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NOTES,

CRITICAL, ILLUSTRATIVE, AND PRACTICAL,

BOOK or DANIEL

WITH AH

INTRODITOTOKY DISSERTATION.

BY
ALBERT B A R N E S.
Ill

NEW -YORK :
L E .\V T T T & A L L K X .
18(51-.

Entered nccordine to Act of Consrcss, in the year 1853, by
A/.akni BAANHS.
In the Office of the Clerk of the District Court of the Eastern District
Pennsylvania.

Mt*<t&£

<^

etoreotypod by Slote A Moosey, Philadelphia

r K E F A C .E

A VERT remarkable resemblance has always been observed
hetween the Book of Daniel and the Book of Revelation.
Whatever view may be taken of the proper interpretation
of these books, it is difficult to write a commentary on one of
them without carefully studying the other, and without practi
cally furnishing to a considerable extent an exposition of the
other. There is no evidence, indeed, that John, in the Book
of Revelation, intended to imitate Daniel, and yet there is so
strong a resemblance in the manner in which the Divine dis
closures respecting the future were made to the two writers;
there is so clear a reference to the same great events in the
history of the world ; there is so much similarity in the symbols
employed, that no commentator can well write on the one
without discussing many points, and making use of many
illustrations, which would be equally appropriate in an expo
sition of the other.
The following Notes on the Book of Daniel were mostly
written before I commenced the preparation of Notes on the
Look of Revelation, though the latter volume is published
first. It has thus happened that many inquiries haye been

IV PREFACE.
started, and many subjects discussed, in connection with this
book, which would otherwise have found a place in the Notes on
the Book of Revelation, and that in the exposition of the latter,
I have, in many places, to avoid needless repetition, done little
more than refer to corresponding places in the Notes on Daniel.
While I have endeavoured to make each work a complete
exposition in itself, it is nevertheless true that the two volumea
are designed, in some measure, to go together, and that the
one is necessary to the full understanding of the other.
Philadelphia, Dec. 26ih, 1851.

INTRODUCTION

TO

THE BOOK OF DANIEL.

g 1. THE LIFB OF DANIEL.
Or Daniel little more is known, or can now be ascertained, than is re
corded in this book. There are two other persons of this name mentioned
in the Bible — a son of David, 1 Chron. iii. 1 ; and a Levite of the race of
Ithamar, Ezra viii. 2 ; Neh. x. 6. The latter has been sometime,s con
founded with the prophet, as he is in the Apocryphal Addenda to the
Septuagint. Daniel, supposed commonly to be the same person as the author of
tliis book, is twice mentioned by Ezekiel, once as deserving to be ranked
with Noah and Job, and once as eminent for wisdom. " Though these
three mon, Noah, Daniel, and Job were in it, they should deliver but their
own souls by their righteousness, saith the Lord God." Ezek. xiv. 14.
" Behold, thou art wiser than Daniel, and there is no secret that they
oan hide from thee." Ezek. xxviii. 3. Whether this is the Daniel who is
the author of this book, however, or whether this was sorae ancient
patriarch whose name had been handed down by tradition, and whose
name was assumed by the author of this book in later times, has been a
question among recent critics, and will properly come up for examina-
. )n under the next section in this Introduction.
_ Assuming now that the book is genuine, and that it was written by
him whose name it bears, all that is known of Daniel is substantially as
follows : —
He was descended from one of the highest families in Judah, if not one
of royal blood (Notes on ch. i. 3 ; Josephus' Ant. b. x. ch. x. 1 1.) His
birth-place was probably Jerusalem, (comp. oh. ix. 24,) though it is not
absolutely certain that this passage would demonstrate this.
Of his first years nothing is recorded. At an early age we find him in
Babylon, among the captive Hebrews whom Nebuchadnezzar had carried
away at the first deportation of the people of Judah, in the fourth year
of Jehoiakim. He is mentioned in connection with three other youths,
apparently of the same rank, Hanrjaiah, Mishael, and Azariah, who,
I* (vJ

VI INTRODUCTION.
with him, were selected for the purpose of being instructed in the lan?
guage and "iterature of the Chaldeans, with a view to their being employed
in the service of the court. Dan. i. 3, 4. His age at that time it is
impossible to determine with accuracy, but it is not improbable that
it was somewhere about twelve or fifteen years. In ch. i. 4. he and
his three friends are called " children," (on'71). " This word properly
denotes the period from the age of childhood up to manhood, and might
be translated boys, lads, or youth." — Professor Stuart on Daniel, p. 373.
Ignatius (Ep. ad Magn.), says that Daniel was twelve years of age when
he went into exile ; Chrysostome says that he was eighteen, (Opp. vi.
p. 423 ;) Epiphanius says, fn mmos Siv, Jerome calls him admodum, puer.
These are, of course, mere conjectures, or traditions, but they are proba
bly not far from the truth. Such was the age at which persons would be
most likely to be selected for the training here referrt d to. The design
of this selection and training is not mentioned, but in the circumstances
of the case it is perhaps not difficult to conjecture it. The Hebrews wert
a captive people. It was natural to suppose that they would be restless,
and perhaps insubordinate, in their condition, and it was a matter of
policy to do all that could be done to conciliate them. Nothing would
better tend to this than to select some of their own number who were of
their most distinguished families ; to place them at court ; to provide for
them from the royal bounty ; to give them the advantages of the best
education that the capital afforded ; to make an arrangement that con
templated their future employment in the service of the state, and to
furnish them every opportunity of promotion. Besides, in the inter
course of the government with the captive Hebrews, of which, from the
nature of the case, there would be frequent occasion, it would be an ad
vantage to have native born Hebrews in the confidence of the govern
ment, who could be employed to conduct that intercourse.
In this situation, and with this view, Daniel received that thorough
education which Oriental etiquette makes indispensable in a courtier,
(Comp. Plato, Alcib. ? 37,) and was more especially instructed in the
science of the Chaldeans, and in speaking and writing their language.
He had before evidently been carefully trained in the Hebrew learning,
and in the knowledge of the institutions of his country, and was
thoroughly imbued with the principles of the religion of his fathers.
An opportunity soon occurred of putting his principles to the test.
Trained iu strict religious principles, and in the sternest rules of tem
perance in eating and drinking, and fearing the effect of the luxurious
living provided for him and his companions by the royal bounty, he
resolved, with them, to avoid at once the danger of conforming to the
habits of idolaters ; of " polluting" himself by customs forbidden by his
religion, and of jeoparding his own health and life by intemperate in
dulgence. He aimed, also, to secure the utmost vigor of body, and the
utmost clearness of mind, by a course of strict and conscientious temper
ance. He obtained permission, therefore, to abstain from the food pro
vided for him, and to make an experiment of the most temperate mode
of living, ch. i. 8 — 14. " His prudent proceedings, wise bearing, and
absolute refusal to comply with such customs, were crowned with thi
divine blessing, and had the most splendid results."
After the lapse of three years spent in this course of discipline, Daniel

