant deux autres annees sur la m&me plantation, avec un contrat. Apres ce temps
" on m'envoya au d&p&t ou l'on me loua (mes services) au dehors pendant trois ans, a la fin
" desquels je fus envoy& au d&pot ou je travaillai cinq ans sans gages. Ensuite pendant neuf ans
"je fus lou& de nouveau au dehors avec diff&rents engagements, revenant au dep6t quand ils
" expiraient." Ch'&n A-fu- (Pt PpJ SI) et 63 autres declarent qu'on leur refusa le cedula a l'expiration de
leur contrat et qu'on les envoya aux d&p&ts.
Li Ta-ts'ai (0 ft' gj) et 2 autres d&clarent qu'apres l'expiration de leurs 8 annees ils
travaillerent pendant 12 mois de plus et furent alors envoy&s aux d&p&ts.
Ni A-huan (ffi ppj j$|) et 1 1 autres d&clarent qu'apres leurs 8 ans ils travaillerent pendant
2 autres ann&es et furent ensuite envoy&s aux d&pots.
Yeh A-yao (3g ppj fg) et 1 autre declarent qu'apr&s leurs 8 ans ils travaillerent pendant
un an de plus et furent alors envoy&s aux dep6ts.
Chang Hui (ffi -§¦) d&clare : " j'aurais et& battu jusqu'a mort si apres l'expiration de mes
8 ans j'avais refuse de faire un nouveau contrat pour 6 ans."
Lin A-hsiu (ffi ppj ^) et 3 autres d&clarent qu'apr&s leurs 8 ans ils travaillerent pendant
6 autres annees et furent ensuite envoy&s aux d&p&ts.
Chang Chao (ffi £H) at I2 autres d&clarent qu'apr&s leurs 8 ans on ne leur donna pas de
cedula et que les Autorites les envoy&rent aux dep6ts.
Hsii Chien-fa (f£ $g f|) et 2 autres d&clarent qu'apres leurs 8 ans ils travaillerent pendant
4 ans | dans des fours a briques et furent saisis par les Autorit&s et envoyes aux d&p6ts.

( Hi )
Huang A-mu (^ ppj ?fc) d&clare: " apres l'expiration de mes 8 ann&es vs travaillai pour un
" autre terme de 6 ans. Apres ce temps-la comme je n'avais pas de cedula je fus saisi par I'Autorite
" et envoy& au d&p6t."
Liang A-sh&ng (ijj| ppj |g) d&clare: "apres mes 8 ans je travaillai pendant trois autres
" ann&es. J'obtins alors une cedula et fus employ& pendant un an a faire du charbon de bois.
" Ensuite on m'envoya au d&p6t oil je travaillai quatre ans sans recevoir de gages."
Li Ho (^ &) declare: "apres l'expiration de mes 8 ann&es je fus employe a differents
" genres de travaux pendant 4 ans, et fus ensuite envoy& au dep6t."
Lin A-i (ffi ppj 7$) d&clare: "apres l'expiration de mon contrat je travaillai pendant 6
" autres mois et fus alors envoy& a un d&p&t."
Lin Yiieh (ffi ft) d&clare: " apres la fin des 8 annees je fus envoy& a diff&rents travaux
" pendant 7 ans et fus alors envoye au d&pot."
Ts'ai Hsia (3HH) d&clare: "apres mes 8 ans mes jambes &tant infirmeson m'envoya au d&p6t."
Huang Shih (^ f§) d&clare: "apres mes 8 ans je travaillai d'abord pendant 2 ans et
" ensuite pendant 4 ans et fus alors envoy& au d&p&t."
Wang Fu (3* Wa) d&clare: " apres mes 8 ans je travaillai pendant un autre terme de 5
" ann&es et fus alors envoy& au d&p6t."
Lu A-hsing (|§ ppj ^) declare: " apr&s mes 8 ans, mon maitre me remit un cedula, mais a
" la fin de l'ann&e on ne me permit pas de la renouveler et je fus envoy& au d&p6t."
Ch'&n A-ch'ing ([Sjff |ipj J|) d&clare: " apres mes 8 ans, mon maitre me demanda de renouveler
" le contrat, et comme je refusai on me mit aux fers pendant deux nuits et ensuite je fus envoye
" au d&pot." Ch'&n A-hung (pf£ jipf $fc) d&clare: "apres mes 8 ans je travaillai pendant un autre terme de
" 3 mois; mon maitre voulait me retenir a son service et comme je refusai il me frappa avec sa
" canne et avec des briques et me fit conduire au d&pot."
Lo A-yii (j$| [ipj 3D d&clare: " a la fin de mes 8 ans, je fis un nouveau contrat pour 3 ans et
" fus ensuite envoy& a un d&pot ou je travaillai dix ans."
Ch'&n Wan-sheng (Pff ffi B£) declare: " apres la fin de mon contrat, je travaillai pendant 1 1
" autres ann&es et fus alors envoy& a un depot."
Ch'&n Yu (PU 7^) d&clare : " apres l'expiration de mon contrat, mes maitres desiraient que
" je signasse un autre engagement de 6 ans, et sur mon refus me mirent des fers aux pieds et me
" forcerent a travailler ainsi."
Wu Yii-sh&ng (M §j[ JB) et 2 autres d&clarent qu'ils furent tout d'abord vendus a, un d&pot
et qu'apres l'expiration des 8 ann&es ils contracterent un nouvel engagement.
Ch'&n Chii (p§f <%}) declare : " ceux qui avaient fini leur contrat ne pouvaient pas partir et
" s'ils persistaient a refuser de renouveler leur engagement on les envoyait au d&p6t."
Lii A-wu (g ppj jjfc) d&clare : " apres l'expiration de mon contrat je demandai un cedula a
" mon maitre, mais alors il me fit conduire en prison par des agents de police."
Wu A-hou (§$ ffi M) d&clare: "apres mes 8 ans je travaillai aux travaux publics
"pendant 5 ans sans gages."
Ch'&n A-hung (Pf£ ppj ££) et 3 autres declarent qu'apr&s leur contrat on leur infligea des
-chatiments plus s&veres encore et que sur 40 qu'ils &taient, 34 furent enchaines et conduits au d&pot.

( '42 )
Ch'en A-heng flSf( (!pj 'jf?) et 3 autres declarent que quelques jours avant l'expiration de
leur contrat, ils furent mis aux fers et s&verement fouett&s et qu'on leur dit que s'ils consentaient
a renouveler leur contrat on les relacherait, que sinon on les enverrait au d&p6t. Ils ajoutent
que lorsqu'on les conduisit a ce dep6t sous escorte, ils etaient attach&s deux a deux comme cela a
lieu d'habitude pour les voleurs et qu'on ne leur permit pas d'emporter leurs v&tements de la
plantation. Hu A-ssii ( #J ppj 0 ) d&clare : " il y a en ce moment sur la plantation, enferme dans la
" prison, un homme dont le contrat est sur le point de finir ; on l'oblige a travailler avec des
" chaines aux pieds."

XXI.
Quand le temps d'engagement est fini le Coolie peut-il rester A Cuba ou
s'en aller A son choix ?
J&n Shih-ch&n (fj£ -Jg; J[) et 2 autres ecrivent dans leur petition: "on nous vendit a des
" plantations ou nous eumes a souffrir de la faim et des mauvais traitements pendant 8 ans.
" Obliges d'acheter des suppl&ments de nourriture et de. v&tements k la boutique de la plantation
" nous ne pouvions rien mettre de cot& ; et apres l'expiration de notre contrat ( alors que nous
" pensions pouvoir trouver un autre emploi plus r&mun&ratif qui nous permettrait d'&conomiser
" en quelques ann&es de quoi payer notre passage de retour), notre maitre nous envoya au d&p6t
" ou des le lendemain on nous mit a travailler sur les routes avec les chaines aux pieds, sans nous
"payer, et en nous traitant exactement comme des criminels dans les prisons. Ensuite force
" nous fut de signer de nouveaux contrats et d'entrer au service d'autres planteurs; si nos gages
"etaient de $ 15 les Autorit&s en retenaient $ 10, et s'ils &taient de $30 elles nous remettaient
" seulement $ 6. A la fin de ces nouveaux contrats nous fumes de nouveau renvoyes au d&p&t ou
" nous restames plusieurs mois, apres lesquels on nous imposa encore d'autres contrats. De cette
" facon nous n'eumes pas un seul jour de libert&."
Huang Erh (^ Zl) et 5 autres &crivent: "nos contrats sont expires depuis la 3e lune de
" l'ann&e derniere, mais on nous a fait travailler jusqu'a ce jour ; cela fait plus d'un an, et le
" sup&rintendent (de la Cie de Chemins de fer de Guanabacoa) dit qu'il d&sire que nous fassions
" un nouveau contrat pour 4 ans."
Liang A-t& (|j| ppj fjg) &crit: "apres l'expiration de mon contrat je m'imaginais que je
" pourrais aller chercher du travail ailleurs, mais mon maitre m'enchalna, me fouetta et me forca
" a m'engager de nouveau pour 6 ans."
Yii A-hsia (g* ppj \fa) &crit: "je fus vendu a, une compagnie de chemins de fer avec un
" engagement de 8 ans, et bien qu'il y ait d&ja, 7 ans que ce contrat est termine, on ne m'a pas
" encore donne de cedula. Quelquefois j'ai le d&sir d'aller faire une promenade au dehors, mais
" la crainte d'&tre battu, enchain& et maltrait& si mon maitre vient a le savoir, m'en emp&che."
Liu A- shou (fj |ipj fg) et 4 autres &crivent: "apres nos 8 ans, notre maitre nous refusa un
" cedula et d&sirait nous voir travailler pour 6 autres annees; ceux qui refuserent furent battus et
" enchaines. Ceux qui, n'ayant pas assez d'argent pour payer un "padrino," veulent aller servir
" ailleurs sont expos&s a &tre arr&t&s par les gardes et conduits au d&p6t."

( 143)
Chu Chi-hsiin (^ ^ f||) et io autres &crivent: "pour se procurer une "lettre de domicile"
" et un "cedula" des Autorit&s il fallait d&penser $ 50 ou $ 60, se faire baptiser et se faire adopter
" par un &tranger, aussi &tait-il inutile pour un homme pauvre de chercher a obtenir ces documents."
Li Ying-sung (^ jfc |g.) &crit : " apr&s l'expiration de mon contrat on me refusa les papiers
" n&cessaires et mon maitre &tait m&me fort irrit& de ce que je les demandasse. Je fus conduit
" aux Autorit&s qui ne voulurent pas me laisser parler et fus mis en prison pendant 6 ans, force
" de travailler sans &tre pay& et victime impuissante des mauvais traitements."
Yeh Fu-chiin (J| |@ ;g) et 25 autres ecrivent: "comme le terme de notre engagement
" tirait a sa fin nous &tions tous consol&s de nos miseres par la perspective d'une prochaine liberte,
" de faire des &conomies et de retourner ensuite en Chine, mais notre maitre, d&nue de toute pitie,
"insista pour que nous nous engagions pour 6 autres ann&es, et ceux qui refuserent furent
" envoy&s au depfit oil ils durent travailler du matin au soir sur les routes les fers aux pieds, sans
" recevoir de salaire, et n'ayant pas suffisamment a manger, le soleil brulant rendant le travail bien
" plus p&nible encore."
Ho A-ying (-fpf ppj ^) &crit : " je rachetai ma libert& dans la 6C ann&e de T'ungchih, mais
" dans la ge je perdis mon cedula et depuis lors j'ai &t& retenu en prison ayant a travailler pour
" les autres. II n'y a personne a qui je puisse m'adresser pour demander justice."
Chang Kuan (ffi Iff) &crit : " apres avoir travaill& si laborieusement pendant tant d'annees
" nous devrions bien etre mis en liberte, mais loin de la. nous sommes envoy&s au d&p6t ou il nous
" faut travailler sans gages."
Chang M&ng (ffi jfc) &crit : n'ayant pas de papiers, je fus arr&t& par les gardes et mis- en
" prison ou Ton m'employa comme balayeur sans me donner ni gages ni vetements ; tel est le
* resultat des mes 17 ann&es de service."
Chang Shih-lien (ffi 7^ jj|) &crit : " on me vendit a. un maraicher chez qui je travaillai
"pendant 8 ans, alors mon maitre me demanda de rester 4 autres ann&es, apres lesquelles il
" m'envoya au d&p&t. J'y suis depuis 5 ans employe aux travaux publics. Je suis ag& et d&sire-
" rais obtenir un permis de mendier, mais je ne puis y r&ussir et je vous prie de m'aider en cela."
Yiian Ai-shan (g: |g jjj) &crit : " apr&s mes 8 ans, on me forca. de signer un autre engage-
" ment de 2 ans, le surveillant avait mon contrat et il ne me le rendit jamais. Ensuite je fus arr&te
" par les gardes et je suis depuis plus de 3 ans au depot. Nous avons a souffrir des miseres sans
" fin. J'ai 66 ans et je vous supplie de me faire avoir un permis de mendier, pour que je puisse
" sortir et mendier ma nourriture. Ce changement me ferait revivre."
En outre, la 37e clause des reglements publi&s a, Cuba a la date de Septembre 1 872 ordonne
que "tous les immigrants arriv&s apres le 15 F&vrier 1861 qui seront trouv&s employ&s, mais sans
" un contrat en due forme, sur les plantations, dans les &tablissements. de commerce, chez des indus-
" triels ou chez des particuliers, devront &tre conduits a la ville principale de la ' juridiction.' "
Cela montre jusqu'oii va la liberte de choix des travailleurs chinois, qu'il desire partir
ou rester, car, ainsi que Lin Chin ( ffi ^ ) et 16 autres &crivent dans leur petition : " les
" Autorit&s &trangeres considerent les chinois comme une source de richesse pour elles m&mes-:
"A qui alors pourrions-nous nous adresser pour obtenir justice ? "

( 144 )
XXII.
Si le Coolie desire rester, qu'advient-il ?
La premiere clause du Keglement de Septembre 1872 d&clare que: "tout immigrant arrive
"apres le 15 Fevrier 1861 .est oblig& de quitter l'ile apr&s l'expiration de son contrat, ou, s'il
" desire rester, de se rengager de nouveau par un .contrat comme immigrant travailleur ou
"ouvrier, conformement aux stipulations de l'art. 7 du Decret Royal de i860, des art. 51 et 52
" des instructions de 1868, et du Decret du 18 Octobre 1871."
' Mais la modicite des salaires et la necessit& ou sont les travailleurs d'acheter des
suppl&ments de nourriture et de v&tements dans les places ou ils servent, les emp&chent de faire
des &conomies pour payer leur passage de retour, et comme les maitres ne pourvoient pas a ce
passage, il en r&sulte que les reglements actuellement en force a Cuba retiennent sous le contr61e
des depots tous les chinois, et ceux qui restent ne sauraient &tre consid&res comme agissant de
leur plein gr&.
Ts&ng A-shih ( -^ ppj ft ) &crit dans sa petition : " je vous prie de m'aider a, sortir d'un
" esclavage qui doit durer toute ma vie, en obtenant pour moi des documents de libert&, bienfait
" dont je vous serai &ternellement reconnaissant."
Liang A-t& ("|{| ppj f#) &crit; "mon esp&rance est que vous viendrez a mon secours et
" qu'ainsi je pourrai obtenir dans un autre endroit une situation qui me permettra d'&conomiser,
" en 2 ou 3 ans, de quoi payer mon passage de retour."
Ch'&n T'ung ( p§[ 5J ) et un autre d&clarent dans leurs depositions qu'ils &taient oblig&s de
payer chaque mois $ 3 aux &trangers qui leur servaient de parrain ou " padrinos " et que les
Autorit&s leur refus&rent les passeports n&cessaires pour leur retour en Chine.
Hu A-ju ( $j ppj jn ) declare : " bien que j'eusse un certificat, d&livr& par mon maitre,
" attestant que j'avais fini mon temps de service, il me fut necessaire de remettre de la main a la
" main 3 onces ($51) aux Autorit&s quand je demandai mon cedula."
W&n Ch'ang-t'ai ( ~% j| H ) et 6 autres declarent aussi qu'ils d&pens&rent $51 pour leur
cedula. Wu Yueh ( ^ ^ ) et 1 autre d&clarent qu'ils d&penserent chacun $ 8 pour leur cedula.
Hsii Shu ( f£ |ejj; ) et 1 autre d&clarent qu'ils d&penserent chacun $ 102 pour l'achat de
leur cedula. F&ng A-hsiu (Jj§ ppj ^) d&clare: "j'achetai un cedula du secretaire des Autorit&s pour
"$59i" Chou Jun-t'&ng ( ffi jg $g) d&clare: "je payai $ 17 pour mon cedula bien qu'il fut &crit
" dessus qu'il etait deiivre gratis."
Wang Ch&ng-fu (3- j£ fg) et 2 autres d&clarent qu'il achet&rent chacun leur cedula $ 100.
Ts'ui Teng-lin (H $£ ffi) et 2 autres d&clarent qu'ils d&penserent chacun $ 68 pour l'achat
de leur cedula.
Kuan A-n&ng (§§ ppj f g) d&clare : " mon cedula m'a coute tout d'abord $ 100, et en plus
"j'ai a payer chaque ann&e pour le renouveler $ 1 ou $ 2 ou $ 5 ou $ 10."
P'an Yo-h&ng ($g & |g) d&clare : " je depensai $ 90 pour l'achat d'un cedula."

( '45 )
Li Shun (^ Jig) d&clare : " j'achetai un cedula $ 50."
¦ Hsii A-fa (ffc ppj |g) d&clare : " on me refusa un cedula apr&s la fin de mon contrat et il
" me fallut debourser $ 300 pour en obtenir un des Autorit&s."
Ch'&n A-fa (gg ppj fg) d&clare : " je d&pensai $ 20 pour l'achat d'un cedula."
Wu A-ssii (f£ ppj 0) d&clare: "je d&boursai $255 pour obtenir un cedula des Autorit&s."
Chiang A-ch'i (j^ ppj j|fi) d&clare : "apr&s l'expiration de mon contrat, je travaillai pendant
" 5 autres annees. Alors je donnai $ 85 aux Autorit&s, mais malgr& cette d&pense je ne pus
" m&me pas r&ussir a acheter un cedula." ,
Liu A-chi (f |J ppj |j») d&clare : "j'eus a d&bourser $ 36 pour faire renouveler mon cedula,
" bien que reguli&rement le droit est seulement $ 0.50."
Huang T& (^ ,j*) d&clare : " quand je demandai mon cedula aux Autorit&s, on me saisit
" et on me mit au d&p&t."
Liang A-ying (^ ppj ^) declare: "je d&pensai $ 51 pour l'achat d'un cedula des Autorit6s,
" mais apr&s deux ans que je travaiUais en libert& il me fut repris par les Autorit&s d'un autre
" endroit sous pr&texte qu'il n'avait pas &t& d&livre dans leur juridiction."
Wan Ch'ang-hsiu (ffi J| ff) d&clare: "je d&pensai $ 51 pour acheter un cedula, mais les
" Autorit&s d'un autre endroit le dechirerent et je fus envoy& au d&p6t."
Wu Wen-fan (^. tj£ :§) et 5 autres d&clarent que leur cedula leur fut enlev& par les
Autorit&s et qu'ils furent envoy&s au d&p&t.
Wu A-fu (^| ppj |g) d&clare : " mon cedula fut brul& et on m'envoya a un d&pot."
Li A-tou (jfs ppj Sfy) d&clare: "je d&pensai $ 51 pour acheter un cedula et apres 8 annees
" que je travaillais en libert& les Autorit&s d&clarerent que le document 6tait faux, me l'enlev&rent
" et se saisirent de moi."
Li A-hung (^ ppj f*|) d&clare: "je d&pensai $135 pour acheter un cedula, mais apres,
" sous pretexte que c'&tait un faux document, je fus arr&t& et mis au d&p&t."
Li Hsi-pao ( ^ ^ §g ) d&clare : " apres l'expiration de mon temps d'engagement, je
" travaillai pendant 6 annees de plus, a la fin desquelles je d&pensai $ 68 pour un cedula. Le
" fonctionnaire qui me le vendit m'assura que je pouvais m'en servir en tous lieux, mais dans la
" localite oil je me rendis les gardes d&clarerent qu'il n'&tait pas en regie et m'envoyerent au
"d&p6t." Lin A-lung (ffi ppj g|) declare : " on me vola mon cedula et je fus arr&t& et mis en prison."
T'an A-hsing (jig ppj f|) d&clare: "ayant perdu mon cedula pendant des troubles causes
" pas les insurg&s, je fus arr&te et mis dans un d&p&t."
Ch'en A-kuei (|5j£ ppj jfs|) d&clare : " ayant perdu mon cedula je fus envoye au d&pot."
Wang Tzii (3; $£) declare : " mon cedula m'ayant &t& vole, j'en informal le d&p&t mais
" j'y fus retenu."
Kuo Chi-hsiu (|fl jpjj H) declare : " un dimanche je sortis sans avoir sur moi mon cedula,
" on m'arr&ta et on me mit au d&p6t."
Liang Lien (f^ jgt) d&clare: "des gardes que je rencontrai me d&pouillerent de mon
" cedula mais ne m'arr&terent pas."

( 146)
XXIII.
Si le Coolie desire partir, qu'advient-il ?
La seconde clause du R&glement de Septembre 1872 declare: "l'immigrant qui, apr&s
" avoir termin& son temps d'engagement, d&sire quitter Me sera transfere au d&p&t de la ville
" principale de la juridiction de maniere que son embarquement puisse s'effectuer dans l'espace
" de 2 mois ainsi que cela est prescrit dans l'art. 7 du D&cret Royal de i860 et dans l'art. 54 des
" instructions de 1868. Si, ce laps de temps expire, il n'a pas r&uni la somme necessaire pour son
" passage, ou si ayant assez d'argent pour cela il n'a pas op&r& son depart, il sera passible d'&tre
" recontracte, mesure qui &vitera aux municipalit&s les d&penses qu'occasionnerait l'assemblage
" dans les d&p6ts d'un'grand nombre d'immigrants, et emp&chera les inconvenients qui r&sulteraient
" de ces assemblages et de tant de chinois retir&s du travail actif."
La teneur de cette clause indique un d&sir &vident de forcer les travailleurs a de nouveaux
contrats plut&t que de leur faciliter le d&part.
La 25e clause de R&glement de Mai 1873 declare aussi: "les chinois qui ont fini leur
" premier contrat et ceux faits apres et qui d&sirent quitter 1 'tie recevront des passes pour aller a
" la Havane et s'y procurer des passeports, ainsi que le prescrit l'ordre du Gouvernement Colonial
" du 13 Juillet 1872. Ils devront remettre leurs premiers contrats et les certificats de liberation
" a la Commission Centrale. Ceux qui r&sident a la Havane seront conduits a la Commission
" Centrale par leurs maitres et la seront remis les documents pr&cit&s. S'ils ne peuvent les
" produire, ni donner la garantie mentionn&e dans ce m&me ordre, les passeports leur seront
" refuses." Cet ordre dont il est question prescrit que la Commission Centrale doit &tre satisfaite
de la guarantie. Toutes ces formalit&s, l'inspection des contrats et des certificats de liberation, l'obtention
de garanties qui peuvent etre rejet&es, et de passes et passeports sont autant d'obstacles qui
causent toutes sortes de difficult&s aux chinois qui veulent partir.
Wu Chin-ch'&ng (^ $H j$) et 123 autres &crivent dans leur petition: "il arrive constam-
" ment que ceux qui ont fini leur temps d'engagement et font une demande de passeport non
" seulement perdent l'argent qu'ils ont pay& a la personne charg&e par eux de faire cette demande,
" mais de plus ne peuvent plus ravoir leurs cedulas qu'ils ont du envoyer avec la demande."
Ts&ng Lin (§ ffi) d&clare dans sa d&position : " j'avais assez d'argent pour payer mon
" retour en Chine et d&sirais m'en aller, mais mon maitre ne voulut pas me donner de certificat
" de lib&ration, et d&sirait que je fisse un nouvel engagement."
T'ang Chien (^ $|) d&clare aussi qu'un passeport peut couter de $ 70 @ $ 200.

XXIV.
En rbgle gbnbrale les Coolies choisissent-ils de partir ou bien de rester?
Comme la majorit& des chinois a Cuba y ont 6t& emmen&s malgre eux et comme les
souffrances qu'ils ont a endurer pendant leur 8 ann&es de service ont pour r&sultat la mort d'un

( 147)
si grand nombre d'entr'eux, on peut pr&sumer que ceux qui survivent sont impatients de s'&chap-
per d'un endroit qui leur est si funeste. Mais les difficult&s que rencontre leur depart : le refus
des certificats de lib&ration par les maitres, le renouvellement de contrats impos& par la force et
l'emprisonnement dans les d&p&ts, sont telles qu'il leur est impossible de partir. Ainsi :
Lu A-hsing (^ ppj =gf) d&clare dans sa d&position : " depuis l'expiration de mon contrat
"j'ai eu encore a souffrir des injustices. Je suis tres m&content et d&sire partir; peu m'importei
" oil j'irai car tout autre lieu est pr&f&rable a cette lie. Les mauvais traitements sont devenus
" intol&rables et la mort vaut mieux."
Liang A-hsin ($g ppj Df) et 2 autres d&clarent que leur seul d&sir est de partir de Cuba.
Chou A-tung (JjiJ |ipj ]g) d&clare: "j'implore votre seeours pour etre retir& de cette He, ma
" vie ne pourra payer un tel bienfait."
Yun Lin-shan ( j| ffi |Jj) d&clare : " mon unique d&sir a ete de quitter cette tie, mais les
" fraudes auxquelles j'ai &t& soumis m'ont empech& d'&conomiser de quoi payer mon passage, et
" d'ailleurs le seul fait que le passeport coute $ 100 est un obstacle qui rend le d&part impossible."
Hsieh A-jui (HJ |5pJ Ijg) et 1 autre d&clarent: "m&me si on mettait fin a mon emprisonne-
" ment dans le d&pot et si Ton me permettait de m'engager dans un emploi lucratif, je m'en irais,
"je ne voudrais pas rester ici."
T'ang Yii (jjgf 3£) d&clare: "m&me si je pouvais devenir riche ici, je ne voudrais pas
" rester."

XXV.
Quand le premier engagement est fini, les Coolies qui prefbrent rester REgoivENT-
ILS UN SALAIRE PLUS ELEVE ET FONT-ILS DE NOUVEAUX CONTRATS DANS DES
CONDITIONS PLUS FAVORABLES ?
Dans le D&cret du Gouvernement Colonial de Decembre 1871, il est declar& que tous1 les
chinois (autres que les chinois domicili&s) qui ne sont pas employ&s sur les plantations ou dans
des maisons de commerce ou chez des particuliers devront &tre immediatement arr&t&s et
conduits aux depots ; que tous les chinois employ&s comme il est dit plus haut, mais qui ne sont
pas li&s par de nouveaux contrats en regie devront rester sous la tutelle provisoire des maitres
qu'ils servent jusqu'au moment oil le Gouvernement aura pu v&rifier s'ils sont des d&serteurs ou
s'ils sont seulement coupables- de n&gligence en n'ayant pas sign& de nouveaux contrats d'une
maniere legale ; que ces chinois et leurs tuteurs devront faire un contrat stipulant un salaire de
$ 12, dont $ 4 seront remises aux chinois et $ 8 seront d&pos&es entre les mains du Gouvernement;
que les chinois qui termineront leur temps d'engagement pendant que le recensement aura lieu
pourront, a leur choix, rester sous la tutelle de leurs maitres ou entrer dans le d&p6t le plus
voisin ; que dtirant cette &poque aucun document de quelque genre qu'il soit ne devra &tre
d&livre aux chinois, except& des passes pour ceux qui sont encore sous leur premier contrat et
que leur maitre d&sire envoyer dans une autre localite. 19

( 14* )
L'art. 14 du Reglement de Mai 1873 d&clare encore: "les chinois arriv&s apres le 15
" F6vrier 1861 qui ayant termine leur contrat ne veulent pas ou ne peuvent pas se recontracter
" seront envoy&s par leurs maitres aux Autorit&s locales et leurs contrats expir&s ainsi que les
" cedulas devront &tre remis en m&me temps."
L'expression " ceux qui pref&rent rester " ne peut done gu&re s'apphquer aux chinois dont
il vient d'&tre question.
Lin A-yu (ffi ppj ;g") &crit aussi dans sa p&tition: " apr&s la fin du contrat on me refusa
" ainsi qu'a 42 autres la libert& a laquelle nous avions droit, et de plus on nous mit aux fers et on
" nous traita comme des criminels."
Lai Sh&ng (jjg fj§.) et 9 autres &crivent : " sur le contrat chinois que nous avons signe il est
" d&clar& clairement que nous sommes engag&s pour 8 ans, et qu'apres avoir servi ce temps nous
" serons libres de travailler pour notre propre compte ou de retourner en Chine. Mais maintenant
"quand notre temps de service est fini on ne nous met pas en libert& et'nous n'avons aucun
" moyen de l'obtenir."
Ts&ng A-shih (¦f*' ppj ^) &crit: " quand mes 8 ans furent termin&s mon maitre me mit aux
" fers pour me forcer a continuer de travailler, et maintenant encore non seulement il ne veut pas
" me donner ma libert& mais aussi il refuse d'augmenter mes gages, et je suis actuellement oblige
" de faire tout ce qu'il demande pour etre d&livre de mes fers."
Sh&n A-ts'ai (ffi |5pJ #) d&clare: "apr&s mes 8 ans mon maitre me forca de rester a son
" service pour 4 autres ann&es mais sans augmentation de salaire."
Ch'&n T&-lin (ffj fj§ ffi) declare: " apr&s mes 8 ans je fis un nouveau contrat de 2 ans avec
" mon maitre a raison de $ 6 par mois, mais il ne me paya que $ 4."
Ch'&n A-chi flfifi ppj ¦§) d&clare: " apres mes 8 ans il me fallut travailler deux autres mois
" et je ne fus mis en libert& qu'apr&s avoir pay& $ 17."
Ch'&n I (pg j|) d&clare: " quand nos contrats expirerent on nous devait neuf mois de gages
" et nous en demandames le paiement a notre nouveau maitre. II nous ordonna de continuer de
" travailler jusqu'a I'arrivee de notre ancien maitre. 16 d'entre nous demand&rent alors quels
" gages on nous donnerait et il nous fut r&pondu que nous serions pay&s $ 4 comme auparavant.
" Nous flmes observer qu'apres l'expiration de notre premier engagement on devrait nous payer
" davantage et que si on ne voulait pas le faire nous pr&f&rerions &tre envoy&s aux Autorit&s.
" L'administrateur d&clara alors que nos premiers contrats n'&taient pas encore termin&s et que
" bon gre mal gr& nous aurions a travailler dans les m&mes conditions qu'auparavant. Comme"
" nous persistions dans notre refus le surveillant apporta des cords et des chaines et se planta a
" cot& de nous comme s'il voulait nous her. L'un de nous repr&senta de nouveau, en insistant,
"a l'administrateur que nos contrats &taient r&ellement termin&s, et que nous refusions de
" travailler. Alors un surveillant me frappa avec le manche de son fouet me faisant une large
" blessure a la t&te. Deux de mes compagnons parvinrent a s'&chapper sans qu'on s'en apercut
" et all&rent informer les Autorit&s de ce qui avait eu lieu. Elles nous firent venir ainsi que
" 1'administrateur et eurent une consultation avec lui, apr&s laquelle 10 de nous furent renvoy&s a la
" plantation et les cinq autres et moi qui refusames de retourner fumes envoy&s au d&pot de Colon."
W&n Ch'ang-t'ai (t£ -j| |g) declare: "quand mon contrat expira je fus enferm.6 par mon
" maitre et oblig& de faire un nouveau contrat."

( 149 )
P'ang A-tung (Jff |5pJ ]g) d&clare: "si, apr&s mes 8 ans, j'avais refus& de signer un autre
" contrat j'aurais &t& fouett& et enchain&."
Huang Ch'iian-hsi (^ ^ Ig) d&clare: "bien que je fusse de bon revenu a mon maitre qui
" me louait au dehors pour $ 25 par mois et me payait seulement $ 3 ou $ 4, il ne m'en remit pas
" moins aux mains d'un officier du Gouvernement quand mon temps d'engagement fut expir&.
" Celui-ci me dit que si je ne pouvais pas payer $51 pour un cedula, il me procurerait un contrat
" avec un autre maitre et que j'aurais a lui payer $4 sur mes gages."
Lu Sh&ng-pao (^ -ggj {^): "apres mes 8 ans mon maitre me garda 6 mois enchain& et
" m'envoya alors au d&pot, sans me remettre mon contrat. Les Autorit&s pr&tendirent que j'&tais
" un deserteur et me battirent si cruellement qu'on me cassa une cheville du pied. Le medecin
" me soigna mal et on me laissa mourir de faim a l'h6pital de sorte que ma blessure devint
" incurable et je fus oblig& de me faire mendiant. Maintenant les gardes m'ont retire mon permis
" de mendier et je dors dans les rues."
Ch'&n A-shun (pg ppj JJK) declare: "apres mes 8 ans je travaillai pendant un autre terme
" de 7 ans, apres lesquels mon maitre refusa de me donner mon cedula si je ne voulais pas payer
" $ 68." Ch'&n Hsiang ( Pf( § ) d&clare : " mon cedula me fut enlev& de force par mon second
" maitre. Je m'en procurai un autre qui me fut pris par des officiers du Gouvernement. Ils me
" demanderent de l'argent, je ne pus leur en donner et ils me mirent dans un d&p&t ou je fus forc&
" de travailler sans gages."
Ch'&n A-ho ( |fijjf ppj ^j ) d&clare : " quand les contrats sont expir&s on fait un nouveau
" contrat avec quelques dollars de plus de salaire, mais cette augmentation est purement nominale
" parcequ'on la paie en papier monnaie."
Ts&ng A-shih (H ppj -J-) d&clare: "je fus, ainsi que 39 autres dont les contrats &taient
" expir&s, oblige de continuer a travailler avec des fers aux pieds et le maitre nous administrait
" chaque jour un nombre de coups &gal au chiffre de dollars que nous gagnions par mois."
Lo A-chi (jgg ppj tL ) declare: "apres mes 8 ans je fus forc& de faire un nouveau contrat
" pour 4 ans avec une augmentation de $ 4 de gages. Ensuite je travaillai pendant 3 autres ans."
Lin Ho-chuang ( ffi & $k ) declare : " apr&s mes 8 ans je fus forc& de faire un nouveau
" contrat pour 6 ans a $ 15 par mois ; apr&s ce temps je fus envoy& au d&p&t."
Ch'&n Man ( Pf[ $| ) declare : " apr&s mes 8 ans je fus forc& de m'enga'ger pour 4 ans a
" $ 1 1 par mois et ensuite je fus envoy& a un d&p6t, ou j'eus a travailler sans gages."
Wang Shui-t'ou ( 3; 7JC jjg ) d&clare : " apres mes 8 ans je travaillai pendant 6 autres
" annees a $ 8 par mois, et apres ce temps je fus envoy& a un d&pot ou je travaillai sans gages
" pendant 6 ans."
Ch'&n Ting-hsien ( pjg iff} g ) d&clare : " apr&s l'expiration de mon contrat je fus envoy&
" par mon maitre aux Autorit&s qui m'obligerent a faire un nouveau contrat a $ 6 par mois pour
" deux ans. Ensuite j'obtins un cedula mais il y a 2 ans n'ayant pas d'argent pour le renouveler,
" je fus arrete et mis au d&pot."