INTEODUCTION. Vll
uassed the examination whioh was necessary to admit him to the royal
favor, and was received into connection with the government, to be em
ployed in the purposes which had been contemplated in this preparatory
training, ch. i. 18 — 20. One of his first acts was an interpretation of a
dream of Nebuchadnezzar which none of the Chaldeans had been able to
interpret, the result of which was that he was raised at once to that im
portant office, the governorship ofthe province of Babylon, and the head-
inspectorship of the sacerdotal caste, ch. ii.
Considerably later in the reign of Nebuchadnezzar, we find Daniel in
terpreting another dream of his, to ¦ the effect that, in consequence
of his pride, he would be deprived for a time of his reason and hia
throne, and would be suffered to wander from the abodes of men, and to
live among wild beasts, but that after a time he would be again
restored. The record which we have of this, is found in a proclama
tion of the king himself, which is preserved by Daniel, ch. iv. In
the interpretation of this remarkable dream, and in stating to tho
kuig — the most proud and absolute monarch of the earth at that time —
what would come upon him, Daniel displays the most touching anxiety,
love, and loyiilty, for the prince, and shows that he was led to this inter
pretation only by the conviction of the truth. In view of a calamity so
great, he exhorted the monarch yet to humble himself and to repent of his
sins, and to perform acts of charity, with the hope that God might be mer
ciful and avert from him a doom so humiliating — so much to be dreaded,
ch. iv. 19—27.
Under the immediate successor of Nebudchadnezzar — Evil-Merodach —
Daniel appears to have been forgotten, and his talents and his for
mer services seem to have passed away from the recollection of those
in power. His situation at court appears to have beeu confined to
an inferior office (ch. viii. 27), and it would seem also that this led
him occasionally, if not regularly, away from Babylon to some of
the provinces to attend to business there. Comp. Notes in ch. viii. 2.
This was not strange. On the death of a monarch, it was not unu
sual to discharge the officers who had been employed in the govern
ment, as, at the present time, on the death of a king, or a change of
dynasty, the members of the cabinet are changed ; or as the same thing
happens in our own country when a change occurs in the Chief Magistracy
of the nation.* Sir John Chardin in his MS. Notes on Persia says that,
in his time, on the death of a Shah or king, all the soothsayers and
physicians attached to the court were at once dismissed from office; the
former because they did not predict his death, and the latter because they
did not prevent it. It is to be remembered also, that Daniel was raised
to power by the will of Nebuchadnezzar alone, and that the offices which
he held were, in part, in cdnsequence of the service which he had ren
dered that prince; and it is not strange, therefore, that on a change of
the government, he, with perhaps the other favorites of the former
sovereign, should be suffered tc retire. We find consequently no men
tion made of Daniel during the reign of Evil-Merodach or in the short
* Since this "was written, a remarkable illustration of wbat is here said has occurred in our
own country, on the death of the late President, Geu. Zachary Taylor. It will be recollected
that on the very nij^ht of his death, all the membera of the cabinet tendered their resigaatiou
to his constitutional successor, and all of them iu fact ceased to hold office and retired to pri-
<ate life.

vm INTRODUCTION.
reign of his successor ; we lose sight of him until the reign of Belshazzar,
the last king of Babylon, and then he is mentioned only in connection
with the closing scene of his life, eh. v. In consequence of a remarkable
vision which Belshazzar had of a hand-writing on the wall, and of the
inability of any of the wise men of the Chaldeans to read and interpret
it, Daniel, at the instance of the queen mother, who remembered his
former services at court, was called in, and read the writing, and an
nounced to the king the impending destiny of himself and his empire.
For this service he was again restored to honor, and the purpose was
formed to raise him to an exalted rank at court — a purpose which was,
however, frustrated by the fact that Babylon was that very night taken,
and that the government passed into the hands of the M^edes and Per
sians. It was under this king, hewever, that Daniel had two ofhis most
remarkable visions (ch. vii. viii.), respecting future events — visions which
perhaps more definitely than any other in the Scriptures, disclose what
is to occur in the ages to come.
After tbe conquest of Babylon by the united arms of the Medes and
Persians, under the reign of Darius or Cyaxares, Daniel was raised again
to an exalted statiou. The whole kingdom was divided into one hundred
and twenty provinces, and over these three presidents or chief governors
were appointed, and of these Daniel had the first rank, ch. vi. 1 — 3. The
reasons of this appointment are not stated, but they were doubtless
found in such circumstances as the following: — that it was desirable
for Darius to employ some one who was familiar with the affairs
of the Babylonian empire ; that Daniel probably had knowledge on
that subject equal or superior to any other one that could be found;
that he had long been employed at court, and was familiar with the laws,
usages and customs that prevailed there ; that he knew better thau any
one else perhaps what would secure the tranquillity of that portion of
the empire ; that, being himself a foreigner, it might be supposed better
to employ him than it would be a native Chaldean, for it might be pre
sumed that he would be less inimical to a foreign dominion. Under
these circumstances ho was again raised to a high rank among the
officers of the government ; but his elevation was not beheld without
malice and envy. Those who might have expected this office for
themselves, or who were dissatisfied that a foreigner should be thus ex
alted, resolved, if pc'sible, to bring him into such a situation as would
ruin him, ch. vi. 4. To do this, they determined to take advantage of a
principle in the government of the Medes and Persians, that a law
having once received the royal sanction could not be changed, and by
securing the passage of such a law as they knew Daniel would not obey,
they hoped to humble and ruin him. They, therefore, under plausible
pretences, secured the passage of a law that no one in the realm should
be allowed for a certain time to offer any petition to any God or man,
except the king, on penalty of being thrown into a den of lions. Daniel,
as they anticipated, was the first to disregard this law, by continuing his
regular habit of worshipping God, praying, as he had been .accustomed,
three times a day, with his window open. The consequence was, that
the king, there being no way to prevent the execution of the law, allowed
it to be executed. Daniel was cast into the den of lions, but was mi
raculously preserved; and this new proof of his integrity, and ofthe divina

INTRODUCTION. IX
favour, was the means of his being raised ' to more exalted honour,
ch. vi.
In this situation at court, and with these advantages for promoting ths
interests of his people, he employed himself in seriously and diligently
securing the return of the exiles to their own country, though it does not
appear that he himself returned, or that he contemplated a return. Itis
probable that he supposed that at his time of life it would not be wise to
attempt such a journey ; or that he supposed he could be of more use
to his countrymen in Babylon" in favouring their return than he could by
accompanying them to their own land. His position at the court of the
Medo-Persian government gave him an opportunity of rendering material
aid to his people, and it is not improbable that it was through his instru
mentality that the decree was obtained from Cyrus which allowed them
to return. One of the designs of Providence in raising him up, was,
doubtless, that he might exert that influence at court, and that he might
thus be the means of restoring the exiles. He had at last the happiness
to see his most ardent wishes accomplished in this respect.
In the third year of Cyrus, he had a vision, or a series of visions, (chs. x.
xi. xii.) containing minute details respecting the history and sufferings
of his nation to the time of Antiochus Epiphanes, concluding with a
more general represention (ch. xii.) of what would occur in the last days
of the world's history.
Beyond this, nothing certain is known of Daniel. The accounts
respecting him are vague, confused, and strange. How long he lived,
and when and where he died, are points on which no certain information
can now be obtained. Josephus gives no account of his latter davs, or of
his death, though he says respecting him, " he was so happy as to have
Strange revelations made to him, and these as to one of the greatest of
the prophets, insomuch that while he was alive he had the esteem and
applause both of kings and of the multitude ; and now he is dead he
retains a remembrance that will never fail." Ant. b. x. ch. xi. It is
commonly believed that he died in Chaldea, having been detained there
by his employments in the Persian empire. Epiphanius says that he
died in Babylon, and this has been the commonly received opinion of
historians. This opinion, however, has not been universal. Some sup
pose that he died at Shusan or Susa. Josephus (Ant. b. x. ch. xi.) says_
that, " on account of the opinion which men had that he was beloved of
God, he built a tower at Ecbatana in Media, which was a most elegant
building, and wonderfully made," and that it was still remaining in his
day. Benjamin of Tudela says that his monument was shown at Chuzestan
which is the ancient Susa. As Benjamin of Tudela professes to record
what he saw and heard, and as his ' Itinerary' is a book which has bee»
more frequently transcribed and translated than almost any other book
except the Travels of Maundeville, it may be of some interest to copy
what he has said of the tomb of Daniel. It is a record of the traditions
of the East — the country where Daniel lived and died, and it is not
improbably founded in essential truth. At any rate, it will show what
has been the current tradition in the East respecting Daniel, and is all
that can now be known respecting the place of his death and burial.
Benjamin of Tudela was a Jewish Rabbi of Spain, who travelled through
Europe, Asia, and Africa, from Spain to China, between A. D. 1160 aud