( *5o)

XXVI.
Quels moyens procure-t-on pour le rapatriement ou le depart de ceux qui
desirent quitter cuba?
La ge clause de la Convention d'Emigration de la 5e ann&e de T'ungchih (1866) limite
la duree des engagements par contrats a 5 ans, et a l'expiration de ce laps de temps le maitre est
tenu de fournir la somme sp&eifi&e dans le contrat pour le prix de passage de retour en Chine.
Cette clause declare aussi que dans le cas oil l'immigrant pr&f&rerait rester, et si les Autorit&s l'y
autorisent, il recevra la moitie du prix de passage s'il fait un nouveau contrat avec le m&me
maitre, celui-ci devant s'engager encore dans ce contrat a lui fournir la somme entiere specifi&e
a la fin du second terme de 5 ans. D'un autre c&t&, si le chinois ne se rengage pas avec le
m&me maitre, celui-ci doit lui remettre imm&diatement cette somme. L'immigrant a de plus le
droit de demander cette concession s'il devient incapable de travailler par suite de maladie avant
la fin de son contrat, et de requerir l'assistance des Autorit&s si cela lui est refus&.
Parmi les contrats de diff&rents genres examines, un seul est r&dig& conform&ment aux
stipulations de cette Convention. Sa 2e clause fixe 5 ans comme le terme du contrat ; la 6e clause
d&clare qu'a son expiration l'immigrant recevra $ 75 pour prix de son passage s'il d&sire retourner
en Chine ; la y^ clause d&clare que s'il signe un nouveau contrat avec le m&me maitre, l'immi
grant recevra $ 35.50 a la fin du premier contrat et la somme totale de $ 75 a la fin du second ¦
la 8e clause d&clare que si l'immigrant m&me des son arriv&e, est rendu incapable de travail par
la maladie, le prix du passage de retour lui sera remis imm&diatement. Mais ce contrat a &te
laiss& en blanc, tandis que les autres contrats, qui ont servi, contiennent des clauses en d&saccord
avec la Convention d'Emigration.
La i8e clause du Decret Royal Espagnol de i860 declare: "deux mois apr&s l'expiration
" de son engagement le chinois doit ou avoir renouvel& son contrat ou avoir quitte l'ile, et cela
"lui est appliquable ensuite a, l'expiration de chaque engagement qu'il contracte. S'il ne se
" conforme pas a cette regie il sera employ& aux travaux publics jusqu'au moment oil la somme
" accummuiee a son cr&dit, deduction faite de ses frais d'entretien, sera suffisante pour payer les
" d&penses de son voyage jusqu'a la localit& dont il aura fait choix ou s'il n'en choisit aucune,
"jusqu'a celle que le Capitaine G&n&ral lui indiquera."
La 55e clause des Instructions de 1868 d&clare que les chinois qui d&sireront quitter l'lle
mais qui n'auront pas la somme necessaire pour cela devront, si apr&s un an de travail pour le
Gouvernement la somme a leur cr&dit est insuffisante, &tre embarqu&s aux frais du d&p6t.
Le D&cret Royal de 1871 (qui ordonne l'expulsion des chinois de toutes classes n'ayant
pas de contrats) declare que la d&portation des vagabonds et pauvres doit &tre faite aux frais
du Gouvernement. Ces differentes clauses qui font paraltre une certaine sollicitude pour les int&r&ts des chinois
ne sont cependant que des paroles vides. En pratique on ne laisse aucun choix au chinois; il est
force, soit par son maitres, soit par le d&pot, de signer un nouveau contrat et ne recoit aucun
salaire pour le travail qu'il fournit dans l'intervalle de temps que, dans le second cas, il passe au
d&p&t. D'ailleurs ce que gagnent en r&alit& les chinois dont les nouveaux engagements ont &t&

( 'Si )
faits par les d&p&ts est insignifiant, et il est aussi peu a esp&rer que les fonctionnaires de ces
¦&tablissements veuillent se charger des d&penses du rapatriement des chinojs, qu'il Test de supposer
qu'ils aient en leur pouvoir d'aller consulter le Capitaine G&n&ral relativement a l'endroit de
residence qui conviendrait le mieux a leurs int&r&ts.
Hsien Tso-pang (J5fc ¦J3: #|J) et 1 3 autres 6crivent dans leur p&tition: " auparavant les Coolies
" arrivaient de Canton et du Fukien avec des contrats pour cinq ans seulement, mais ces contrats
" leurs &taient enlev&s ici (Havane) dans les barracons. Les Coolies qui s'&taient embarqu&s a
" Macao ont tous eu des contrats pour 8 ans, nous ignorons d'ou cela vient. Ceux qui veulent
" partir doivent acheter des passeports et les prix qu'on exige pour ces documents sont propor-
" tionnels aux ressources que les Coolies sont supposes avoir, ils varient de plusieurs dizaines
"jusqu'a plusieurs centaines de dollars. Comment les travailleurs, m&me un petit nombre
" d'entr'eux, peuvent-ils alors esp&rer de retourner en Chine?"
Lin Chin (ffi &) et 16 autres &crivent: " quand le temps d'engagement est expir& et qu'on
"/demande le cedula, le maitre differe la chose de jour en jour et enfin un arrangement intervient
"-avec les Autorit&s et notre compatriote est arret& et oblig& de se vendre de nouveau pour 8 ans."
Wu Sh&ng (^ Jp) &crit: " apres mes 8 ans je fus remis aux Autorites qui m'envoyerent
" dans les montagnes travailler pour le Gouvernement, tailler des pierres, &c. C'est quand j'&tais
" employ& a ces travaux que mon bras fut cass& et cependant on ne me t&moigne aucune
" compassion, on ne me donne aucune assistance et je ne sais ou aller demander de quoi manger."
Wu Chin-ch'eng (^| $jj} jjjj) et 124 autres &crivent: "nous avons entendu dire que des
" hommes a qui on avait permis de partir sont morts de faim pendant la traversee, ou ont &t&
" conduits a d'autres endroits et vendus de nouveau."
Kao Lao-hsiu (^J yj£ ff) et l& autres &crivent: "il y a des Coolies qui etaient a
" m&me de retourner en Chine, mais ignorant les d&parts des navires depensent tout leur avoir
" en attendant et perdent ainsi cette bonne occasion, et il y en a aussi qui &tant connus comme
" ayant un peu d'argent sont assassin&s et voles."

XXVII.
Y A-T-IL DES CHINOIS A LA HAVANE ET DANS LES AUTRES VILLES DE CUBA ? A QUELLES
CLASSES APPARTIENNENT-ILS ? QUELLE EST LEUR CONDITION ET COMMENT SONT-ILS
traites ? Comment envisagent-ils leur vie A Cuba ?
Les chinois qui, a leur arrivee, ont trouv& un engagement a la Havane ou dans les autres
villes de Cuba sont employ&s dans les magasins a sucre, dans les manufactures de cigarres, chez
des cordonniers, des chapeliers, des marchands de fer ou de charbon de bois, des boulangers, des
confiseurs, des tailleurs de pierre, des charpentiers, des macons, des blanchisseurs, dans les
iCompagnies de chemin de fer ou de gaz, dans les fours a briques, a bord des alleges, ou bien
comme balayeurs municipaux, comme domestiques et cuisiniers. II y en a aussi qui ayant
obtenu des "lettres de domicile" ont un petit m&tier ou un petit commerce. La grand majorit& de
ces gens ont d&clar& qu'ils &taient injustement traites. En outre l'enqu&te a demontre que dans

( 152 )
les differentes villes, ceux qui ont &t& mis dans les d&p6ts et y endurent pendant leur detention de
plus grandes miseres encore forment la classe la plus nombreuse. On les rencontre constamment
sur les grandes routes travaillant par troupes comme des forcats creusant le terrain ou portant des
pierres et surveill&s par des gardes qui les stimulent au travail avec leurs fouets ou leurs batons.
Les extraits suivants des d&positions recues &tablissent la maniere dont les chinois sont
trait&s dans les diff&rentes villes :
Li A-chiu (^ ppj jQ d&clare : " apr&s avoir conserv& un cedula pendant 6 ans, j'en fus
d&pouill& par les Autorit&s et je fus oblig& de travailler sur les routes."
Yao A-ya ($fc ppj $p) d&clare: "mon cedula me fut enleve par les Autorites et je fus mis-
" au d&p&t de Colon."
W&n Ch'ang-t'ai (~$C M M) d&clare : " il y a 7 ans tous les chinois a quelque- classe qu'ils
" appartinssent, ceux qui avaient termin& et ceux qui n'avaient pas termin& leur contrats furent
-'¦" oblig&s de travailler a la construction de l'eglise qui est en face de cet hotel ( a Sagua ). Un
" blanc avait charge de quatre chinois et s'ils &taient tant soit peu lents au travail ils &taient frappes.
" Je vis moi-meme dans un tres court espace de temps sept hommes se suicider en sautant dans"*
" des puits et un tres grand nombre se pendirent ou moururent des violences exercees contre aux."
Ch'&n A-chen ( ffi ppj ;g| ) declare : " on me vola mon cedula et je fut en cons&quence mis
" au d&pot." Ch'&n Shui (ffi 7JC ) d&clare : " il me faut payer une once d'or chaque ann&e pour le
" renouvellement de mon cedula."
Ho A-&rh ( jpj ppj zl ) d&clare : " j'avais un cedula depuis 7 ans quand certains troubles
" &clat&rent. Je quittai la ville pour aller en donner information aux officiers du Gouvernement
" et ensuite &tant tomb& malade je perdis mon cedula et fus enferm& dans un d&p&t."
Li Cho (^ j|t ) declare : "les Autorit&s locales me louerent aux dehors pour travailler et
" si je gagne $ 20, j'ai a leur en remettre au moins la moitie."
Lo A-ch'ang ( $| ppj ^ ) d&clare : "j'&tais travailleur libre dans une boutique mais comme
" mon salaire &tait minime je partis. Pour se venger le propri&taire fit en sorte que la police
" m'enlevat mon cedula ; je fus alors enferm& dans le d&pot et oblig& d'y travailler."
Ch'&n A-fu (ffi ppj |@) d&clare : " ayant &t& priv& de l'usage d'un bras par un accident caus&
" par une machine, je fus chass& du d&p&t et voici plus de 10 ans que je mendie."
Ts'ai A-lu (^ ppj :§§.) d&clare :• " pendant que j'&tais au d&pot mes jambes devinrent malade
" et cons&quemment j'en fus expulse et fus force de mendier."
Liang T'ing-po (^ S 16) d&clare : " dans le depSt de Colon j'ai vu battre deux hommes
" pour avoir fait un vent."
Ch'&n A-shun (ffi ppj Jig) declare : " quand la police trouve un chinois sans cedula elle
"exige un cadeau de $4. Quelquefois m&me pour nous extorquer de l'argent elle saisit nos
" cedulas et si nous refusons de lui en donner elle les d&chire : elle remet les propri&taires aux
" mains des Autorit&s."
Yang Chin (^ $&) d&clare : " voyant quelques chinois et quelques negres qui se battaientr
" je m'efforcai de les arr&ter, la police s'empara de moi comme des autres ; on m'enleva ma montre,,
"mon argent et mon cedula et on me mit aux stocks. Je suis maintenant employe comme
" cuisinier dans ce d&pot."

( 153)
Pei A-pao (j( ppj gg) d&clare : " ayant perdu mon cedula les Autorit&s locales me firent
" demander et me donnerent un certain travail a faire, me promettant $ 17 par mois ; je travaillai
" pendant une ann&e entiere mais elles ne me payerent rien du tout."
Li Yen-ch'un (^ fij g) d&clare : " les hommes arr&t&s parcequ'ils n'ont pas de cedula
" peuvent se faire relacher en pay ant la police, mais ils sont bient6t arr&t&s de nouveau."
Chang Erh (ffi Zl) d&clare : " on peut toujours acheter un cedula ici, le prix varie de $ 50
" @ $ 200 ; quand on sait que celui qui demande le cedula a de l'argent on exige toujours
" davantage. Les fonctionnaires du d&p6t gardent les cedulas des chinois et apr&s leur mort ils
" en font le traffic."
Chuang A-i ($£ ppj j§£) d&clare: "apres l'expiration de mon contrat j'eus pendant 7 ans
"une boutique de boucher et ensuite j'ouvris un magasin de toutes sortes d'objets. J'avais
" quatre employ&s, dont l'un recut un coup de couteau et mourut. Uh soldat blanc survint alors
" et voulut emporter differents objets sans payer, je m'y opposai et il me frappa avec une canne ;
"mes employ&s etant intervenu il donna un coup de couteau dans le c&t& a l'un d'eux et sur la
" t&te a l'autre. Le premier a &t& envoj^e a l'h&pital mais on peut examiner les blessures du
" second. Mes bras ont tellement souffert que c'est a peine si je puis les remuer. Les gens ici
" d&clarent que tuer un chinois n'est pas plus mal que tuer un chien. J'ai port& plainte aux
" Autorit&s a propos de cette derniere attaque, mais il y a d&ja 6 jours de cela et on ne nous a
" pas encore fait demander pour &couter notre d&position."
Yang A-t'ien (fH ppj £H) declare: "je suis venu a Cuba de Californie a bord d'un bateau
" sur lequel j'&tais employ&; des pertes de jeu me forc&rent a rester ici et je fus arr&t& et mis au
" dep&t de cette ville (Colon). J'y suis depuis 4 mois, ne recevant aucun salaire, et &tant constam-
" ment battu. Les chinois sont r&ellement trait&s comme des chiens ou des vblailles."
Wu Chin-ch'eng (f| |H j$) et 123 autres &crivent dans leur petition: "si quatre ou cinq
"chinois causent ensemble dans la rue, les agents de police des accusent de conspirer; s'ils se
" r&unissent quatre ou cinq dans une maison et en ferment la porte ils sont accus&s de se livrer
" aux jeux de hasard et, a moins d'offrir imm&diatement de l'argent, ils sont conduits en prison.
" La nous pouvons rester deux ou trois ans sans &tre jug&s et nous pouvons p&titionner quatre ou
" cinq fois avant d'obtenir une r&ponse. Pour chaque p&tition il nous faut engager les services
" d'un avocat et ce n'est qu'apres le paiement d'une certaine somme entre ses mains que notre
" p&tition est envoy&e. Apr&s cela si nous ne remphssons pas les d&sirs de I'officier charg& de
" l'affaire (en lui payant ce qu'il demande) on ne nous met plus jamais en libert&."

XXVIII.
y a-t-il des chinois dans les campagnes? a quelles classes appartiennent-ils ?
Quelle est leur condition et qu'en disent-ils?
II y a des chinois dans les plantations de caf& et de tabac, dans les fermes et dans les jardins
maratchers, mais pas en grand nombre. C'est dans les plantations a sucre que la plus grande
majorite est employee et c'est la qu'ils ont a endurer les plus grandes injustices et mauvais
traitements qui sont bien pires que dans les villes.

( 154)
Les extraits suivants montrent quelle est la condition des chinois travaillant dans les
campagnes. Ch'&n T'ung (ffi jj|) d&clare: "sur toutes les plantations il y a des prisons dans les plus
" petites desquelles on peut enfermer 12 ou 15 hommes."
Ch'ii Tan-k'o (Jjg -fg, <pg) d&clare: "pendant le jour nous travaillons enchaines et la nuit
" nous sommes mis aux stocks. Sur la plantation il y a trois prisons, l'une en fer et les deux
" autres en bois. Dans la premiere il y a toujours 30 individus et dans les autres il y a fr&quemment
" plusieurs dizaines d'individus."
Ch'&n Chin (ffi ^) declare: " je recus 200 coups sur le dos pour m'&tre dis malade; mon
" dos &tait tout meurtri, mais il me fallut travailler ce jour-la comme d'habitude, et la nuit on
" frotta mes blessures avec du sel et du jus de citron."
Li Jun (^ [§|j) d&clare: "j'ai vu fusilier quatre hommes sur la plantation."
Huang Ch'ao-ping (j| JU ft) d&clare: " sur une plantation j'eus a travailler pendant trois
" ans avec les fers aux pieds et je ne sus jamais pourquoi j'avais &t& ainsi puni."
Liang Tao-han (ig| j|| JJ|) declare: " dans les champs de Cannes a sucre, il y a des ' puces
" de terre ' qui pen&trent sous la peau et y deposent des ceufs, elles mangent la chair qui se
" corromp et il n'y a pas de rem&de possible. Comme on ne nous donne pas de souliers nous
" sommes constamment mis dans l'impossibilit& de remuer nos pieds."
Ko Ch'i ($jj H) d&clare: "apr&s mes 8 ans je continual a travailler pendant 2 ans; j'avais
" confie mes &conomies a mon maitre, mais il joignit les insurg&s et je perdis tout ce que j'avais
" mis de c&t&."
Ch'&n Chii (ffi 7gj) d&clare: "en me privant de tout, j'&tais arrive a mettre $ 100 de-
" c&t&; on me les vola, le voleur fut d&couvert mais il partagea avec l'administrateur la somme
" vol&e." Wu A-hsiang (f£ ppj ffi) d&clare: " je fus vendu a une plantation qui appartenait a l'une
"des Autorit&s locales, et.cet officier me donna seulement 2 mois de gages pour 6 mois de service
" et il nous obligeait a attraper des &cureuils pour notre nourriture, ce qui lui faisait des &conomies:
" de viande s&ch&e."
W&n A-n&ng (g ppj fg) d&clare: " il y avait des gens enfermes dans la prison de la plan-
" tation, mais on les en a retir&s parceque la visite de la Commission &tait attendue."
Chang Hui (ffi JjQ declare: " il y a sur la plantation un homme qui a &t& battu il y a 2
"jours, mais il est enferm& pour que la Commission ne puisse pas le voir, car on craint qu'il puisse*
" &tre interrog&." Ts'ai. Hsi (|| $fl) d&clare: "au moment ou je passais devant la porte d'une plantation, je fus
" saisi par des blancs qui me volerent ce que j'avais sur moi et mon cedula. Je me plaignis aux
" Autorit&s mais je n'obtins d'autre resultat que d'&tre enferme au d&pot de Cardenas."
Ch'&n A-yu (ffi ppj ^f ) d&clare : " en passant devant une plantation je fus saisi par certains
" surveillants qui me volerent mon cedula."
Ch'&n A-ho (ffi |ipj ^j ) d&clare: "je remis mon cedula au chef de notre hand (gang)
"pour qu'il le fit renouveler, mais il.s'enfuit en l'emportant, et je fus arr&te et mis au dep&t.
" Le ti-pao (Capitan de partido) me vendrait bien un autre cedula mais je n'ai pas la\omme
" necessaire." \

( 155)
Ho A-kuan (fpj ppj *g) d&clare: "je remis mon cedula a mon maitre le croyant plus en
" surete, et je fus arret& un jour que j'&tais sorti sans ce document. On me forca alors a travailler
" aux &gouts, et je fus employ& en tout pendant io ans sans recevoir de gages,"
T'ang Lien-sh&ng (Jj£ J$jj gj|) et 106 autres &crivent dans leur p&tition: "l'ann&e derniere
"le Gouvernement ayant besoin de bras pour travailler a la tranch&e (Trocha), endroit tres
" malsain et pr&s des districts insurg&s, envoya ^ de n&gres et & de chinois. Un tiers de ces
"derniers p&rit et ceux qui surv&curent, — au lieu de recevoir a leur retour les certificats de
"liberation qui leur avaient &t& promis, — sont maintenant enfermes dans divers d&p&ts. Les
" officiers, planteurs et autres personnes influentes pensent seulement a se servir de nous pour
" augmenter leur fortune et c'est pour cela qu'ils laissent de cot& tout scrupule et tout sentiment
" honorable, aussi est-il inutile de protester contre ces actes de mauvaise foi."
Liu A-sung (fij ppj ^) declare: "a la Trocha il y avait une boutique appartenant a un
" officier de rang inf&rieur ou nous poiwions acheter de I'opium et autres objets, qui nous &taient
" vendus a cr&dit, et leur prix &tait retenu sur nos gages."
Chang A-w&n (ffi ppj ^) d&clare: "a la Trocha tous les comestibles etaient tr&s chers;
"une tasse de bonne eau coiitait $0.50, aussi &tait-il impossible d'&conomiser. Le climat &tait
" tr&s malsain et le travail tres p&nible."
Liu A-lien (gij ppj jjjl) et 3 autres declarent: "quand on nous conduisit a la Trocha on
" nous avait attaches l'un a l'autre et c'est ainsi qu'on nous transportait par chemin de fer."
Li A-yao (^ ffi M) et 127 autres d&clarent que les officiers, " lorsqu'ils se rendirent a la
" Trocha, leur promirent des. cedulas (a leur retour), mais que cette promesse n'a pas &t& tenue et
" que bien plus ils ont &t& envoy&s au d&p6t de la Havane ou ils sont oblig&s de travailler sans
" &tre pay&s."

Y a-t-il des Chinois dans les prisons? Pour quels crimes? Comment sont-ils punis?
Comment sont-ils traites?
Les prisons des villes de Cuba sont bien construites, larges, propres et fraiches, et
contrastent d'une facon tr&s favorable avec les chambres basses, humides et chaudes des depots,
et avec les logements malpropres des chinois sur les plantations. Les prisonniers, a l'exception
de ceux qui travaillent par bandes sur les routes et qui souffrent tout comme ceux des d&p&ts
employ&s aux m&mes travaux, ne sont obhg&s a d'autre travail que celui des cigarettes, ,et les
punitions qui leur sont inflig&es sont assez l&geres. On peut done admettre que les prisonniers
sont trait&s d'une maniere equitable.
Les extraits suivants des depositions r&pondent aux diff&rents points de la question.
Wang A-fu (31 PpJ SI) d&clare : " apr&s avoir servi mon maitre pendant 14 ans, je le quittai,
" aussit6t il m'accusa d'avoir deserte, on m'arr&ta et je fus condamn& a deux ans de prison."
Liang Kuei-chung (f|| jj| ||f) declare : " un jour je sortis a cheval sans mon cedula, je
" rencontrai un garde qui demanda a voir mes papiers et il me mit en prison."
Li Hsiang (=f£ @) declare : "j'ai ete arr&t& et emprisonne mais j'ignore pourquoi."
20

( i56)
Wu A-chao (^| ppj $() d6clare : " mon maitre &tant pass& aux insurges, je partis pour en
" informer les Autorit&s mais on me mit en prison parceque je n'avais pas de cedula."
Wu Ch'ieh (J^ jj.) declare: "je fus mis en prison sur une fausse accusation de vol et bien
" qu'il y ait d&ja 4 mois de cela, je n'ai ete interroge par aucun officier."
T'ang A-lung (JE ppj gg) d&clare : " apr&s 6 mois de prison inflig&s par un officier d'une
" autre localit&, je fus transf&r& a la prison de la Havane. Je n'ai commis aucun delit et ne puis
" que conjecturer que j'ai &t& faussement accus& par un &tranger avec qui j'ai eu des difficult&s
" alors que je faisais du commerce avec certains d&tachements de troupes. Je suis depuis 3 ans
" en prison ici (Havane) et bien que j'aie adress& 4 p&titions au Capitaine G&neral je n'ai pas
" encore pass& en jugement."
Yang A-ssii (^ ppj 0) et 6 autres declarent: "qu'ils faisaient partie d'une bande de
" travailleurs libres employ&s sur une plantation, que leur maitre avait examin& leurs cedulas
" et les avait trouvees en regie,, mais qu'ensuite ces documents avaient &t& d&clar&s faux parceque
" leur maitre etait devenu leur d&biteur de $ 1,300, parcequ'ils refusaient de travailler la nuit et
" parceque les Autorit&s d&siraient leur extorquer de l'argent. Ils ajoutent qu'on ne fit aucune
" attention a l'observation qu'ils firent que les cedulas avaient &t& trouvees en regie auparavant,
" et qu'on les mit en prison eux et quatre autres sans m&me leur permettre d'emporter leurs
" v&tements de la plantation."
Liang Yu-t& (H5 7g f*) d&clare : " je causais avec trois autres chinois que je venais de
" rencontrer, lorsque je fus arret& par la police sous le pr&texte que je les exhortais a deserter.
" On me mit dans la prison de Guanajay. Notre nourriture y est insuffisante, mais ceux qui
" donnent de l'argent au ge&lier sont mieux traites."
Ho Hsi (f5J $g) d&clare: "j'&tais le chef d'une bande de travailleurs, je fus faussement
" accuse d'employer des d&serteurs et je fus arret&."
Chang Ch'ang-kuei (ffi J| jjj;) d&clare: "le ti-pao (Capitan de partido) m'accusa
"faussement d'avoir vol& certains objets a un autre chinois, parceque j'avais refus& de
"lui pr&ter de l'argent et une selle, et je fus mis en prison. Une autre raison de mon •
" emprisonnement est qu'on ne m'aimait pas parceque j'avais &pous& une blanche. Dans les
" premiers temps de mon entree a la prison le ge61ier me battait, mais il cessa quand je lui eus
" donne $ 3."
Lo A-fa ( jH ppj H) d&clare: "le hasard voulut que je passai a cot& de 4 chinois qui se
" battaient et bien que je n'eusse rien a faire avec leur dispute, le ti-pao m'arr&ta et me mit en
" prison ainsi qu'un certain Hsii A-wu ( f$J ppj 2l )."
Ch'&n Ch'&ng-ch'i ( ffi j$ 3$: ) d&clare : " ayant obtenu un cedula j'ouvris une boutique
" de toutes sortes de marchandises, mais un espagnol ayant faussement d&clar& que sa femme
" m'avait confie $ 400 je fus arr&t& et mis en prison."
Hsii A-hsing ( ffe ppj M) declare : "je rencontrai un agent de police qui demanda a voir
" mes papiers. II d&clara qu'ils ne m'appartenaient pas et il s'en suivit une discussion pendant
" laqueUe il excita son chien a me mordre. Je donnai un coup de pied au chien, et pour cette
" raison le ti-pao m'arr&ta et me mit en prison."
Jung Chou-k'uan (%$ ffi %) d&clare : " on m'accusa d'avoir vole mon cedula a un autre
" et on me mit en prison mais aucun jugement n'a eu lieu."

( 157)
Sung Chin ( $jj ^ ) declare : " apr&s mes 8 ans de service on me refusa le cedula ; je
" partis et travaillai pour mon compte pendant 6 mois, mais alors je fus arr&t& et mis dans cette
" prison ( Matanzas )."
T&ng A-ssii (§g ppj 0 ) declare: "ayant mon cedula je procurai au proprietaire d'une
" plantation 20 travailleurs qui tous poss&daient ce document, mais la police m'accusa d'engager
" des gens qui n'avaient pas fini leur temps de contrat et je fus arr&t&. On me prit $ .70 en or
" et $ 200 en papier et on me demanda $ 200 de plus pour me relacher ; ne pouvant payer cette
" somme je fus mis en prison. Aucun jugement n'a eu lieu."
Liang A-yu ( ^ ppj ft ) d&clare : " dans la 3" lune de cette annee un chinois qu'on avait
" envoy& recevoir le montant de certains comptes ne revint pas. Comme on prenait des informa-
" tions de tous cot&s je dis que, quelques nuits auparavant, j'avais entendu un bruit qui
" ressemblait a celui d'un cheval. On fit des recherches et on d&couvrit le cadavre ( du chinois )
" et alors je fus arr&t& et mis en prison. Tout le monde sait que mon emprisonnement est injuste,
" mais comme je n'ai pas &t& jug& on ne peut pas me mettre en libert& et voici d&ja plusieurs
" mois que je suis en prison."
Lung A-ch'uan (H Ptjf JH) d&clare: " il y a 2 ans j'achetai un cedula pour $ 68, mais au
" mois de Janvier dernier, &poque du renouvellement, la police d&clara que c'&tait un document
" faux et on me mit en prison."
Lin Wei (ffi J|) d&clare: "un blanc qui me devait plusieurs dizaines de dollars et a qui
"j'avais refus& de preter diff&rents objets qu'il voulait m'emprunter m'accusa d'un vol de cigare,
" &c, commis au prejudice d'un autre chinois. Ce dernier declarait que je n'&tais pas coupable
" mais on ne fit pas attention a ce qu'il disait et on me mit en prison."
Liang Hai (^ $$) d&clare: "j'avais achet& a un Cantonnais nomme A Fa-tsai (|JpJ fg f-f )
" une chalne de montre en or; eertaines personnes vinrent pour la voir et m'accuserent d'avoir
" achet& un objet vole. On me mit en prison et voici 20 mois que j'y suis sans avoir &t& jug&."
Li Ta-ts'ai (^ ft $) d&clare: " I'aide de cuisine, une negresse, que je grondais parcequ'elle
" etait en retard avec le diner de mon maitre m'accusa de l'avoir frapp&e avec un petit couteau
" qui me sert a couper mon papier. La cuisiniere, une blanche, envoya chercher la police et je
" fus arr&t& et emprisonne."
Ko Ch'i (|jf jH) d&clare: "les Autorites me demanderent de l'argent et comme je ne pus
" leur en donner elles d&clarerent que mon cedula &tait faux et me mirent en prison."
Ch'&n Hsing (ffi Ji) d&clare: "je fus arr&t& et emprisonne parceque j'avais unpistolet dans
" ma malle." Wu A-yao (jj£ ppj $g) d&clare: "je sortis pour acheter certains ustensiles de cuisine et
" rencontrai un blanc qui me dit qu'il en avait k vendre. Je n'&tais pas encore tomb& d'accord
" sur le prix quand la police arriva et d&clara que ces ustensiles avaient &t& voles. Le blanc
" s'enfuit et je fus arr&t& et voici deja 3 mois que je suis en prison."
Hsu A-hsiang (ffc ppj ffa) d&clare: " Li A-liu (^ ppj gfc) fut assassine puis vol& par un n&gre,
" mais le maitre donna de l'argent a Ho Chang-yu (fa % ft) pour d&clarer que j'etais le coupable.
" Tous les chinois &taient indign&s de cette maniere d'agir et Ho Chang-yu (fa % ft) admettait
" lui-meme qu'il avait &t& induit a donner ce faux t&moignage. Cependant je suis encore en
" prison sans avoir ete jug&."

( 158)
Mu Chi-yu (g £^) declare : " le cuisinier noir de l'etablissement oil j'&tais employ^
" revint un soir ivre et me poursuivit avec un couteau a la main. Je montai au premier &tage
" pour le dire au maitre, et le noir, etant tombe pendant qu'il &tait a ma poursuite se blessa. II
" dit au maitre que c'&tait moi qui lui avait fait cette blessure et je fus envoy& en prison, jug& et
" condamn& a 6 ans d'emprisonnement."
Ch'&n A-lin (ffi ppj ffi) d&clare : "un jour que j'achetais des legumes l'argent que je portais
" avec moi tomba de mes mains sur un tas de melons k c6t&, je me mis a le ramasser et je fus
" accus& de le voler ; on m'arr&ta et je fus mis en prison ; je ne connais pas la langue espagnole
" aussi ai-je &t& condamn& a un ,an d'emprisonnement. Grace a $ 10 bien distribu&s je suis
" exempt& de tout travail et n'ai qu'a, exercer une surveillance dans la cour."
Ho A-hsien (J| ppj ft) d&clare: "la police qui &tait a la recherche d'un deserteur
"me rencontra. Ils d&clarerent que je lui ressemblais et que j'avais aussi commis un vol de
" $ 200. Je fus arr&t& et mis en prison. J'y suis depuis 6 mois d&ja mais aucun officier ne m'a
" interrog&." Liang A-yu (^ ppj ^) declare : " mon maitre me coupa l'oreille gauche parceque j'etais
" sorti sans permission ; un officier qui passait me voyant ainsi mutiie demanda de quelle facon
"j'avais &t& ainsi bless&. Mon maitre et moi nous fumes arret&s et mis en prison mais trois jours
" apres il obtint sa libert& en payant $ 2,000. Quant a moi je suis toujours en prison et je ne
" puis m&me pas avoir l'argent et les autres objets que j'avais chez mon maitre."
Lo Kuan-hsiu (|g §g ^f ) d&clare : " l'administrateur me donna un coup de couteau entre
" le pouce et l'index et fit en m&me temps une blessure a la t&te a A-kuo (ppj |!|5) un natif de
" Yangkiang (||§ JE). Notre maitre porta ce fait a la connaissance des Autorit&s et tous deux,
" ainsi que l'administrateur, nous fumes mis en prison. Celui-ci fut mis en liberte le lendemain,
" et nous sommes toujours enferm&s."
Wu Yeh-ch'&ng (§$. 5§§ jj£) declare : " quatre n&gres de concert avec certains chinois nou-
" vehement arrives tu&rent notre nouvel administrateur. En d&pensant de l'argent le maitre
" s'arrangea pourqu'il ne fut pas question de la participation des n&gres et le crime fut imput& a
" dix d'entre nous dont les contrats allaient expirer, et nous fumes mis en prison."
Wu shao (^| $g) d&clare : " un surveillant me de'vait $ 100, je les lui demandai, il me
" frappa et me jeta a terre. J'avais un couteau sur moi et je lui en donnai un coup mortel. On
" m'arr&ta et je fus mis en prison mais on n'a pas encore prononc& de sentence contre moi."
Liang A-hsiu ( %. ppj ^ ) declare : " le fils de notre maitre aid& par -les negres se jeta sur
" nous a coup de couteau ; un natif de Hiangshan (@ |Jj) fut tu& et tous les autres chinois furent
" bless&s mais nous &tant empar&s des couteaux nous le tuames. 22 d'entre nous furent arr&t&s
" et mis en prison, un d'eux mourut, 4 furent vendus a la Havane, 16 renvoy&s a la plantation et
" il y en a encore deux en prison."
Hsieh A-kou ( HJ PpJ Jrjj ) d&clare : " nous tuames a coups de couteau l'administrateur
" parcequ'il &tait cruel ; nous &tions 24 et nous allames a, la prison nous livrer Jious-m&mes a la
"justice. Par une depense de $680 notre maitre induisit les Autorit&s a renvoyer 12 d'entre
"nous a la plantation; nous refusames d'y aller et alors un officier de rang inf&rieur tira dessus
" nous, deux furent tu&s et 9 furent bless&s. Nous sommes encore 22 en prison et nous nous y
" trouvons mieux que sur la plantation."

( i59)
Chang A-hsiu (ffi ffi ^) et 4 autres d&clarent : " sur 40 que nous &tions dans notre
"bande, 4 furent tu&s par un surveillant, alors 11 d'entre nous se r&unirent et le mirent
" a mort. Nous pr&f&rons la prison a la plantation."
Wu Hua-ch'ang (^| |j| -g) d&clare: "je pr&f&re rester en prison."
Ch'&n A-ch'iu (ffi ppj fij;) et 22 autres d&clarent que les prisons sont pr&f&rables aux
" plantations." Huang Shih-pao (^ ^J g) d&clare: "le travail sur les plantations est plus p&nible que
" Celui qu'on exige dans les prisons."
Wang A-ts'ai (31 P&J 7%) d&clare: "j'achetai pour une once et demie une montre en or,
" mais un &tranger m'accusa de l'avoir vol&e et je fus mis en prison. J'ai 16,000 cigarettes a faire
" par semaine, et si j'en fais moins je recois douze coups."

XXX
Le Coolie A contrat est un homme qui s'est engage A travailler conformement A son
CONTRAT POUR UN NOMBRE D'ANNBES ; CE N'EST PAS UN ESCLAVE. EsT-IL TRAITE
COMME UN HOMME QUI A CONSENTI A SE LIER PAR UN CONTRAT OU BIEN COMME
UN ESCLAVE ? Y A-T-IL DES ESCLAVES A CUBA, OU Y EN AVAIT- IL, ET QUEL EST
OU QUEL ETAIT LEUR TRAITEMENT?
La distinction entre un travailleur a gage et l'esclave ne peut exister que quand le premier
accepte de son plein gr& les conditions qui lui sont offertes et accomplit librement la tache qui
lui est assign&e. Mais la maniere ill&gale dont les chinois ont &t&, pour la grande majorite,
introduits a Cuba, le m&pris avec lequel on les traite, les violations des contrats, le manque de
consid&ration dans les travaux qu'on leur impose, et les injustices sans nombre auxquelles on les
soumet, constituent un traitement qui est celui d'un " esclave " et non pas celui d'un " homme
qui a consent& a se lier par un contrat." Des hommes qui sont vendus a la Havane et sont
ensuite constamment transf&r&s comme des marchandises d'un &tablissement a un autre, qui, lorsque
leur premier engagement est termin&, sont forc&s d'en contracter un nouveau, qui sont detenus
dans les d&p&ts et remis entre les mains de nouveaux maitres, dont les tennes successifs de travail
se renouvellent sans fin, et qui n'ont aucun moyen de se soustraire a leur sort, ne peuvent pas
etre regard&s comme occupant une position diff&rente de celle des negres qui sont en esclavage
dans l'ile de Cuba depuis si longtemps et qui peuvent &tre lou&s au dehors ou vendus selon le
bon plaisir de leur propri&taire.
Hu Ju ($j in) d&clare: "il y a 27 ans que je suis ici, les habitants d&sirent r&ellement
" faire des chinois des esclaves pour la vie."
Ch'&n A-shun (ffi ppj Jig) d&clare: "les Autorit&s et marchands de Cuba d&sirent r&duire
" les chinois en esclavage a vie."
Liu A-t'ang (fij ppj Jp) d&clare: "sur la plantation les chinois sont trait&s exactement
" comme les esclaves negres."

( i6o)
Lin A-lung (ffi ppj f|) et 6 autres d&clarent que dans les plantations a sucre les chinois
sont traites tout a fait comme les negres.
Li Ch'&ng-hsiin (^ jijfc f||) declare: "a Cuba nous sommes trait&s tout a fait comme des
" esclaves." Liu A-jui (f|] ppj •$§) declare : " je suis trait& tout a fait comme un esclave negre."
Lin A-t'ai (ffi ppj H) d&clare: "sur la plantation les esclaves et les chinois sont trait&s de
" la m&me facon."
Hsii Shao-lin (^f^lH) declare: "les habitants sont habitues a se servir de n&gres
" esclaves, mais ils nous traitent encore plus mal qu'eux."
Hsien Tso-pang ($fc#c^I5) et 13 autres ecrivent dans leur p&tition: "les sujets des
" autres pays vont et viennent sans obstacle, on ne commet pas d'abus a leur &gard ; aussi est-il
" difficile de comprendre pourquoi les chinois sont soumis a tant d'outrages, et sont trait&s plus
" mal que les n&gres."
Ch'&n T&-lin (ffi f|| ffi) declare: "au bout de 3 ans je fus vendu a une autre plantation
" oil, apr&s trois autres ann&es, je fus vendu de nouveau."
Lin Yiieh (ffi ft ) et 7 autres declarent qu'ils furent revendus par leur maitre a, un autre
planteur. Li A-chieh (^ ppj j§) d&clare: "j'&tais employe dans une ferme et on me revendit a une
" plantation a sucre."
Ts&ng Erh-ch'i (f |J§) d&clare: "mon maitre me vendit a un tonnelier."
Ch'&n A-chi (ffi ppj "g) declare: "je fus revendu par les Autorit&s locales a, un magasin a
" sucre pour $ 70."
Li A-pao (^ ppj {$) declare: "je fus d'abord vendu a une Cie de chemins de fer pour $ 238,
"apr&s trois ans je fus revendu a un joaillier pour $ 170, ensuite je me rachetai en payant
" $ 306." Liang Piao (i|& fji) et 1 autre d&clarent que leur maitre les revendit a des boulangeries.
Li A-tou (^ ppj 3|-) et 1 autre d&clarent "que les planteurs qui les avaient achetes a leur
" arriv&e les revendirent a d'autres personnes.
Lui A-tai (§|J ppj j|j) d&clare: " un inacon me revendit a la plantation."
Yu A-shih ($£ ppj 3%) declare; " de la plantation on me revendit a un jardin-maralcher."
Lin A-yung (ffi ppj J$) d&clare: " apr&s trois ans de travail je fus revendu a une autre per-
" sonne pour $ 163."
Hu A-pao (®j ppj $&) et 4 autres d&clarent qu'ils furent vendus a six diff&rentes.
personnes. Ch'&n A-hai (ffi ffi ^f) declare: "ayant eu le bras droit cass& on me revendit a une
" manufacture de cigarettes."
W&n A-hsien (^ ppj ft) d&clare: " sur 82 chinois achetes en m&me temps que moi yy
" furent revendus."
Liao San (]§£ H) d&clare: " trois mois apr&s mon arrivee a la plantation je fus revendu h
" une autre personne."
Liang A-sh&ng (^ ppj |g) declare: " apres un an de travail je fus revendu a une plantation
" a sucre."

( id )
Li Jun-chu (|jj£ j|§J j^) d&clare: "je fus revendu par le planteur a une compagnie de chemins
" de fer." Lin Erh (ffi Zl) d&clare: " apr&s avoir travaill& 9 mois pour la cie de chemins de fer, je fus
" revendu a une plantation."
Lo A-erh ($1 ppj zl) d&clare: " apr&s avoir travaill& 2 ans pour la cie de chemins de fer, je
" fus revendu et employ& comme domestique pendant 3 ans et alors mon maitre &tant devenu
"pauvre me revendit de nouveau a la Municipalit& de la Havane pour $ 102."
Chung Sh&ng ($J Jf|) d&clare: " apres 7 ans de travail dans les mines d'or mon maitre me
" conduisit a la Havane et m'y revendit pour $ 85."
Wang Ts'ung-sh&ng (J $§ |g) d&clare: " je fus d'abord employe dans les mines d'or, et
" ensuite vendu a des fabricants de charbon de bois."
Ch'&n A-wu (ffi ppj 2£) d&clare: " je fus revendu et fus employ& comme domestique a la
" Havane." Chang Jung-chi (^ |g $[») d&clare: " je fus revendu apr&s une ann&e de service."
Lin A-p'ing (ffi ppj Zp) d&clare: "apres 3 ans de service je fus revendu."
Ch'ii Jung (|jf| fg) d&clare: " je fus revendu a un planteur qui me vendit de nouveau a un
" magasin a sucre."
Kuan A-hsi (§g ppj 4I) d&clare: "j'ai &t& deux fois vendu a des personnes de la Havane."
Liang A-yu (|j§ ffi 7^) declare: "je fus revendu et employ& dans une boutique."
Ch'&n Shao-chi (ffi $> 3J) d&clare: " je fus revendu a un cordonnier de la Havane."
Ts'ui Lan-fang (^| Hf 5£) d&clare: " je fus revendu a un cordonnier."
Wang Kuei-chieh (3: jl |fl) d&clare: "j'&tais malade au moment de l'arriv&e et je fus
" vendu a un &tabhssement de Matanzas oil on achetait les malades pour les gu&rir et les revendre."
Liao A-ping^ (|| ppj ft) d&clare: " je fus vendu par le barracon de la Havane a un autre
" etablissement de ce genre a Matanzas (pour &tre vendu)."
T'ang A-lung (J|£ ppj |g) d&clare: " il y a 3 ans le Gouverneur de la Havane y fit ramener
" tous les chinois et les revendit comme esclaves pour 6 ans."
Su Chin-sh&ng (|| j§| ££) et 11 autres ecrivent dans leur p&tition: " en outre, le ioe jour
" de la 9e lune de la ne ann&e le T{ungchih les Autorit&s s'entendirent avec les planteurs pour
" nous forcer de faire de nouveaux contrats pour 6 ans, et pendant la nuit nous fumes tous arr&t&s
" et enferm&s dans les forts, dans le d&p&t ou dans la prison, et ce n'est qu'un mois plus tard que
"les consuls qui avaient piti& de nos souffrances r&ussirent a, faire relacher ceux qui purent
"fournir une caution; les autres qui etaient plus de 160 furent vendus par le second officier
" militaire de la Havane, dans les montagnes pour $ 102 chacun."
Wu Chin-ch'&ng (§$. ffjj $) et 123 autres &crivent: " nous avons &t& amen&s malgr& nous dans
" cette lie ou pendant nos 8 ann&es d'engagement nous sommes soumis k toutes sortes de mauvais
"traitements. Ceux dont les contrats sont expir&s ont aussi a endurer des injustices. Ainsi
" en chemin de fer on ne nous permet pas d'aller dans les meilleurs wagons, et dans les hotels
" et les boutiques il y a un endroit sp&cial pour nous tout comme si nous &tions des esclaves
" noirs." J&n Shih-ch&n (j|£ -f£ j|) et 2 autres &crivent: " bien que les officiers, les marchands et les
" planteurs nous doivent tous beaucoup, ils nous torturent chaque jour, chaque heure avec une

( i6* )
" cruaut& impitoyable; ils refusent de nous traiter comme des &tres humains et nous vendent
" comme des esclaves, agissant envers nous comme si nous &tions des b&tes brutes. Nous
" entendons dire que la -Chine est maintenant unie par des relations amicales avec les plus grandes
" puissances de l'occident et que c'est a ces puissances qu'est due la suppression de la traite des-
" negres esclaves. Pourquoi ne nous rendent-elles pas le m&me service? "

XXXI.
Le Gouvernement Espagnol a-t-il fait des lois en faveur du Coolie? Y a-t-il des
lois qui lui assurent protection et bien-btre ? ces lois sont-elles
efficaces ? Sinon, en quoi et jusqu'ou et pourquoi sont-elles inefficaces ?
La clause 3ie du Decret Royal Espagnol de i860 d&clare que le Capitaine G&n&ral sera le
protecteur en chef des chinois et qu'il exercera les devoirs de cette position dans les diff&rentes
juridictions par I'entremise de ses delegu&s les Gouverneurs et Lieutenant-Gouverneurs qui, a
leur tour, seront assist&s par les Capitaines de districts. La ioe clause d&clare que les mineurs
ne pourront s'engager qu'avec le consentement de leurs tuteurs. La i2e clause d&clare que les
navires employ&s au transport des chinois devront avoir a bord une quantit& d'eau et de bonne
nourriture proportionn&e au nombre de passagers et a la dur&e de la traversee. La 2ie clause
d&clare que les chinois sur lesquels l'importateur aura perdu ses droits (en violant les R&glements)
seront libres de se recontracter. La 22e clause d&clare que si ces chinois ne d&sirent pas se
recontracter le Capitaine G&n&ral exigera du consignataire la somme necessaire pour les rapatrier
tous. La 32e clause d&clare que lorsqu'ils auront a faire aux tribunaux les immigrants seront
d&fendus par le proeureur de la Cour de Justice de Paix devant les tribunaux* inferieurs et par le
procureur-g&n&ral devant les tribunaux sup&rieurs. La 33e clause d&clare que dans aucune
circonstance, quand m&me les engagements stipuleraient le contraire, les maitres ne pourront
exiger des chinois plus de 12 heures de travail par jour en moyenne. La 54"= clause declare que
lorsque le contrat donne au maitre le droit de distribuer les heures de travail de la maniere. la
plus avantageuse a ses int&r&ts, il ne pourra jamais exiger plus de 15 heures dans un jour. La
69e clause d&clare que le maitre ne pourra jamais imposer plus de 10 jours d'emprisonnement.
Ces clauses qui font preuve d'une certaine sollicitude pour le bien-&tre et la protection
des chinois n'ont jamais &t& observ&es et sont sans effet dans la pratique, tandis que la. contrainte
exerc&e sur les chinois par les d&pots pour les obhger a renouveler leurs contrats, et a continuer
de travailler, devient chaque jour plus oppressive. Aussi :
Chien Shih-kuang ( fg -ft ft ) et 96 autres se plaignent dans leur petition des lois
injustes et des m&faits de l'Espagne ( a leur &gard ).
Li Chao-ch'un (^ ljj §) et 165 autres ecrivent: "pendant ces dernieres ann&es, Lbs
" planteurs de concert avec les Au£orit&s et la Commission d'Emigration ont appliqu& contre nous
" des Reglements tres injustes."
Ces d&positions montrent que les lois en faveur des chinois n'ont pas &t& efficaces, et les.
extraits suivants expliquent la raison de leur inefficacite :

( '63 )
Chang Luan (ffi ^ ) et 30 autres &crivent dans leur p&tition : " en outre, les Autorit&s ici
" sont souvent des marchands, il y en a qui sont compl&tement sous l'influence des planteurs, et
" toutes ignorent les outrages commis contre nous. Elles ne font m&me pas d'enqii&tes dans les
" cas de suicide ou de meurtre. Dans ces dernieres ann&es on a cess& de nous donner des cedulas
" ou bien pour les avoir il faut d&penser des sommes d'argent consid&rables. D'un autre c&t& le
" nombre des chinois dans les d&p6ts a beaucoup augment& et la police fait des descentes de tous
" c&t&s dans le but de forcer les chinois a faire de nouveaux contrats, ce qui est conforme aux
" d&sirs des planteurs et met les Autorit6s a m§me de prendre une partie des gains des travail-
" leurs. L'argent arrive a flots profonds et rapides dans les mains de ces Autorit&s et des citoyens
" de fortune qui administrent les d&pots, car ils louent au dehors ou rappellent au d&p&t selon
" leur bon plaisir nos compatriotes r&duits en servitude et devenus les serfs non pas d'un individu
" mais de toute l'ile et priv&s de tout espoir de revoir jamais leurs families."
T'ang Lien-sh&ng (J|£ |gj fj!:) et 106 autres &crivent : " nous sommes forc&s de faire de
" nouveaux contrats et la plus grande partie du salaire qui y est sp&cifi& est retenue par les
" Autorites. Quand ces nouveaux contrats expirent on agit de meme et ainsi de suite. C'est
" ainsi que tous les travaux du Gouvernement sont faits sans aucun frais. Les b&n&fices que font
" les planteurs et les Autorit&s resserrent leurs relations, et nos souffrances deviennent en m&me
" temps de plus en plus intol&rables."

XXXII.
Le Capitaine General peut-il faire des lois sans en referer au Gouvernement
Espagnol? Ou bien les lois proposees A Cuba doivent-elles Etre
confirmees en Espagne ? L'Espagne a-t-elle refuse de confirmer des lois
proposees par Cuba? Ou bien les lois proposees par Cuba n'ont-elles pas
etE mises A EXECUTION ?
Toutes les lois et reglements relatifs a 1'introduction des travailleurs a Cuba ont &t&
abrog&s par la 56" clause du D&cret Royal Espagnol de 1854 qui lui-m&me a et& annule par celui
de Juillet i860 lequel est encore en force maintenant. La 3ie clause de ce dernier d&cret en
nommant le Capitaine G&n&ral Protecteur des chinois lui fait un devoir de s'occuper de ce qui les
concerne, mais la 8ie clause r&serve au Gouvernement Espagnol "le droit de suspendre ou de
" prohiber, en tout temps, 1'introduction des travailleurs chinois a Cuba," et ajoute: " la r&solution
" que Ton pourra prendre a ce sujet sera publi&e dans les journaux de Madrid et de la Havane et
'' le laps de temps apres lequel l'importation des travailleurs devra cesser, comptera a partir du
'" joii|r de la publication dans cette derniere gazette. Ce laps de temps sera d'au moins 8 mois, et
" toutes les importations qui auront lieu apres son expiration seront considers comme faisant
"partie de la classe de Celles specifiees dans l'art. 20 (qui privent l'importateur de ses droits).
" Les importateurs doivent ne pas perdre de vue que par le fait m&me qu'ils se livrent a ce genre 21

( i64)
" de commerce ils reconnaissent qu'ils n'ont aucun droit a une compensation si on vient a le
" suspendre ou a le prohiber."
Post&rieurement, en Janvier 1868, le Capitaine General publia d'autres Reglements en 83
clauses ayant pour objet, &tait-il dit, de mettre une fin aux abus qui avaient pris naissance,
parceque les prescriptions du D&cret de i860 etaient tombees en d&suetude, et d'etablir un ordre
parfait dans toutes les questions se rattachant a rimmigration chinoise.
En Juillet et Aoiit 1870 le Capitaine G&n&ral insista pour qu'on mit promptement fin a
cette immigration et en Juin 1871 un D&cret Imp&rial fut publie faisant droit a sa demande,
mais le 18 Octobre de la m&me ann&e le Capitaine Gen6ral publia un D&cret d&clarant qu'il
n'userait pas de la permission qui lui avait &te accord&e.
En outre, le 14 Septembre 1872, un reglement en 40 articles pour le rengagement des
chinois, r&dig& par la . Commission Centrale de Colonisation, fut publi& par le Capitaine G&n&ral,
et bien que le Gouvernement Espagnol a,lt refuse ensuite de le sanctionner, il est encore en force.
Le Reglement en 65 articles du 7 Mai 1873 a &t& aussi publi& par autorit& du Gouverne
ment Colonial seul.
II est impossible de r&pondre au dernier paragraphe de la question pos&e, car il n'y avait
aucun moyen de renseignement en c& qui concerne les " lois propos&es par Cuba qui n'ont pas &t&
raises a ex&cution."

XXXIII.
Dans quelles parties de Cuba se trouvent les revolted?
Les regions qui s'&tendent an Nord-ouest de Santiago de Cuba, au Sud-est de Sagua et
au Nord-est de Cienfuegos sont parcourues par des bandes d'insurges.

XXXIV.
Les Coolies ont-ils aide les revoltes? Si c'est le cas, dans quelles circon-
stances, ou, comment et quand? \ ]'¦
Chang Luan (ffi jg) et 30 autres &crivent dans leur p&tition: "la rebellion a Cuba se
"compose de sujets espagnols soulev&s contre le Gouvernement Espagnol; dans bien de cas les
" planteurs qui ont pass& aux rebelles ont essaye de d&cider les chinois a se joindre a eux>, mais
"ceux-ci ont refuse m&me au risque d'&tre tu&s ou s'ils ont &t& forc&s d'y aller sont rtrJenus
" aussit&t. On peut se convaincre qu'il y en a beaucoup qui ont agi ainsi. En outre, bien' que la

( 165 )
"Trocha et des plantations soient pr&s des distriots occup&s par les insurg&s, nous n'avons pas
" entendu citer un seul cas ou un chinois se soit sauv& de leur c6t&. On ne doit guere s'attendre
" a ce que les travailleurs chinois rendent le bien pour le mal, mais n&s dans un pays oil les
" principes du droit sont en honneur, il sait refuser de se joindre aux personnes qui violent les
" lois et le bon ordre. Cependant les habitants de Cuba au lieu de reconnaitre ces sentiments
" honorables et d'en &tre reconnaissants nient leur existence afin d'avoir une excuse pour imposer
" de nouveaux obstacles et restrictions."
Ho A-hsien (jgj ppj ft) d&clare: "quand mon maitre passa aux rebelles je m'enfuis a la
" Havane." Wang A-jui (3* ppj 3© et 1 autre d&clarent : " quand mon maitre passa aux rebelles, j'allai
" dans une autre plantation."
Tseng Li-chieh (^ ^ Jig,) d&clare: "mon maitre passa aux rebelles mais je me joignis a,
*' une bande de travailleurs et travaillai sous la direction du chef."
Mo A-mu (j|| |ipj !§.) d&clare : " mon maitre passa aux rebelles mais je restai et travaillai
" pour le nouveau propri&taire."
Chang Jung-chi (j|£ |j| •{•£) d&clare : " mon maitre passa aux rebelles, mais je partis et
" travaillai pour les Autorit&s."
Yin Shou-k'un (J§£ *$ j|) d&clare : " quand mon maitre joignit les rebelles, je m'enfuis et
" informal les Autorit&s de ce qui s'&tait pass& et travaiUai pour elles."
T'ang Yii (^ 3£) d&clare : " quand mon maitre passa aux rebelles j'allai en informer les
" Autorit&s, mais elles me firent travailler pour leur compte sans gages."
Wang T'ing-kuei (3; !J£ Jt) d&clare: "mon maitre se r&volta, je refusai de l'accompagner
" et m'enfuis chez les Autorit&s dont l'une m'employa comme cuisinier."
Li K'ang-w&n (^ ^ |§) d&clare : " quand mon maitre passa aux rebelles je me rendis de
" moi-m&me au depot et y fus employ&."
Liang A-chao ("^ ppj flg) et 1 autre d&clarent : " mon maitre joignit les rebelles, je refusai
" de l'accompagner et l'administrateur me conduisit au d&pot."
Ch'&n A-hsiu (ffi |ipj ff ) d&clare : " notre maitre passa aux rebelles et nous nous disper-
" sames de tous cot&s, mais je fus arr&t& et mis au d&p6t."
Chiang A-lin (H ppj jg|) declare: "quand mon maitre passa aux rebelles, je m'enfuis, fus
" pris et mis au d&pot."
Wu A-jung (§^ ppj *§E) d&clare: "je fus fait prisonnier par les insurg&s mais quelques jours
" apr&s je reussis-a m'&chapper et fus ensuite conduit a un d&p&t."
Chang Sh&ng (ffi ££) d&clare: "je travaillai depuis 4 ans sur une plantation quand les
" insurg&s vinrent y mettre le feu. Je m'enfuis, fus arr&t& et mis en prison."
-^ Les probabilites sont done que les chinois ne veulent pas aider les insurg&s. C'est seule
ment dans les camps des insurg&s qu'on pourrait obtenir des renseignements plus d&tailles a ce
puje'i, mais on ne peut pas aller a, ces sources d'information.

( 166 )
XXXV.
Les lois concernant les Coolies A Cuba ont-elles subi des alterations par suite de
la rebellion? Si c'est le cas, quelles consequences cela a-t-il eu pour
les Coolies A contrats et pourquoi? Si ce n'est qu'une precaution pro
visoire, le Gouvernement avait-il une juste cause de la prendre ou bien
SON action est-elle seulement une tyrannie injustifiable ? Jusqu'ou CES
LOIS SONT-ELLES EN VTGUBUR ET QU'EN DISENT LES CHINOIS DE LA MEILLEURE
CLASSE, C'EST-A-DIRE CEUX DES VILLES QUI ONT- DE L'ARGENT ?
Aucun des changements propos&s ou effectu&s dans le syst&me de Gouvernement appliqu&
aux chinois, n'a 6t& admis explicitement comme le r&sultat de l'insurrection a l'exception de la
recommendation qui fut faite en 1870 de mettre fin a 1'introduction (des Coolies) sous pr&texte
qu'ils &taient un obstacle a la pacification de l'lle, et cette suggestion fut retir&e l'ann&e suivante
parceque "grace aux progres faits dans la pacification de l'lle, des mesures d&sirables auparavant
" &taient devenues inutile."
Les Reglements de Septembre 1872 concus par la Commission Centrale dans le seul but de
retenir les chinois a Cuba et de les induire a renouveler leur engagements ne contiennent aucune
provision indiquant la crainte de les voir participer a l'insurrection. En outre, les tableaux
statistiques de cette m&me Commission montrent que sur 1,932 travailleurs envoy&s a la tranch&e
(Trocha), le point le plus rapproch& des districts insurg&s, 1,827 &taient chinois, et ce fait indique
evidemment qu'on ne pensait pas necessaire de prendre la moindre pr&caution a leur &gard.
D'ailleurs si leur pr&sence necessitait de telles precautions, pourquoi les propri&taires d&sirent-ils
encore les amener en plus grand nombre a Cuba ? II est done clair qu'on n'a aucun soupcon de
ce genre envers eux.
A Cuba il n'y a aucune " meilleure classe " de chinois : tous sont trait&s comme des
esclaves, et quelques nombreux que puissent &tre les cas oil les lois peuvent d&g&n&rer en
" tyrannie v&ritable et injustifiable," toute protestation est impossible, et priv&s de tout moyen
d'y &chapper, les hommes qui ont fini leurs 8 ann&es de contrat, de m&me que ceux qui ne les
ont pas finies, n'ont qu'a se soumettre. L'avarice emp&che les planteurs de respecter les clauses
faites pour la protection des chinois et la m&me raison induit les gardes et la police a ne pas
manquer de mettre a ex&cution toutes les clauses de nature contraire. L'art. 16 du Reglement
de 1868 est une de ces derni&res clauses, elle trace la maniere dont l'enr&gistrement des chinois^
domicili&s doit avoir lieu, d&clarant que pendant la second quinzaine de F&vrier les officiers
charg&s de ce travail se rendront a leurs r&sidences et demanderont la production de leurs Lettres
de Domicile et de leurs cedulas qu'ils examineront eux-m&mes, qu'ils garderont les premiers
documents et rendront les seconds a leurs proprietaires apr&s les avoir rev&tus de leur sceaa et
&crit dessus le mot " enregistre." Le D&cret du Capitaine G&n&ral de D&cembre 1872 contient
les m&mes instructions : les officiers denomm&s d&signeront un ou plusieurs de leurs subordoines \
qui, accompagnes par des r&sidents du voisinage, visiteront les habitations et inspecteront \
eux-m&mes les chinois en question, dont les lettres de domicile et cedulas devront &tre examin&s ''
avec un soin scrupuleux et les signalements qu'ils contiennent devront correspondre a leurs

( 167 )
propri&taires; on autorise et on, enjoint I'adoption de toute pr&caution qui pourra paraitre
necessaire pour s'assurer que les documents sont bien valables, &c. Ce syst&me d'inquisition qui
cause une terreur perp&tuelle est appliqu& non seulement a ceux qui n'ont jamais recu de cedulas
parcequ'ils n'ont pu obtenir. les "certificats de lib&ration" ou qu'ils sont arriv&s apr&s F&vrier
1 86 1, mais aussi aux hommes qui, il y a de nombreuses annees, eurent la bonne fortune de se
procurer des "papiers d'homme libre."
Chien Shih-kuang ( fg ffc ft ) et 96 autres &crivent dans leur p&tition : " la police le
" sabre a la main fait irruption dans nos maisons, fouille nos meubles et nos malles et prend tout
" ce qui a quelque valeur. Appeler nos voisins a notre secours serait inutile et si nous opposons
" quelque resistance on nous accuse aussitot d'un crime et on nous met en prison," et plus loin
ils ajoutent: "(dans la ioe ann&e de T'ungchih, les planteurs et les officiers corrompus) firent
" d&ployer les troupes, et firent une saisie g&n&rale de chinois, nous d&pouillant de nos ' papiers
" d'hommes libres ' et nous mettant tous en prison."
T'ang Lien-sh&ng ( )|£ Jjjjji pj| ) et 106 autres &crivent : " si la lettre de domicile &tait
" accord&e et que le chinois voulut rester dans l'lle, il devait se procurer un autre document,
" le cedula, coutant environ $ 10 plus ou moins et devant &tre renouvel& chaque ann&e. La
" perte de ce document, ou quelque retard a le renouveler, entraine des peines s&v&res. En outre
" pour tout voyage d'une ville a une autre il faut une passe, un m&decin ne peut pas exercer
" son m&tier, ni un mendiant demander sa nourriture sans une pareille passe, et elle ne lui est
" d&livr&e que s'il paie certains frais. Quand on demande l'autorisation d'avoir une boutique
"quelconque il faut d&penser davantage et les d&lais sont plus longs. Lorsqu'enfin nous
" possedons ces documents, nous avons constamment a les exhiber a tout garde qui veut les
"¦ examiner ou a la police qui vient fouiller nos maisons ; alors on pretend qu'ils sont faux, on
" les d&chire et on nous conduit de force a la prison ou au depot, ou on nous met des fers aux
" pieds et au cou et nous oblige a travailler pour le Gouvernment."
Chu Chi-hsiin (^ ^ f||) et 10 autres &crivent: "la police et les gardes entrent nuit et
"jour dans nos maisons et nous accusent de fumer I'opium, ou de n'avoir pas de documents,
" tandis qu'ils n'ont d'autre objet en vue que de nous voler notre argent et ce qui nous appartient.
" Que nous ayons nos papiers ou non, on nous tralne devant les Autorites ou au d&pot pour nous
"faire travailler aux routes, ensuite on nous inflige une amende de $ 10 a $ 20 et nous ne
" sommes relaches que si un &tranger offre sa caution pour nous."
Chao K'un ( Jf J| ) et 97 autres ecrivent : '• la police et les differents officiers subalternes
" s'engraissent a nos d&pens et sont plus voraces qu'un ver a soie qui d&vore les feuilles. Ils
" entrent constamment dans nos logements, fouillent m&me nos lits, nous accusent de violer la
" loi et d'avoir vol& les objets qu'ils nous prennent et alors nous d&pouillent de tout ce que nous
" avons, mobilier et argent."
T&ng A-ssii (g|J [ipj |5|) &crit: "au mois d'Octobre de l'ann&e derniere j'&tais employ& dans
" une plantation a sucre et des gardes qui vinrent y faire une visite m'accuserent d'avoir falsifie
"mes documents et pr&tendant que je n'avais pas termine mon temps d'engagement me
" conduisirent devant les Autorites. Je fus mis en prison et d&pouille de tout ce que j'avais sur
"moi pour une valeur d' environ $70. En autre $200 en papier et deux chevaux qui
" m'appartenaient furent pris par les officiers."

( 168 )
Tai Jih-sheng (jg£ Q ££) et i autre ecrivent : " dans les villes aussi nos compatriotes sont
" expos&s aux exactions de la police. Ceux qui n'ont pas de papiers sont arr&t&s et doivent se
"laisser extorquer ce qu'ils ont, et ceux qui ont des papiers sont soumis a des mauvais
" traitements." Ho Fu-t'ang (jpf jf| Jjjg) &crit : " tous mes mouvements rencontrent des obstacles et sur les
" chemins de fer si nous ne pouvons pas exhiber nos cedulas nous sommes arr&t&s et punis."
. Yii A-hsia (^ ppj \$) &crit : " ceux qui auparavant ont obtenu des cedulas n'osent pas
" franchir les limites de la ville de crainte d'etre arr&t&s par les gardes &trangers."
Fan Tsu-hsing (|g jji f|) &crit: "quand un de nous poss&dant quelque argent et un
" cedula se pr&pare a retourner en Chine, la police et autres officiers subalternes en ont bient6t
" connaissance, ses papiers sont saisis et d&chir&s et on l'accuse d'avoir d&sert&. II est attach& et
" torture, on lui vole ses effets et son argent et s'il essaie de protester ou de s'expliquer il est
" s&verement battu. Beaucoup ont &t& ainsi tu&s."

XXXVI.
Quel est l'btat de sante des Coolies ?,
On peut admettre que la plus grande partie des chinois employ&s comme cuisiniers ou
domestiques ont une nourriture suffisante et sont comparativement bien portants, mais dans la
plupart des cas les gens inspect&s dans les plantations et dans les d&p6ts avaient un visage et un
air abattu qui t&mbignaient des privations et des miseres qu'ils enduraient ; et parmi ceux qui
gagnent leur vie en liberte il y en a pas mal qui souffrent encore de maladies caus&es par des
annees de privations et de souffrances.
Chien Shih-kuang (fg fJ: ft) et 96 autres &crivent dans leur p&tition : " nous voyons
" mourir a peu pres la moiti& de nos compagnons et nous qui survivons sommes mutil&s ou
" avons des maladies internes."
Lin A-i (ffi ppj jft) d&clare dans sa deposition: "les coups recus sur la plantation m'ont
" abim& la poitrine et j'y &prouve constamment des douleurs."
Kuo A-jung (||5 ppj |g) declare: "1'administrateur et le surveillant me frappaient constam-
" ment a coups de baton ou a coups de pied et je souffre encore de saignements internes."
Lii A-wu (g ppj Jj£) d&clare: "le maitre ordonna aux negres de me saisir et de me contenir
" a terre, et m'appliqua plus de 80 coups avec un rotin, cela me fit cracher le sang et je souffre
" encore de cette maladie."
Ch'&n A-shun (ffi ppj J|g) et Yang Chin (|§ ||) d&clarent que les coups qu'ils ont recus sur
la plantation les ont rendus si malades qu'ils erachent encore le sang.
Huang A-chang ( ^ ppj t§| ) declare qu'il souffre de la m&me maladie et Ch'&n A-yang
(ffi ppj 3ff) declare: "quelques jours apres mon arrivee je recus de tels coups de canne que je
" vomis encore le sang."
Chu K'ai-tzu (Jfc ffi g) declare: "on ne me permettait pas d'avoir un lit et on m'obligeait
" a coueher a terre, je contractai une maladie des reins par suite de l'humidite et maintenant il
" me faut mendier ma nourriture."

( i69 )
Sh&n A-ts'ai (gfc ppj •%) et i autre d&clarent: "a mon arriv&e j'&tais fort mais j'ai &t& si
" souvent battu que maintenant je n'ai plus de forces."
Hu K&ng-hsiu ($j Jf£ |f ) declare: "ma sant& a &t& tout a fait ruin&e par les miseres que
"j'ai eu a subir sur la plantation."
W&ng A-i ( g^ |ipj Jf£ ) d&clare : " je souffre de rhumatismes dans les mains et les pieds
" r&sultant du travail qui m'&tait impos&."
P'an Yo-h&ng ($§ -gj |g) d&clare: "j'ai une maladie de pieds r&sultant des blessures faites
" par les chaines."
Lin A-mei (ffi ppj g|) declare: "j'ai le pied gauche malade, c'est le r&sultat d'un accident
" qui m'est arriv& a, la Trocha, mais estropi& comme je suis, on me force encore a travailler."
P'ang A-tien (j|| ppj fj|) d&clare: "les blessures que j'ai recues m'ont estropie a tout jamais."
Liu Kuang-ts'ai (g|J ft ^) d&clare: "j'ai &t& amene ici malgr& moi et n'ai cesse de pleurer
" tous les jours, c'est a cela et aux mauvais traitements que j'ai recus qu'il faut attribuer ma
" maladie d'yeux."
Hu A-t'ai (jjjjj ppj H) d&clare: "les coups de baton que j'ai recus ont amen& des d&sordres
" int&rieurs et je suis constamment malade depuis."

XXXVII.
Comment les malades sont-ils soignEs?
Beaucoup des h&pitaux qui se trouvent dans toutes les villes de Cuba sont vastes, bien
arrang&s et m&me avec une certaine &l&gance, ils sont entoures de jardins et d'arbrisseaux, sont
bien approvisionn&s de lits et autres objets et de domestiques, et bien qu'ils n'aient pas &t&
construits sp&cialement pour les chinois ceux-ci y jouissent de tous les avantages qu'ils possedent.
Les infirmeries sur les plantations sont propres aussi et sont dans quelques cas sous la
surveillance d'un chirurgien, mais il ressort des depositions reunies par la Commission qu'on ne
permet qu'a un petit nombre seulement des chinois d'y entrer.
Lai Chih-chih (|g ft HO et 3 autres &crivent dans leur petition: " si nous sommes malades
" et incapables de travailler nous sommes battus."
Li Ying-sung (^ 3fc $>) &crit: " si j'&tais malade on me donnait des coups de poing et de
" pied et m&me quand on se montrait plus s&vere on me donnait des coups de couteau ou l'on me
" battait presque jusqu'a mort."
Ch'&n T&-ming (ffi |g 9)J) ecrit: " quand nous etions malades on ne nous permettait pas
" d'aller nous reposer dans les h6pitaux et si nous demandions a y &tre admis on nous battait, on
" nous mettait des fers aux pieds et on nous retenait nos gages."
Les extraits suivants des d&positions sont dans le m&me sens: Lin Lung (ffi gf) et I7
autres declarent " que lorsqu'ils &taient malades on ne leur permettait pas de se dire malades."
Liao Ying (Jg| |§) et 15 autres d&clarent que s'ils se plaignaient d'&tre malades ils &taient
battus.