Z INTRODUCTION.
1173. His Itinerary was first printed in 1543. It was a work in wide
circulation in the 13th, Mth, and 15th centuries, and has been translated
from the original Hebrew, into Latin, English, French, Dutch, and Jewish
German, and, in these languages has passed through not less than twenty-
iwo editions. I quote from the London and Berlin edition of 1840.
" Four miles from henje begins Khuzeetan, Elam of Scripture, a large
province which, however, is but partially inhabited, -.t, portion of it lying
in ruins. Among the latter are the remains of Shushan the Metropolis
and palace of king Achashverosh, which still contains very large and
handsome buildings of ancient date. Its seven thousand Jewish inhabi
tants possess fourteen synagogues ; in front of one of which is the tomb
of Dauiel, who rests in peace. The river Ulai divides the parts of the city
which are connected with a bridge ; that portion of it which is inhabited
by the Jews, contains the markets ; to it all trade is confined, and there
dwell all the rich ; on the other side of the river they are poor, because
they are deprived of the abovenamed advantages, and nave even no
gardens nor orchards. These circumstances gave rise to jealousy, which
was fostered by the belief that all honor and riches originated from the
possession of the remains of the prophet Daniel, who rests in peace, and
who was buried on their side. A request was made by the poor for per
mission to remove the sepulchre to the other side, but it was rejected ;
npon which a war arose and was carried on between the two parties for
a length of time ; this strife lasted until ' their souls became loath'
(Num. xxi. 4. 5 ; Judg. xvi. 16.), and they came to a mutual agreement,
by which it was stipulated that the coffin, which contained Daniel's bones,
should be deposited alternately every year on either side. Both parties
faithfully adhered to this arrangement, which was, however, interrupted
by the interference of Sanjar Shah Ben Shah, who governs all Persia, and
holds supreme power over forty-five of its kings.
"When this great emperor Sanjar, king of Persia, came to Shushan,
and saw that the coffin of Daniel was removed from side to side, he
crossed the bridge with a very numerons retinue, and accompanied by
Jews and Mahometans, inquired into the nature of these proceedings.
Upon being told what we have related above, he declared that it was
derogatory to the honor of Daniel, and recommended that the distance
between the two banks should be exactly measured, that Daniel's coffin
should be deposited in another coffin, made of glass, and that it should
be suspended from the very middle of the bridge, fastened by chains of
iron. A place of public worship was erected on the very spot, open to
every one who desired to say his prayers, whether he be Jew or Gentile,
and the coffin of Daniel is suspended from the bridge unto this verv dav."
Vol. i. pp. 117— 120.
This story, trifling_ as it is in some of its details, may be admitted as
evidence of a tradition in the East that Daniel died and was buried at
Shushan. This tradition, moreover, is very ancient. In a Note on this
passage (vol. ii. p. 152.) A. Asher, the publisher of the Itinerary of Ben
jamin says, " Aasim of Cufah, a venerable historian, who preceded Ibn
Ilankel by two hundred years, (for he died 735) mentions the discovery of
Daniel's coffin at Sus. Ibn Hankel, who travelled in the tenth century,
speaks of it, and ascribes to the possession of the bones of Daniel the virtue
«f dispelling all sorts of distress, particularly that of famine from want of

TNTRODUOTION. XI
rnln." It has bem a matter of inuoli contvovorsy wluMhor tho plaoe
now known as Chouiik, Oliouz, or Sous is tho anoiout Shushan, (Lat.
81° 8fl', Long, na" '10'), ov tho phuMi now called Shuster (Lat. 31°
30', Long, 84" ;10'), Tho former o))inioii i.s inaintainod by Ronnol,
OiLsrlny, Uarhirt du UoiMif^d, Kinnoir, and Hook; tlio latter by a'llerbolot
d'Aiivillo, Vinoont, Mimnort, and llauiinor, Mi\ior lliiwliii.son, who has
ftirniNlioil tliii iiu)nt ro(u\iit account of this plaoo, maintains that ' Shushan
tlio palaoo' is tho present Susan on tho Kulan or Kniaous, tho Uliti
of Soripture. Siio vol. ix. of tho Journal of tho lloyivl Qoographionl
Sooioty.( 2. aiSNUINENESS AN'D .\TtTllKN'rinTV OF TUK BOOK OF DANIEL.
Con.sidrralion of Oly<'clion.i.
Until a (•(imjmrativi'ly iwent period, wilh somo sliglit oxcoptions,
tlio gonuiiionoss and aulh(>nlicity of tho lliiok of Daniel havo boen
regnruod as HnltkHJ, and ils nanonioal authorily was as littio doubted
lis that of any other povtlon of the Bible. Tho aneiont lIobl'OWB
never oalhvl ils irennineiiess or auHieiitieily in nviestion (Longorke,
Das lliieh Daniel, Konigslieri>;, IS.'ir), p, (i; lleiif^slonlierj!;, Die Autiiontia
de« Daniel, Herlin, l.S.'il. p. 1 j. It is true thatin llie 'ralnuid (Tniet. Baba
Bathra, Koi. ir>. Ktl. Venet.) it is said that " lhe mon of the Oreat Synocoguo
wrote — 13-13 llie ,inr> K. D, N. 0. — Uiat is. portions (xi. ohs.) of tho
Book of Kicekiel, the pn)]iliet Diiniel, and the Uook ol' Ksllier ;'' but this,
M Lenj^erke hiw reniarked, (p. v.) does not mean that tlioy had introduced
this book inlo the oaiioii, as Uertluildt suii|iose,<, but that, partly by
tradition, and partly by inspinitioii, thoy revised it anew. Hut whatever
niay be the truth in reji;ai'd to this, it does not iirove lhat tho nneiont
.lews did uot omisider it ounonieal. It is true that nineh lias beon said
about the faot that the .lews did not class this book iiinont; the prophets,
but placed it in Ihc llaj^icgvaphy, or Kcthuliini, B<?in{'. It has been in
ferred ft'oni this, that they believed that it was composed a consiileniblo
time after the other pniphetic books, and tJiat they did not deem it
worthy ot" a placo ainciift tlioir prophetic books in general. But, even if
this were .so, it wmiUl not pi-ovc that they did not regard it as a genuino
production of Danici ; anil tho fact that it was not placed among the
prophetic books may li<> accounted for without the supposition that tliey
did not rcijard it lus genuine. The nsual statement on that subject is,
that they placed the book thoro because tlu-y siiy that Daniel lived tho
life ofa courtier in Babylon, ratlier than the'lire"of a prophet; and tho
Jews Airther as.scrt that, llioui>;li hc received divino ooninuinications, tlioy
wove only by tlreani.s and visions of the night, which thev rcgaiil as tho
most imporrect kind of i"evolat,ions. Ilovno, Intro, iv. 188. 'fhe place which
Daniel .should oeeupy in tho sacred writings probably became a matter
nf discussion auiong tho llcliviMvs only after tho coming of the Saviour,
when Christians urged so soalously his plain prophocios (ch. is. 2-1 — 27)
in nroof of the Messiahship of tho Lord Josus.
'rho first opon nnd avowed ailvorsavy to the gcnuinon(>ss and nuthon*
tioit^ of the Book of Daniel, was Povphwy, a Icavned advci\sary of tho
Chnstiivn ftvitll in tlia tliinl century, lie wn>te lifloen books against
ChriBtiflinity, »11 of whloli nro lost, eseept some fragments proscrvod bf