( 170 )
Yang Chin (^§ |g) et 9 autres d&clarent qu'on ne leur permettait pas de se dire malades
et que s'ils le faisaient on leur mettait des chaines aux pieds.
Chou Liu (ffi ft) et 2 autres d&clarent que lorsqu'ils etaient malades on ne leur permettait
pas d'entrer a, l'infirmerie, qu'on les enchalnait, qu'on les battait et qu'ils &taient forc&s de continuer
a travailler. Ch'ien A-jung ( |g ppj |g ) declare : " quand j'&tais malade on ne me permettait pas de me
" reposer, j'&tais battu et force de recontinuer a travailler."
Ts'ui An ( Jg ^f ) d&clare : " je fus deux fois enchain& et battu parceque je m'etais plaint
" d'&tre malade."
Ch'en A-jung ( ffi ppj $| ) d&clare : " pendant trois ans j'eus mal aux yeux, mais on ne
" me permit jamais de me dire malade."
Han chin ( f| $|| ) declare : " plusieurs fois je fus mis aux fers et battu pour m'etre dit
" malade, et une fois je fus battu si s&v&rement que j'en vomis le sang et je fus en outre garde
" 7 mois enchaine."
Li A-lai (^ ppj Jjs) d&clare: "quand je me plaignais d'&tre malade j'&tais battu sous
" pr&texte que je faisais semblant d'&tre malade."
Ch'ii Tan-k'o (J||.^) d&clare : " les travailleurs qui se plaignaient d'&tre malades
" parcequ'ils avaient des plaies aux pieds &taient battus a coups de canne par le maitre qui
" disait que cela ne pouvait etre consid&r& comme une maladie."
Ch'en A-chin ( ffi ppj ^ ) d&clare : " &tant malade et m'&tant plaint au surveillant, il
" pretendit que je mentais et me fit saisir par 4 hommes et renverser a terre ; puis, on me
" d&pouilla de mes pantalons et on me fouetta si s&v&rement que ma chair &tait toute d&chiree ; il
" me fallut continuer a travailler avec des fers aux pieds et quand je revins le soir a la plantation
" on me frotta mes blessures avec du sel et du jus de citron ce qui me fit tant de mal que je faillis
" en mourir." Li A-hui (a£ ppj /§|') d&clare : " pendant que j'&tais a la plantation je tombai malade et
" comme je ne pouvais plus travailler on ordonna a 4 negres de me tenir a terre et on me fouetta
" apres m'avoir depouill& de mes v&tements. Ensuite j'eus le bras casse par un surveillant dans
" le d&p6t une fois que j'&tais malade."
Chou A-ting (ffi ppj "]*) d&clare : " deux hommes qui avaient des plaies a la t&te et ne
" pouvaient pas faire un travail p&nible demanderent la permission de faire un travail moins dur,
" et pour cette raison l'administrateur leur fit mettre des chaines aux pieds et les battit presque
"jusqu'a mort."
Hsieh A-hsiian (f|J ppj j§) d&clare: "j'ai vu battre, mettre en prison et obhger de
" travailler avec les fers aux pieds des hommes qui s'&taient plaints d'&tre malades, et j'ai vu
" aussi des Cantonnais qui, battus pour s'&tre dits malades, se pendirent pour n'&tre pas mis aux
" stocks." Wu Lien-sh&ng (£| Jjfjj Jjf) d&clare : "j'ai vu le surveillant tuer un malade qui ne pouvait
" pas aller au travail."
Huang A-tou (^ ppj 5J-) declare : "j'ai vu un natif de Hiangshan (=j| \U) qui, ayant &t&
" battu s&v&rement par l'administrateur pour s'&tre dit malade, se pendit le m&me soir ; j'ai aussi
" &t& t&moin du meurtre d'un natif du Hunan (ygj |g) nomm& Li (^) qui avait 6te battu pour

( m )
" s'&tre dit malade, et du suicide d'un certain Ch&ng (f$) qui se noya parcequ'etant malade on
" l'avait train& au dehors et battu. Je sais de plus que deux hommes, l'un originaire de Canton
" et l'autre de Swatow moururent de faim k l'h&pital."
Wang A-sh&ng (J£ |5pJ £&) declare: "pendant des travaux de r&paration a une grande
" route ma jambe fut cass&e et le chirurgien trouva necessaire de m'en mettre une en bois. Mon
" maitre me dispensa des lors de tout travail p&nible, mais un jour l'administrateur m'ordonna
" d'enlever de lourdes pierres et comme je ne le pouvais pas il me cassa ma jambe de bois et
" m'enleva d'un coup une partie de l'oreille."
Liang A-j&n (f|£ ppj f£) d&clare: "quand nous nous plaignions d'etre malades sur la
" plantation on disait a une n&gresse de faire de l'eau et si nous consentions a boire cela on
"admettait que nous &tions malades, mais si nous refusions on nous forcait a continuer de
" travailler." Ch'&n A-fu (ffi ppj Jg) d&clare : " on me cassa un bras, j'en gu&ris mais on me punit en me
" retenant 9 mois de gages."
Li Cho (^ ^ ) d&clare : " l'administrateur me battit et me mit des chaines aux pieds
" pendant trois jours parceque je m'&tais dit malade, et il me retint en plus mes gages pendant
" 8 mois." Huang A-man (ff ppj $§) d&clare : " quand nous etions malades, le chirurgien nous faisait
" mordre par des chiens et nous battait a coups de baton."
Yii A-t'ien (^ |ipj [g) d&clare: "un jour que j'&tais si malade que je ne pouvais pas
" bouger, le docteur me battit tout d'abord avant de m'admettre a l'h&pital."
Liu A-yao (g|J |5pJ $j|) d&clare: "quand j'&tais malade on m'enfermait a l'h6pital et
" quelquefois on me laissait plusieurs jours sans nourriture mais le medecin ne venait jamais
" me voir." Yiian A-an (gr ppj ^J) declare: "bien qu'&tant malade a en cracher le sang, le chirurgien
" ne voulait pas me laisser entrer a l'h&pital."
Kao A-tai (^ ppj f£) d&clare : " quand j'&tais malade on ne me soignait pas du tout."

XXXVIII.
Quel est le taux de la mortalite?

Le rencensement effectu& par les soins de la Commission Centrale de Colonisation embrasse
une p&riode s'etendant de la 6e lune de la 27s ann&e de Taokwang a la ye lune de la 1 ie ann&e de
T'ungchih, et les statistiques montrent que pendant cinq de ces ann&es, depuis la 28e ann&e de
Taokwang jusqu'a la 2e annee de Hienfeng inclusivement, il n'est arriv& dans l'lle aucun navire
transportant des chinois, et que, pendant les vingt autres annees, 114,081 ont &t& d&barques,
sur lesquels il ne restait a ce recensement que 58,400 hommes.
Un autre tableau pr&par& &galement par la Commission Centrale montre que les d&parts
en 1872 et dans les premiers neuf mois de 1873 ont &t& de 235 chinois, ce qui ferait une moyenne 22

( 172 )
de 134 partants par annee, Si, pour aider les calculs, nous supposons que les 571 hommes
arriv&s en tout sous le regne de Taokwang ont tous pu quitter l'lle, et si nous considerons que
les hommes arriv&s imm&diatement apr&s eux, c'est-a-dire dans la 3e ann&e de Hienfeng, n'ont
pas pu commencer a, partir avant la ue ann&e de Hienfeng, nous voyons (en prenant la
moyenne annuelle de partants admise plus haut) que pendant cette onzi&me annee de Hien
feng et les 11 suivantes 1,608 chinois ont quitte l'lle, ce qui donne un chiffre total de
2,179 partants. En retranchant ce chiffre du nombre de chinois actuellement vivants a Cuba,
nous trouvons que les morts se sont &levees a 53,502, et a ce chiffre doit s'ajouter celui des morts
pendant les travers&es qui s'&leve pour le m&me espace de temps a 15,000, jusqu'a la ye lune de
la 1 ie ann&e de T'ungchih.
Or, tous ces hommes &taient jeunes .et certes leur malheureux sort est bien digne
de compassion. Comme les tableaux statistiques de la Commission Centralen'indiquent seulement que la
population survivante dans la ne ann&e, et comme on ne peut avoir aucun renseignement
relativement au nombre de survivants a la fin de chacune des ann&es pr&c&dentes ou a 1'augmentaT
tion pendant chacun d'elles, il n'a pas &te possible de r&pondre d'une maniere tres explicite a la
question pos&e.

XXXIX.
Quelles ont ete les causes des morts?
La chaleur excessive du climat, la rigueur du travail et l'insuffisance de la nourriture ont
engendre des maladies qui ont &t& les causes d'une grande mortalit&, mais les morts provenant
d'autres causes ont &galement &t& nombreuses.
Yiian Kuan (^? |g) ecrit dans sa p&tition: "le nouvel administrateur &tait cruel comme
" un loup ou un tigre et son cceur aussi venimeux que celui d'un serpent. Un certain Ch'&n
" A-tsao ( ffi |JpJ ;£{: ) ne pouvant plus supporter les mauvais traitements se pr&cipita dans le
" chaudron a sucre. Lien A-hsing ( jjjt ppj JE), forc& de continuer a travailler bien qu'il en fut
" incapable a cause d'une jambe malade, se pendit. Liu Pai-j&n ( f?i] "(J |g, ) fut fouett& par
" l'administrateur jusqu'a ce qu'il crachat le sang et mourut. Hung A-fu ($k [JpJ ^jj) ne pouvant
"pas faire le travail qui lui etait assigne prit la fuite, mais il fut saisi et ramen&, et la nuit
" l'administrateur le tua. Chang A-ping ( ffi |$pj pj ) &tant malade et incapable de travailler
" s'empoisonna. Chou Shih-lan (ffi /fc |J) rat, 15 jours apres son arriv&e, battu si s&verement par
" l'administrateur qu'il en mourut."
Lin A-yu (ffi ppj $) d&clare dans sa d&position: "l'ann&e derniere Ts&ng A-chi (ft- PpJ 8)
" fut assassine et aucune punition n'a &t& inflig&e pour ce crime."
Ch'&n A-chi (ffi ppj ¦§) d&clare : " sur la plantation je vis trois hommes se suicider parce-
" qu'ils avaient &t& fouett&s avec s&v&rit&."
Ch'&n Lin (ffi ffi) d&clare : " sur 10 hommes qui etaient avec moi, trois se pendirent."
Chou Liu (Jj!J ft) d&clare : " sur la plantation dix hommes se pendirent."

( i73 )
W&n Ch'ang-t'ai (]J£ j| H) declare: "je vis neuf hommes se pendre, i homme se jeter
" dans le chaudron a sucre et 12 hommes mourir des suites de blessures ou la gangr&ne et les vers
" s'&taient mis."
Ho Hsi (fpj $g) d&clare : " sur 20 hommes qui &taient avec moi, 2 se pendirent et 4 se
" jet&rent dans un puits."
Liang En (|{§ Jg.) d&clare : " sur 1 5 hommes que nous &tions 4 se pendirent et un certain
" Liang Pai-sh&ng ($$ "g J|§) apres avoir recu sur la t&te et le corps des blessures faites par
" l'administrateur fut attach& par lui a la queue de son cheval et traine jusqu'aux logements. On
" vit alors qu'il etait mort et son corps fut jet& aux ordures."
Ch'&n A-ying (ffi ppj Jg) d&clare : "j'ai vu beaucoup de chinois se pendre ; j'en ai vu deux
" qui s'etaient pendus avec la m&me corde dans l'endroit oil Ton fait bouillir le sucre et j'en ai vu
" d'autres qui &taient morts de cette maniere dans les lieux d'aisance et les dortoirs."
Yung A-ts'ai (§ |ipj %$) d&clare : " un homme qui s'&tait enfui et avait &t& repris fut battu
" avec une grosse canne par l'administrateur avec tant de rigueur qu'il en mourut."
W&n A-chao ($| ppj $8) declarer "je vis un certain A-lai (ppj 2jS) tu& a coups de canne et
" de couteau alors qu'il &tait enchain&, et je vis aussi un certain A-san (ppj ^~) se pendre."
F&ng A-hsiu QJg ppj H) d&clare: "je vis trois hommes se pendre."
Wu A-ch'ing (^| ppj ^) d&clare : " sur 50 hommes qui &taient avec moi, 25 seulement
" existent encore ; il y en a qui se sont noy&s, ou se sont pendus pu se sont coupe la gorge."
Li Hui. (a£ Jf) d&clare: "je vis deux natifs de Shunt&h (J|| |g) nomm&s Ch'&n (ffi) et
"Liang (^) s'empoisonuer parcequ'ils ne pouvaient supporter plus longtemps les punitions, et je
" vis aussi un Hakka se pendre."
Lo A-fa ($| ffi f|) declare : " je vis l'administrateur tuer deux hommes a coups de couteaux,
" et deux hommes se pendre parcequ'ils ne pouvaient pas endurer les mauvais traitements."
Li Cho (^ ^ ) d&clare : " pendant mes 8 ann&es de service j'ai vu 6 ou 7 hommes tu&s
" violemment, 1 3 se pendre et 3 s'empoisonner."
Lin A-i ( ffi ppj 5^ ) d&clare : " il y avait avec moi, 20 hommes dont 2 s'empoisonnerent,
" 5 se pendirent et 4 se couperent la gorge parcequ'ils ne pouvaient plus supporter les mauvais
" traitements." Lo A-ch'ang ( $£ ppj || ) declare : " il y avait avec moi 24 hommes dont 2 se pendirent."
Lin A-t'ai (ffi ppj ^) declare: "je vis 4 hommes se pendre a une m&me corde, deux
" d'entr'eux moururent, c'est parcequ'ils ne pouvaient plus endurer les mauvais traitements."
Liang A-lin (H& ppj ffi) d&clare: "je vis trois hommes se pendre, 10 mourir de blessures
" et 4 s'empoisonner avec de I'opium."
W&n Man (Jgf j d&clare : " je vis sur la plantation 2 hommes se pendre, l'un s'appelait
" A-ch'ih ( ppj jg ) et l'autre A-kuan (ffi f£)- Us s'&taient donn& la mort pour &chapper aux
" mauvais traitements."
Ch'&n A-yang ( ffi ppj ij| ) d&clare : " je vis un Cantonnais nomme A-liu ( ppj §| ) se
" couper la gorge dans la prison de la plantation et un autre Cantonnais se pendre."
Lo A-chi ( j[j| ppj $J ) d&clare : " il y avait avec moi 80 hommes sur lesquels, en quelques
" annees, 4 se pendirent et 3 s'empoisonn&rent avec de I'opium, et le maitre d&clara aux officiers
" qu'ils &taient morts de maladies." <

( i74 )
Ch'en Chun-k'ai (ffi j% ffi) d&clare : " je fus t&moin du suicide de Yeh A-ts'ai (|g ppj ^)
" qui se noya."
Li W&n-ts'ai ( ^ % If ) d&clare : " sur la plantation, je vis 2 hommes se pendre, 3 se
"jeter dans les puits et 3 autres s'empoisonner avec de lopium. Je vis aussi deux hommes qui
" &taient malades et qu'on battait pour les forcer au travail mourir sous le baton."
Jung Chou-k'uan ( § ffi % ) d&clare : " je vis un homme se pendre parcequ'il ne pouvait
" pas supporter les mauvais traitements."
Wu Chin-kuei ( j£ jg j| ) et 2 autres d&posent qu'ils virent " deux hommes tu&s k coups
" de pointe de baton et deux autres mourir des suites de blessures recues."
Ts'ai A-ping (g; ppj jfg) d&clare : "je vis.4 hommes se pendre pour &chapper aux mauvais
"traitements, 1 sauter dans un puits et 3 mourir, aux fers, de leurs blessures."
Chang A-hsi ( ffi ppj U ) declare : " je vis un certain' Huang ( j| ) originaire de Shunt&h
" (M 4M) se Pen(ire apres avoir &t& battu si rigoureusement par l'administrateur que ses jambes
" &taient lac&r&es."
Li Yu (^jg t^) declare: "je vis un certain A-kuei (ppj /g) du district de Hwa (ffi) se
" pendre parcequ'il ne pouvait plus endurer les mauvais traitements, et qu'il trouvait la nour-
" riture insuffisante."
Li Ho (^ fcj) d&clare: " je vis Ch'&n A-kuang (ffi ppj ft) du district de Sinhwei (gf HO
" ag& de 20 ans, se pendre parcequ'il ne pouvait pas endurer les mauvais traitements, et 2 hommes
"de ce m&me district, nomm&s Li A-wei (^ ppj |H) et Ch'&n A-ch&n (|5|t ppj ;jf|) se pendirent
",&galement." ,
Shih A-kou (jfi ppj $0) d&clare: "je vis 4 hommes qui ne pouvaient pas supporter la
" maniere dont on les traitait se pendre a une seule corde."
Ch'&n A-shun (ffi ppj Jig) d&clare: "je vis trois chinois tu&s par la violence sur la plantation,
" et les Autorites n'en furent pas inform&es. Les corps furent enterr&s et l'affaire fut termin&e.
" Je vis aussi 4 hommes qui avaient veqxi des blessures se pendre, trouvant les mauvais traitements
" insupportables." Lin A-pang (ffi ppj f$) declare: "j'ai vu environ 20 hommes chercher la mort en se
" pendant ou bien en se jetant dans les puits ou les chaudrons de sucre bouillant."
Liang A-jen (|j| ppj 3?) d&clare: "je vis 1 homme se pendre parcequ'il ne pouvait pas
" supporter les mauvais traitements."
Ch'&n A-yin (ffi ppj ^ ) d&clare: "je vis Huang A-fa (jg ppj ||) a qui on avait fait de telles
" blessures qu'il ne pouvait plus travailler, s'empoisonner avec de I'opium, et je vis A-ho (JipJ fij)
" de Tungkwan (J|f =f§) se pendre apres avoir &t& bless& par des coups."
Ch'en Shui (ffi ?|c) d&clare: " sur la plantation, je vis 1 homme se jeter dans un puits et 1
" autre se pendre."
Yu A-shih (j|| ppj ^) d&clare: "il y avait avec moi 16 hommes et 8 d'entr'eux sont d&ja
" morts." Ho A-chi (ftj ppj JO d&clare: "je vis un homme qui &tait malade et qu'on n'avait, pas
" voulu laisser se reposer, essayer de se pendre; on Ten emp&cha et alors il sauta dans un puits."
Su A-fa ($j| ppj H) d&clare: " sur la plantation je vis 3 hommes fouett&s de telle sorte
" qu'ils moururent le lendemain."

( 175 )
Ch'&n A-shun (ffi ppj Jig) d&clare: "sur la plantation un homme fut tu& d'un coup de
"couteau par I'employe charg& de la boutique, et celui-ci ne fut pas arret&. Deux autres hommes
" moururent a la suite de coups qu'ils avaient recus de l'administrateur, mais ce dernier ayant fait
" un cadeau d'argent aux Autorit&s, on ne fit rien."
Ch'&n A-orh (ffi ppj Zl) d&clare: " sur la plantation je vis 8 hommes se noyer et 4 se pendre
" parcequ'ils ne pouvaient endurer le travail et les punitions."
Ch'&n A-pao (ffi ppj f$) declare : " sur la plantation 2 Cantonnais ne pouvant endurer les
" chatiments se pendirent, et sur 3 1 dont se composait ma bande, 2 se pendirent et trois avalerent
" de I'opium parcequ'ils ne pouvaient supporter les mauvais traitements."
Li Shun (^ Jig) d&clare: " un des hommes qui etait avec moi, un originaire de Hweichow
" (M ffi) se suicida pour eehapper aux cruaut&s."
Han Yen-p'ei (:ff jjlj jg) d&clare: "il y avait 50 hommes avec moi sur lesquels 3 se
" noyerent et 2 se pendirent parcequ'ils ne pouvaient supporter les mauvais traitements, et 1 3
"'moururent des suites des blessures qu'on leur avait inflig&es."
Ch'en Chung-hsiu (ffi & H) d&clare: "il y avait avec moi 22 hommes sur lesquels 2 se
"pendirent et 2 s'empoisonnerent en avalant de I'opium parcequ'ils ne pouvaient endurer les
"mauvais traitements; 4 moururent en outre de blessures."
Yang Shih-f&ng (^ fi Jjg,) declare: "il y avait avec moi un homme de Polo (ft| m)
" riomm& Hsien Shih ($£ i) qui fut si cruellement battu que la douleur &tait intol&rable. Le
" chirurgien1 lui donna une m&decine qui le fit vomir, et ensuite il se pendit. Un homme de
" Kweishan (|f :f|) nomme Ch'&n A-ts'ai (ffi ppj %) ajn-es avoir &te fouett& fut forc& de travailler
" avec des chaines aux pieds- il tomba dans un trou a chaux et y mourut. J'ai &te temoin de plus
" de 100 morts produites yoar des blessures et dans les hopitaux."
Li Hsin (^ f=) d&clare: "je vis Lin A-ssti (ffi ppj 0) un natif de Hweichow (^ 'ffi) se
" pendre parcequ'il ne pouvait supporter la douleur apres avoir &t& fouette. Les 20 hommes de
"la bande dont il faisait partie deposerent une accusation devant les Autorites, mais celles-ci n'y
" firent aucune attention. Les 20 hommes furent ramen&s a la plantation par le maitre qui les
"mit aux fers, de sorte que la plainte ne put &tre renouvel&e."
Li A-wu (^ ppj f£) d&clare: "je vis 3 hommes se noyer et 5 se pendre a cause des cruaut&s'
" qu'on leur faisait souffrir."
Ch&ng A-chu (f|5 ppj $£) d&clare: "je vis Li A-san (^ ppj H) tue k force de coups
" parcequ'etant malade il ne pouvait pas porter une charge de cannes a sucre ; je vis aussi 2
" hommes se pendre et 1 sauter dans un puits."
Huang A-yung (^ ppj #§) d&clare: "sur la plantation je vis Ch'en A-kou (ffi ppj J&J) et
"Hsien Yii-tsai (g$ ;g, ff) se pendre parcequ'ils ne pouvaient pas supporter les mauvais
" traitements, l'un d'eux se pendit dans le dortoir et l'autre a un arbre."
Chiang A-lin (H ppj H) d&clare: "je vis un Cantonnais se pendre et quatre hommes
" s'empoisonner avec de lopium."
Yu A-ssii (i^PpJ ffl) d&clare': "je vis un homme de ma bande nomme Ch'en A-kou
" (W. ffi" ffi) 4™ mt battu si rigoureusement a coups de baton parcequ'il &tait faible des jambes,
" qu'il en mourut apres 7 jours. Je' vis aussi 3 natifs de Nanhai (]f $£)¦ se pendre."
Liu A-jui (fij ppj iQ) d&clare : " je vis 2 hommes se pendre."

( ^ )
Ch'&n I (ffi ^) d&clare : " je vis 3 hommes se pendre et un se noyer."
Ch&ng A-t'u (JU$ ppj j£) d&clare: "je vis 10 hommes tenement ablmes par les coups de
"baton qu'ils moururent en quelques jours, et 4 autres ne pouvant supporter les cruels
" traitements se pendirent."
Liang A-hsin (^ ppj fjf) d&clare : " sur la plantation je vis 3 hommes se couper la gorge
" pour &chapper aux cruaut&s."
Chang Erh (ffi Zl) declare: "sur ceux qui etaient avec moi deux se noy&rent et trois
" avalerent de lopium."
T'an Yu (fj| ft) d&clare : "je vis un certain Huang A-yang (^ ppj 3J) de Sinning (j§ff ^)
" tu& a coups de canne par l'administrateur."
Wu A-i (^. ppj J!) d&clare : " sur la plantation je vis un homme se noyer, 3 s'empoisonner
" avec de lopium et 1 se pendre."
Liu A-ssii (fij ppj 0) d&clare: "je vis dix hommes mourir a linfirmerie, un ou deux jours
" apr&s 'avoir &t& fouettes, des suites de leurs blessures. Je vis aussi un Fukiennois. se suicider a.
" cause des cruaut&s."
Sun Kuan-fu (ffi ff jjig) d&clare : " sur ceux qui &taient avec moi deux se pendirent et 1
" s'empoisonna avec de lopium, cela parcequ'ils ne pouvaient plus supporter les cruaut&s."
Yeh A-san (fg ppj ££) declare: "je vis un Cantonnais s'empoisonner avec de lopium."
Ho A-pa (ffi ppj /\) d&clare: "je vis un homme qui s'&tait plaint d'&tre malade mais qu'on.
" n'avait pas voulu croire, battu si rigoureusement a coups de pied par le maitre qu'il en mourut
" et les Autorit&s ne firent aucune enquete."
Liu A-ch'ang (fi] ppj -g) d&clare: "je vis un Cantonnais se pendre a cause des cruautes-
" commises a son &gard. Les Autorit&s ne firent aucune enqu&te.
Lin A-mei (ffi ppj i||) d&clare : " je vis trois Cantonnais se pendre."
T'ang Chan-k'uei (J|£ £ |Pfc) declare : " parmi mes compagnons a la boulangerie, il y en.
" eut un qui se pendit parcequ'il ne pouvait supporter les coups/'
Lo Yung-sh&ng (fj| j$c M) d&clare: "pendant les 8 ans de mon engagement, je vis un.
" Cantonnais se jeter dans un puits et un Fukiennois dans le chaudron a sucre, et un natif de
" Swatow se couper la gorge ; en outre 8 Cantonnais se pendirent."
Ch'&n A-huan (ffi ppj $|) d&clare: "il y avait avec moi 100 hommes dont 50 se pen-
" dirent." Ch'&n A-fu (ffi ppj jjtg) d&clare : " il y avait avec moi 25 hommes dont 3 se pendirent."
Yii Ming-hsing (fi* % Ji.) d&clare: "je vis 2 hommes se couper la gorge; l'un s'appelait
" A-k'ai (fpj ffi), et l'outre Chiu Chio-chih (% % |g) mais leurs blessures se gu&rirent. Je vis
" aussi 3 hommes se pendre et un autre se tueren se blessant aux parties priv&es."
Huang A-ying (^ ppj 5£) d&clare : " je vis un homme de Kaochow (jfj ffi) se pendre."
Lu Chung (^ fyf) d&clare : "parmi ceux qui etaient avec moi l'un se jeta dans un puits et
" 2 autres s'empoisonn&rent avec de lopium."
Wang Tzii (3: §£) d&clare : "je vis deux hommes se suicider."
Ch'iu Yiian (JJ|5 jQ d&clare : " sur les 20 hommes qui etaient avec moi trois se suiciderent."
Ch'&n Han-pin (ffi §| $jg) d&clare : "des hommes qui etaient avec moi deux se suicid&rent
" et l'autre fut tue d'un coup de couteau par l'administrateur."

( '77 )
Han Chin ($| $§) d&clare : " sur les 30 hommes qui &taient avec moi pendant I'engagement
" de 8 ans, 2 se pendirent, 2 se noyerent et 1 s'empoisonna avec de I'opium."
Li Pan-chang (*£ Jft Jf ) d&clare : " je vis 2 hommes se pendre et 1 se noyer."
Liang A-yin ($ff| ppj |S|) d&clare: "parmi les hommes qui &taient avec moi 8 se pendirent
" et 2 se noy&rent."
Li A-ta (^|J ppj gjl) d&ckre : " un de ceux qui etaient avec moi fut battu et blesse, entra a
" I'infirmerie et y mourut en un jour."
Li A-hung (^ ppj $|) d&clare : " je vis tuer un homme a force de coups."
Liang Tao-han (fg 5H g|) d&clare: "parmi les 12 hommes qui &taient avec moi, 2
" s'empoisonnerent et 1 se pendit."
Li Yu (*p '$f) declare : " je vis 20 hommes se suicider."
Kuo Ching-fang (||5 ;f; 3f) d&clare: "je vis 2 hommes s'empoisonner avec de I'opium et 3
"se pendirent." Li A-fu (^ ppj jjig) declare: "je vis 2 hommes se pendre parcequ'ils avaient &t& battus
" avec rigueur." Ts&ng A-shih (•§• ppj -f-) d&clare: "je vis un homme de Nanhai (jg $$) tu& a force de
" coups. II vomissait le sang mais on continuait a le chatier."
Ch'&n Te-cheng (ffi ffi ]£) d&clare: "je vis 5 hommes se pendre."
Cheng Chiu (% %) et 14 autres declarent: "je vis Li A-&rh (^ ppj zl) tomber dans
" l'eau quand on le frappait et y mourir noy&."
Ho Ch'iu-shih (JpJ ^ ^) d&clare: "je vis 2 hommes se couper la gorge, l'un mourut,
" l'autre fut gu&ri."
Huang A-chang (Jr ppj if?) declare : "je vis 2 hommes battus et bless&s par l'administra-
" teur, mourir a I'infirmerie le lendemain. Je vis 6 hommes s'empoisonner avec de I'opium et 3
" se pendre." Wang T'ing-kuei ( 3: 4ES Jt ) d&clare : " cinq des hommes qui etaient avec moi se
" pendirent." Chu Ts'un-fang (^ifrj' IF) declare: "mon frere Chu Mei-hsiang (Jfc ff| §) mit sur sa
" voiture une charge de cannes a sucre plus petite que d'habitude et r&pondit au surveillant qui
" lui en demandait la raison que les bceufs etaient maigres et ne pouvaient pas en porter davantage.
" Le surveillant entra en fureur, dit qu'il ne voulait pas permettre a des chinois de discuter avec
" lui et s'emparant d'un baton se mit a frapper mon frere violemment. Cela se passait a 4 p.m.
" et a 6 p.m. mon frere etait mort. Je vis aussi 6 hommes se pendre."
Ssii T'u-hsing (fij ^ $£) d&clare: " sur 43 hommes que nous &tions 29 se suiciderent."
Liao A-ping (]j£ ppj f$) d&clare: " je vis 4 hommes se pendre et 1 homme se noyer."
Li Jun (^ |1||) d&clare: " je vis 4 hommes frappes a mort par le maitre qui les soupconnait
" de vouloir se revolter; je vis aussi un Hakka nomme Lin Ch'iao (ffi iff) se noyer."
Tseng A-yang (§ ppj 3§|) declare: "je vis un certain Li Lien-hsiu (^ flf ^) natif de
" Hweilai ( jf J^) s'empoisonner avec de lopium parcequ'il ne pouvait pas supporter les cruaut&s."
Pai Mien (^ f§) d&clare: " sur 10 hommes qui &taient avec moi l'un s'empoisonna avec de
" I'opium." Wu I (^ H) d&clare: "je vis 10 hommes se pendre."

( ^78 )
Yeh Ch'iian (^ £) declare: " je vis un homme de Tungkwan (]|£ $£) s'empoisonner avec-
" de I'opium." Yu A-chii ($£ ppj g) d&clare: " je vis 3 hommes s'empoisonner avec de lopium et 2 hommes
" se pendre parcequ'ils ne pouvaient endurer les mauvais traitements."
Ho A-ch'iu (¦fpf ppj ;|^) d&clare: " 1 de ceux qui &taient avec moi s'empoisonna avec de
" lopium." Li A-lai (^ ppj $$) d&clare: " 2 hommes moururent des suites de blessures faites en les
" frappant." Ch'iu Mu (Jig /Je) declare: " je vis 2 hommes se pendre."
Li Chia ( ^ ^ ) d&clare : " je vis 3 hommes se pendre et 5 s'empoisonner avec de
" lopium." Liang A-k'o (ig| ppj jfj*) d&clare: " je vis 3 hommes se pendre et 3 s'empoisonner avec de
" lopium. L'ann&e derniere, pendant le mois de Fevrier, l'administrateur tua 3 hommes k coups
" de canne." .
Ch'&n A-ch'ing (ffi ppj J|) declare: "je vis 2 hommes se couper la gorge; 2 hommes.
" frapp&s et blesses moururent des cons&quences 2 jours apr&s et 2 se pendirent. Aucun officier
" ne vint faire d'enquete, nous ne pouvions pas nous absenter de la plantation, et ne savions oil
" trouver les Autorit&s."
Chang A-chao (ffi ppj $5) d&clare: " un homme de Ho-yiien (ffi jflg) qui etait avec moi,.
" ne pouvant supporter les mauvais traitements s'empoisonna avec de I'opium. II s'appelait W&n
"T'ing-jang®^^)." Lin A-kuei (ffi ppj ft) d&clare: " je vis 3 hommes se pendre, 3 s'empoisonner avec de I'opium
" et 6 mourir des suites de blessures faites pas des coups 2 ou 3 jours apres."
Yeh Ying-pao (^ |g J| ) d&clare: "je vis un homme s'empoisonner avec de lopium ejt
" 1 homme se noyer."
Li K'un ( ^ j| ) declare : " un homme qui &tait avec moi, nomme A-yii ( ppj jg ), ne
" pouvant supporter les chatiments se noya."
W&n A-lai ( ~% ppj 2fc ) d&clare : " sur 10 hommes qui &taient avec moi 1 se noya et 3 se
" pendirent." Liang A-lien ( ^ ppj jig ) declare : " parmi mes compagnons 1 se pendit et 3 s'empoison-
" nerent avec de lopium."
Lo A-t& ( jJH ppj fg) declare : "je vis le maitre de la plantation tuer un homme en le
" frappant." Ch'&n A-hung (ffi ^f §t) d&clare: "sur 13 hommes avec moi 7 furent tues a force de
" coups." T&ng A-mu ( §|5 PpJ 7fc ) declare : " sur 3 hommes qui vinrent avec moi l'un nomm&
" Huang A-liu ( jf ppj ft ) natif de Hoshan ( f| ill ) et 1 autre nomm& Wu A-chiu ( j£ ppj % )
" s'empoisonnerent avec de lopium."
Yiian A-ts'ung (gjQ ppj H) d&clare: "2 de mes compagnons ne pouvant supporter les
" chatiments sauterent dans un puits."
Wang Ta-ch'&ng (3; A H) declare: "je vis un homme tue a force de coups sur 1^
" plantation."

( 179 )
Tsou A-erh ($jj[$ ppj zl) d&clare: "sur io hommes qui &taient avec moi i se noya et 3
" moururent des cons&quences de blessures qui leur avaient &t& faites en les frappant."
Chung A-tai (|§ ppj f^) d&clare: "je vis 3 hommes se pendre parcequ'ils ne pouvaient
" supporter les mauvais traitements."
Liang A-san (^ PpJ H) d&clare "je vis un certain Hu ( jjjjj ) se pendre parcequ'il ne
" pouvait endurer les chatiments."
Li Shun (a£ IH) d&clare: "je vis 11 de mes compagnons se suicider."
Ho P'ei-ch'i ( tfjr fft )|ft ) declare: "je vis 1 homme se pendre, 1 autre sauter dans un
" puits et un autre, ag& et faible, qui avait laiss& tomber dans une mare d'eau un instrument de
" culture, tu& a force de coups par l'administrateur."
P'ang A-tung ( f| ppj jg ) d&clare : " 1 de mes compagnons se pendit et 1 autre mourut
" des suites de coups violents."
Lai Ying-lai ($j| jj£ 2fc) d&clare: "je vis 3 hommes s'empoisonner avec de I'opium et
" 2 se noyer." Chang Hui (ffi -fj1) d&clare: "je vis 2 hommes se pendre et 2 s'empoisonner avec de lopium."
Huang A-hsing ( jr ppj ^jf ) d&clare : " sur 40 que nous &tions, 3 furent si cruellement
" battus que l'un mourut. sur le champ et les 2 autres apr&s dans I'infirmerie."
T'ang Shih-chu (J|£ 7Q |£) et 1 autre d&clarent qu'ils virent "deux hommes de la Cle du
" Chemin de fer ou ils etaient employ&s s'empoisonner avec de I'opium, et 1 autre se pendre
" parcequ'ils ne pouvaient endurer les mauvais traitements."
Ho A-wei ( ^pj ppj g| ) et 1 autre d&clarent qu'ils virent 2 hommes s'empoisonner avec de
lopium. Liu Wu (|f!j 3J.) d&pose: "je vis 3 hommes se pendre, 1 homme s'empoisonner avec de
" lopium et 1 autre que le surveillant avait battu sauter dans un puits."
Li Shan (^ |Jj ) d&clare: "je vis 3 hommes s'empoisonner avec de I'opium et 3 autres se
" pendre." Wu A-yao (f£ ppj fg ) d&clare: "sur 20 hommes qui etaient avec moi 3 s'empoisonnerent
" avec de lopium."
Chu A-fu (^ ppj |g) declare: "je vis un certain Ch'&n A-wang (ffi ppj ££) de Hiangshan
" (HF ill) battu si rigoureusement qu'il se noya. En outre 7 se suiciderent."
Kuang K'uan (§$%) d&clare: "sur la plantation 3 hommes se pendirent et 3 s'empoison-
" nerent avec de I'opium."
Wang Ching (3: jjj£) d&clare: "je vis 3 hommes se noyer."
Ch'&n Yu ( ffi $ ) d&clare : " je vis 2 hommes se pendre et 3 se noyer parcequ'ils ne
" pouvaient supporter les cruaut&s."
T&ng Sh&ng (f(5 Jp) declare: "je vis 6 hommes s'empoisonner avec de lopium."
Li Ts'ai (^ -%) d&clare: "un de mes compagnons se pendit parceque le surveillant l'avait
" battu tr&s s&verement."
Chung Lai (|f 2j£) declare: "un vieillard qui ne pouvait remuer une lourde charge fut
" frappe et tu& par le surveillant."
Liu A-shih (||] ppj #) declare: "ChuA-mu (% ppj /JO de Hweichow (Jg >Jj\) fut si
" rigoureusement chatie par un surveillant qu'il se noya." 23

( i8o)
Huang Hsing (^ ffl) d&clare: "je vis trois chinois, recemment arriv&s, tu&s a force de
" coups par le surveillant qui disait qu'ils ne pouvaient ni travailler ni parler."
Lin Tzii-yu (ffi $£ Tfi) declare: "je vis un homme de Yangkiang (p§ j£C) se pendre avec
" un mouchoir parcequ'il ne pouvait supporter les miseres qu'il fallait souffrir."
Liang A-sh&ng (fg§ ppj Jjg) d&clare: "je vis un Cantonnais nomm& Li (^) se pendre
" parcequ'il avait et& enchain& et mis en prison alors qu'il n'avait commis aucune faute."
Liang A-sh&ng (%. ppj H) d&clare: " je vis un Cantonnais nomme Ch'&n A-kuang (ffi ppj ft)
" se pendre, &tant enchaln&, parcequ'il ne pouvait endurer les mauvais traitements."
Huang A-t'i (Jlf ppj f§) declare : " je vis 3 hommes frapp&s et bless&s qui moururent le
"jour suivant a, I'infirmerie."
Huang A-ch'ang (^ ppj ||) d&clare : " je vis Wang A-kuang (3£ ppj ft) se pendre apres
" avoir &t& frappe rigoureusement et mis aux fers."
Ch'&n A-hung (ffi ppj J^t) et 3 autres d&clarent: "je vis un homme nomm& A-chi (ppj $})
" frapp& si fort sur le cou par le surveillant noir qu'il mourut en 3 jours."
Chou A-hsing (ffi ppj JS.) d&clare: "je vis un certain Chang (ffi) de Hweichow (jg ffi)
" s'empoisonner avec de lopium parce qu'il ne pouvait endurer les mauvais traitements."
Chiang Li-shih ($f: jjj!| J|) d&clare : " je vis 3 hommes se pendre."
Lu A-liang (Jjj ppj J|) d&clare : " un de mes compagnons A-yin (ppj ii|) natif de Kweishan
" (|f |§) fut tu& a force de coups, un autre, un Hakka nomme F&ng Tsai. QJg {J), se pendit et un
" troisieme A-t'ou (ppj j§) s'empoisonna avec de lopium."
Chang Ch&ng-kao (ffi j£ jgj) d&clare: "je vis Wang A-chiang (3- ppj $£) se pendre &tant
" enchain& parcequ'il &tait constamment battu, et 7 de mes compagnons qui avaient &te
" rigoureusement fouettes moururent de maladies oCcasionn&es par les coups."
Lin Kuei-hsing (ffi ft JI) declare: "je vis un certain Huang' (H) de Polo (fH JS) tu^ &
" force de coups."
Ho A-ch'eng (JpJ ppj JjJt) d&clare : "je vis un homme sauter dans le chaudron a sucre, 2
" hommes se pendre, et 1 autre qui portait des chaines se jeter dans un puits."
Hsiao To (jf ^J) d&clare : " un de mes compagnons se . pendit parcequ'on lenchainait et
" on le battait constamment."
Lo Fu (jH % g) declare : " parmi ceux qui vinrent avec moi de Chine un se "pendit et un
" autre mourut des cons&quences d'un rigoureux chatiment."
Liu A-sung (§ |J ppj |jl) d&clare : " 2 de mes compagnons se pendirent et 2 s'empoisonn&rent
" avec de I'opium."
W&n Erh-chang (f^, Zl W) d&clare: "je vis un homme s'empoisonner avec.de lopium et
" un autre se pendre parcequ'ils ne pouvaient pas endurer les mauvais traitements."
Lai A-hsi (|| ppj g§) d&clare : " je vis 6 hommes se pendre."
Yeh Jui-chang (^ ^ ;§£) d&clare : " je vis un homme de Sinhwei (fjf H) tu& a force de
" coups par l'administrateur."
Chiang A-t'&ng (%£ ppj ^|) d&clare : " je vis 12 hommes se pendre."
Huang Ch'&n-fu (g ffi j}g) d&clare: "je vis un homme tu& a force de coups."
Ch'en Hua (ffi 3g) d&clare : " sur la plantation je vis un certain Huang A-fang (g ppj ^)
"de Sinhwei (f|j ^), qui &tait employe dans le magasin a sucre, battu et mordu jusqu'a mort

)

( i8i )
"par des chiens qu'on avait lanc&s contre lui, parcequ'on I'avait trouve endormi. Un autre
" s'empoisonna avec de lopium."
Liao Chiin ()§| j%) d&clare: " je vis un certain Lin (ffi) de Nanhai (j§ $$) se pendre.,"
Huang Chien-hsing (^ ^ §g) d&clare: " 3 de mes compagnons se suiciderent."
Liu Chin-hsiu (fjij §% f|) d&clare: "je vis 3 hommes se pendre."
Ch'ien Yu (fj$ ^lf) d&clare: " je vis 28 hommes se pendre parcequ'il ne pouvaient endurer
" les cruaut&s." W&n A-an (fj| ppj $£) d&clare: " je vis 3 hommes se pendre."
Hung A-i (§fc ppj J|) d&clare: "je vis le Cantonnais Liang A-hua1 (^ ppj ^) et 11 autres
" s'empoisonner avec de I'opium."
Hsieh A-hsing (gjj ppj J|j) declare: "je vis Lin A-fa (ffi ppj %) de Hweichow (fl» ffi) et A-
" man (ppj $|f) de Hiangshan (fjf [Jj) tu&s a force de coups. Un autre homme a qui on avait mis ,
" de fers aux pieds et qui avait &t& bless& aux jambes par des coujps et qu'on avait priv& de
" nourriture, se pendit."
Chou A-chiu (J|J ppj ji) declare: "sur 20 que nous &tions 6 moururent des suites de
" blessures qu'ils avaient recues en &tant fouett&s, et en crachant le sang."
Liang A-hua ("|{£ ppj ijl) d&clare: " des 42 hommes qui &taient avec moi, 2 se jeterent
" dans des mares d'eau, 2 furent tu&s a force de coups par l'administrateur, et 1 autre par le
" chirurgien." Ts&ng A-ming ("f|" jJpJ H^) et 3 autres d&clarent: " sur 13 que nous &tions 6 moururent des
" suites de leurs blessures et du mauvais traitement du chirurgien."
Ch'&n A-sh&n (ffi ppj gg) d&clare: " je vis un homme battu et bless& mourir le lendemain;
" un autre homme battu et cruellement maltrait& se noya et 2 autres se pendirent."
Ho A-hsien (Jg ppj ft) d&clare: " je vis Liu A-hsiu (fi] ppj f§?) de Hweichow ( jt jjtl) battu
" avec une canne et si couvert de blessures qu'il en mourut le lendemain."
Ho A-chien (-/pj ppj jg) et T&ng San (§[$ J£) declarent qu'ils ont chacun vu sur la plantation
" 2 hommes se pendre parce qii'ils ne pouvaient supporter les cruaut&s."
Mai A-an (§|S ppj %) d&clare: "je vis sur la plantation 2 hommes se pendre; leurs engage-
" ments &taient termin&s mais on ne voulait pas les laisser partir."
Huang A-yu (J| ppj ft) d&clare: " je vis un homme frappe sur le cou avec une canne; il fut
''bless& et en mourut quelques jours apres; je vis &galement 2 hommes se pendre."
Huang Yang-shun (|tf ^ J§|) d&clare: "sur la plantation, je vis 2 hommes se noyer, 2 se
" pendre et 3 s'empoisonner avec de lopium."
Hsii Kuan (|£ ffg) declare : "le surveillant frappa un homme a coups de pied lui faisant
" des blessures dont il mourut ; je vis aussi un homme se suicider."
Ch'ii Jung (|j!| |g) d&clare : " dans le d&p&t a sucre 8 hommes se pendirent."
Chang Ssu ( ffi |H ) d&clare : " 2 de mes compagnons se suiciderent."
Ch'&n Ping (ffi'M) d&clare: "je vis 5 hommes se suicider, 3 s'empoisonnerent avec de
" lopium et 2 se donnerent la mort dans les stocks. L'ann&e derni&re un natif de Shunteh (Jig jj§)
" fut frappe a coups de canne sur les cotes et mourut le soir m&me."
Hsii Pai-hao (^ "g- $f) d&clare : " sur la plantation je vis deux hommes se donner la mort
" et un fut fouett& si cruellement qu'il mourut de ses blessures."

( i8* )
Liu A-yao (gij ppj $K) et i autre d&clarent que 2 jours avant de faire cette deposition ils
virent 2 hommes se pendre parcequ'ils ne pouvaient endurer les cruaut&s.
Liang A-chang (^ ppj ^) d&pose : "j'ai vu un homme se pendre et 14 s'empoisonner avec
" de' lopium ; c'&taient tous des Cantonnais."
Lai A-ssu ($$ ppj |5}) d&clare: "je vis le Cantonnais A-t'ien ( ppj EH) se pendre parcequ'il
" avait et& s&verement fouett& ; deux autres s'empoisonnerent avec de I'opium, c'&taient tous des
" Cantonnais." Ch'&n Kuan-chih (ffi |g ffi ) d&clare : "je vis deux hommes enchaines l'un a lautre sauter
" dans le chaudron a sucre."
Chao Ch'ang (j|§ -g) d&clare : "je vis un homme se suicider."
P'an Wen-tao ( jf§ 3t jf|) d&clare : " 2 de mes compagnons se suiciderent."
Chung Liang-ch'&n (H^ US) et 1 autre declarent: "je vis un Fukiennois Lin Sung-ming
" (^ fe W) s'empoisonner dans les champs avec de lopium, parcequ'il ne pouvait supporter les
" mauvais traitements."
Kuan Hsien (|| J) declare : "je vis un homme fouett& et mis a I'infirmerie se pendre."
Ho A- w&n (tpJ ppj ^t) d&clare : "je vis trois hommes se suicider."
Liang A-kuan ("|{| ppj |f|) d&clare: " 2 de mes compagnons se pendirent et 1 mourut apres
" avoir &t& fouette rigoureusement."
Hsii Shao-lin (%fe fg H) d&clare : "mon fr&re Hsii Shao-jung (f^ fg |j|) se noya parcequ'il
" ne pouvait endurer les mauvais traitements."
Huang A-mu (jlr ppj |§) d&clare: "plus deioo de mes compagnons moururent a force de
" coups." Ch'ii Tsu-k'ang (||| ffl jf|) d&clare : " 1 de mes compagnons se pendit."
Sh&n Yao-chung (ffi jjg *[J) declare : " je vis 2 hommes tu&s a force de coups et deux se
" suiciderent en se jetant sous les roues."
Sh&n Chin-kuei (ffi ^ ^s) d&clare : " sur 3 hommes qui &taient avec moi, l'un A-man
" (ppj Jj!g) originaire du Kiangsi (%£ "|j) mourut sous les coups."
Yiian A-an (ig: ppj §) declare : " 2 de mes compagnons se pendirent ne pouvant supporter
"les cruaut&s. Un homme de Sinhwei ($j ¦fjf) nomme A-ping (ppj ft) se coupa aussi la gorge
" mais en gu&rit."
T&ng A-hsing (g |5 ppj J|) declare: "je vis un certain Lin (ffi) de Nanhai ($j$j£) se
" pendre." Chu A-jui (^ ppj 3^) d&clare : " je vis un homme tu& a force de coups, un autre se suicida
" en sautant dans la chaudiere, et un troisieme qui avait eu les c&tes cass&es pendant qu'on le
" fouettait, mourut le lendemain a I'infirmerie."
Mo A-kang (J| ppj ffi) d&clare : " je vis 3 hommes bless&s pendant qu'on les frappait se
" pendre et 3 autres se donner la mort par I'opium pour une raison semblable."
Ho A-fa (jpj ppj ff) d&clare: "je vis Chang A-wang (ffi ppj $£) se pendre a cause des
"cruaut&s qu'il avait a subir, et 2 autres, hommes de K'iungchow (^ ffi) s'empoisonner avec de
" lopium." Yang A-chi ($§ ppj $j») d&clare : " un malade qu'on avait admis a l'h&pital s'empoisonna
" avec de I'opium et mourut le m&me jour."

( i83)
Mai T'ai-ch'ang (^ ||| ^) declare : " 2 de ceux qui &taient avec moi se pendirent et 1 se
" coupa la gorge."
Liu A-kuei (§1] ppj ft) d&clare : " 6 de mes compagnons se pendirent parcequ'ils avaient 6te
" battu cruellement."
Tu I (^fc U) d&clare: "je vis un homme age mourir d'un coup donn& par le surveillant
" qui lui avait cass& les cfites, il mourut sur le champ."
Li Erh (^s Zl) d&clare : " je vis un homme de Nanhai (iff $jp) se pendre a cause de
" cruaut&s." ,
Liang Man (§£ M) declare : " je vis Ch'&n Li (gig jjg) de Ch'aochow (5§|j ffi) se pendre par-
" cequ'il n'avait pas suffisamment a manger et &tait battu constamment."
Ts'ai A-teng dJS: ppj |jg) d&clare : " je vis 2 hommes se pendre, 2 autres s'empoisonner avec
" de lopium et 1 autre sauter dans le chaudron k sucre."
Liu Ying-fa (§1] |§i ff ) d&clare : " je vis un Cantonnais Lin T'ien (ffi $jjj) se noyer parcequ'il
" ne pouvait supporter les coups."
Sh&n Yang (ffi $|J) d&clare : " je vis un certain Hsieh (fjjj) de Changchow (j|t jj+|) battu si
" rigoureusement qu'il cracha le sang et mourut. Un certain Ts'ai ($£.) de Ts'iienchow (^ ffi)
" s'empoisonna avec de I'opium."
Ch'&n I-yu (ffi 2* ^fj) d&clare: "je vis un homme se couper la gorge, mais il en guerit;
" 3 autres se pendirent."
Hsieh A-tung (jfp ppj jf[ ) d&clare : " sur la plantation je vis un Fukiennois nomm& Ch'en
" A-lai (ffi ppj §|) se pendre."
Hu A-ssii (^9 PpJ 123) d&clare: "je vis un homme se noyer parcequ'il ne pouvait endurer
" les cruaut&s." Ko A-ch'ing (ffi ffi M) d&clarent: "je vis un homme mourir de blessures que
" l'administrateur lui avait faites le jour pr&c&dent en le frappant a coups de pied."
Wu A-ch'&ng (Jj| ppj J5J5) d&clare: "je vis le magasinier de la plantation frapper jusqu'a
" ce que mort s'ensuivit avec une canne un certain Ch'&n A-fu (ffi ppj jjjg). Un autre nomme
" Yang A-k'un (fH ppj Jf ) fut fouett& si s&v&rement par un surveillant qu'il mourut le jour
" suivant." Ch'&n Lung ( ffi f| ) declare : " 2 Fukiennois nouvellement arriv&s se pen-
" dirent." Yii A-p'ing (*§* ppj 2p) d&clare : " sur la plantation 2 hommes se pendirent il n'y a que
" quelques jours."
Hu A-t'ai (fJ^ffiM) declare: "je vis 3 hommes mourir de blessures qu'on leur avait faites
" en les frappant. Un certain A-i (ppj H) de Hoyiien (ffi fjg) s'empoisonna."
Liu A-hsiu (§l] ppj f|) d&clare: "sur 25 que nous etions 6 moururent apres avoir &te
" s&v&rement battus parcequ'ils s'&taient plaints d'etre malades."
Chu A-shan (^ ppj Ul) d&clare : " sur 23 hommes que nous etions 2 se pendirent et 1
" s'empoisonna avec de I'opium."
Ch'&n P'ing-an (ffi 2J5 4£ ) d&clare : " sur 34 hommes que nous &tions 2 se pendirent."
Liang Lien-ch'ing (^ 5^ J|) d&clare: "les gens sur la plantation se suiciderent pour
-" &chapper aux cruaut&s ; 2 hommes se noyerent et 2 se pendirent."

( <84)
Liang P'ing-an (|j| Zp %£) d&clare: "je vis 3 hommes se pendre, 4 s'empoisonner avec de
" lopium, et 3 se jeter dans le chaudron a sucre."
Liang Piao (^ fig) d&clare : " dans la boulangerie je vis un homme s'empoisonner avec de
" lopium." Liang A-hsiu (|H ppj ff) declare : " je vis un Hakka s'empoisonner avec de lopium."
Yeh A-hsi (3g ppj |g) d&clare: "je vis Wan A-fa (ffi ppj |j) de Hweichow (^ ffi) se
" pendre parcequ'il ne pouvait pas endurer les cruaut&s, et Wan A-hsing ( ffi ppj |& ) et son
" frere se jeter ensemble dans un puits."
Kuo A-jung (;f|$ ppj $|) d&clare: "je vis un homme qui travaillait enchain& pousse
" et renvers& k terre par un blanc. II se blessa et voulut rentrer a I'infirmerie, mais le blanc
" s'en apercut et le battit si rigoureusement qu'il en mourut en quelques jours."
Ch'&n Shou ( ffi 'Jg ) d&clare : " je vis un homme tu& a force de coups.'-
T'an Ch'ang-hsiu (fjf J| j|) d&clare: "je vis un homme se pendre."
F&ng Erh (JJ| Zl) d&clare: "je vis un homme de Tungkwan ( Tg ^ ) s'empoisonner
" avec de lopium."
Ch'ii A-ch'iu ( |H Pjpj ^ ) d&clare : " je vis un homme si s&verement battu qu'il en mourut
" en quelques jours."
Liu Hsin-fa ( § 1] Df |f ) d&clare : " 1 de mes compagnons se pendit."
Liang Ting (^ T) d&clare: "Li A-ch'iu (^s ppj $ ) de Ch'aochow ( M iN'l ) etant
" trop ag& pour emporter un fardeau de cannes broy&es fut frapp& sur les c&tes par un surveiUant
" et en mourut."
Ch&ng A-chi (g|5 ppj ~fjj ) d&clare: "je vis un certain Cheng (H$) natif de Hiangshan
" ( § llj ) se pendre et un nomme A-fu ( ppj fg ) s'empoisonner avec de I'opium. Ils s'&taient
" donn& la mort parcequ'ils ne pouvaient supporter les mauvais traitements."
Liang T'ing-po ( %fe gS §fa ) d&clare : " je vis un homme frappe a, coups de pointe de canne
" par l'administrateur vomir le sang et en mourir ; 2 autres moururent a. I'infirmerie des suites
" de graves blessures faites par l'administrateur."
Chi A-lo (jf^ ppj HI) declare: "je vis 7 hommes de Shanghai se donner la mort parce-
" qu'ils ne pouvaient endurer les chatiments : 2 s'&taient empoisonnes avec de lopium, 3 s'&taient
" noy&s et 2 s'&taient pendus. 6 Fukiennois se suiciderent aussi, 4 en se pendant, 1 en avalant
" de lopium et le dernier en se jetant dans un chaudron a, sucre, parcequ'ils avaient &te tr&s
" maltraites." Chou A-tung (ffi ppj ]f() d&clare "je vis 8 Cantonnais se suicider parcequ'ils ne pouvaient
" endurer les cruaut&s.' En outre 4 hommes frapp&s et bless&s qu'on forcait de continuer k
" travailler moururent dans lespace de 3 jours."
Ho A-k&ng ( |pf ppj J? ) d&clare : " je vis 4 hommes se pendre dans une chambre et 3 a
" des arbres, parcequ'ils ne pouvaient endurer les cruaut&s."

( '85)

XL.
Quand un chinois meurt, comment son maItre rbgle-t-il ses affaires ? Y a-t-il quedque
difference entre le traitement des hommes qui meurent pendant le temps
de leur engagement et ceux qui meurent aprbs 1.
Les chinois qui obtiennent une lettre de domicile et un cedula joui'ssent d'une petite
ind&pendance, mais le refus de ces documents pendant ces dernieres ann&es, la reprise d'autres
d&livr&s pr&c&demment, et le renouvellement successif des contrats exig&, par le maitre ou le d&pot,
de tous ceux qui manquent de protection a cause du refus ou de la reprise de ces documents, font
que le fait de la mort prenant place apres la fin de I'engagement ne cr&e aucune difference dans le
reglement des affaires des autres par les maitres.
Les extraits suivants des d&positions donnent des renseignements en ce qui concerne le
reglement de ces affaires.
Chou Jun-ch'ing (ffi J^ flf) declare que ceux qui ne sont pas baptises ne sont' pas recus
dans un cimetiere.
Hsii Li-sh&ng (f$s jjr ££) et 98 autres declarent, "que les chinois n'ont ni biere ni tombeau
" et que leur corps sont jet&s au dehors n'importe oil.''
Ch'en T&-lin (ffi £* ffi) et 2 autres d&clarent, " que lorsqu'on les enterre on ne les met pas
" dans des bieres et qu'on les d&pouille de leurs v&tements."
Kuo A-mei (}|5 ppj ^|) et 1 autre d&clarent, qu'ils faisaient les cercueils (dont on se servait
sur la plantation) mais qu'on s'en servait pour les negres, pas pour les chinois.
Huang Chieh (jl; |f§) et 1 autre d&clarent que leurs maitres se servaient d'une biere que
Ion rapportait apr&s avoir port& les corps aux collines ou on les enterrait.
Li A-chiu (^ ppj. At) declare que les chinois ne sont pas plac&s dans des cercueils et
qu'apr&s quelques ann&es leurs os sont brul&s pour faire de la chaux.
Lo A-chi ( jH ppj |2 ) d&clare que les corps sont mis dans un trou peu profond, et qu' apr&s
Tin certain temps on remue les os avec une pelle et on les met en petits tas pour que le soleil et
la pluie les dissolvent ; il fait aussi remarquer que comme on a besoin de faire bruler les os de
bceufs pour raffiner le sucre, le melange d'os humains produirait une plus grande blancheur
encore. En outre la p&tition de J&n Shih-ch&n (££-jtf: jj|) et 2 autres contient les paroles suivantes:
" nous avons &te ici 17 et 18 ans et nous sommes tellement enlac&s par les plans de la Commission
" de Colonisation et des autres interesses que nous n'avons aucune chance de quitter l'lle. Nous
" sommes vieux et faibles et nous ne savons si nous mourrons dans un d&pot ou dans une autre
" place de service, ou bien si nous ne serons pas jet&s au bord du chemin comme n'&tant plus
" utiles, mais il est certain que nous n'aurons ni cercueil ni tombeau et que nos os seront jet&s
" dans un trou pour y &tre brul&s avec ceux des chevaux et des bceufs, et servir ensuite a raffiner
"" le sucre, et que ni nos fils ni nos petits fils ne sauront jamais ce que nous avons support&."

( ^86 )
XLI.
Quelle est la population Chinoise A Cuba?
Le recensement fait par les soins de la Commission Centrale de Colonisation etablit qu'au
commencement de la ye lune de lavant derniere ann&e, il y avait a Cuba 58,410 chinois, et les
tables de statistique recues du Consulat G&n&ral d'Angleterre portent a 11,332 le chiffre de ceux
qui ont quitt& la Chine depuis lors jusqu'a la 3e lune de cette ann&e (Avril 1874). De ce chiffre
il faut d&duire celui des hommes morts pendant la travers&e qu'est de 907, ce qui donne un
total de 10,425 hommes d&barqu&s a Cuba.
Comme il n'y a aucune statistique de la mortalite depuis la fin du recensement, on ne
peut qu'estimer la population actuelle des chinois a Cuba a 68,825 hommes.

XLII.
Comment cette population se divise-t-elle?
a. travaillant pour leur propre compte.
b. travaillant sous contrats.
c. attendant pour aller ailleurs.
d. EN PRISON.
i°. Ceux qui travaillent pour leur propre compte, c'est-a-dire qui ayant obtenu de leurs
maitres dans les premiers temps des " certificats de lib&ration " et ayant &t& baptis&s, ont pu se
procurer des lettres de domicile et cedulas, ce qui leur a permis de faire de petits metiers ou de
gagner leur vie par un service libre, et qui sont d&crits dans les tables de recensements comme
" naturalis&s " ou " sujets de puissances &trangeres " peuvent s'estimer aux 1%-Smea de la population
chinoise actuelle. Mais il ne faut pas perdre de vue que m&me ces gens-la ont souffert bien des
miseres, ont &t& et sont encore soumis aux extortions, et que maintenant lissue des passeports et
le d&part pour la Chine rencontrent toutes sortes de difficultes.
2° et 3°. II est inutile de parler de ceux qui travaillent sous contrats et la liberte des
hommes dont les contrats ont expire plus recemment est si completement restreinte par suite du,
renouvellement forc& des contrats que " aller ailleurs " est pour eux une impossibilit& et qu'on ne
peut &tablir aucune distinction entre eux et ceux dont les premiers contrats ne sont pas encore
termin&s. Les p&titions et les depositions s'accordent pour d&clarer qu'on d&sire les retenir
prisonniers pour la vie et qu'ils doivent renoncer a tout espoir de retour chez eux. Ces deux
classes forment les 7 ou 8 dixiemes de la population chinoise.
40. La population des prisons consiste des condamn&s, de ceux qui ont &te longtemps
detenus sans jugement, et de ceux qui, a la fin de leurs contrats, ont ete enferm&s sans aucune
raison, et n'excede pas plusieurs centaines.

( 187 )
........ XLm
Y a-t-il des Chinois qui soient devenus riches? Quel est leur etat social?
Jusqu'ou le Gouvernement les reconnait-il ?
Ceux qui ont recu des lettres de domicile et des cedulas sont en si faible proportion ; ils
sont si sujets a se voir retirer ces documents, mesure qui les emp&che aussit&t de travailler pour
leur propre compte, et ils sont tellement pressur&s par toutes les classes d'habitants, que tout
espoir d'acqu&rir de la fortune leur est interdit, et il ressort de l'enqu&te faite que parmi ces chinois
il n'y en a pas de riches.
Les Autorit6s regardent les chinois comme appartenant a une cat&gorie toute diff&rente de
celle a laquelle ils considerent que leur compatriotes appartiennent, et cette maniere de voir est
aussi celle du peuple en g&n&ral.
Kao Lao-hsiu (ift^H)eti6 autres &crivent dans leur p&tition: "les boutiques de ceux
" de nous qui font un petit commerce dans les villes sont visit&es chaque jour par des habitants
" qui emportent ce qui leur plait sans offrir de les payer, et si nous demandons de l'argent, nous ne
" recevons que des coups. Ils se soucient fort peu de nous tuer et quand un vient nous attaquer
" il est imm&diatement aid& par dix autres, et toutes plaintes portees devant l'autorit& restent sans
" effet. Nous ne pouvons faire autre chose que croiser nos bras et nous soumettre a ces injustices."
Lin A-yiian (ffi ppj JJ§) et 3 autres &crivent: "les &trangers, noirs et blancs, nous achetent
" a credit promettant de nous payer a la fin du mois, mais quand ce moment arrive ils sont si
" d&nii&s de principes que non seulement ils refusent de nous payer mais de plus nous battent.
" D'autres fois, apr&s nous avoir vendu un objet quelconque, ils engagent un de leurs complices
" de venir chez nous le r&clamer comme lui appartenant et de nous accuser de vol devant le
" ti-pao (capitan de partido). Celui-ci fait une enquete, d&clare que nous sommes des rec&leurs,
" nous fait attacher et conduire en prison. Nous nous plaignons a l'administrateur du march&,
" mais ou bien il ne veut pas intervenir, ou bien s'il intervient et parle a I'officier, ce dernier ne
" tient pas compte de ce qu'il dit, et nous avons a payer une amende."
Hsien Tso-pang (•$(; |£ $$) et 13 autres &crivent que sans tenir compte de leurs capacit&s
ou des positions qu'ils occupaient dans leur pays natal on les traitait tous comme des travailleurs
ordinaires et des esclaves, et ils ajoutent: "dans les rues nous sommes expos&s constamment a
" des insultes et on nous jette des pierres ; et si nous ne nous soumettons pas en silence a ces
" mauvais traitements la foule nous assaille bient&t et nous finissons par &tre train&s a la prison.
" Quand un chinois veut acheter quelque objet, on l'insulte s'il veut marchander, et quand un
" espagnol ou un cubain vient lui acheter quelque chose dans sa boutique, il frappe et blesse' ou
" m&me tue le propri&taire s'il demande a etre pay&."
Chien Shih-kuang (|g ffc ft) et 75 autres ecrivent : " bien que les chinois employes dans
" les villes puissent moins souffrir que les autres, ils n'en sont pas moins trait&s pas les habitants
" plus mal encore que les esclaves."
Chu Chi-hsiin (^ ^ |Jl|) et 9 autres &crivent : " quand nous allons vendre ou acheter des
" objets, trois ou cinq habitants se reunissent, nous assaillent a coups de pierre ou d'ceufs pourris
" et autres missiles, nous font des blessures k la t&te, au visage ou au corps et brisent ce que nous
" portons. Quelquefois ces blessures sont si s&rieuses que la mort s'en suit. Les voisins n'inter- 24

( 188)
" viennent jamais pour les arr&ter et si Ion fait appel a la police, elle ne fait que nous insulter ;
" elle nous demande pourquoi des gens comme nous n'ayant ni peres, ni m&res, ni families, vien-
" nent se mettre sur le chemin du tigre. De m&chantes gens arm&s de couteaux et d'armes a feu
" nous depouiUent constamment de ce que nous avons sur nous et nous font des blessures avec
" leurs armes, se pr&occupant peu de nous enlever ou de nous laisser la vie."
Ch'iu T&-i (Jr|5 ffi ^) &crit : " dans les rues egalement, les enfants nous jettent constam-
" ment des pierres sans que les Autorit&s cherchent a les en emp&cher et les employ&s inf&rieurs
" des officiers nous arr&tent sur de fausses accusations et nous trainent devant les Autorites qui
" ne nous laissent pas parler et nous mettent a l'amende."
Chou A-chiu (J^J ppj -fa) d&clare dans sa d&position : "j'ai une boutique de sucreries et suis
" soumis a des injustices, car je suis oblig& de vendre a cr&dit et on ne me permet pas de deman-
" der ce qui m'est du. Si je le fais on me frappe. Je n'oserais pas demander d'&tre pay& pour
" ce que les passants prennent dans mon &talage. Nous ne pouvons porter plainte contre les
" miseres que nous font les blancs."
Han A-hsing (|f: ppj M.) d&clare: " je fais un petit commerce de sucreries et gagne ainsi ma
" vie. Si j'economisais de l'argent les habitants viendraient me le prendre. Chaque jour les
" passants entrent chez moi, choisissent ce qui leur plait et l'emportent sans m&me demander le
" prix ; si je leur demande de me payer ils me frappent." •
Liang Tao-han (s|§ jjf; 'M) d&clare: "j'ai une petite boutique de riz et de spiritueux; les
" blancs viennent constamment y acheter a credit de force, et refusent de me payer."
Yeh Yu (3|g ^j) d&clare: "je suis marchand de legumes, les habitants ach&tent a cr&dit et
" me frappent si je leur demande de l'argent. Dans les rues on me jette constamment des pierres."
Lin Ch'iian (ffi ^) declare: "ici les chinois sont trait&s d'une maniere tres offensante; on
" ne paie jamais ce qu'on leur doit et s'ils r&clament on leur donne des coups. Dans les rues on
" nous jette des pierres et les officiers regardent faire sans intervenir."
Chou Ch'&n-tung (ffi ffi Tf[) et 4 autres d&clarent que dans les rues les enfants, blancs et
noirs, leur jettent des pierres.
Hung A-pan (gfc ppj |g) declare: "les habitants sont m&chants; ils nous jettent constam-
" ment des pierres."
P'an A-pao ($| ppj {$) declare: "dans les rues les blancs me jettent sans cesse des pierres."
Wu A-ch'ing (^ ppj fef) d&clare: "les blancs et les noirs que nous rencontrons dans les
"rues nous jettent constamment des pierres; ils nous d&pouillent de ce que nous possedons et
" nous regardent comme des chiens ou des pourc°-aux."
Kuo Chan (||J |5) d&clare: "les espagnols qui nous rencontrent dans les rues nous donnent
" constamment des coups de pied et personne n'intervient."
Li A-pao (^ ppj f$) d&clare : " dans les rues on nous tourne en ridicule et on nous insulte."
Ch'en A-fa (ffi ppj f|) d&clare: "c'est la coutume ici que les agents de police arm&s de
" sabres arr&tent les chinois bien v&tus qu'ils rencontrent, et les accusent d'&tre des joueurs: les
" Autorit&s n'interviennent pas et la chose ne peut s'arranger que par de l'argent."
Li Yu (*£ 7g) declare: "les habitants traitent les chinois tres injustement, sans qu'ils
" aient commis aucune faute on les traine au dep6t et on ne les relache qu'apres qu'ils ont pay6
" une certaine somme."

( '89 )
Pai Yung-fa (fa ^< f|) d&clare: "les chinois ici souffrent beaucoup et son trait&s plus
" mal que les n&gres."
Li A-tung (^ ppj )H) d&clare : " mon maitre traite les chinois plus mal que les negres ; les
" espagnols font leur m&tier de nous tromper et de nous vendre, car ils nous regardent comme
" des esclaves a vie."
Ch'&ng Chang-ming (^ 1§£ BJJ) d&clare : " comme ils nous regardent comme des chiens ou
" des chevaux, ils pensent que nous devons servir comme esclaves toute notre vie."
Ts&ng A-shih (¦ff ppj -f-) d&clare: "les chinois ici sont trait&s plus mal que les poules
" et les chiens."
Ch'&n A-fu (ffi ppj jjjg) d&clare : " les chinois ici sont trait&s comme les poules et les chiens
" et je suis d&sireux de mourir."
Chi A-lo (jj£, ppj m) d&clare : " l'administrateur dit sans cesse que les chinois sont comme
" les poules et les chiens et que lorsqu'ils meurent, on peut en acheter d'autres."
Ho Fu-hsing (fpj $£ J|) et 9 autres d&clarent que les souffrances qu'endurent les chinois
sont bien connues de tous et qu'on les traite plus mal que les animaux.
Ch'&n Shui (ffi 7JC) et 1 autre d&clarent : " les chinois sont maintenant trait&s a Cuba plus
",mal qu'auparavant. Les n&gres aussi nous frappent plus rigoureusement encore."

XLIV.
Trouve-t-on des Chinois remplissant des places de confiance ? Ou des positions qui
demandent de l'intelligence, de la moralite et de l'application ? Les.
paie-t-on et les traite-t-on bien ? est-ce le contraire ?
La plus grande partie des chinois a Cuba sont Cantonnais. Apres eux les hommes du
Fukien, du Hukwang, du Kiangsu et du Ch&hkiang sont les plus nombreux. II y a en outre des
hommes de toutes les provinces et m&me des gens appartenant aux bannieres.
Pendant le cours de lenquete la commission a rencontr& des officiers militaires et civils, et
des gradu&s litt&raires (hsiu-ts'ai) m&l&s a la masse des travailleurs ordinaires. Ils avaient &te
amen&s par la ruse et vendus comme les autres, car ainsi que Chang Luan (ffi ||) et 30 autres le
font remarquer dans leur petition : "les hommes intelligents sont tout comme les hommes
" vicieux pris dans ces filets et tombent dans ces pieges," et parmi les plusieurs dix-milliers de
chinois a Cuba il doit y en avoir assur&ment qui sont dou&s d'intelligence, de moralit& et
d'application. Cependant ils sont tous trait&s de la m&me facon, comme des esclaves, et il ne leur
sert a rien d'&tre capables.
Les salaires sont &galement payes d'apres un syst&me fixe, ordinairement $ 3 pendant la
iere ann&e et $4 pendant les 7 autres, et s'ils sont augment&s a la fin du premier engagement, ce
n'est nullement en reconnaissance d'aptitudes exceptionnelles. Les Keglements qui gouvernent
les chinois a Cuba ne contiennent aucune clause ayant pour but de faire une distinction en faveur
des individus capables.

( '90 )

XLV.
Quelle est la condition des Chinois A Cuba comparativement A leur premiere
condition en Chine ? Plus comfortable ? Plus prospbre, ou le contraire ?
Regrettent-ils d'etre alles A Cuba? D^isirent-ils en partir? Peuvent-ils
EN PARTIR?
Lin A-yung (ffi ppj ffl) d&clare dans sa d&position : "les choses sont sur un tel pied a Cuba
" que je ne d&sire pas rester."
Feng Hui (}J§ -§" ) declare: "la nourriture est insuffisante et le travail p&nible, je me
" repents infiniment."
Li A-lung (<gj ppj |f§|) d&clare: "en Chine je travaillais 8 heures par jour, ici je dois
" travailler 20 heures."
Liu A-fu ( gi] ppj % g ) d&clare : '' bien qu'ayant une lettre de domicile et un cedula et
" travaillant pour mon compte, je suis constamment insult& ; on nous regarde ici comme &tant de
" la m&me classe que les n&gres, parfois m&me ces derniers sont mieux trait&s que nous."
Li Hsi-pao (^ ^ j?) declare: "on nous frappe sans aucune raison; jamais en Chine on
" ne supporterait un seul jour un jmreil traitement."
Chao A-ling (^j§ ppj g?) et 14 autres declarent qu'ils croient l'existence d'un mendiant en
Chine preferable a la leur k Cuba."
Ho A-chi (•JpJ ppj S) declare: "les chinois sont trait&s comme les esclaves noirs, je pr&f&re
" retourner mendier en Chine que de rester ici, pour y &tre moulu et brise."
Liu Sh&ng-lin (§1] H J||) d&clare : "bien que j'aie un bon maitre, le travail que j'ai a faire
*' est dix mille fois plus p&nible qu'en Chine."
Chang Lin-an (ffi ffi %) d&clare: "ceux qui en Chine endurent les miseres les plus
" extr&mes, ne souffrent pas autant que ceux qui sont ici."
Li A-yao (^ ppj jjg) et 185 autres declarent tous dans leurs d&positions qu'ils d&sirent,
retourner en Chine.
Ch'&n Hsio-chou (ffi *$ ffi) d&clare : " grace a l'assistance de mes amis je, pus me,
" racheter et dans l'espace de 2 ans j'&conomisai de quoi payer mon passage de retour ; mais
" alors je fus rencontr& par certains officiers qui avaient recu l'orde d'arr&ter tous les chinois. lis.,
" s'emparerent de moi et me mirent en prison oil je fus forc& de travailler. Mon padrino.
" ( parrain ) obtint heureusement, en depensant $ 1 50, de pouvoir se porter caution pour moi
"de sorte que j'&vitai d'etre vendu de nouveau comme esclave dans les montagnes, mais je
" perdis tout ce que je possedais."
Wang Hsiang ( 3E IbJ ) d&clare: "je possede maintenant $ 200, et si le d&p6t me laissait
" libre, je retournerais en Chine."