xn INTRODUCTION.
Eusebius, Jerome, and others. His objections against Daniel were made
in his twelfth book, and all that we have of these objections has been
preserved by Jerome in his commentary on the Book of Daniel. A full
account of Porphyry, and of his objections against the Christians and
the sacred books of the Old and New Testament, so far as can now hit
known, may be seen in Lardner, Jewish and Heathen Testimonies, vol.
vii. pp. 390—470, of his works, Ed. London, 1829. In regard to the
Book of Daniel, he maintained, according to Jerome (Pr. and Explan. in
Daniel), " that the book was not written by him whose name it bears, but
by another who lived in Judea in the time of • Antiochus, surnamed
Epiphanes ; and that the Book of Daniel does not foretell things to come,
but relates what had already happened. In a word, whatever it contains
to the time of Antiochus is true history ; if there is anything relating to
aftertimes it is falsehood ; forasmuch as the writer could not see things
future, but at the most only qould make some conjectures about them.
To him several of our authors have given answers of great labour and
diligence, in particular Eusebius, bishop of Caesarea, in three volumes,
the 18th, the 19th, and the 20th. Apollinarius, also, in one large book,
that is the 26th, and before them, in part, Methodius. As it is not my
design," says Jerome, "to confute the objections ofthe adversary, which
would require a long discourse, but only to explain the prophet to our
own people, that is, Christians, I shall just observe that none of the
prophets have spoken so clearly of Christ as Daniel, for he not only fore
tels his coming, as do others likewise, but he also teaches the time when
he will come, and mentions in order the princes of the intermediate space,
and the number of the years, and the signs of his appearance. And be
cause Porphyry saw all these things to have been fulfilled, and could not
deny that they had actually come to pass, he was compelled to say as he
did ; and because of some similitude of circumstances, he asserted
that the things foretold as to be fulfilled in Antichrist at the end of
the world, happened in the time of Antiochus Epiphanes. Which
kind of opposition is a testimony of truth ; for such is the plain interpre
tation of the words, that to incredulous men the prophet seems not to
foretell things to come, but to relate things already past. And though,
as before said, it is not my intention to confute all his objections, I
shall, as occasion offers, take notice of some of his weak arguments. And
it may be proper for us, among other things, to observe now, that Por
phyry argued that the Book of Daniel was not genuine, because it was
written in Greek, and, therefore, was not the work of any Jew, but the
forgery of some Greek writer. This he argued from some Greek words
which are in the fable of Susanna, to which both Eusebius and Apollinarius
returned the same answer, that the fabulous stories of Susanna, and Bel,
and the Dragon, are not in the Hebrew, but are said to havo been com
posed by a person of the tribe of Levi ; whereas the sacred Scriptures
assure us that Daniel and the three children, his companions, were of the
tribe of Judah. And they said they were not accountable for what was noi
received by the Jews, nor was a part of the sacred Scriptures." A few
of the objections which Porphyry makes to the credibility of certain parta
of Daniel, Jerome has quoted in his commentary on the particular pas
sages referred to. These have been collected by Dr. Lardner, and mav
be Boen in his works, vol. vii. pp. 402—415. It is not necessary to tran*

INTRODUCTION. XHI
cribe them here, as they will como up for consideration in tho Notes on
the particular chapters.
Dr. Lardner [vol. vii. p. 401], remarks respecting Porphyry, " that
Porphyry's work against the Christians was much laboured, and that in
this argument he displayed all his learning, which was very considerable.
Hence, we can perceive the diffioultv of undertaking an answer to liim,
for which very few wero fully qualified ; in which none of the apologists
for Christianity seem to have answered expectations." We canuot now
form a correct opinion of the argument of Porphyry, for we have only
tho few fragments of his work, which Jerome and others have seen proper
to preserve. We are in danger, therefore, of doing injustice to what may
have been tho real force of his argument, for it may have been stronger
than would be indicated by thoso fragments that remain. It is impossi
ble to recover his main objections ; and all that can now be said is, that,
as far as is known, he did not make any converts to his opinions, and
that his objections produced no change in the faith of the Christian
world. No further attack on the genuineness and authenticity of Daniel seems
to havo been made, and no further doubt entertained, until the time of
Spinoza. Spinoza was by birth a Jew ; was born at Amsterdam in 1032 ;
became professedly converted to Christianity in consequence of supposing
that his life was in danger among the Jews, but was probably indifferent
to all religions, llo gave himself up to philosophical inquiries, and is
commonly understood to have been a pantheist. lie maintained (Tractat.
Theol. Politicus, c. 10, T. i p. 308 Ed. Paulus) that the last five chapters
of Daniel were written by Daniel himself, but that the seven previous
chapters wore collected about the time of the Maccabees, from tlie chro
nological writings ofthe Chaldeans, and that the whole was arranged by
some unknown hand. Edward Wells, who lived in the first part of the
eighteenth century, maintained that the work was composed by somo one
soon after the death of Daniel. Antony Collins, one of the British Deists,
maintained also that it was not written by Daniel. In more recent times,
the genuineness of the book^has been doubted or denied, in whole or in
Sart, by Corrodi, Gesenius, Liidorwald, Dereser, Scholl, Lengerke,
lichhorn, De Wette, Griesenger, Bertholdt, Bleek, Ewald, Hitzig, and
Kirms ; it has been defended by the English writers generally, and
among the Germans, by Staiidlin, Beckhaus, Jahn, Ilavernick, Heng
stenberg, and others. The general ground taken by those who have
denied its genuineness and authenticity is, that the book was written at
or about the time of the Maccabees, by somo Jew, who, in order to give
greater authority and importance to his work, wrote under the assumed
name of Daniel, and laid the scene in Babylon in the time of the cap
tivity. The various arguments urged against the genuineness of the_ book,
may be seen in Bertholdt, Eiclihorn, Lengerke, Kirms (Coramentatio His-
torico Critica, Jcnae, 1828), and De Wette. The best defence of its au
thenticity, probablv, is the work of Hengstenberg, (Die Authentie des
Daniel. Berlin, 1831). The examination ofthe objections alleged against
the particular chapters, and particular portions of chapters, it will be
most convenient to examine in the introduotions to the respective chap
ters. I propose, in this general Introduction, merely to examine the ob-
2

XIV INTRODUCTION.
jections of a general character which have been made to the work. Thesa
have been concisely arranged and stated by De Wette (Lehrbuch der
Historisch-kritischen Einleitung, etc. Berlin, 1845, pp. 382 — 389), and in the
exaraination ofthe objections I shall consider them in the order in which
he has stated thora.
The view which De Wette entertains of the book is stated in the fol
lowing manner : " that in the time of Antiochus Epiphanes, when the
spirit of prophecy among the Jews had been a long time extinct, a Jew
ish friend of his country endeavoured to encourage and strengthen his
sontemporary sufferers, and those who were contending for their liberty,
through these apocalyptic propTiecies respecting the former ascendency
of the theocratic principle, which, in order to ^ive the work greater repu
tation and authoritj', he ascribed to an ancient Seer of the name of
Daniel, of whom probably something had been handed down by tradition.
Designedly he suffered the promises to extend to a great length of time,
in order to make them appear the more certain. After the manner of the
ancient prophets, also, he inwove much thatwas historical, and especially
such as would be fitted to excite and arouse the martyr spirit of his own
people." Lehrbuch, p. 390.
I. The first objection which is urged against the genuineness of the
book is derived from what is denominated tlie fabulous contents — Miihrchen-
haften Inhalte — of its narrative parts. This objection, in the words of
De Wette, is that " the book is full of improbabilities (ii. 3, ff. 46, f. iii.
1, 5, f. 20, 22, 28, f. iii. 31, ff. 31, f. v. 11, f. 18, ff. 29, vi. 8, ff. 26, ff.) ;
of wonders, (ii. 28, iii. 23, ff. v. 5, vi. 23, 25) ; its historical inaccu
racies are such as are found in no prophetic book of the Old Testament,
and are founded on the same type (Comp. ii. 2 — 11, with iv. 4. v. 8. iii. 4
—12, 26—30, with vi. 8—18, 21—24). This seeking after wonders and
strange things, and the religious fanaticism nourished through these per
secutions, which it breathes, place the book in the same condition as the
second Book of the Maccabees, as a production of the time of Antiochus
Epiphanes, and the similarity of the former of the two books betrays the
fictitious character (Dichtung) of the book." Lehrbuch, pp. 382, 383.
In reference to this objection, which turns on the marvellous charac
ter of the Book, and the improbable historical statements in it, the
following reraarks may be made :
(a) These objections are noticed in detail in the Introductions to the
respective chapters where the historical events here objected to are stated,
and the question whether they are fabulous, or are in accordance with
true history, is there fully considered. This will make it needless to no
tice them here particularly. In the Introduction to the respective chap
ters, I have noticed, and have endeavoured to answer, all the objections
which I have found of this character in the works of Eichhorn, Bertholdt,
Bleek, and Lengerke. This will make it the less necessary to dwell on
tliis point in this general Introduction.
(6) But as to the alleged contradiction between Daniel and the his
torical accounts which we have of the affkirs to which he refers, it may
be proper to observe in general — (1.) That, for anything that appears,
Daniel may be as accurate a historian as any of the heathen writers of
those times. There is, in the nature of the case, no reason why we
should put implicit confidence in Berosus, Abydenus, Xenophon, and