( <9' )

XLVI.
Les Chinois se sont-ils maries ? A quelles femmes ? Quelle est la condition de
LEURS FEMMES ET DE LEURS ENFANTS, ET QUEL AVENIR ONT CES ENFANTS DEVANT
EUX ?
La clause 35e du D&cret Royal Espagnol de i860 est ainsi concue: "les immigrants
" pourront se marier avec le consentement de leurs maitres. Si ce consentement est refus& et
" que l'immigrant ait lage ( requis par la loi ), il pourra soit se racheter conform&ment aux
" stipulations de la clause 43s, ou chercher un autre maitre qui remplira ces stipulations pour lui."
Or, la 43e clause est ainsi concue : " tout immigrant peut en tout temps se racheter en
" payant les sommes suivantes : —
" i°. la somme pay&e tout d'abord pour lui."
" 2°. la somme due comme indemnit& pour cessation de travail pendant les heures
" fixees par le contrat, ou pour toute autre cause."
"3° la plus forte somme que les experts declareront representer l'accroissement de
" valeur des services de l'immigrant depuis son acquisition."
" 4°. une compensation pour la perte qui peut resulter de la difficulte de remplacer
" le travailleur."
" L'immigrant ne pourra pas user de son droit de se racheter pendant la saison des sucres, ou
" pendant qu'on ex&cutera des travaux pressants permis m&me les jours de f&tes religieuses."
Ces extraits mettent a jour la difficult& qu'eprouve un chinois pour se racheter.
II y a quelques ann&es, 2 chinois ayant fini leur engagement et obtenu des lettres de
domicile et des cedulas, gagnerent des prix a la loterie et epouserent des chinoises. Ils sont
encore dans l'lle avec leurs femmes, ne pouvant pas payer le prix de leur passage de retour.
Ch&ng A-lai ( f||5 ppj 2j£ ) de Ch'aochow ( jfj 'ffi ), le seul parmi les dix-milliers de chinois
deharqu&s a Cuba, qui soit connu comme ayant amass& une somme consid&rable d'argent, &pousa
une femme blanche. Ensuite il s'efforca 2 fois de quitter lile, mais chaque fois il fut arret&. II
est mort maintenant et aucune partie de ses biens n'a &te renvoy&e en Chine.
II y a maintenant a Cuba un autre chinois nomme Chang Ch'ang-kuei ( ffi J| ft ) qui a
epous& une femme blanche et qui gagne par son travail de quoi subvenir a ses besoins. Sa
d&position fut prise et il y d&clare qu'il etait detest& a cause de son mariage ; et il y parle de la
haine qu'on lui portait pour d'autres motifs et de I'injustice avec laquelle il a &te trait& par le
ti-pao ( capitan de partido ).
En outre quelques autres chinois nomm&s Ho Hsi ( fpj |§ ), Chuang W&n-ming (g£ % BJJ),
Wu A-ling ( f£ ppj ft ), Ch'&n Hsiu ( ffi jf ), Ho Tan-kuei ( jpj JJ ^ ), &c, &c, ont &pous& des
ninlatresses ou des negresses. Mais le total de ces mariages est tres petit.
Quant aux enfants, la seule chose qu'on puisse en dire, c'est qu'ils sont eleves par leurs
parents.

( J92 )
XLVII.
Dans certaines lois que l'on dit avoir btE proposees pour etre mises en force tem-
porairement, et en consequence de la rebellion, on trouve les mots
sud7ants: "a l'expiration de leurs contrats les colons resteront sous la
"tutelle de leur derniers patrons," et "si le colon ne veut pas cela, il
" sera mis au dep&t municipal." qu'entend-on par " tutelle " et par " dep&t
Municipal"?
On a fr&quemment fait des changements aux reglements concernant les chinois a Cuba, mais
il n'est dit nulle part que l'on ait fait des reglements en cons&quence de la rebellion. La necessite
pour les chinois de renouveler leur contrat ou d'aller ex&cuter des travaux publics a &t& etablie
des l'ann&e i860, dans les articles 7 et 18 du D&cret publi& cette ann&e-ia.
(Note du traducteur.
L'expression " tutelle temporaire " mentionn&e dans la question, est emplqy&e dans le
D&cret du Gouvernement Colonial, dont le but a &t& explique en partie dans la
r&ponse a la question 25, et sur lequel on trouve de plus amples renseignements
dans le " m&moire sur la L&gislation." La " tutelle " signifiait la continuation
temporaire de lusage des services des chinois en question, a la condition pour
leur maitre de garantir qu'ils se pr&senteraient chaque fois qu'on le demanderait,
et qu'ils seraient retenus dans la m&me localit& jusqu'a ce que " le Gouvernment
" puisse verifier s'ils sont des deserteurs ou s'ils sont seulement coupables d'une
" faute de n&gligence en ne se recontractant pas d'une facon reguliere."
Ainsi que l'etablit le memoire pr&cite, la " tutelle " cessa le 14 Septembre 1872 et fut
remplac&e par la r&contractation prescrite dans les Reglements portant cette date.)
La " tutelle " par le premier maitre &tant une prolongation de service pour son b&n&fice
n'dtait pas de nature a &tre agr&able aux chinois impresses. La p&tition de J&n Shih-ch&n
(ft 1ft M.) et 2 autres montrent qu'ils regardaient comme une injuste exaetion de 3 ans de travail,
la mise a ex&cution pendant 8 ans de contrats passes pour 5 ans, et quelques autres extraits .
prouveront le deplaisir avec lequel les chinois consid&raient toute prolongation de service
de ce genre, et combien une pareille " tutelle " leur &tait pr&judiciable quand on la leur imposait. '
Ts&ng A-shih (f|' ppj -\-) d&clare dans sa d&position que 40 hommes qui avaient fini leur
contrat furent obhges de travailler enchain&s.
P'ang A-tung (f| ppj jg) declare qu'a la fin des 8 ans s'ils refusaient un nouveau contrat,
on les battait et on les enchalnait.
Lin Tzti-yu (ffi $| 7ft) declare qu'un homme de Nanhai qui refusait de renouveler son
contrat fut tellement bless& a coups de pointe de canne par l'administrateur qu'il en mourut
apres quelques jours.
Liang A-sh&ng (ig| ppj ££) declare qu'un Cantonnais nomme A-chi (ppj |jf) qui ne voulait
pas renouveler son contrat fut tellement blesse a coups de pointe qu'il en mourut au bout de
quelques jours.

( '93 )
L'institution connue sous le nom de " d&p&t " est appel&e de diff&rents facons dans les
d&positions, mais tous ces diff&rents noms, (il y en a dix) d&signent le m&me &tablissement. Le
" d&p&t " fut &tabli tout d'abord pour recevoir les esclaves deserteurs, et ce n'est que plus tard
que sa juridiction fut &tendue aux chinois se trouvant dans le m&me cas. Ensuite on ajouta a
ces derniers tous ceux qui ne poss&daient pas de Lettres de Domicile ou de cedulas, que ces docu
ments leur eussent &t& refus&s, ou repris de vive force, ou qu'ils les eussent perdus ; et comme dans
ces dernieres ann&es on a cesse completement d'en d&livrer, tous les travailleurs sont maintenant
expos&s k &tre arr&tes et mis au d&p&t. Celui qui refuse de renouveler son engagement avec son
premier maitre et qui, en d&pit des chaines et du fouet auxquels on a si souvent recours pour ly
contraindre, persiste dans son refus, est envoy& au d&p&t ou il est employ & aux travaux publics
sans aucun salaire jusqu'au moment oil il est oblig& d'accepter un nouveau contrat conclu par
I'entremise du d&p&t. Ce yiroc&de se r&pete constamment et son but est naturellement d'emp&cher
les chinois de jamais retourner en Chine, ou de jamais pouvoir gagner leur vie en libert&. II
a aussi pour r&sultat d'exposer a &tre envoy&s sur les plantations et a y endurer les extr&mes
cruautes qui s'y commettent, des hommes qui, employes jusqu'alors k d'autres travaux, ont
&chapp& a ces mauvais traitements.
Li Chao-ch'un (^ ^ §) et 166 autres &crivent dans leur petition : "nos compatriotes qui
" ont termin& leurs premiers contrats doivent entrer dans les d&pots, et il leur faut alors soit y
" travailler enchaines et sans gages, ou &tre lou&s pour aller travailler dans n'importe quelle partie
" de l'lle, servitude sans fin, qui peut durer jusqu'a leur mort. Le premier maitre ou tout autre
" peut aussi faire avec I'officier (du d&p&t) un contrat par lequel il s'engage a payer $ io ou plus,
"par mois, pour les services de chacun des chinois qu'il choisit dans le d&pot, et nous nous
" trouvons lies par les clauses de ce contrat, bien que la plus grande partie du salaire stipul&
" revienne aux Autorit&s et que nous ne recevions nous-memes que $ 4 par mois. Les contrats
" qu'on nous remet a Macao sont g&n&ralement gard&s par le maitre, et quand un d&ces a lieu
" parmi les chinois, le maitre peut, apres s'&tre entendu avec les Autorites, aller au d&pot et
" d&signer tel ou tel individu comme &tant le signataire du contrat du d&c&d&. Le d&pot &tait
" dans le principe une maison de detention pour les deserteurs, mais maintenant beaucoup de
¦"• nos compatriotes qui n'ont jamais d&sert& et qui ont fini r&gulierement leur temps de service
" sont forc&s d'y entrer, et tant qu'ils y sont, ils ont a transporter de la terre et de grosses pierres,
" travaillant enchain&s, (certains m&me ayant deux ou trois chain.es,) sous la surveillance de
" gardiens qui a coups de fouet et de couteau les forcent au travail. Le seul but de ces cruaut&s
" est de les contraindre a faire de nouveaux contrats avec les riches propri&taires de l'lle, et de se
" lier ainsi pour un certain nombre d'annees ; puis lorsque ce nouvel engagement est expir&, on
" les renvoie au d&p&t, oil l'on procede k leur egard comme auparavant. N'est-ce done pas un
" vrai esclavage a vie auquel les espagnols nous condamnent ? Cette maniere d'agir n'a d'autre
" but que de nous retenir ici jusqu'a ce que nous mourrions pour nous emp&cher de jamais revoir
" notre patrie."
Hsien Tso-pang (g£ $; %) &crit dans sa petition: "ces d&pots ne different en rien des
" prisons et beaucoup de nous, qui avons fini nos contrats depuis des ann&es sont expos&s a &tre
" envoy&s dans l'un ou l'autre de ces &tablissements sous laccusation de d&sertion. Tels sont les
•" moyens dont on se sert pour retenir les chinois dans l'lle, pour leur faire executer les travaux

( 194 )
" du Gouvernement sans les payer et pour avoir les profits provenant des frais k payer quand on
" signe de nouveaux contrats." • .
Ch'ii Ping-nan (|iJE!$}ifl)et22 autres ecrivent: "les d&p6ts &tablispour les chinois sont
" remplis par les soins de la police, dont les agents arrivent la nuit dans les habitations des hommes
" hb&r&s, demandent a voir leurs documents, arr&tent comme fumant de lopium ou jotiant ceux
" qui les pr&sentent, et comme deserteurs ceux qui ne les pr&sentent pas ; et tous les chinois
" ainsi arr&t&s ont a travailler dans les d&pots avec les fers aux pieds."
Ch'&n Ku (ffi -£) et 2 autres &crivent que leurs compatriotes sont train&s par la police a
la servitude sans fin des d&p&ts.
T'ang Chan-k'uei (J|t £j ^) et 8 autres &crivent : " dans toutes les villes de lint&rieur il y
" a maintenant des d&p&ts ou sont mis nos compatriotes lorsque leur engagement est termin& et
" la, on les envoie dans les montagnes ou on les contraint a faire de nouveaux contrats. Taht
" qu'ils restent dans ces d&pots on les nourrit comme des poules ou des chiens, on les chatie et on
" les fait travailler comme des bceufs ou des chevaux."
Chao K'un (^§ jg) et 97 autres &crivent : " quand les officiers refusent ces documents on
" nous arrete imm&diatement et on nous enferme dans les d&p&ts ou le fouet et les chaines au cdu
"sont aussi en usage. Les plus forts peuvent &tre capables de travailler encore dans les
"plantations, mais les plus ag&s apr&s avoir travaill& comme des bceufs ou des chevaux sont
" abandonn&s et meurent comme des insectes inutiles."
Ch&ng Hsing (gfl >[g) et 5 autres &crivent : " egalement a la fin de nos 8 ans nous fumes
" envoy&s par notre maitre aux Autorit&s qui nous forcerent a r&parer les routes, nous "mirent des
" chaines aux pieds et nous placerent sous les ordres de gardiens qui nous frappaient sans cesse."
Lai Sh&ng (fjj Jg£) et 9 autres ecrivent: " quand nous sommes conduits au d&pot on noils
" emploie aux durs travaux de r&paration ou nettoyage des routes et on ne nous donne aucun
" salaire. La nourriture aussi est insuffisante."
Ch'iu Pi-shan (^ §|| llj) et 34 autres &crivent : "la d&tention, les chaines et un dur travail
" — en fait le traitement des criminels — est celui que nous avons dans les d&pots ; les cruaut&s
" auxquelles nous y sommes soumis ne different en rien de celles que nous avons a supporter
" dans les plantations. Le but qu'on se propose en nous traitant avec tant d'injustice est de noils
" retenir ici comme esclaves pour toute notre vie."
Wu A-kuang ( §$. ppj ft ) 6crit : " dans les d&pots on nous enchaine et nous enferme,
" on nous force a travailler sans salaire et c'est sous lescorte d'un gardien arm& que noUs
" allons travailler. A moins qu'un espagnol se porte caution pour eux, les chinois peuvent
" &tre retenus enchain&s jusqu'a leur mort. Moi-m&me j'ai port& des chaines pendant
" des ann&es et mes pieds en sont devenus estropi&s, je suis mutil& et boiteiix pour toute mon
" existence." Lo A-pao ( |j§ ppj H ) &crit : " apres la fin de mes 8 ann&es, mon maitre etant un m&chailt
" homme refusa de me donner un cedula. Je partis pour travailler ailleurs mais comme je n'avais
" pas de papiers je fus arr&t& par des gardes qui m'amenerent a, ce d&pot. J'y suis depuis 4^5
" ans et ne recois aucun salaire."
Ch'&n Yii-shu ( ffi 3£ |gj ) et 4 autres &crivent : " ceux qui avaient eu la patience de finir
" leurs 8 annees dans I'idee que leur position s'am&liorerait alors, furent en vertu de mesures

( J95 )
" adopt&es par les Autorites, ou obhg&s de se lier par un nouveau contrat, ou bien envoyes au
" d&p6t d'oil l'on ne peut plus sortir."
T'ang Chan-k'uei ( Jt £ J||) et 106 autres ecrivent: "dans le principe esclaves d'un
" seul individu, nous sommes maintenant devenus, par linterm&diaire des dep6ts, les esclaves de
" toute la population, servitude qui ne peut finir qu'avec la vie."
Chang K'ai ( ffi ffi ) d&clare dans sa d&position : " ayant perdu mon cedula, je fus envoye
" au dep6t oh je travaillai pendant 8 ans sans salaire."
Huang A-mu ( jf ppj 7J; ) d&clare : " la d&pot me loua au dehors comme porteur d'eau a
" $ 20 par mois, sur lesquelles les officiers du d&pot retenaient $ 1 5 pour eux."
Liu A-t'ang ( § 1] ppj ^ ) et 4 autres d&clarent qu'ils &taient lou&s a $ 1 5 par mois et que
les officiers retenaient $ 10.
Lu A-hsing ([jg? ppj ^) declare : " je fus lou& par le d&pot a une plantation aux gages de
" $ 20 par" mois et la-dessus les officiers retenaient $ 10."
Li A-te (^ ppj {;§) declare: "j'&tais lou& par le d&p&t a $ 11 par mois, dont $ 10 &taient
"retenues par les officiers. Ensuite je fus transf&r& a un manufacturier de machines a $ 17 par
" mois et les officiers retenaient $ 12."
Chang Luan (ffi^) d&clare: "je suis lou& par le d&p6t, en partant le matin et
" revenant la nuit. Sur mes gages on ne me donne que $ 4, le reste est retenu par l'adminis-
" trateur." Lin A-te (ffi ppj ffi) d&clare : " beaucoup sont lou&s par le d&p&t, qui retient la totahte des
" gages ; 9 de mes compagnons sont maintenant lou&s a une plantation."
Li A-pao (^ ppj ffi) d&clare : " le d&p&t est mal bati et sale et nous couchons tous sur la
" terre comme des pourceaux dans la boue et bien qu'&tant plus de mille nous avons tous a nous
" laver dans un baquet qui n'a que quelques pieds de long."
Li Hsi-pao (^ ^ JJ) declare : " dans le d&p&t j'ai vu un homme de Shunt&h (J{j| ^) ag&
" de plus de 60 ans auquel on avait cass& un bras en le frappant. Je vis aussi la un homme de
" Canton ag& de plus de 40 ans qui avait eu l'&pine dorsale endommag&e par des coups qu'on lui
" avait donn& parcequ'il marchait lentement."
Ho A-shan (*fpj ppj |§) d&clare: "dans le d&pot notre surveillant negre frappe le plus
" souvent les hommes avanc&s en age."
Wang Ta-ch'&ng (3£ ft M) d&clare: "a, la Trocha, en coupant les arbres dans les
" montagnes mon bras fut casse par un arbre ; on me ramena au depot ou l'administrateur me
"jeta par terre alors que la fracture n'&tait pas tout a fait gu&rie, et la chute rendit a ma blessure
" ses premieres proportions."
Ch'&n A-pao (ffi ppj ffi) declare: "10 vieillards boiteux ont &t& envoyes a la campagne il
"y a deux jours parcequ'on s'attendait k la visite de la Commission. Mon frere qui a un cedula
" et est injustement d&tenu dans le depdt a &te &galement &cart&."
Yu A-ssii (}J£ ppj 0) et 8 autres declarent : " auparavant nous dormions-par terre, et nos
"jambes en &taient toutes gonflees, mais quand on attendit la visite de la Commission, on nous
" donna des lits en bois et des v&tements."
Li A-n&ng (^ ppj $g) d&clare : " ces nouveaux v&tements nous ont &t& donn&s hier, et c'est
" hier aussi qu'on a relach& les hommes enchaines." 25

( 196 )
Lin A-kou (ffi ppj j&J) et 21 autres declarent : " quand on s'attendit a la visite de la Com-
" mission des vetements nous furent d&livrees."
Lin Erh ( ffi Zl ) depose : " quand on s'attendit a la visite de la Commission, on nous
" donna des rations de riz et des v&tements neufs."
Liu A-hsi (gij ppj ||) d&clare : " quand on s'attendit a la visite de la Commission, on nous
" donna des rations de riz."

XL VIII.
Les Chinois interroges ont-ils parle librement?
Les hommes interroges dans les d&pots, prisons, et les plantations ont &te choisis par la
Commission sur un certain nombre d'hommes d&sign&s tout d'abord par les fonctionnaires de ces
&tablissements. En outre, dans les plantations le plus souvent l'enqu&te se faisait en pr&sence .
de l'administrateur ou des surveillants. Leur pr&sence tendait a intimider les gens ; cependant
quelques-uns n'h&siterent pas a faire le d&tail de leurs souffrances, a montrer bravement leurs
cicatrices et a montrer les bananes, le bceuf sech& et le mais qui constituaient leur nourriture.
La teneur des depositions ci-dessous repond egalement a la question posee.
(Note du traducteur.
L'auteur de ce rapport interprete la question pos&e ici comme pouvant aussi s'apph
quer a lattitude permise aux chinois quand les Autorit&s de Cuba les interrogent,
aussi bien qua leur maniere d'etre pendant leur interrogatoire par la Commission,
en cons&quence il cite les extraits suivants. )
Sh&n San-w&n ( -ffi 5* fi ) d&clare : " un n&gre qui avait commis un vol m'accusa d'&tre
" son complice, je fus mis en prison et condamn& a 7 ans de d&tention. Pendant le jugement
"I'officier ne voulut pas me permettre d'entrer dans aucun d&tail. Mon temps de condamnation
" est fini, mais je suis encore retenu en prison."
Lai A-hsi (gj ppj g§) d&clare: "un certain Huang A-kuang (jf ppj ft) de Polo (ff j$|)
" ayant &t& battu et forc& a travailler enchain& se pendit pendant la nuit. Nous d&posames une
"plainte devant les Autorites voisines, mais elles n'y firent aucune attention et le corps fut
" enterre sans qu'on fit aucune enqu&te. En presence de cette injustice, 23 d'entre nous renouve-
" lerent laccusation devant une Autorite de rang sup&rieur. L'administrateur nous avait suivi et
" il arriva au bureau de cet officier en m&me temps que nous; ils eurent ensemble une longue
" conversation et ensuite I'officier nous demanda quels &taient ceux d'entre nous qui d&siraient
" retourner a la plantation, nous assurant qu'ils ne seraient pas chati&s, et il ajouta que ceux qui
" refuseraient seraient vendus a d'autres plantations. Dix accepterent la seconde alternative,
" moi et les 12 autres nous retournames k la plantation."
Kuan A-hsi (gj[| ppj :§) declare: "notre maitre ayant k coups de poing bless& a la t&te un
"homme aveugle, nous allames porter plainte devant les Autorit&s; mais elles refuserent de
" laccepter et nous mirent en prison."

( i97 )
Han Yen-p'ei ($f $| Jg) declare: "l'administrateur me battit parceque je lui demandai
" 8 mois de gages (qui m'&taient dus); j'allai me plaindre a I'officier, qui le fit venir. II declara
" que j'avais vol& de la paille et je fus imm&diatement mis en prison."
Ts&ng Jui-t'o (H Jjg §£) et 4 autres &crivent clans leur p&tition: "apr&s la ye annee de
" Hienfeng, les officiers soudoy&s par les planteurs s'efforcerent de nous contraindre tous a faire
" de nouveaux contrats, sans tenir compte de l&poque de notre arriv&e ni des documents que l'on
" poss&dait; on ne fit aucune attention a nos remonstrances."

XLIX.
Les Espagnols ont-ils offert A la Commission toutes les facilites necessaires ?
Excepte dans un seul cas, c'est aux instructions donnees par l'ex-Capitaine G&n&ral de
Cuba, le General Jovellar, que la Commission doit d'avoir &t& recuedans le d&pot, la prison,
l'hopital et le barracon de la Havane, et dans les dep6ts, prisons et h&pitaux des autres villes
qu'elle a visit&es, ainsi que dans les plantations ou elle a poursuivi son enquete. Au moment de
quitter la Havane pour aller dans l'interieur, elle recut &galement de Senor Zulueta, alors Gouver-
neur, et maintenant maire, de la Havane, et Pr&sident de la Commission Centrale de Colonisation,
des lettres a ladresse des Sous-Commissions de Colonisation &tablies clans les villes principales de
chaque "juridiction."
L'exception cit&e plus haut a eu lieu pour la plantation de Las Cafias appartenant au
Senor Juan Poet, qui fut visitee par la Commission sur l'invitation du propri&taire.
Pour les autres plantations ce n'est qu'apres un arrangement pr&alable entre I'Autorite
locale et le propri&taire que la Commission y fut admise.
Pendant le cours des interrogatoires il y avait quelquefois des Repr&sentants du Gouverne
ment pr&sents, mais ils n'intervenaient en aucune facon.
Aucunes autres facilit&s n'ont &t& offertes par les espagnols a quelque classe qu'ils
appartinsent.

EST-ON INTERVENU OU A-T-ON USE D'INTIMIDATION ?
La Commission n'a rencontre aucune difficult& en ce qui concerne sa maniere de proc&der
dans les d&p6ts, les prisons et les h6pitaux de la Havane et autres villes de Cuba ; mais il ressort
des d&positions prises que dans les premiers de ces &tablissements des rations de riz, des v&te
ments neufs et m&me des lits furent donnes aux chinois qui s'y trouvaient, dans lattente de la
Commission. %
Les Autorites locales fixaient d'avance l'heure a laquelle on irait visiter les plantations,
et elles ont quelquefois accompagn& la Commission.

( 198 )
Les propri&taires de quelques plantations ont donne l'hospitalit& et envoy& des voitures a
la Commission ; mais quand elle demandait k examiner les travailleurs ordinaires il etait con
stamment r&pondu comme excuse qu'ils &taient a travailler dans les champs et a leur place on
pr&sentait les cuisiniers et autres domestiques, en nombre peu considerable. Lorsqu'apres un
long deiai on amenait quelques travailleurs de la classe demand&e, on dedarait que leur absence
avait des inconv&nients et on insistait pour que linterrogatoire fut en consequence aussi court que
possible. Ordinairement aussi les administrateurs et surveillants se tenaient a c6t&, debout, le
fouet a la main, mais heureusement ils n'essayaient d'aucune autre intimidation ouvertement. II
est juste aussi de rapporter ici que l'administrateur de la plantation "Armonia," dans la
juridiction de Matanzas, bien qu'ayant consenti a ce qu'on interrogeat trente travailleurs, mit fin
a linterrogatoire apres qu'on en eut examin& dix, en dispersant les autres a coups de pied et en
les battant, alors qu'ils attendaient leur tour d'&tre questionn&s; ce n'est qu'apr&s une longue
discussion qu'il promit d'amener quelques autres travailleurs le lendemain matin — promesse qu'il
tint en en amenant un petit nombre a 4 heures du matin qu'il fallut interroger avec toute la hate
possible. Les extraits suivants des p&titions donnent de plus amples renseignements :
Liang A-te ($£ ppj f^) (en service a Matanzas) ecrit: "la nuit derniere j'avais lintention
" d'aller moi-m&me raconter mon histoire devant la Commission, mais mon maitre me ramena
" brutalement a la maison et me mit aux fers, aussi suis-je forc& de pr&senter cette d&position
" &crite." P'an To-li (j|| ^ ^lj) et 2 autres au service dans le voisinage de Cardenas &crivent: "ayant
" entendu parler de l'enqu&te que vous faites, nous avions lintention d'aller en personne d&poser
" devant vous, mais notre maitre d&clara qu'il ne permettrait qu'a 8 ( autres ) hommes d'aller vous ,
" voir, et comme il est tr&s s&vere nous n'avons pas os& desobeir a son ordre, aussi vous transmet-
" tons-nous cette petition ecrite."

Pour traduction conforme.
(Sign6) a. HUBER,
Directeur des Douanes-

III.

CHINESE VERSION OF DESPATCH TO YAMEN.

26

( 200 )

Despatch of Commissioners Ch'en Lan-pin, Macpherson and Huber, reporting to the

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( 201 )

Tsungli Yam^n the results of their enquiry into the condition of Chinese in Cuba.

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IV.

MEMORANDUM, REGULATIONS, ETC.

( 2°4 )

Memorandum concerning Legislation of Spanish and Colonial Governments regarding
Chinese Immigrants.

The first Regulations regarding the importation of Chinese into Cuba, to which reference
has been possible, are those contained in the Royal Decree dated 22nd March, 1854, an(^ published
in Havana on the ioth May of that year. The 56th article of the Decree declares that the Rules
previously existing are abrogated, but no record of the latter has been found. The Decree of
1854 was cancelled and superceded by that dated 7th July and published 4th August, i860, which
is still in force, and a full translation of which is appended. The first Decree entitled " Regulations
" for the introduction into, and government of immigrants in, the island of Cuba," refers to
Spanish, Chinese and Yucatanese, and, although it remained in force six years, is stated to be
applicable during only two years. It is divided into three Sections, headed respectively, ( 1 )
" Concerning the introduction of immigrants;" ( 2 ) " Concerning the obligations and rights of
"immigrants and their employers;" (3) "Concerning the disciplinary jurisdiction of employers."
There is, in addition, a separate and. concluding clause headed " General Provisions. " The second
Decree is denominated " Regulations for the introduction of Chinese labourers." The titles of the
three Sections are preserved, and the heading " General Provisions " enlarged into a Section.
The first Section of the earlier Decree contains only 1 5 Articles, that of the latter contains
30 ; the difference between the two consists altogether in additions and amplifications, the only
clause found in the 1854 Decree and omitted in that of i860, being one providing for the.
compulsory introduction of a certain number of women ; and the additions and amplifications
apply solely to the relations between the Colonial Government and the importers of labourers,
with the exception of two clauses rendering necessary on the expiration of the immigrant's
original and all subsequent contracts, either his acceptance of a fresh one, or departure from the
island, or temporary service in government works. The 2nd and 3rd Sections in both Decrees
are word for word alike, save that in the first Decree the two Sections extend to 5 1 Articles, and
in the second to only 48, the three omitted clauses being, — one providing that the immigrant
cannot claim from employer, government, or importer, the cost of a' passage back to his country
unless his contract expressly specifies the privilege; a second providing for the abrogation of
previous Rules; and a third removing every disability from the immigrants who had fulfilled
their original contracts. Of the 4 Articles found in the 4th Section of the i860 Decree, but
one, that providing for an annual census of the immigrants, occurs in the Decree of 1854. It
will be observed that the other three Articles provide that a Chinese is unable to surrender any
of the privileges bestowed on him by law, that government possesses the right of stopping

( 205 )
immigration on giving 8 months notice, and that the Decree of 1854 and all antecedent
Regulations are cancelled.
The Decree of 1854 thus had conferred upon Chinese, whose original contracts had been
duly completed, the rights enjoyed by other aliens. These rights resolved themselves into the
liberty to take out a Letter of Domicile, a document issued for 5 years, and which, it is alleged,
contained a clause to the effect, that on the expiration of that term the holder must be
naturalized and embrace the Roman Catholic faith or quit the island, — a clause which, it is
stated, was easily evaded by a brief absence and an application for a new Letter on return. In
the case of the Chinese, however, it would seem that acceptance of the new religion was almost
invariably a necessary preliminary to the obtaining of the document, and that, without taking
any further steps, or surrendering the Letter of Domicle, they, at the close of the 5 years, were
regarded as naturalized. These' inferences may be drawn from the 75th clause of the Instructions
of 1 868 calling for the production of Letters of Domicile accompanied by Certificates of Baptism,
from the 1 6th and 83rd clauses of the Instructions, and from the depositions. These also show
that the convert desirous of being baptized required the services of a Spanish subject, to act for
him in the capacity of Godfather or Padrino; and that, at the time of application for the Letter
of Domicile, the presentation of a certificate that the term of contract had been completed to the
employer's satisfaction was indispensable. The possession of the Letter of Domicile enabled the
holder to obtain a Pass requiring annual renewal, termed Cedula de Yecindad, without which, at
every step, arrest was, and is, possible and probable.
For the sake of clearness, it is well to state here that a Cedula is issued to employers for
each Chinese contracted to them; these, however, are simply proofs that the employer has reported
to the authorities each contract which he has acquired, and in no way increases the security of
the immigrant. Protected, on the other hand, by that which he himself obtained and held, the
Chinese could open a shop, form with others of his countrymen a gang of independent workmen,
and accept whatever employment suited best his interests.
His position was radically changed by the Decree of 1 860. Its Articles 7 and 1 8 applicable ,
to all landed after the 5th February, 1861, deprived him of what a few months after his
arrival he found to be the chief recompense of his years of bondage. During these he could only
by the most rigid self-denial save a sum barely sufficient for the expenses of his return to China,
the costly voyage to New York, San Francisco and Hongkong ; but if at their close allowed to use
his natural sagacity and the knowledge he had acquired of the language and the habits of the
people, he could soon earn a far larger amount. This no longer was lawful. If he refused to
-accept whatever terms those who well understood his needs chose to tender, he must reach his
home as destitute as when he quitted it, after, if prompt departure were beyond his means, in
addition toiling for government an indefinite time. Eight years afterwards the results of this
¦change necessitated further legislation, and on the 31st December, 1868, were made public
"Instructions for the application of the Regulations for the introduction of Chinese immigrants,
"for their good government, and for their police supervision." The objects of these Instructions
are, in the preamble, stated to be the extinction of abuses, which had arisen through disregard of
the provisions of the i860 Decree, and the establishment of perfect order in all matters connected
¦with Asiatic immigration. They contain 83 Articles which prescribe, —

( 206 )
i st, The preparation of a census of all Chinese in Cuba, to be completed during the following
February, and to be divided into; —
i". Table of those serving under contracts;
2°. Table of deserters still at large;
3°. Table of deserters detained in the depots; (houses of detention for captured
deserters and non-recontracted Chinese; originally established for runaway
slaves ; )
4°. Table of those who having completed their contracts are detained in the dep6ts,
pending departure or recontracting;
5°. Table of those confined in the various prisons;
6°. Table of domiciled or free Chinese.
2nd, Measures for afterwards tracing the movements of Chinese.
3rd, Measures for the treatment of deserters and of those who desire to recontract or to "
leave the island.
The Articles appertaining to the first category are 23 in number, but as Tables 1 — 5 were
necessarily to be framed by the deputed officer in concert with employers, and by the authorities
of the de*p6ts and prisons, from the records of the various establishments, .the execution of the
task could in no way affect or molest the individual regarding whom the information was required,
and it was only the domiciled Chinese who were unavoidably brought1 in contact with the
registering officers. The Article, No. 16, defining the manner of the registration, is to the effect,
" that during the second fortnight of February the deputed officer shall visit the residences of the
" domiciled Chinese, and shall, before registration, personally inspect them, and call for the
" production of their Letters of Domicile and Cedulas, that the former document shall be retained
*' by the inspecting officer, and the latter returned to the holder, sealed and endorsed, ' Registered.' "
Another Article, No. 80, prescribes the arrest of all presenting Cedulas originally issued to other
individuals. The census, thus commenced, was, however, never carried out. This is evident
from the preamble to the Colonial Decree of 1871, which repeats the order for its enforcement,
and from the wording of the order of the Colonial Government, dated February 3rd, 1872,
in which the census of Chinese, then in course of preparation, is spoken of as the first
executed. The Articles falling under the second category are 16 in number, and, with the exception
of one, No. 31, directing domiciled Chinese to apprise the proper authorities of all changes of
residence, are confined to the ordering of certain records and reports to be regularly made and
kept by distinctly specified functionaries. Two are still of interest as being, with article 62 of
the Rules of 1873, the only Regulations existing, having reference to steps to be taken in cases
of death. The first, No. 27, is to the effect that employers shall report such deaths to the local
officials, and shall deliver to them the contract and Cedula of the deceased for transmission to
the chief authority of the district, by whom they are to be cancelled. The other, No. 30, refers to
domiciled Chinese, and is similar in purport ; it does not, however, specify by whom the report
of death is, in the first instance, to be made.
The 44 Articles appertaining to the third category, with two exceptions, are practically to
be found either embodied in or appended to the Rules of 14th September, 1872, and 7th May,

( 207 )
1 873. which with the Decree of i860 form the code now in force, and translations of which are
attached. The first exception is Article 55, which declares that Chinese desirous of quitting the island,
but not possessing the necessary funds, shall, if after working one year for Government the sum to
their credit is insufficient, be sent away at the cost of the dep6t. This provision, though never
absolutely rescinded, is wholly in abeyance. The other clause was not included in the Rules of
1872, and was cancelled before the issue of the Rules of 1873. It, No. 71, lays down that
Chinese who arrived before the 15 th February, 1861, but who had omitted to apply for their
Letters of Domicile, had, by their neglect, forfeited their right to the privilege. It was cancelled
by an order of the Colonial Government dated 13th February, 1873, in "consideration of reasons
'¦ of expedience and justice which counselled the change."
The Instructions of 1 868 seem to have failed to establish the perfect order hoped for, as
in July and August, 1 870, the Cuban authorities complained to the Spanish Government, that the
development of agriculture and commerce and the pacification of the island were impeded by
the immigration of Chinese, and urged its prompt cessation, and the necessity of the immediate
departure of those in the island not engaged in the agricultural tasks for which they had been
introduced, and stated that free labour would be found in abundance and was preferred by the
planters. In reply to this appeal there wsts published at Havana, on the 13th June, 1871, a
Royal Order, dated the 27th April of that year, declaring immigration suspended, in accordance
with the provisions of 1 860, and authorizing the deportation of all Chinese, without distinction,
who, on the expiration of their original or subsequent contracts had not, according to the
provisions of the laws, entered into fresh ones, who were devoting themselves to objects alien to
that for which they had been brought to the island, or who had become elements of disorder ;
it was added, that the deportation of vagabonds and paupers was to be effected at the expense
of the Government. The Colonial Government, however, did not avail itself of the assent thus
accorded to its wishes. On the contrary, on the 1 8th October a Decree was issued explaining
that the progress made in the tranquillization of the island rendered needless steps previously
desirable, and that Chinese were permitted to remain in Cuba subject to the provisions thereto
fore in vigour, and calling upon all who had not yet done so, to at once act in accordance with
,these; that is to say, that immigrants who had arrived before the 15th February, 1861, should be
careful that their Cedulas were in order, and that those of later arrival should either recontract
or depart within two months. On the 13th December another Decree of the Colonial Govern
ment, of a different tone and of a more stringent nature, appeared. It recalls the facts, that
of 6,948 immigrants landed from 1861 to 1863, whose contracts for eight years expired between
1869 and 1 87 1, a large portion had evaded the law, and that in addition there existed a number
of deserters whom it devolved on the Government to send back to their employers, so that the
latter might be indemnified for the labour of which they had been deprived ; it adds that the
measures dictated in the Instructions of 1 868 had been found inadequate, and that exceptional
steps became indispensable, where the task to be undertaken was that of teaching obedience to
the law to a multitude of individuals scattered over the island, who, whether they were engaged
in agriqulture, or manufacture, or domestic service, were sources rather of disorder than of peace
and prosperity. This Decree contains 26 Clauses, and 1 Supplementary Article" containing 27

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provisions of temporary application. The first 9 clauses repeat and amplify the Rules for
the preparation of the Census Tables contained in the Instructions of 1868. The Articles
Nos. 8 and 9, concerning the registration of domiciled Chinese, are characterized by increased
stringency. The officers designated are to direct one or more of their subordinates, accompanied
by two residents in the vicinity, to visit the dwellings of, and personally inspect the Chinese
in question; the Letters of Domicile and Cedulas of the latter are to be examined with
the most scrupulous care, and the descriptions of personal appearance which they contain
are to be compared with the actual appearance of the holders; the adoption is authorized
and enjoined of every precaution that may appear necessary in order to ascertain the
genuineness of each document, and the legality of the manner in which it has been obtained
by its possessor; documents even which withstand such tests are to be regarded and endorsed
as still "subject to the revision of the Colonial Government," and resort, when judged
needful, is ordered to the arrest prescribed in clause No. 30 of the 1868 Instructions. The
remaining clauses meriting special notice provide that all other Chinese not employed on
estates or in commercial establishments, or in private residences, are immediately to be arrested
and confined in the depots; that all Chinese so employed, but not formally recontracted, are to
remain under the temporary guardianship of the individuals in whose service they may be, until
the Government can ascertain whether they are deserters, or whether they have been guilty only
of the fault of neglect to recontract themselves in a legal manner; that a contract is to be
entered into between these guardians and each Chinese thus placed under ¦their care; that the
contract is to be worded according to the specified form, to the effect that monthly wages of
$ 12 are to be paid, $4 of which are to be handed to the workman and $ 8 to the Government
for retention until the former's antecedents can be verified, for surrender to him if it be found
that he is simply a non-recontracted, or for delivery with him to his original acquirer if he is
proved to have resorted to flight; that the working collectively in gangs of even legally free
Chinese is prohibited; that Chinese who, whilst the Census is being carried out, complete their
first contracts are to have the option of remaining under the guardianship of their master or of
entering the nearest depot; and that during the same period no papers of any class whatever
are to be issued to Chinese, save Passes for those serving under original contracts whom their
masters may desire to transfer from one locality to another.
These provisions were, of course, equivalent to the compulsory detention in the island of
all Chinese then in it, and their stringency was relaxed in favour of those who had legally
completed their contracts and desired to quit Cuba, by an order of the Colonial Government of
the 1 6th January, 1872 ; but on the following 5th February this relaxation was withdrawn, and
the withdrawal was reiterated in another order dated 17th May, and the issue of Passports was
only sanctioned by an order dated 3rd July, 1872. On the 18th July, also of that year, the
direct payment to immigrants serving under the temporary guardianship of their original
employers was permitted. The state of tutelage in which so many Chinese were, placed only
ceased on the 14th September. An announcement to that effect and of the substitution of
recontracting in accordance with prescribed formalities was appended as a Supplementary Article
to the Regulations made public on that date. In another Decree, also dated 13th December, the
Colonial Government, " considering necessary the creation of a Board, which, from the special

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i " qualifications of its members, may offer guarantees of success to the system prescribed as to
" be adopted in regard to the Chinese already in the island, and to immigration generally," orders
the constitution of a Central Commission of Colonization. This Commission is to consist of a
President, 12 members, and 12 members substitute — who, apparently, only possess a vote in
the absence of the members proper. Two-thirds of the members are to be planters. The presence
of 5 voters is to form a quorum. The President and members are to be nominated by Govern
ment, and are to receive no salaries, and the expenses are to be defrayed out of the fees payable
by the employers of labour, who, under the other Decree of the same date, retain or recover
the services of Chinese. The Commission is empowered to act as the chief adviser of
the Colonial Government, and as, under it, the chief administrator in all matters connected
with immigration. Two days later a third Decree nominated the President and members. On
the 19th May, 1872, the creation of Sub-commissions in every town which was the re
sidence of a Governor or of a Lieutenant-Governor, and of a Delegate, under the orders
of the Sub-commission in each district of such government, was ordered by the Colonial
Government; and on the ioth September instructions for the guidance of these framed by
the Central Commission and approved by the Colonial Government were made public. Though
not distinctly specified in the above order, it is evident from the Regulations of May, 1873, that
a Sub-commission for Havana was also constituted. The Chinese, however, had become desirous
either of securing for their interests special representation or of availing themselves more exten
sively of a protector, which, though by no means free from disadvantages, emanated at least from
a source that was not affected by the influences which operated on planters, and on all who
benefitted directly or otherwise by the cheapness of labour. Certain Chinese domiciled in Havana
and possessed of some means, induced the Colonial Government to sanction, by a Decree dated
20th March, 1872, the appointment of a foreigner resident in that city, as Chief Agent, and of Sub-
agents in the cities of the interior, to act as representatives of Chinese, in cases where interference
became necessary to prevent the suffering of wrong through ignorance of the laws and language,
and the bad faith of those with whom they were dealing. This scheme, commenced with very
fair prospects of success, resulted in failure, owing to the withdrawal in the following July of the
permission accorded, on the ground of abuses alleged to have been committed by the Sub-agent at
Cardenas ; but it is right that this Commission should place on record the fact that Chinese of
every class speak in the highest terms of the honour, integrity and justice of the gentleman selected
as Chief Agent. Again, a law dated 4th July, 1 870, relative to foreigners residing in Spanish
Colonies regularized and improved the position of these, and directed the issue of Cedulas de
Estranjeros, — a document free from the restrictions with which the old Letter of Domicile was
burdened, — to all registered in the books of their Consulates, and in those of the Colonial
Government ; and application by the Consulates was one of the methods indicated for effecting the
latter registration and obtaining the Cedula referred to. The Consulate of Portugal, as indicated
in the 56th article of the 6th section of the Macao Emigration Regulations, had long assumed the
right to act as protectors of all Chinese embarked at Macao, had endeavoured, with imperfect
success, to maintain a system of, on the arrival of a ship, inspection, registration and collection
of fees, and had not unfrequently obtained for these alleged Portuguese subjects Letters of
Domicile, and many Chinese, under the pressure of the Decree of 1871, entertained hopes that

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through the new law this external aid might be more easily resorted to, and the disabilities to
which they were subjected more generally evaded. In an order, however, dated the 9th Decem
ber, 1872, the Colonial Government decided that Chinese holding Cedulas as of Portuguese
nationality, did not, if they had arrived after February, 1861, escape the application of the Decree
of 1868, — i.e., a fresh contract or departure; and in a later Order of the 16th of the same month,
it announced its approval of the views expressed by the Commission of Colonization, that such
Cedula could only be obtained by Chinese who had landed before February, 1861.
On the 20th June, 1873, the Colonial Government, in accordance with Orders received-
from Spain, created the appointment of a paid Inspector of Chinese Immigration. The duties of
this functionary are defined to be " the personal investigation of the treatment received by Chinese
" during the voyage, the ensuring that all concerned obey strictly the Regulations and Provisions
" in vigour relative to such immigration, and the inexorable enforcement by either administrative
" or judicial means of the law, when any violation of it or abuse is encountered."
In the meantime the members of the Central Commission of Colonization had entered on
the task of codifying and improving according to their own views the existing legislation. The
results are the Regulations of the 14th September, 1872, (at first objected to by the Spanish
Government as unnecessary,) and the Regulations of the 7th May, 1873, made public by order of
the Colonial Government, and which, as before stated, combined with the Royal Decree of i860,
form the Code applicable to-day in Cuba to Chinese who have arrived, or may arrive under
contract.

ROYAL DECREE of i860.
Section I.

Concerning the introduction of Chinese immigrants.
1. — The admission of Chinese immigrants into the island of Cuba is only authorized in
accordance with the provisions of these Regulations.
2. — Every importer of Chinese must appoint a consignee in Cuba. The latter must be a
proprietor of known standing resident in the island, or a firm established in it. Companies
formed by shareholders cannot act as consignees; even those established in Havana and
empowered by their statutes to introduce immigrants must designate a consignee as above
defined. 3. — The consignee will be held responsible for those represented, in the event of any
failure taking place in carrying out the provision of these regulations, without prejudice to the
responsibility still attached to the master and officers of the vessel.
4. — The consignee must, in the first instance, report to the Captain General the name,
capacity, crew and master of any vessel chartered for the purpose of conveying immigrants.
He must at the same time report the number of Chinese whom he proposes to import in such
vessel. The Captain General will publish these details in the Havana Gazette, and will, by the
first mail, communicate them to this Government.

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5. — The cognisance and authorisation of the Consul of Spain or of his agent, according to
the locality of contracting a shipment, are indispensable preliminaries to the reception of the
¦Chinese in Cuba. The Consul and his agents are directly responsible that such shipments are
•effected in accordance with the provisions of these Regulations.
6. — Every contract should specify and contain: —
i . The age, sex, and district of the Chinese contracted.
2. The term of contract,
3. The wages, and the nature, quality and quantity of the food and clothing which
the immigrant is to receive.
4. The obligation of supplying the immigrant with medical aid during sickness.
5. Whether wages cease during a sickness not the result of labour or of any act for
which the employer is responsible.
6. The number of hours of labour obligatory each day ; and a declaration that if the
employer is empowered to increase these during certain days, such increase
must be compensated for by a proportionate decrease on other days.
7. The obligation on the part of the immigrant of making good to the employer such
hours of labour as the latter may have lost by his fault.
8. The obligation on the part of the immigrant of submitting to the discipline of the
plantation, manufactory, or other establishment to which he may be assigned.
9. A clause conceived as follows : —
" I, N. N., fully aware that the stipulated wages are much less than those earned
" by free labourers on the island of Cuba, agree to them because I consider that
" this difference is compensated for by the other advantages which my employer
" has to confer upon me, and which are those specified in this contract."
10. The signatures of the contracting parties, or in default of that of the immigrant,
those of two witnesses.
7. — In addition to these particulars, an essential condition and clause of every contract
•entered into with a Chinese is, that on termination of his engagement he will not be able to
remain in Cuba unless contracted afresh, as apprentice, or workman, agricultural labourer, or
domestic servant, guaranteed by; and under the responsibility of his employer, and that failing
such recontract, he will be forced to quit the island within two months from the 'termination of
his contract. 8. — Contracts entered into with Chinese will be prepared in quadruplicate, and of these
a translation in duplicate will be prepared by the interpreter of the Consulate.
g. — A list in quadruplicate of the Chinese embarked on board each vessel is to be prepared
and signed by the person in charge of the shipment. This must specify sex, age and personal
appearance, and must be delivered to the Consul of Spain, or his agent. The four copies will be
endorsed by the Consulate, by which one copy also will be retained; of the other three one copy
is to be returned to the shipper, one is to be transmitted directly to the Government of Spain,
and one is to be forwarded to the Captain General of Cuba.
IO, — Minors can only contract themselves with the consent of the person under whose
-charge they are.

y ¦—

( 2I2 )
il. — Immigrants are to be embarked in the proportion of one person for every two tons of
fit accommodation remaining, after deduction of the space occupied by the cargo.
12. — It is besides obligatory on the importer, —
i. To provide the vessel with a quantity of water and sound food proportioned to the
number of individuals who have to be embarked, and to the distance to be
traversed.
2. Adopt the precautions necessary for maintaining on board the cleanliness and
ventilation indispensable to the health of the passengers.
3^ Carry a surgeon and medicine chest when the number of passengers exceeds 40.
4. Submit to whatever guarantees and police regulations may be in force at the port
of Cuba which the vessel may enter.
13. — In order to ensure attention to these Regulations the immigrant can only be introduced
by the port of Havana, except when shipwreck or other unavoidable accident renders compulsory
entrance into and disembarkation at another port.
14 — The Consul of Spain in China will apprise in a circumstantial manner, directly and by
the shortest route, both his Government and the Captain General of Cuba of the departure of
each vessel conveying labourers to that island.
1 5. — Within 24 hours after arrival of such a vessel, its consignee must deposit in the Spanish
Bank of Havana $ 50 for each Chinese embarked, without prejudice to the general provisions of
the 3rd Article. This sum will be devoted to the immediate execution of any salutary measures
which the state of the Chinese may reclaim, and to the immediate supplying them with proper
lodging and assistance, in the event of neglect in either of these respects by the consignee, and to
the payment of any pecuniary indemnities to which the Chinese may be entitled on account of
occurrences either at time of embarkation, or during the voyage, or on arrival; and to, after these
outlays have been defrayed, the payment of whatever penalties the actual importers have rendered
themselves liable to. This deposit or the balance will be refunded to the consignee as soon as he
is declared, relieved of the responsibility thus imposed on him.
16. — When it appears from examination of the papers that the mortality of the Chinese
during the voyage has exceeded six per cent., an enquiry into the cause will be instituted; and
according to the report which ensues the Captain General, in consultation with the Board of
Health and of- Trade, will inflict a proportionate fine, or will transfer the matter to the tribunals.
17. — Within 24 hours after arrival or issue of bill of health, the consignee will tender a
list of the immigrants originally embarked, noting on it those who have died during the voyage
and the causes of death. The Captain General on receipt of this list, and after adoption of the
precautions which he may deem necessary for the prevention of fraud, will permit landing.
18. — Two months after the termination of his engagement, the Chinese must either have
renewed his contract as apprentice, or workman, or agricultural labourer, or domestic servant, or
have quitted the island as prescribed in Article 7 ; and this provision becomes successively
applicable to him on the completion of each engagement into which he enters, and in the event
of his not fulfilling it, he will be employed on public works until, after deducting the cost of
maintenance, the sum accumulated to his credit is sufficient to defray the cost of passage to the
locality which he may select, or which, if he fails to do so, the Captain General may designate for him...

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19- — Repeated abuses on the part of the actual importers, or the manifest insolvency of the
consignee or his representative, will result in the authorisation for the continuance of the traffic
being withdrawn. When such insolvency occurs, the Captain General will direct the actual
importers to nominate within two months another consignee, and in the event of their failing to
do so, their declarations of charter will be rejected, and such importations as may arrive for them
will be regardell as undertaken in defiance of the provisions of these Regulations.
20. — Neglect to nominate a consignee or to declare in advance the charter of the vessel
and the probable number of Chinese to be conveyed, the omission of the authorisation by the
Consul of Spain or his agent of the contracts, shipments, and manner of equipment of the vessel,
and the judgment of the tribunals in the grave cases which demand their interference, will result
in the forfeiture by the importers of their rights over the Chinese introduced.
21. — When such forfeiture takes place, the Captain General will arrange for the landing
and lodgment of the Chinese at the cost of the consignee, and will leave them at liberty to contract
themselves as mechanics, labourers, or domestics, adopting at the same time the measures that
may protect them most effectually against the disadvantages of their position.
22. — If within two months after landing, such Chinese have not succeeded in obtaining
employment or have at any time shown a desire not to contract themselves on the island, the
Captain General will exact from the consignee a sum sufficient to defray the costs of the
re-exportation of the entire number, and will arrange for its being carried out in the securest
manner possible, consulting, as far as he can, the wishes of the Chinese.
23. — Importers of Chinese can cede them to others engaged in similar undertakings, to
plantations or to families, on whatever terms they may deem expedient, provided always that the
acquirers bind themselves to fulfill the conditions of the contract and the provisions of these
Regulations. This power of transfer will also be retained by such acquirers, subject in a like
manner to being rendered void of any changes effected in the conditions of the original
contracts. 24. — Importers and acquirers must report to the Captain General the number of immi
grants whom they transfer and receive withih 24 hours after the completion of the transaction.
These reports must state the name, sex and age of the Chinese, the vessel in which they arrived,
and the locality in which they are to reside.
25. — These transfers will be recorded in the Books of the Political Secretariat.
26. — The locality of residence of Chinese can not be changed without previous communi
cation with the Government.
27. — Vessels conveying Chinese females are exempted from the payment of tonnage dues
on the space occupied by these.
28. — Violations of these Regulations not specified in the foregoing clauses, by the importer
or the consignee will be punished by the Captain General in consultation with the Royal
Tribunal by the infliction of fines of not less than $ 1,000 and not exceeding $ 5,000; or if the
violation has affected the safety and good treatment of the Chinese, of not less than $ 2,000 and
not exceeding $ 10,000.
29. — Appeal to this Government is permitted regarding fines so imposed and the decisions
of the Cap tain. General when applying these regulations to particular cases.

( 2*4 )
30. — Without prejudice to the other cases specified in these Regulations, the Captain
General in all those in which he imposes the fines prescribed, will hand to the Attorney General
a minute of the circumstances, so that that functionary may, if he considers it his duty, instruct
his deputy to, in the name of the Chinese, take legal action against the importers. t
Section II.
Concerning tfie reciprocal obligations of immigrants to their employers.
31. — The Captain General of Cuba shall be the natural protector of Chinese immigrants,
and shall exercise this function in the various governments by means of his delegates, the;
Governors and Lieutenant-Governors, who in turn will be aided by the Captains of districts.
The latter officers shall, in every case, act under the direction of the Governors.
32. — In their relations with the Tribunals of Justice, immigrants will be defended, in the;,
lower, by the Attorneys of the Courts of Justice of the Peace, and in the higher, by the Attorney,
General. 33. — The deputed protectors will watch over the good treatment of the immigrants and.
the fulfilment of the contracts entered into with them. They will propose to the Captain General
such measures as they may deem advisable for the well-being and amelioration of those committed.
to their care, and will settle in a simple and informal manner any questions which may arise
between the latter and their employers.
If these questions, however, involve any point of law, the protector will be aided by an
assessor, and will convey his decision in the form of a verbal judgment, after hearing the
statement of both parties.
If the matter is one of greater importance, it will be decided in accordance with the law
by those on whom the duty devolves, and following the procedure established for the tribunals
in question. 34. — It is understood that immigrants, when signing and accepting their contracts,,
renounce all civil right which may not be compatible with the accomplishment of the obligations
to which they engage themselves, unless it be a right expressly conferred upon them by these
Regulations. 35. — Immigrants may marry with the consent of their employers.
If the consent is refused and the immigrant is of age, he may either redeem himself in
accordance with the provisions of clause 42, or may seek another employer who will fulfill these
provisions for him.
36. — Immigrants will exercise over their offspring and wives all paternal and marital
rights, in so far as these are compatible with the position under the law of the latter.
37. — The position of children born whilst the mother is serving under contract will be
the same as that of the mother ; but after they have completed their eighteenth year they will be
free, even though the mother still continues under contract. Minors living with their mothers at
the time of contract shall be dealt with according to the terms agreed to by the contracting-
parties.

(2I5)
If no stipulation on the subject has been entered into, they shall be entirely free, but will,
nevertheless, be entitled to receive, until the age of 12, from the employer of their mother such
food, lodging and clothing as are enjoyed by the latter.
3§' — Children born whilst the mother is serving under contract shall possess the same
rights; so long as their position is analogous to hers ; but it is obligatory that they shall render
to their employers whatever services their age may permit of.
39. — Married immigrants can only be ceded to those who are willing to, at the same terms,
acquire the wives and the children under 1 2 years.
No employer shall oblige either the husband and wife, or the mother and children under
12, to habitually live apart.
40. — Immigrants may acquire properties, and may dispose of what appertains to them
either by gift or by sale, so long as such acts do not involve engagements, expressed or tacit,
incompatible with the provisions of their contracts.
41. — Immigrants represented in the manner prescribed in Article 32, may publicly prosecute
their employer. In actions against parties other than their employer they will be represented by
the latter, if willing to undertake the task. Should the employer decline to do so, or should his
interests in a dispute between the immigrant and a third party be opposed to those of the
immigrant, the latter will be represented in the manner prescribed in Article No. 32.
42. — Immigrants who have entered into contracts before they have completed their
20th year, shall possess the right of cancelling these when they have attained to their 2 5 th year.
Those who have entered into contracts after the completion of their 20th year, shall possess the
same right on the expiration of the 6th year of contract.
Employers shall likewise possess the right of cancellation when the 25th year of age and
the 6th of contract, as above defined, have been completed.
The immigrant however cannot avail himself of the privilege conferred upon him by this'
article until by his labour, or in some other form, he has indemnified his employer for whatever
he may owe him.
43. — Every immigrant can, at any time, redeem himself by the payment of the following,
amounts: — 1. The amount originally disbursed for his acquisition.
2. The amount due, either as indemnity for cessation of work during contract hours,
or from any other cause.
3. The highest estimate formed by experts of the increased value of the services of
the immigrant since his acquisition.
4. Compensation for the loss that may ensue from the difficulty of replacing the
immigrant.
The immigrants can not >make use of their rights of redemption during the season of
cutting the sugar-cane, or at the time of execution of any of the pressing labours permitted even
•on festivals of the church.
44.— When an employer treats an immigrant cruelly, or fails to carry out his engagements
towards him, the latter shall resort to the designated protector who shall order the cancellation

( 2i6 )
of the contract, if, after hearing both parties, he is convinced of the justice of the complaint. In
such case no indemnity shall be allowed for the sum expended in the acquisition of the immigrant,.
and the cancellation shall be enforced without prejudice to the civil or criminal actions at law,
to which either party may see fit to resort.
45. — During days or hours of leisure, immigrants may work for their own profit within the
establishment or plantation where they reside, or outside the limits of these if the permission of
the employer be in the first instance obtained. On the same occasions, they may also engage in
such amusements as are reputable and do not affect the. discipline of the establishment or estate..
46. — The immigrant shall dispose freely of what he may desire from his own property, or
from his labour during days and hours of leisure, but he cannot engage in any permanent business
against the desire of his employer.
47, — When an immigrant desires to part with property belonging to himself, he shall
apprize his employer of his wish, and shall give him, the preference as purchaser.
48. — Unless the contrary be expressly stipulated, the immigrant shall dispose of all the
fruits produced on any ground ceded to him by his employer for cultivation during the days-
and hours of leisure.
49. — Immigrants cannot quit the estate or establishment on which they are serving
without the written permission of their employer or his representatives. Those who are met
without this document shall be arrested and conducted, at the cost of their employer, to the
locality which they had quitted.
50. — Should an employer be prevented by circumstances from supplying to immigrants-
food of the description, and clothing of the form and quality stipulated in the contracts, he shall
be at liberty to furnish food and clothing of a different description, form and quality, but the
quantity prescribed must be adhered to. If immigrants object to such substitution they shall-
have recourse to their Protector, who shall give a decision on the subject, conciliating as much as
possible the interests of both parties, but, in any case, adopting a course which shall be in
harmony with the essential rights of the immigrant.
5 1. — Whatever may be the terms of the stipulations of the contract regarding the medical
aid to be supplied to the immigrant, such aid shall include, not only the attendance of a physician
but also the medicines and nutriment which may be prescribed by him during sickness and
convalescence. 52. — Labourers shall work for their employers on all days other than festival days, during
the number of hours stipulated in the contracts. For the interpretation of this clause, the
expression "days other than festival days" shall be held to include all days on which the teaching
of the church does not prohibit labour, as well as days on which, despite the celebration of the
festival, work shall be permitted by the ecclesiastical authorities.
53. — Under no circumstances, and notwithstanding any stipulations to the contrary, shall
employers exact from immigrants, on an average, more than 12 hours' work.
54. — When a contract empowers the employer to distribute in the manner most convenient,
for his interests, the number of hours agreed upon with the immigrant, in accordance with, the
provision of paragraph 6 of Article 6, it shall be understood that no more than 1 5 hours can be
exacted in one day ( of 24 hours ) and that the immigrant shall enjoy either during the day or

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night at least 6 consecutive hours of rest. If the right of distribution be not mentioned in the
contract, the employer shall not be able to exact a number of hours greater than that specified
in that document.
55- — The immigrant shall execute whatever tasks his employer may assign to him, unless
the nature of the work which he is to perform, or of that which he is not to be called upon to
-execute, is specified in the contract. When such stipulations have been entered into, the labourer
may decline to diverge from them. An employer may also hire out to a third party the services
of his immigrants, so long as the contract contains nothing opposed to such a course, and so long
as the services exacted are not contrary to its provisions.
56. — During the sickness or convalescence of an immigrant he shall not be forced to labour
until the medical attendant certifies that he can resume work without endangering his health.
57- — Employers shall pay the stipulated wages in the form and in accordance with the
conditions agreed upon in the contracts.
58. — Immigrants shall receive their entire wages whilst sick or recovering from maladies
induced by any act of their employer, or arising from any cause which he might have prevented.
This right, however, shall not extend to other maladies, unless it be so prescribed in the contract.
59. — Even when the contract provides for the payment of full wages during all maladies,
the stipulation shall not be considered applicable when the ailment is the result of acts intention
ally committed by the immigrant himself.
60. — The classification of maladies necessary for the operation of the two preceding clauses
shall be effected by the physicians of the plantation or establishment, or in default of these, by
two nominated by the employer. Should the immigrant decline to accept their decision he may
have recourse to the deputed Protector, who shall order a second examination by two physicians,
one designated by him and one by the employer, whose decision must be submitted to without
further appeal. If the physicians thus nominated fail to agree, the Protector shall designate a
third, whose judgment shall be final.
61. — Immigrants shall indemnify, by prolongation of their contract services, their employers
for the days or hours during which they have by their own fault ceased work. For the days of
labour thus wasted no wages shall be issued to the immigrant, unless the contract contains an
express provision to the contrary.
The provision of this Article shall be inforced without prejudice to the liability of the
immigrant to other penalties to which, by the offence in question, he may subject himself.
62. — In order to facilitate the execution of the provisions of the first paragraph of the
preceding Article, the owners or administrators of plantations or other establishments employing
Chinese immigrants shall keep records of the daily labour of these, and of the sums paid to them,
so that at any time an account may be rendered of the amount to the credit or debit of each of the
immigrants, and so that the latter may know for what term their contracts are to be prolonged.
63. — These accounts shall be made up and the result communicated to the immigrants at
the close of each month, so that if any objection occurs to him he may raise it at once, and may
resort to the Protector in the event of dissatisfaction with the decision of the employer.
64. — The provision — which each contract ought, as provided in Article 6, paragraph 8, to
contain — as to the obligation of the immigrant to submit to the discipline of the estate or

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establishment in which he is employed, as well as all other provisions prescribing obedience on
his part to the orders of his employer, shall be interpreted with the reservation that the rules
and orders which the immigrant is expected to observe shall not be contrary to other conditions
of the contract, or to any of the provisions of these Regulations.
65. — On the escape of an immigrant from the plantation or establishment in which he is
employed, his employer shall report the fact to the local authorities, in order that the necessary
steps may be taken for his arrest.
The employer shall refund, at once, the expenses of capture and restitution, but he shall
possess the right of indemnifying himself by subsequent deduction of half the wages payable.
66. — Employers shall have immigrants instructed in the doctrines and morality of the
true religion, without, however, resorting to means other than persuasion and argument, but
if any one shall manifest a desire for admission into the Catholic faith, the fact shall be com
municated to the ecclesiastic of the parish, so that the necessary steps may be adopted.
6y. — When an immigrant receives an injury or offence affecting his person or interests (but
not constituting a crime of which the law of its own accord takes cognizance), either from a man
who is free or from an immigrant in another service, his employer shall make enquiry, and shall,
should he consider the complaint a just one, endeavour to procure from the culprit or his employer
in a friendly and extra-judicial manner the rightful reparation, and shall, if this intervention be
unsuccessful, either appeal to the proper authorities or request the Government Attorney to do
so on his behalf. •
If he deem the grievance unfounded he shall inform the immigrant of his views, and shall
urge him to abandon the complaint ; and the immigrant, if still dissatisfied, must then in person
have recourse to the Attorney in question. When disputes arise between two immigrants in the
same service, the employer or his representative will decide the question in the manner that
appears just.
Appeal against this decision may be made to the Protector or his delegate, who shall deal
with the matter in the manner prescribed in Article 33.
68. — Importers or employers who fail to act in accordance with the obligation and for
malities prescribed in this and the preceding sections, shall incur a fine proportionate to the
gravity of the offence, to be imposed by the Executive, without prejudice to their liability under
criminal or civil law, which shall be enforced in the proper manner by the Authorities.
Section III.
Concerning the disciplinary jurisdiction of employers.
69. — Employers are empowered to exercise disciplinary jurisdiction over immigrants in
virtue of which they shall be able to inflict the following penalties : —
iu. Arrest from one to ten days.
20. Loss of wages during the same term.
The first of these may be imposed without the second ; but the latter cannot be resorted to unless
the first has been enforced.

( 2i9 )
70. — When an employer imposes either of these penalties, he shall within 24 hours report
the fact to the Protector of Chinese, in order that the latter may, should he deem it expedient,
acquaint himself with the details of the offence, and may alter the sentence if it appears to him
unjust. Any employer neglecting to report within the time specified, shall be fined by the
Executive a sum not less than $ 25, and not exceeding $ 100.
7 1 . — Immigrants shall, in any case, possess the right of making complaint to the Protector
regarding any wrong done to them by their employer, whether such wrong consists in the
infliction of punishment without sufficient cause, in the imposition of unauthorized penalties, or
in the breach of any of the provisions regulating his treatment of them.
If the Protector finds the employer guilty of a crime recognized by law, he shall denounce
him to the proper tribunal ; if the offence is of a more venial character, he shall simply impose a
fine not exceeding $ 100.
72. — In order to ensure the fulfilment of the provisions of the preceding Articles, the
Protectors shall, either in person or by their delegates, visit when they see fit, the estates and
establishments on which Chinese are employed, and shall collect from the latter whatever
information may be necessary.
73. — The representatives of employers are empowered to exercise a similar disciplinary
jurisdiction, the employers being held pecuniarily responsible, without prejudice to the liability
under criminal law, of their subordinates.
74. — The offences for which the specified penalties may be imposed, are : —
1 u. Insubordination ^towards employers or managers of manufactories, etc., or towards
¦ any representative of the employer.
2°. Refusal to work or want of punctuality in the execution of the tasks assigned.
3°. The commission of assaults producing injury not rendering necessary suspension
of work by the person injured.
4°. Flight.
5° .Drunkenness.
6°. Violation of the rules established by the employer.
70. Any offence against morality, so long as it is not one of those which require the
intervention of a prosecutor, or so long as, being of that class, the party injured
refrains from complaint.
8°. Any other act intentionally committed, and causing injury or loss to another
person, but not constituting a crime of which the laws can take cognizance.
75. — This disciplinary jurisdiction shall be exercised by the employer, without prejudice
to the right of appeal to the tribunals that may be claimed by the person injured.
y6. — In all cases of liability under criminal or civil law in which the competence of
employers to act as judges ceases, the ordinary tribunals shall be resorted to, before which
immigrants shall be represented in the manner prescribed in these Regulations.
yy. — When the penalties specified in the 69th Article prove insufficient to prevent the
commission by an immigrant of analogous or other offences, the employer shall have recourse to
the Protectors, who will direct, if the act constitutes a crime under the law, the punishment of the

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offender in accordance with its provisions or, in the contrary case, an augmentation of the
disciplinary penalties.
78. — When immigrants on an estate mutiny, or offer an active and united resistance to
the orders of their superiors, the employer may have recourse to force in order to subdue them,
and he shall at the same time at once communicate with the Protector of Chinese, so that the
latter, if the gravity of the incident requires it, may arrange for the punishment of the offenders
in the presence of their fellow labourers.

Section IV.
General Provisions.
79. — All renunciation by Chinese of the provisions in their favour prescribed by these
Regulations shall be null and void.
80. — The Captain General shall adopt the necessary measures in order to ensure that each
year, during the month of January, a census of Chinese immigrants shall be prepared. This
census must specify the name, sex, age, condition and nature of labour and duration of contract of
each individual, as well as the name, profession, and residence of the employer. The Captain
General shall also transmit to the Minister charged with the administration of Colonial affairs a
pre'cis of the census tables. This precis shall show the entire number of immigrants classified,
by sex; by age, distinguishing between those under 15, those over 15 and under 50, and those
over 50; by condition, distinguishing between the unmarried, the married, and the widowers
or widows ; by occupation, distinguishing between those employed in agriculture, manufacturing,
or domestic labour ; by the districts in which they reside ; and by the duration of their contracts,
distinguishing between the contracts of less than 5 years, of from 5 to 10 years, of from 10 to 15
years, and of from 1 5 years upwards.
81. — The Government reserves the right of at any time suspending and prohibiting the
introduction of Chinese labourers into the island of Cuba. The resolution it may arrive at on
this question shall be made public in the Mad/rid and Havana Gazettes, and the term on the
expiration of which importation must cease, shall begin from the date of publication in the
latter. This term shall not be less than 8 months, and all importations taking place after it
terminates shall be regarded as appertaining to the category of those specified in Article 20. It
must be understood by importers that the fact of their engaging in the traffic is a recognition by
them that its suppression or prohibition confers upon them no right to compensation.
82. — The Royal Decree dated 22nd March 1854, and all other anterior provisions relative
to this subject are abrogated.

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Regulations of 14TH September 1872 concerning the re-contracting, &c, &c,
of Chinese Immigrants.

1. — Every Chinese immigrant arrived after 15th December 1861, the date on which the
Royal Decree of 1 860 came into force, is compelled to leave the island on the completion of his
contract, or, should he desire to remain, to re-contract himself in the capacity of immigrant,
labourer, or workman, according to the provisions of Article 7 of the above-quoted Royal Decree,
of Articles 51 and 52 of the Instructions of 1868, and of the Decree of 18th October 1871.
Article 51 of 1868 simply prescribes the enforcement of Article 7 of i860.
Article 52 is to the following effect: —
" Immediately after a Chinese who has completed a contract and who has not made
" a fresh agreement with his employer, has entered a dep6t, the facts of his being
" open to engagement shall be made public in the local journal, or, in the
" absence of such journal, notices to the same effect shall be, posted in the most
" populous localities of the district. A similar notice shall be inserted in the
" official journal of the Government and in that of either Santiago de Cuba,
" Puerto Principe or Havana, according to the department to which the
"jurisdiction appertains."
The portion of the Decree of 18th October 1871 referred to, lays down that such re-
contracts must be entered into with persons of recognized responsibility, and
directs adherence to the spirit of Articles 46, 47, 48, 49, 62, 63, 64, of 1 868, the
purport of all of which is contained in Articles 13, 14, 18, 19, 20 of the present
Regulations.
2. — The immigrant who, on the completion o£ his contract, desires to leave the island, shall
be removed to the depot of the chief town of the Government, so that his embarcation within two
months may be effected, as laid down in Article 7 of the Royal Decree of 1 860 and in Article 54
of the Instructions of 1 868 ; and if, at the close of this term, he has not prepared the sum required
for the cost of passage, or if, although promising sufficient funds, he has not taken his departure,
he shall be liable to be re-contracted, so that the municipalities may be spared the outlay involved
by a large assemblage in the dep6ts of such immigrants, and so that other evils arising from such
assemblages, together with those resulting from the withdrawal from active labour of a number <
of Chinese, may be avoided. The latter, in this manner, will themselves reap advantage whilst
benefitting by their labour agriculture and manufactures.
Article 54 of 1 868 simply provides that, if the labourer fails to specify the district
to which he desires to proceed, the Captain General shall do so on his behalf.
3. — If the dep6t in which, as prescribed in the preceding Article, the immigrant is placed
is distant from a sea-port, or if being a sea-port it offers no facilities for the transportation of the
labourer to the locality to which he desires to proceed, he shall at once be sent to the depot of
Havana, whence his departure from Cuba will be effected.