INTRODUCTION. XV
Herodotus, and distrust Daniel ; nor why, if a statement is omitted by
them, we should concluda at once, that if mentioned by Daniel it is false.
It is an unhappy circumstance, that there are many persons who suppose
that the faot that a thing is mentioned by a profane historian is pre
sumptive evidence of its truth ; if mentioned by a sacred writer, it is
presumptive evidence of its falsehood. Under the influence of the same
feeling it is inferred, that if an event is mentioned by a sacred writer,
which is omitted by a prolane historian, it is regarded as demonstrative that
the work in which it is found is fabulous. It is unnecessary to show
that this feeling exists in many minds ; and yet nothing can be more
unjust — ^for the mere fact that an author writes on sacred subjects, or is the
professed friend ofa certain religion, should not be allowed to cast a sus
picion on his testimony. That testimony must depend, in regard to its
value, on his credibility as an historian, and not on the subject on whioh
he writes. In the nature of things there is no more reason why a writer
on sacred subjects should be unworthy of belief, than one who is record
ing the ordinary events of history. (2.) Daniel, according to the account
which we have of him, had opportunities of ascertaining the truth of the
facts which he narrates which no profane historian had. He spent the
greater part of a long life in Babylon, in the very midst of the scenes
which he describes ; he was intimately acquainted with the affairs of the
government ; he enjoyed, in a remarkable degree, the confidence of those
in authority ; and he was himself deeply concerned in most of these
transactions, and could have adopted the language of .Slneas — et quorum
magna pars fui. (3.) It is to be remembered, also, in regard to these
events and times, that we have few fragments of history remaining. We
have fragments of the writings of Berosus, a Chaldean, indeed, who
wrote in Greece ; and of Abydenus, a Greek, who wrote in Chaldea ; we
have some historical statements in Xenophon, and a few in Herodotus,
but the Chaldean history, if ever written, is lost ; the public documents
are destroyed ; the means of an accurate and full knowledge of the Chal
dean or Babylonish power in the time when Daniel lived, have disap
peared forever. Under these circumstances, it would not be strange if
we should not be able to clear up all the difficulties of a historical nature
that may be suggested respecting these fragmentary accounts, or be able
to verify tlie statements which we find in the sacred books by the explicit
testimony cf contemporary writers.
(c) As a matter of fact, the investigations of history, as far as they can
be made, go to confirm the authority of Daniel. Instances of this will
occur in the examination of the particular chapters in this book, and all
that can now be done is merely to refer to them, particularly to the intro
ductions to chs. i. iv. V. vi. In general, it may be said here, that none of
the historical authorities contradict what is stated by Daniel, and that the
few fragments which we have go to confirm what he has said, or at least
to make it probable.
(d) As to the objections of De Wette and others, derived from the mi
raculous and marvellous character of the book, it may be observed fur
ther, that the same objection would lie against most of the books of tho
Bible, and that it is, therefore, not necessary to notice it particularly in
considering the Book of Daniel. The Bible is a book full of miracles and
marvels ; and he who would have any proper understanding of it must

XVI INTRODUCTION.
regard and treat it as such. It is impossible to understand or explain
it without admitting the possibility and the reality of miraculous
events ; and in a book which claims to be founded on miracles, it does not
prove that it is not authentic or genuine simply to say that it assumes that
miracles are possible. To destroy the credibility of the book, it is ne
cessary to show that all claims of a miraculous character are unfounded,
and all miracles impossible and absurd ; and this objection would not lie
against the Book of Daniel peculiarly, but equally against the whole
Bible. Two remarks here may be made, however, of a more particular
character : (1.) one is, that the statements in Daniel are not more mar
vellous than those which occur in other parts of the Bible, and if they
may be believed, those occurring in Daniel may be also ; and (2.) the otheris,
that it would rather be an argument against the genuineness and authen
ticity of the book if no rairaculous and raarvellous statements were found
in it. It would be so unlike the other books of tht Bible, where miracles
abound, that we should feel that there was wanting in its favour the evi
dence of this nature, which would show that it had the same origin as
the other portions of the volume. The particular objections in regard
to the statements in Daniel of this nature, are considered ih- the Notes
on the Book.
II. A second objection to the genuineness of the Book of Daniel, re
lates to the prophecies which are found in it. This objection is derived
from the peculiar character of these prophecies ; from the minuteness
of the detail ; the exact designation of the order of events ; the fact that
they seem to be a summary of history written after the events occurred ;
and that in those respects they are essentially unlike the other prophe
cies in the Bible. This objection, we have seen, is as old as Porphyry ;
and this was, in fact, with him, the principal argument against the au
thenticity of the book. This objection is summed up and stated by De
Wette in the following manner (§ 255. b. pp. 384, 385) : " The ungenu-
ineness (Unachtheit) appears further from the prophetic contents of the
same, which is to a remarkable extent different from that of all the remaining
prophetic books, (a) through its apocalyptic character, or through this —
that the coraing of the kingdora of the Messiah is mentioned and deter
mined .according to certain definite periods of time, or specified periods,
and that the representation of it occurs so much in the form of visions ;
(6) that the circumstances of the distant future, and the fortune of tho
kingdoms which were not yet in existence, even down to the time of An
tiochus Epiphanes, are described with so much particularity and accuracy
(viii. 14, ix. 25, ff. xii. 11, ff.) that the account must have been written
after the event ; (c) and that, if Daniel was a prophet, he must have
lived in the times of Ezekiel and Zechariah, and we must suppose
that his prophecies would have borne the general character of the prophe
cies of those times, but that in fact we find in them the spirit of a later
agei— the spirit that ultiraately developed itself in the Sibylline Books, to
vdiich these prophecies bear a strong resemblance."
In reply to this, it may be remarked :
^1.) That all that is said in Daniel is possible: — that is, it is possible
that prophetic intimations of the future should be given with as much
particularity as are found in Daniel. No one can demonstrate, or even
iffirm, that God <iould not, if he chose, inspire a prophet to predict in detail

INTRODUCTION. XYH
X.t> ¦joccrrences of the most remote times, and the fall of kingdoms noj
/el la Oeing. All this knowledge must be with him ; and for anything
thai appt-ars, it would be as easy to inspire a prophet to preuict these
events ds any other. The sole inquiry, therefore, is in regard to a fact ;
and this Is to be settled by an examination of the evidence, that the
prophet lived and prophesied before the events predicted occurred.
(2.) The prophecies in Daniel are not, in their structure and character,
so unlike thoso whose genuineness is undisputed, as to make it certain
or even probable, that the latter are genuine, and those of Daniel not.
Dreams and visions were common methods of communicating the Divine
will to the prophets, (See Introduction to Isaiah, J 7. (2), (4), and who
will undertake from any internal evidence to determine between those
of Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and Daniel ?
(3.) As to the allegation respecting the details in Daniel of future
events-rthe particularity with which he describes them — all is to be
admitted that is affirmed on the subject. It is a fact that there is such
particularity and minuteness of detail as could be founded only on truth,
and thatthe delineations of Alexander aud his conquests, andthe statements
of the events that would succeed his reign down to the time of Antiochus
Epiphanes (ch. xi.), are drawn with as much accuracy of detail as they
would be by one writing after the events had occurred. No one can
doubt this who attentively examines these remarkable prophecies. Por
phyry was undoubtedly right in affirming, that in regard to their minute
ness and accuracy, these prophecies appeared to be written after the
events ; and if it can be shown, therefore, that thoy were written before the
events referred to, the testimony of Porphyry is a strong evidence of the
fact that Daniel was inspired ; for no one will maintain that man, by any
natural sagacity, could describe events before they occur with the exactness
of detail, and the minute accuracy which is found in this part of Daniel.
But is not what is here said of Daniel, as to the accuracy and minute
ness of detail true also, in the main, of other prophecies in'the Old Tes
tament ? Are there not many prophecies that are as accurate, and in
some respects as minute, as they would have been ifthey were written after
the events referred to ? Is not this true of the predictions respecting the
destruction of Tyre and of Babylon, and the carrying away of the Jews
into captivity ? Is not Cyrus expressly mentioned by Isaiah, and is not
the work which he would perform in the conquest of Babylon drawn out
in exact detail ? See Isa. xlv. 1. s;q. So in Jeremiah (1. li.), there is
a prophetic account of the destruction of Babylon as minute in many re
spects as the predictions of Daniel, and as exact and minute as it would
have been if written after the events had occurred, and the author had
been making a historical record instead of uttering a prediction. But
on this point I must content myself with referring to the argument of
Hengstenberg, Authentie des Daniel, pp. 173 — 195. It may be added,
however, that it is on this accuracy of detail in Daniel that we ground
one of the strong arguments for his inspiration. It will be admitted on
all hands — ^it cannot be denied — that no one could foresee those events
and describe them with such accuracy of detail, by any natural sagacity ;
but no one who believes in the fact of inspiration at all, can doubt that it
would be as easy for the Divine Spirit to present future events in this
iccuracT sf detail as in a more generaL.maainer. At all events, this ao'
2*

X^VIII INTRODUCTION.
curacy and minuteness of detail removes the prophecies from the regio*
of conjecture, and is an answer to the usual objections that they ars
obscure and ambiguous. Not one can pretend this of the writings oi
Daniel ; and if it can be shown that the book was written before the events
occurred, the conclusion cannot be avoided that the author was inspired.
III. A third objection to the genuineness and authenticity ofthe Book
of Daniel is thus stated by De Wette (? 255, b. 3, p. 385) : " Grounds of
objection lie further in the repeated mention of Daniel himself, in so hon
ourable a manner, ch. i. 17, 19, f. v. 11, f. vi. 4, ix. 23, x. 11, et al."
This objection cannot be regarded as having any great degree of force, or
as contributing much to set aside the direct evidence ofthe authority of the
book: — for (a) it is possible that all these honours were conferred on him.
This is, in itself, no more incredible or remarkable than that Joseph
should have reached the honours in Egypt, which are attributed to him in
Genesis ; and no one can show that if tne account had been written by
another, it would have been unworthy of belief. (6) If it were a fact that
he was thus honoured, it was not improper to state it. If Daniel waa
the historian of those times, and kept the records of the events of his own
life, and actually obtained those honours, there was no impropriety, in his
making a record of those things. He has done no more than what
CiBsar did in the raention of himself, his plans, his conquests, his triumphs.
In the record of Daniel there is no unseemly parading of his wisdom, or
the honours conferred on him ; there is no praise for the mere sake of
praise ; there is no language of panegyric on account of his eminent piety.
The account is a mere record of facts as they are said to have occurred —
that Daniel was successful in his early studies, and his preparation for the
exaraination through which he and his corapanions were to pass (oh. i.) ;
that on more than one occasion he succeeded in interpreting a dream oi
vision which no one of the Chaldeans could do ; that in consequence of
this he was raised to an exalted rank ; that he was enabled to maintain
his integrity in the midst of extraordinary temptations, and that he was
favoured with the Divine protection when in extraordinary danger. I
presume that no one who has read the Bopk of Daniel with an unpre
judiced mind, ever received an impression that there was any want of
modesty in Daniel in these records, or that there was any unseemly or
unnecessary parading of his own virtues and honours before the world.
IV. A fourth objection which has been urged against the genuineness
of Daniel, is derived from the language in which it is written. This ob
jection, as stated by De Wette, ( g 235, b. 4, p. 385,) is founded on "the
corrupt Hebrew and Chaldee, and the interraingling of Greek words in
the composition." The objection is urged more at length in Bertholdt,
(p. 24, seq.) and by Bleek, Kirms, and others. The objection, a* derived
from the language of the book, is properly divided into three parts : —
(a) that it is written in Hebrew and Chaldee ; (6) that in each part of it
there is a want of purity of style, indicating a later age thfvn the time
of the captivity ; and (e) that there is an intermingling of Greek words,
such as it cannot be presumed that one who wrote in the time of the
exile, and in Babylon, would have eraployed, and such as were probably in
troduced into common use only by a later intercourse with the Greeks,
»nd particularly by the Macedonian conquest.
(a) As to the first of these, little stress can be laid on it, and indeed i^

INTRODUCTION. XIX
{¦ rather an argument for the genuineness of the work than against it.
It is well known that from the fourth verse of the second chapter to the
end of the seventh chapter, the work is written in the Chaldee language,
while the remainder is pure Hebrew. The ouly way in which this fact
oould be regarded as an objection to the genuineness of the book, would be
that, it is an indication that it is the production of two different authors.
But this would be an objection only on the supposition that the aulhor
could write and speak only one language, or that, supposing he was ac
quainted with two, there were no circumstances which could account for
the use of both. But neither of these suppositions apply here. There
is every reason to believe that Daniel was acquainted with both the He
brew and the Chaldee ; and there is no improbability in the supposition
that he wrote in both with equal ease. And, on the other hand, it may
be remarked, that the very circumstance here referred to, is a confirma
tion of the genuineness of the book ; for (1.) it accords with all that is
known of Daniel. He was a youth when he left his native conntry, and
there is every probability that he was familiar with the Hebrew in early
life, and that he would never forget it, though it might be true that he
would ordinarily use the language of Chaldea. Ift was still familiar
with the Hebrew books, and it is to be presumed that the language used
by the Hebrews in exile was their native tongue. In all his intercourse
with his own countrymen, therefore, it is every way probable that he would
use his native language, and would thus through life retain his know
ledge of it. (2.) It is equally clear that he w^ familiar with the Chal
dee language. He was early, in connection with three other Hebrew
youth, (ch. i. 3, 4,) placed under the best instruction in Babylon, for the
express purpose of acquiring, with other branches of learning, a know
ledge of the " tongue of the Chaldeans ;" and he speedily made such
acquisitions as to pass with honour the examination appointed before he
was admitted to public employment, ch. i. 18 — 20. He was, moreover,
employed at court during a considerable part of his long life, and no one,
therefore, can doubt that he was entirely familiar with the language used
in Babylon, and that he could compose in it with ease. (3.) It is evident
that the work must, if it is the production of one author, have been com
posed by some person who was, in this respect, in the circumstances of
Daniel ; that is, by one who was familiar with both the languages : and
the circumstances bear on their face evidence that the work was written
by one in the condition in which Daniel was known to be ; that is,
one who had been early trained in the Hebrew, and who had lived in
Chaldea. No native-born Hebrew, who had not lived in Chaldea, would
be likely to be so well acquainted with the two languages that he could
use either with equal facility ; and it may be presumed that no native-
born Chaldean could evince so intimate an acquaintance with the Hebrew.
The direct evidence that it is the production of one author will be ad
duced in another part of this Introduction. (4.) It is by no means pro
bable that one who lived so late as the ''ime of Antiochus Epiphanes
eofuW, have written the book as it is written ; that is, that he would have
been so familiar with the two languages, Hebrew and Chaldee, that he
Bould use them with equal ease. It is an uncommon thing for a man to
"Tite in two different languages in the same work, and he never does it
vithout some special design — a design for which there would not be likely