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4 — Deserters not claimed by their employers within a term of 1 1 months, calculated from
the date of entering the ddpot, shall be held liable to a new contract, the operation of the original
one being suspended, as laid down in Article 46 of the Instructions of 1868.
Article 46 of 1 868 is the same as the above ; it simply adds that the immigrant is to
remain in the depot until the new contract is made, and that on the completion
of the 1 1 months he is to be transferred from Registration Table 3 — " Deserters
"detained," — to Registration Table 4 — "Chinese detained pending re-contracting."
5. — Chinese having completed penal sentences, shall, if their original contracts have
expired, or if they are not claimed by their employers, be transferred to the depots. They shall
then be liable to a new contract unless the Colonial Government sees fit to order their deportation
from the island, or their sentence prescribes such deportation.
6. — Immigrants whose services have been from any reason whatsoever renounced by their
employers, shall be subject to a new contract from the time of their entering the dep6t or
from the time of their arrest, if they are seized as deserters after the renunciation has taken
place. 7. — Applications for the recontracting of Chinese shall be made to the office of the Captain
General, and shall, in accordance with the principles of the Decree of 13th December 1 871, be
handed by the latter to the Central Commission of Colonization. The Commission, by means of
its special qualification and in accordance with its functions of aiding the administration in the
application of the legislation, which has had for its object the improving of the morality and the
regularising and utilizing of Chinese immigrants, shall report on the applications submitted to its
consideration, so that under no circumstances the rights of the immigrants who, by no fault
of their own, do not possess the funds necessary to enable them to quit the island may be
disregarded. 8. — When, in consideration of the applicant possessing the necessary qualification of
standing and respectability and in consideration of the depots containing a sufficient number of
Chinese in a position to enter into fresh contracts, the Commission reports favourably regarding
an application, the Captain General will, if he agrees with the views there expressed, instruct the
Commission, to, with due regard to existing rules for the enforcement of which it is responsible,
prepare a deed or minute of cession of the Chinese whose services are applied for.
9. — It is indispensable that the willingness of the Chinese, whose liberty and rights are
guaranteed by law, to enter the service of the employer who is desirous of hiring him be
specified in this deed of cession, and the Government will regard . as null all contracts made
under deeds in which the consent is not expressed.
10. — In order to ensure the genuineness of this assent, the Oommission of Colonization
shall appoint a delegate who, in the depot and in the presence of the applicant or his representa
tive, shall obtain it from the Chinese, and shall record it in. a separate minute, which shall be
signed by him, the applicant, and the officer of the dep&t, and which shall be attached to the
deed of cession. These deeds, the list of the Chinese recontracted, and the contracts in quadru
plicate, preparegl as directed in these Regulations, shall then be transmitted to the office of the
Captain General, so that the latter may give directions for the delivery, under receipt, of the
immigrants in question.

. , ( 2?3 )
il- — When Chinese detained in the dep6ts of the chief towns of the Government are
recontracted, the nominated delegates ( the Sub-Commissions ) shall take charge of the execution
of the provisions of Articles 9 and 10.
1 2. — No Chinese can be recontracted for less than 6 years or for more than 8 years, and
any agreement not in accordance with this provision shall be obligatory on neither the employer
nor the immigrant. This Clause was cancelled by the substitution of two years as the minimum by an
Order of the Colonial Government, dated 29th March, 1873.
13- — Deserters not claimed by their employers within 11 months, as specified in Article 4,
shall only be recontracted for 6 months, at monthly wages of $ 4. These contracts shall include
every obligation of the original contract, and may be successively renewed, but they must all
contain the following Clause, as prescribed in Articles 46, 47 and 48 of the Instructions of 1868: —
" The Chinese, W. N., declares that he has deserted from the estate of his employer,
" D. N~. iV., (or of whose name he is ignorant,) and he hereby agrees to, should the
" latter claim his services, indemnify him — on the termination of the present
" contract — for the period intervening between his desertion and return."
For Article 46, 1 868, vide Article 4 ; Articles 47 and 48 of 1 868 are similar to the
above, with the exception that the wages are not specified.
14. — On the termination of their new agreement, deserters claimed by their original
employers shall be compelled to serve the latter for a period sufficient to terminate their original
contracts, as laid down in Article 49 of the Instructions of 1868; and this obligation shall also
be applicable to cases of abandonment of fresh or renewed contracts.
Article 49 of 1 868 is similar to and contains only the first paragraph of the above.
15. — It is compulsory on all employers of deserters, under Article 13, to permit the
inspection of the latter, during the day-time and in the localities where they may be occupied,
by any individual duly authorized by the Inspector of Vigilance or Captain of District of his
place of residence, and provided that the inspection takes place before the employer or his
representatives • or, in the event of their absence, before the person of most responsibility present
on the. plantation or other place of service, as on no pretext shall the inspection be delayed
or prevented. The functionaries referred to shall issue at once, on application, and gratis
the authorizations in question. In these shall be specified the name and condition of the
person applying and of those, not to exceed two, accompanying him. It is however distinctly
understood that these authorizations can only be applied for by proprietors of plantations or
commercial or industrial establishments, or by heads of families who can prove by a reference
to Registration Table 2 that Chinese have abandoned their service; representatives of such
proprietors, &c, &c, shall also, on presentation of the cards of the former, be permitted to effect
the inspection. 16. — The authorization thus issued shall be available for use in all parts of the island,
and the bearer shall receive from the Inspectors of Vigilance and Captains of Districts in their
various jurisdictions whatever aid is required of them.
These authorizations shall be void, and must be returned to the functionary by whom they
' were granted, on the expiration of three months from the date of issue. 29

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17- — Employers desirous of renewing original contracts shall, three months before their
maturity, make application to the office of the Captain General, and if their apphcation be
assented to, the recontracting may be proceeded with without any preliminary delivery of the
immigrant to the depot, but in strict accordance with all other formalities, more especially with
that specified in Article 9.
This Article is modified by an Order issued by the Colonial Government on the
20th May 1873, which permits the verification of the assent of the Chinese in
question to take place in the country districts before the Delegate of the Sub-
Commission of the Government, instead of in the chief town before the Sub-
Commission itself, as specified in Article 11.
18. — The labours of Chinese recontracting shall only be utilized for the benefit of their
employers. The latter shall under no circumstances permit such Chinese to engage in other
distinct occupations, or exact from them fees or compensation of any description, as already laid
down in Article 62 of the Instructions of 1868.
Article 62 of 1868 is exactly similar to the above.
19. — Employers are not permitted to transfer such recontracts, or to hire out the
immigrants to other individuals, as already laid down in Articles 42 to 63 of the Instructions of
1868; only in the event of death of the employer the contract may pass to his heirs with his
other rights and property.
Article 63 of 1868 is exactly similar to the first paragraph of the above.
20.^Any violation of the preceding (two) Articles shall be punished by a fine of $ 500
for each Chinese so transferred or hired out, in addition to the cancellation of the contract and
the removal of the Chinese to the depots.
Article 64 of 1868 is similar to the above; only the fine specified in it is from $200
to $ 1,000.
21. — The new contract shall be written on paper of 8vo. size, and must be granted in the
presence of the Governor or Lieutenant-Governor, who, in the capacity of Protector of Chinese,
shall exercise care that the provisions of the Regulations are exactly observed.
The Order referred to under Article 17, sanctioning the recontracting in the country
district of certain Chinese before the Delegate of the Sub-Commission, prescribes
in such cases the transmission of the contract by the latter to the Governor for
signature.
22. — These contracts, prepared in quadruplicate and signed by both parties and by the
chief local Authority, shall be transmitted through the office of the Captain General to the Central
Commission of Colonization, to be recorded by it. Unless this last condition is fulfilled the
contracts become void.
23. — On the completion of this formality, one copy shall be retained by the Commission
and one by the office of the Captain General. The remaining two shall be handed to the
immigrant and his employer.
24. — To each recontract, whether the immigrants appertain to the class of those who
have duly fulfilled previous contracts or to the class of deserters, the employer shall pay a fee
of $4.50. These sums cannot be deducted afterwards from the immigrants' wages. They shall

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be devoted by the Central Commission to the defraying of its office and other expenses, and a
monthly account of such outlay shall be handed to the office of the Captain General.
Employers recovering possession of deserters shall, in addition to refunding the expense
of capture, pay a like sum, and these amounts shall also, to the extent necessary, be devoted to
the purpose specified in the preceding paragraph.
This Article is modified by an Order of the Colonial Government dated 29th March
1873, substituting for the first paragraph a payment of $ 10 for each year
of the new contract, to be paid in one amount, in advance, at the time of
issue of the contract ; and a payment of $ 5 for each deserter's 6 months'
contract.
25. — Sections 2 and 3 of the Royal Decree of i860, defining the mutual obligations of
immigrants and their employers, and the disciplinary jurisdiction of the latter, shall be applicable
to the new employers and to the recontracted immigrants.
26. — The recontracted immigrant shall be subject, during the period of his engagement,
to the rules observed, in the commercial or industrial establishment, plantation or private
residence in which he is serving.
27. — Immigrants shall, by prolongation of their contracts, indemnify their employers for
the days or hours during which by their own fault they have ceased work. For the days of
labour thus wasted no wages shall be issued to the immigrant, without prejudice to the other
' penalties to which he may be liable as provided in Article 61 of the Royal Decree of i860.
28. — In the event of sickness, an immigrant shall receive the medical attendance, the
supplying of which is obligatory on his employer ; but no wages shall be issued until he is able
to recommence labour. The time during which he is absent from work shall not be deducted
from the period specified in the contract, and will have to be made good if the cessation of
labour is due to a sickness or to a cause voluntarily originated by himself, or which could not
have been prevented by his employer. If however the sickness arises from a cause for which the
employer is responsible, the wages shall continue to be paid and the period of absence shall be
deducted from the contract term.
29. — During sickness immigrants shall be placed in quarters suitably arranged with
reference to their state, and they shall there receive such aid in the form of medicine and medical
attendance as may be necessary.
30. — The immigrant shall be supplied with food similar to that furnished to other
workmen or labourers of his class employed in the commercial or industrial establishment,
plantation or private residence where he is serving. Yearly also, in the months of January
and July, he shall receive two suits of clothes consisting of a palm-leaf hat, a shirt and
trousers of cotton fabric, shoes of twined hide, and in January, in addition, a woollen jacket and
a blanket. 31. — The contract shall be made out in Spanish, and in it the immigrant shall declare his
acceptance of the wages stipulated — although they may appear lower than those earned by
other labourers — in consideration of the exceptional advantages secured to him.
32. — The employer must present to the Authorities of his place of residence the contracts
and cedulas of all Chinese recontracted to him, and with these documents he shall dehver the

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list of the names of the immigrants as prescribed in Article 8 of the Instructions of 1 868. The
Authorities, after making the necessary entries in Registration Table No. i ( " Chinese serving
under contract " ), and after having entered, sealed and returned the contracts and cedulas as
prescribed in Article 9 of the Instructions referred to, shall transmit the list, through the office
of the Captain General, to the Central Commission.
Article 8 of 1868 applies to the census then ordered, and directs that contracts and
cedulas of immigrants serving under contract, and a list of them according to a
model given, shall be furnished to the local Authorities.
Article 9 directs the comparision of the list with the contracts and cedulas, and the
sealing and returning of the latter to the enlployer.
33. — Employers who do not desire to renew the engagement of immigrants who have
been recontracted to them, shall report the fact of completion of contract to the local
Authorities and shall, on the day following completion, deliver the immigrant to the depot
of the chief town of the Government. Any neglect of these provisions shall be punished by a
fine of $ 25, unless it can be shown that sickness on the part of the immigrant rendered such
delivery impossible. *
34. — At the time of delivery to the depot, the employer shall hand the contract and cedula
of the immigrant to the chief local Authority, affixing to each document a note signed to the effect
that the contract was duly completed and that the immigrant was handed to the dep6t.
This note shall be endorsed by the local Authority specified, who shall also, through the
proper channel, transmit the documents in question to the Central Commission.
35. — The copy of the contract held by the immigrant shall also be delivered to the
Commission. 36. — The Commission shall make public periodically a list of immigrants awaiting recon
tracting in the various dep&ts.
37. — All immigrants arrived after the 15th February 1861, who shall be found employed,
without being in due form contracted, on a plantation or in an industrial or commercial establish
ment or private residence, shall be conducted to the dep&t of the chief town of the Government,
so that they may be recontracted in the manner prescribed by these Regulations, or be delivered
to their proper employers if discovered'to be deserters.
38. — The proprietor of such plantation, establishment or private residence shall be fined
a sum of $500, without prejudice to his other legal responsabilities, for each Chinese thus
employed. The date of infliction of these fines, and the cause of their infliction, shall be made
public in the Official Gazette.
39. — All persons receiving into their service immigrants contracted to other employers
shall be subject to a hke penalty.
40. — The fifth part of such fines and of those imposed under Article 20 shall be paid by
the Treasury to the Government official or police officer who has detected the offence, or to the
private individual who has denounced it. A full report of the details shall be made to the
office of the Captain General, to which at the same time shall be remitted half the amount of the
fine, on receipt of which, orders for the payment within three days of the rewards above indicated
shall be issued.

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4i. — The official of the districts in which the commission of the offence above referred to
has been denounced and verified, shall be removed, and shall, in addition, be subject to any other
action to which inquiry may give rise.

REGULATIONS of 7TH May, 1873.
Section I.
Concerning the organisation of Central and Municipal Depdts.
1. — In accordance with the provisions of the 8th paragraph of the 5th Article of the Decree
of 13th December 1871, establishing the Central Commission of Colonisation, two central depots
are established at Havana, — one for the Chinese coolies arrived after the 15th February 1861,
and obliged by Article 7 of the Royal Decree of i860 to renew their completed contract or to
quit the island, — the other for deserters, who have to be either sent back to their employers or
provisionally contracted.
Paragraph 8 of Article 5 of the Decree of 187 1 above referred to, assigns as one of the
duties of the Central Commission the proposal of measures for the concentration
at Havana of all the Coolies sent away from the Central and Eastern Depart
ments.
2. — The central depots shaU be under the exclusive charge of the Central Commission,
and shah be free from all interference on the part of the municipahty.
3. — The cost of the lodging, food, clothing and custody of the Chinese in the depots shall
be defrayed out of the special revenue of the Commission.
For each Chinese contracted in accordance with the Regulations of the 14th September
1872, shall be paid, in advance, in one sum, by the contractors at the time of contract, $ 10 for
each year during which the contract is to be in force; and for each deserter secured for his
employer shall be paid by the latter — in addition to whatever amount may be due to the
person effecting the arrest — the $4.50 originally prescribed in the Temporary Provision of the
Decree of December 1871 (and again ordered in Article 24 of the Regulations of September 1872).
The collection of $ 5 for each deserter's 6 months' contract (vide note to Article 24
of the Regulations of September 1872) has not been countermanded, and the
omission of this provision in these Rules appears to be accidental.
4. — Deserters on admission into the central depot may be hired to persons of position
and character in accordance with provisions to be specified below, in order that the remuneration
obtained for their labours may be devoted to the defraying of any outlay incurred in excess of
the receipts defined in the preceding clause.
5. — Such deserters, however, can not be hired out singly, whether for work in the cities or
in the country. They shall only be leased in gangs of not less than 10, which shall be subject to

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the discipline in force on the plantation or in the commercical or industrial establishment where
they are employed, and by which they are to be guarded, supplied and generally cared for.
6. — After the lapse of 1 1 months from the time of entering the central dep&t, a deserter
can not be hired out, but must be recontracted for 6 months in due conformity with the
provisions of Articles 46 and 49 of the Instructions of 1868, and of Articles 13 and 16 of the
Regulations of September 1 872.
7. — Employers of deserters shall, on recovery of the latter, sirnply pay the amounts defined
in Article 3, as the expenses of transmission to and residence in the central depfit are to be
defrayed out of the revenues of that establishment.
8. — The financial administration of the central dep&ts shall be confided to the Central
Commission of Colonisation, which shall be careful to give effect to the final clause of Article 9 of
the Decree of 1 87 1 establishing the Commission. The staff of the central dep6t, of every class,
shall be under the control of the Commission.
The clause of Article 9 of the Decree of 1871 prescribes delivery to the Central
Government of monthly accounts of receipts and expenditure.
9. — The administration of the central ddp&ts shall exact only the authorised fees. It
shall be responsible for the escape of Chinese, when it can be proved that such incidents were duo
to defective vigilance and to neglect in the execution of its functions. The administration will
nominate the employe's of the central dep&ts, and will be responsible for their good conduct.
It will also frame rules for the internal government of these establishments, and will give due
effect to the provisions regarding their administration contained in the present Regulations.
10. — In addition to the central dep&t, local dep&ts for deserters are established in the
chief towns of each Government. These shall be under the charge of the municipality, and
subject to the supervision of the Sub-Commissions of Colonisation. Deserters shall be detained
in these depots only one month, on the expiration of which they shall be transmitted to the
central dep&t as hereafter prescribed.
11. — In these municipal dep&ts of the chief towns, the Sub-Commissions shall, in addition
to the function indicated in the instructions addressed to them on the 9th August 1 872, — viz., that
of recording and reporting the admissions and discharges, — undertake the arrangements for the
speedy and economical transport to the central dep&t of deserters not claimed within one month
after admission; and they shall also carefully guard against any delivery of Chinese by official
order, when the formalities prescribed in the present Regulations have not been complied with.
The instructions above referred to call for no notice more particular than that to be
found among the explanatory remarks with which this memorandum commences.
12. — In order to ensure the observance of the provisions of the preceding Article the
Superintendents of prisons and of the municipal depSts of Havana and the chief towns, shall
inform the local Sub-Commission of all admissions and discharges, and their causes, in order that
the latter may supply to the Central Commission the details required for the preparation of its-
statutes and for the due order and administration of the central dep&t.
13. — Deserters during the months of detention in the municipal dep&ts shall only be
employed, duly guarded, on municipal works, and the Authorities shall be held responsible if it
is ascertained that their labour is devoted to other objects.

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Section II.
Concerning the detention in the Central De"pdt of Chinese awaiting recontracting.
14. — Chinese of the class referred to in Article 1 who, having completed any contract, are
either unwiUing or unable to procure its renewal, shall be delivered (by their employers) to the
local Authorities. The expired contracts and cedulas must be handed in at the same time.
15. — Chinese who have been recontracted since the 13th December 1871, and in recon
tracting whom the requirements of the Rules of September 1 872 have not been fulfilled, as well
as all others removed from the previously existing depots since December 1871, without the
cognizance of the Central Commission — with the exception of those to whom the order of the
Colonial Government of the 29th October applied — shall be either delivered to the central depot
or surrendered to the Authority of the locality.
The Order of 29th October 1 872 refers to the unauthorised removal of Chinese from
de"p&ts spoken of in the above Article, orders their return, and excepts only a
very small number in regard to whom " the Colonial Government has granted
" special concessions."
16. — Chinese arrived after the 15th February 1861, who have not duly recontracted with
the proprietors of the plantations or commercial or industrial establishments or private residences
where they may be found, or who have not been duly -entered on the registration tables, shall be
removed to the central dep&t at the cost of their employers, in order that they may be recon
tracted in the proper form, or, if ascertained to be deserters, may be surrendered to their legal
masters in accordance with the provision of Article 37 of the Regulations of September 1872;
and this removal shall not affect the liability of those concerned to the imposition of the fine
prescribed in Article 38 of the said Regulations.
17. — Any recontracted Chinese found labouring independently, or who is hired out or in
any manner transferred by his contract employer, shall likewise be brought at the cost of the
latter to the central dep&t, in accordance with the provisions of Article 62 of the Instructions of
1868 and of Articles 18 and 39 of the Regulations of September 1872 ; and both contract employer
and the Chinese shall be liable to the fines laid down in Articles 20 and 38 of the Regulations
just referred to.
18. — All Chinese arrived after the 15th February 1861 wrongfully in possession of papers
of freedmen shall be conducted to the central dep&t, with a view to their being recontracted, after
the date of their arrival and the illegality of the manner in which they obtained such papers
have been verified.
XQ. — When, as provided in the preceding Articles, Chinese are sent either to the central
dep&ts or different local Authorities, their original and subsequent contracts and the cedulas
held for them by their employers, must in due course be transmitted to the Central
-Commission.

( 230 )
20. — Within io days after the delivery, as above provided, of a Chinese to any local
Authority, he shall be forwarded by the latter to the central depot at the cost of his employer
when such a course is prescribed ; or at that of the Central Commission when payment from
any other source has not heen definitively indicated. The transport shall be effected in the most
convenient and economical manner.
21. — Any neglect to conform to the preceding Article shall be reported by the Sub-
Commission of the chief town or Delegate of the District, and shall be punished by the immediate
removal of the official complained of.
22. — Chinese entering the central dep&t on completion of their original contracts, shall
declare whether they are in possession of the funds necessary to enable them to quit the island,
and whether they desire to obtain passports, and shall, when expressing the desire, be allowed
two months in order to effect their departure. If however any, Chinese within this term has not
proved satisfactorily that he duly fulfilled his original contract, the provisions of Article 4 of these
Regulations shall be applied to him, without prejudice to the continuance of the enquiry as to
the fact of such fulfillment.
23. — The Chinese referred to in this Section shall, on admission into the central dep6t,
be entered in Registration Table No. 4, — " Chinese who, having completed contracts, are detained
" in depots pending departure or recontracting,"— and a minute shall be made of the entrance
of each individual, to which shall be attached his expired original contract and his employer's
certificate of its completion.
24. — When by the production of these latter documents the fact of completion' of the
original contract has been duly ascertained, the Chinese shall be at liberty to recontract
himself in accordance with the provisions of the Regulations of September 1872 ; but if, after the
lapse of a sufficient time, the necessary proof has not been furnished, he shall be liable to the
application of Article 4 of these Regulations.
25. — Chinese who have completed their original and subsequent contracts, and who desire
to quit the island, shall receive Passes to enable them to proceed to Havana in order to procure
Passports in the manner prescribed in the Order of the Colonial Government of the 13th July
1873, and shall deliver the original contracts and the certificates of expiration to the Central
Commission. Those residing in Havana shall be conducted by their employers before the
Central Commission, to which at the same time the above specified documents must be delivered;
failing -the production of these or of the guarantees spoken of in the said Order, the Passport
shall be refused. The Order of the 1 3th July is similar in purport to the above, but it adds that the
guarantee must be satisfactory to the Central Commission.
26. — All Chinese detained in the central dep&t pending recontracting, shall possess the
right of applying to the Captain General for an inquiry into the date of their arrival, with a view
to the amelioration of their position under law. During such inquiry however, and until the
accuracy of their statement has been proved, they shall continue to be subject to the provisions
of these Regulations. 1
Neither the Central Commission, nor any of its subordinates, shall in any way prevent
recourse to the right just specified, but on the contrary shall afford to the Chinese in question
facilities for justifying the correctness of their claims.

( 231 )
i Section III.
Concerning Deserters.
27. — Chinese failing to prove the due completion of their contracts shall, as well as those
who have abandoned their employers, be regarded as falling . under the provisions of these
Regulations applicable to deserters.
28. — A deserter captured in any part of the island shall be detained during three days
by the Authorities of the locality where his arrest is effected. The fact of the arrest shall, if it has
taken place in a country district, be made public by notices posted throughout the district, and
if, after the expiration of the term specified, no application has been made by the employer, the
deserter shall be removed to the chief town of the Government, to be held at the disposition of
the Governor. 29. — All Captains of Districts, or Inspectors or Superintendents of Vigilance in these, into
whose hands deserters fall, shall report the fact to the Governor and to the senior member of the
Sub-Commission of Colonization at the chief town, and if within the three days during which the
seizure is made public,' an application, supported by production of* the original contract or
recontract of the Central Commission, — on which should appear the endorsement of date of flight
prescribed in Article 11 of Instructions of 1868, — is made by the employer, the deserter shall be
delivered to him. The functionary who effects the delivery shall also, in conformity with Article
24 of the Instructions of 1 868, note on the contract or recontract the date of seizure, and this
note shall be signed by him and the employer. He shall further collect from the latter the sum
payable to the person who effected the seizure, and the prescribed fee of $4.50, and shall transfer
the entry from Registration Table 2 ("Deserters") to Table 1 ("Serving under contract"). The
fee shall be remitted to the Governor, and a report of the circumstances shall be made to the
Sub-Commission at the chief town.
Article 1 1 of 1 868 is to the effect that for the preparation of Census or Registration
Table 2, " Deserters," employers shall fill up a certain form, and shall hand it and
the contracts and cedulas of the deserters to the local authorities, who shall
return to the employers the latter two documents after endorsing in the contract
the date of flight.
Article 24 prescribes a report to the local Authorities of the recovery of a deserter^
and the presentation with it again of contract and cedula; and that the Authorities
shall endorse on the contract the date of recovery and the obligation of making
good the duration of the fugitive's absence.
30. — The delegates of Sub-Commissions in the country district are charged with the
supervision necessary for the exact fulfillment of the provisions of the preceding Article, and shall
report to the Sub-Commission in the chief town all infractions of it that may take place.
31. — On the expiration of the term of three days, no application having been made by the
employer, the deserter shall, as directed in Article 28, be sent to the chief town, to be then held
at the disposition of the Governor; and a report of the fact of removal shall at the same time be
made to the senior member of the Sub-Commission.
30

( 232 )
. 32. — In all cases of seizure of deserters, the official to whom they are in the first instance
dehvered shall prepare for transmission to the local Governor a minute of whatever information he
has ehcited in regard to the deserter (and this minute shall be accompanied by a copy of the
report made to the Sub-Commission). If the Governor is thus enabled to ascertain the name
and residence of the employer interested, he shall at once communicate with the latter, and shall
note on the minute he has received the fact of his having done so.
33. — If, thus apprised, the employer shall make application within the term of one month,
to which the detention of the deserter in the chief town is limited, the latter shall be delivered
to him on the due fulfillment of the formalities indicated in Article 29. If the month has elapsed
without such application having been made, he shall be forwarded to the central dep6t at the
expense of the Commission of Colonization. No excuse or pretext shall relieve the Governors
from their responsibility for the strictest observance of this rule.
34. — The minute containing the result of the enquiry instituted regarding a deserter, shall
be forwarded to the President of the Central Commission, who shall be careful that the removal to
the central d^p6t of the Chinese referred to is — if it does not take place in due course — promptly
enforced. 35. — During the month of detention thus to be passed in the municipal dep&t of Havana
or of a chief town of another Government, deserters shall be supported by the respective
municipalities, as prescribed in Article 10 of these Regulations, and may be employed in the
public works of the locality. They shall not, however, on any plea be loaned, hired or contracted
to private employers.
36.— During this term of one month, each Sunday deserters shall be assembled in the
dep6t from 6 a.m. until 6 p.m. and then inspection by employers shall be permitted. On such
days also deserters, whilst at work or resting, may in a like manner be inspected with a view to
recognition; and in addition their presence in the de'p&ts shall be made public by means of
notices in the local journals, and of a list posted at the gate of the de'pot containing such details
as may appear likely to facilitate identification. On receipt of an application for delivery from
an employer the formalities prescribed in Article 29 shall be observed.
37. — Any Chinese met outside of the plantation or commercial or industrial establishment
where he is employed, without the written permission of the owner or his representative,
prescribed in Article 49 of the Royal Decree of 1 860, shall be seized by the officiafof the locality,
and shall be forwarded at the cost of his employer to his place of service, if the latter lies within
the district where the seizure is effected, in accordance with the provisions of Article 37 of the
Instructions of 1868.
The purport of Article 37 of 1868 is similar to that of the above.
38. — The offences of sheltering a deserter in a private residence or on a plantation, or of,
by means of fictitious documents, registering him as in legal service or as free, shall be punished
by the infliction of a fine of $ 500 for each individual so sheltered or registered, without prejudice
to the criminal liability before the Court of Justice of the guilty individual, in accordance with
the provisions of Article 36 of the Instructions of 1 868. In such cases the deserter shall be at
once removed to the central dep&t.
Article 36 of 1868 is similar to the above.

( 233 )
39- — For the prevention of the offences just referred to, the Sub-Commission and
Delegates, and any private individual who may desire to co-operate with them, shall resort to
whatever methods of inquiry their zeal or interest may suggest to them, and shall denounce to
the Central Commission the cases of which they become aware.
40. — All Chinese found on any estate or in any establishment labouring collectively in a
gang under a head or a contractor in violation of the first paragraph of the Temporary Provisions
of the Decree of the Colonial Government of 1871, and of the Order of the 13th May of last year
shall, with the head of the gang if he be a Chinese, be removed to the central depots, and the
owner of the estate or establishment shall be liable to the infliction of a fine of $ 500 for each
member of the gang, as prescribed in the Order referred to.
The Governor, as well as the Captain of the District where the gang is discovered, shaU be
suspended, and the intervention of the tribunals shall be resorted to in order that it may be
ascertained whether there has been culpable connivance on the part of the officials in question.
The first paragraph of the Temporary Provision of the Decree of 1871 prohibits
working in gangs, adding that a free Chinese can only dispose of his own
individual services, and must do so directly to the owner of the plantation or
establishment where he works, without the intervention of a third person.
The Order of 13th May, 1872, refers to the non-observance of the provision of
the Decree of the previous year, to the facilities afforded by gangs for the
concealment of deserters and non-recontracted Chinese, and declares that all
Governors, Lieutenant-Governors and Captains of Districts shall be held strictly
responsible for their suppression, whilst the employer shall be liable to a fine
of $ 500.
41. — The suppression of these gangs is specially urged upon the Sub-Commissions and
Delegates of Colonization. Any residents in the vicinity may also denounce their existence,
whilst the Central Commission shall, with the approval of the Colonial Government, issue
authorization for the inspection of estates on which the presence is suspected of these assemblages
so justly prohibited as offering inducements to flight and affording facilities for the concealment
of deserters. 42.— Free Chinese duly registered, who have directly engaged their services at fixed wages
or by the day to the owner of a plantation, commercial or industrial establishment or private
residence, with the cognizance of the Captain of the District, shall not be held liable to the
apphcation of the preceding two clauses; but such Chinese can take part in no work other than
that of such plantation or establishment or residence, and their Letters of Domicile and Cedulas
shall be subject to any scrutiny ordered on behalf of the Central Commission.
43. — Deserters confined in the central depot shall also be delivered to their employers
on compliance with the provisions of Article 29, and on payment of the amount specified in
Article 3.
44. — After admission of a deserter into the central dep&t, enquiries with the view of
discovering his original employer shall be instituted.
The entries of his name and personal appearance shall also be transferred from Registration
Table 2 ("Deserters,") to Table 3 ("Deserters detained in dep6ts"). The fact of his admission into

( 234)
the central depot, together with all the details procurable regarding himself, his employer, and
the place of residence of the latter, shall be made public in the official journal of the Central
Commission, and the insertion of these details in it shall be repeated every fortnight until he is
delivered to his employer.
45. — During the stay of a deserter in the central dep&t, his services shall be utilized in
the manner laid down in Article 4 ; but at the close of 1 1 months he shall recontract himself
for 6 months, as prescribed in Articles 46 to 49 of the Instructions of 1 868, and in Articles 1 3
to 16 of the Regulations of 14th September, 1872.
46. — It is compulsory on all who have engaged, under Articles 4 and 5, gangs of deserters
whose previous employers have not been discovered, to permit' their inspection in accordance
with the provisions of Article 15 of the Regulations of 14th September, 1872.
47. — The authorization of inspection shall be void on the expiration of three months, as
laid down in the last paragraph of Article 16 of the Regulations just referred to.
48. — On the expiration of 1 1 , months from the date of admission of a deserter into the
central dep&t, he shall be recontracted for the term of 6 months, in accordance with the provisions
of Articles 46 to 49 of the Instructions of 1868 and of 13 to 16 of the Regulations of 14th
September, 1872. The recontract shall stipulate for the payment of monthly wages of $ 12, of
which $ 4 shall be paid to the Chinese and $ 8 shall be retained as revenue by the Central Com
mission. When applicants for such recontracts are in other respects alike, the preference shall be
given to landowners who prove by reference to Registration Table No. 2, that deserters from
their service have not been recovered.
49. — Employers shall not resume possession of deserters whom they may discover in the
service of others under the provisions of the preceding Article until, on fulfillment of the
formalities prescribed in Article 29, the necessary order has been issued by the Central Com
mission. If this rule is not observed, the Chinese affected shall be brought back to the central
depot at the cost of the employer, who, together with the recontractor who has permitted the
removal, shall be liable to a fine of $ 100.
If, however, deserters hired out according to Article 4 are identified by their em
ployers, they may be removed by the latter on condition of the production by him, within
48 hours after such removal, of the contract with a view to the fulfillment of the provision of
Article 29.
50. — In the official journal of the Commission of Colonization shall be published monthly
a statement of the deserters who, through having passed 1 1 months in the central dep6t, are
subject to recontracting; and also a statement of such recontracts effected during the month,
specifying the name, number by which known in dep6t, antecedents, recontractor and residence
of each of the Chinese so recontracted.
51. — A deserter whose name has been retained on the books of the central depot for six
years, whilst he has been working under the contracts prescribed in the Instructions of 1868 and
the Regulations of 14th September, 1872, shall be transferred to the class and dep&t of Chinese
who have duly fulfilled their contracts, and shall be at liberty to either quit the island or to
recontract for his own benefit, subject to the provisions of the 2nd section of these Regulations,
and to those of the Regulations of 14th September, 1872.

( 235 )
Section IV.
Concerning the Internal admvmistration of the Central De~p6ts.
52. — The conductor of a Chinese to the central depot shall, on delivery of him to that
-establishment with the necessary reports of the circumstances of the case, be furnished, by the
Superintendent or employe* designated, with a receipt, the production of which or of the
despatches from the sender advising transmission of the immigrant, shall enable those interested
to obtain from the Central Commission the refund of any outlay incurred after due approval of
the items of which it consists. The receipt shall specify the number given to the Chinese in the
central dep&t, his name, whether he is a deserter or has completed his contract; if the former, the
the name of his employer if known, and the locality whence and the authority by whom he was
forwarded ; and it shall also contain a description of his personal appearance made out according
to prescribed forms.
53. — The Superintendent of the central dep6t shall report, according to the prescribed
form, the admission of each Chinese to the Central Commission, and this report shall also be
sufficient authority fox the refunding of outlay referred to in the preceding Article.
54. — The Superintendent of the central de'pot shall enter all admissions on the proper
Registration Tables, and he shall also, in the separate record of deserters and of immigrants who
have completed contracts, make full notes of each admission, following the prescribed forms.
55. — The Superintendent of the central ddp&t shall weekly furnish the Commission with
a statement of the admissions and discharges, following the prescribed form, and on this statement
shall be based the estimates of the various supplies required.
Accounts of the quantities of these purchased and distributed ' shall be kept, and a weekly
statement for the inspection of the Commission prepared according to prescribed form.
56. — No purchases of supplies of any 'class for the central depot can be effected without
the sanction of the President of the Commission.
57. — When a Chinese escapes from a d6pot of any class, the fact shall at once be reported
by the Superintendent to the local official, to the Governor of Havana and to the Central
Commission. 58. — The dress of deserters detained in the central ddpdt shall be different from that of
the Chinese who have completed their contracts. The number by which they are distinguished
shall also be marked on the back of their outer garment.
59. — Deserters hired out as provided in Article 41 or contracted after the expiration of
1 1 months, as provided in Article 48, shall only be permitted to leave the central dep6t on
presentation of an order made out in the prescribed form.
60. — When dehvered over to their new employer, the latter shall acknowledge the fact of
delivery at the foot of the order. When deserters are hired out, the agreement shall be prepared
and signed by the employer in duplicate, and one copy shall be retained by the latter.
61. — When deserters are contracted, the contract shall be prepared and signed in
quadruplicate as prescribed in the Instructions of 1868 and the Regulations of the 14th
September, 1872.

( 236 )
62. — All employers hiring out or contracting with Chinese from the central dep6t shall
effect their registration before the Authorities of the locality where they are to serve, so that due
effect may be given to various provisions of the Decree of i860 and of the Instructions of 1868.
Reports of cases of flight or death shall also be made to both the local officials and the Central
Commission. Any neglect in the observance of this rule shall be punished by the infliction of a fine
proportioned to the culpability of the employer or the official.
63. — The Commission shall, in addition to its other records, keep an account current with
each 'employer of deserters hired out from the central dep6t.
64. — Delay in payment of the wages due for the labour of such deserters shall cause their
removal back to the central depot, and the arrear shall be .made good out of any amount
deposited in advance by the employer or by the person, if any, who acted as his security.
65. — When Chinese re-enter the central dep6t, although the various formalities of report
shall be observed as at the time of first admission, they shall receive the number originally given
to them.