XX INTRODUCTIOW.
to be occasion if one were writing in the time of Antiochoa Epiphanes.
It was perfectly natural that Daniel should write in this manner, and
perfectly '«nn<i/uraZ that any one should do it in a later age, and in dif-
ferent circumstances. If the book had been forged by a Hebrew in the
time of Antiochus Epiphanes, there is every reason to believe that he
would have been careful to write it in as pure Hebrew as possible, for
that was the language in which the canonical books were written, and if
he had endeavoured to gain credit for the book as one of divine authority,
he would not have intermingled so much of a forei^ language. If he
were a Chaldean, and could write Hebrew at all, as it is certain that the
author of this book could, then, for the reason just given, he would have
been careful to write the whole book in as pure Hebrew as possible, and
would not have jeoparded its credit by so large an infusion of a foreign
tongue. (5.) This reasoning is conclusive, unless it be supposed that tte
author meant to represent it as a composition of some Hebrew in the time
of the exile, and that in order to give it the greater verisimilitude he
adopted this device — ^to make it appear as if written by one who was a
native Hebrew, but who had become familiar with a foreign language.
But this device would be too refined to be likely to occur, and, for the
reasons given above, would be difficult of execution if it should occur.
Even in such a case, the writer would be much more likely to represent
its author as writing in the sacred language of the prophets, in order to
procure for himself the credit of employing the language used in all the
divine communications to men. The language in which the book is writ
ten, therefore, is just such as it would be on the supposition that it is
genuine, and just such as it would not be ou the supposition that it is a
forgery of a later age.
(6) As to the statement that the language is cormpt Hebrew and Chal
dee — ^in der Verderbten sowohl hebraischen ais Chaldaishen Sprache (De
Wette), it may be remarked that this position has never been satisfacto
rily made out, nor has it been shown that it is not such as might be em
ployed, or would be employed, by one who resided in Babylon in the
tinie of the exile. That Uie language would not be tho purest kind of
Hebrew, or the purest Chaldee, might be possible, in the circumstances
of the case ; but it could be shown that it was not such as might be em
ployed there, unless there are words and forms of speech which did not
come into use until a later period of the world. This has not been
shown. It is true that there are Persian words ; but this is not unnatu
ral in the circumstances of the ease — bordering as Chaldea did on Persia,
and during a part of the time referred to in the book, being actually subject
to Persia. It is true that there are Greek words ; but under the next speci
fication I shall endeavour to show that this does not militate against the
supposition that the book may have been written in Babylon in the time
of the exile. It is true that there are words and forms of speech which
were not in use in the earlier periods of Hebrew literature, but which be
came common in the later periods of their literature; butthis does not prove
that they may not have been in use as early as the exile. A specimen of
the words referred to — indeed all on which the argument is founded —
may be seen in De Wette, p. 385, Note (e.) They are few in number, and
in respect to none of these can it be proved that they were not in exist-
ance in the time of Daniel. Tbey are of Persian, of Syriac, or of Chaldee

INTRODUCTION. XXI
origin, and are such words as would be likely to oome into use in tho cir«
cumstances ofthe case. In regard to this objection it may be added, tiiat
it has boen abandoned by some ofthe objectors to the genuineness ofthe
Book of Daniel themselves. Bleek is candid enough to give it up entirely.
He says, " Wo havo, in general, too few remains of the different centuries
after the exile, to draw any conclusions as to the gradual depreciation of
the language, and to determine with any certainty to what particular
period any writer belongs." Zeitschr. p. 213. " Daniel," says Prof.
Stuart, " in the judgment of Gesenius (Geschich. Ileb. Sprach. p. 35), has
decidedly a purer diction than Ezekiel ; in which opinion," says he, " as
far as I am able to judge, after much time spent upon the book, and exam
ining minutely every word and phrase in it many times over, Z should
entirely coincide." Com. p. 465.
(c) A more material objection is derived from the use of Oreek words
in the composition of the book. That there are such words is undenia
ble ; though they are by no means numerous. Bertholdt (pp. 24, 25,)
has enumerated ten suet words ; De Wette has referred to four, p. 386.
The words enumerated by Bertholdt, are, Dio.mc, rpon/ioi ; cjnD> ^tyiia ;
Kn-\> "ipH ! na, trtpmacif ; D-in'p, KtSapis ; (oaDi onfiliiiKn ; anjoDW, ffu/z^ui'ia ; -iBjofl,
In regard to this objection, it may be remarked, in general, that it
docs not assert that the structure of the Book of Daniel is fashioned
after the Greek manner, or that the Greek style pervades it ; it asserts
only that a few Greek words have been incorporated into the book. The
question then is, whether even all these words are of Greek origin ; and
whether, if they are, or if only a part of them are, their use in the book
can be accounted for on the supposition that it was written in the time
of tho captivity, or rather, whether their occurrence in the book is a
proof that tiie book could not have been written at that time.
The first peint is the question, whether these words are of undoubted
Greek origin ; and this question will require us to examine them in de
tail. (1.) The first word specified is o^pij-ia partemim — rendered jjn'nce* — (ch.
i. 3,) which it is alleged is the same as tho Greek irpon/ioi — proiimoi. The
word used by Daniel occurs only in two other places in the Old Testament
(Esther i. 3, vi. 9), where it is rendered nobles, and most noble ; and it is
obvious to remark, that the fhct that it is found in Esther might be urged
in proof that the iDook of Daniel was written at the time in which it is
commonly believed to have beon, since the antiquity and genuineness of
the book of Esther is not called in question. But apart from this, there
is no evidence that the word is of Greek origin. Gesenius, who may be
considered as impartial authority on the subject, says, " It is of Persian
origin, 1 — 9. Pehlvi pardom. the first, seo Auquetil du Perron Zenda
vesta, ii. p. 468. Comp. Sansor. prathama the first. In the Zend dialect
the form IS peoerim. Comp. Sanscr. pura, prius, antea, purSna, autiquus.
From the former comes the Greek ir/xSms, and from the latter the Latin
Srimus." Lex. The same account of tho origin ofthe word is given by
alin, De Wette, Bleek, and Kirms. This word, then, may be set aside.
Tt_is_ indeed objected by Bertholdt, that, though the word had a Persian
origin, yet there is no evidence that it would be used in Babylon in tho
time of the exile. But this objection can have no force. Babylon and

XXII INTRODUCTION.
Persia wore neighbouring kingdoms, and there is no presumption that
Persian words might not find their way to Babylon, and as a matter of
fact such words occur in Jereraiah, and probably in Isaiah and in Na
hum. See Hengstenberg, pp. 11, 12. The truth was, that the Assyrians
and the Medo-Persians were originally all of the same stem or stock, and
there is no presuraption against the supposition that the same words
might be found in each of the languages spoken by thom.
(2.) The next word referred to is o^rjo, pithgham, (Dan. iii. 16, iv. 17, —
rendered mailer), which it is alleged is the sarao as the Greek ^Sty^io
—-pthegma. The word occurs, besides theso places in Daniel, in Ezra iv.
I'i', V. 11, rendered answer; v. 7, rendered letter; and vi. 11, rendered
word. In Hebrew it occurs in Esth. i. 20, rendered decree, and in Eco.
viii. 11, rendered sentence. In respect to this word, also, Gesenius says,
"The origin of the word is to be sought in the Persian, in whioh vedam is
XDord, edict, mandate." Lex. The fact, also, it may be added, that it is
found in Esther, in Ezra, and the book of Ecclesiastes, is sufficient to destroy
the objection that its use proves that tho Book of Daniel was written later
than the time of the exile. It was brought, probably, into the Greek
language from the comraon origin of tho Persian and the Greek.
(3, 4.) The next words referred to, are xji'ij, kdhroz (a herald), ch. iii.
4, and nj — har&z, to cry out, to make proclamation, whioh it is alleged
aro the same as tho Greek «'i/™{ — herux, and Knimmtu — keruasein. Of theso
words, also, Gesenius remarks, " The root is widely diffused in the Indo-
European languages, e. q. Sansc. krus, to cry out ; Zenda. khresio,
crying out, a herald; Pers. to cry out; Gv. Km>i<'<'<^-, also, '("'(w, (fpafu;
Germ, kreischen, kreissen; Eng. to cry." Lex. Among the Christian
Arabs, Gesenius remarks, it means to preach. Jahn and Dereser say
that the word is related to the Zendish word khresio, which means to
tread behind, and to scream out, to screech — kreischen. Hengstenberg
(p. 13,) remarks of this word, that its use is spread abroad not only in
Chaldee, but in Syriac, and that this circumstance raakes it probable that
it had a Semitish origin. The probability is, that this word and the
Greek had a comraon origin, but its use is so far spread in tho world that
it cannot be argued that the faot that it is found m the Book of Daniel
demonstrates that the book had a later origin than tho period of tho exile.
(5.) The next word mentioned as of Greek origin is D-^ri'R kitharos, (ch.
iii. 5, 7, 10, 15,) cithara, harp, lyre, (rendered in eaoh place, hatp,)
which it is said is the samo as the Greek KiSapit, citharis. In regard to
this word, which is the name of a musical instrument, it is to be admitted
that it is the same as the Greek word. It occurs nowhere else in the
Old Testament, and its origin is unknown. As a Greek word, it will be
considered, in connection with the three others of tho same class, in the
sequel. It cannot 1 e affirmed, indeed, that it has a Greek origin, but its
origin cannot be found in the Chaldee, Persian, or Sanscrit languages.
But, although it is admitted that it is a Greek word, and denotes an in
strument that was well known in Greece, this does not demonstrate that
itis of Greek origin. It is admitted on all hands that the names of Greek
instruments of music were mostly of foreign derivation ; and there ia
nothing to lead to the supposition that this was of Greek origin, unless it
be that the word niiipa or KiUpot, means, in the Doric dialect, the breast, and
that this instrument might have received its name either because it was

INTRODUCTION. XXin
played by being placed against the breast, like the violin with us, or be
cause its form resembled the human breast. This is the opinion of Isi.
dorus, Origg. i. 2, 21. But there is great uncertainty in regard to this.
(6.) The next word specified is hj^d, sabbeka (ch. iii. 5), and the simi
lar word, Kyafe' (ch. iii. 7, 10, 15), in each case rendered sackbut. Of this
word it is alleged that it is the same as the Greek ira/i/?i«ii, — sambuca, a
stringed instrument well known in Greece. But in regard to this word,
also, the remark of Gesenius maybe quoted: — " Strabo affirms," says he,
" that the Greek word, iro///3i)«i) (sambuca), is of barbarian, i. e. of oriental
origin, and if so, the, name might have allusion to the interweaving of the
strings — ^from the root ^ijp" — io interweave, to entwine, to plait. Gesenius,
however, remarks, that in this place it is joined with a w;ord (symphony)
which is manifestly of Greek origin ; and he seems to infer that this
word, also, may have had a Greek origin. The direct affirmation of Strabo
is (Lib. X.), that the names of the Greek instruments of music were of
foreign origin, and in reference to this particular instruraent, Athenasus
(i. iv.) affirms, that it was of Syrian origin. So Clemens Alex, expressly
declares that the sambuca had a foreign origin. Strom. L. i. p. 307.
Even Bleek admits this in regard to this particular instrument. See
Hengstenberg, p. 15.
(7.) The next word for whioh a Greek origin is claimed is «;:bctd
symphony, Greek mii^avm, ch. iii. 5, 10, 15, rendered in the text, in each
place, dulcimer, and in the margin symphony, or singing. Gesenius re
marks, in regard to this word, that " it is the Greek word adopted into
the Chaldee tongue, just as at the present day the same instrument is
called in Italy, zampogna, and in Asia Minor, zambouja." It cannot be
denied that the word is the same as the Greek word ; though it is to be
remarked that among the Greeks it was not used to denote the name of
an instrument of music. Yet, as it is compounded of two Greek words—
rfK and (pmH-r-ita Greek origin oannot well be doubted. With the Greeks,
the word meant properly harmony, or concert of sounds (Passow) ; and
it was then readily given to an instrument that was fitted to produce har
mony, or that was distinguished for its sweet sounds. The word is
found in Syriac, as applied to a musical instrument, but the evidence
seems to be strong that the word had a Greek origin, though there is no
evidence that the Greeks ever applied it to a musical instrument.
(8.) The next word for which a Greek origin is claimed is j^'sjjo^, and
J11035? —pesanterin, (ch. iii. 7, 5, 10, 15, rendered ^«aWery in each place,)
which, it is said, is the same as the Greek ipoXr^pioi- — psaltery. "This word,"
says Gesenius, {Lex) " was adopted from the Greek into Chaldee, S and i
being interchanged." The origin of the word is, however, wholly uncer
tain. That it is found in Greek is undoubtedly true ; but, as has been
before remarked, as it is admitted that the names of the Greek instru
ments of music had mostly a foreign origin, it is impossible to demon
strate that this may not have been true in regard to this word. Baxtorf
(Lex. Chald.) says that it is a word " corrupted from the Greek."
(9.) The next word is ¦j/^ns, pattish, (ch. iii. 21, rendered liosen,) which
it is said is the same as the Greek ireravo; — pelasos. But there is no reason
to believe that this word had an original Greek origin. It is found in
Syriac, and the root, it-oo — -paiash, Gesenius remarks, " is widely found in

XXIV INTRODUCTION.
the Indo-European languages. The primary form," says he, "is hatt, pati,
whence later Lat. battere; French, battre; Dutch, hot; Swed. batsch," &c.
The Greek word has undoubtedly had the same origin, and it cannot bs
maintained that the Chaldee word is derived from the Greek.
(10.) The remaining word which is alleged to be of Greek origin is,
njiaj, nebirbah (ch. ii. 6, v. 17), rendered in both cases in the text, re
wards, and in the margin, fee. It does not elsewhere occur in the Old
Testament. It is maintained by Bertholdt and others, that this is the same
word as the Greek i'«(iw(io — money. But there is no evidence that the
word is of Greek origin. Gesenius says (Lex.), that the word may have
a Chaldee origin, though he prefers to assign to it a Persian origin, and
he says that the idea of money (implied in the Greek word) is foreign to
the context here. Bohlen, Winer, and Hengstenberg, agree in assigning
the word to a Persian origin. See Hengs. Authen. p. 12.
The result, then, to which we have come in regard to the objection
that words of Greek origin, and indicating an age later than the time of
the exile, are found in Daniel, is, that the number alleged to be of such
an origin is very few at best, and that of those which have been referred
to, there are not more than four (marked 5, 6, 7, and 8, in the enumera
tion above,) to which the objection can be supposed to apply with any
degree of probability. These are the words actually selected by Do
Wette, (p. 386,) as those on which he relies.
In regard to those four words, then, we may make the following gene
ral observations :
(a) They are all names of musical instruments said to have been
used in Babylon.
(6) The general remark of Strabo above referred to may be called to
recollection^ here, that the names of musical instruments among the
Greeks were mostly of foreign origin. In itself considered, therefore,
there is no improbability in the supposition that the same words should
be applied to musical instruments m Greece and in Chaldea.
(c) The languages in which these words are found belong to the same
great family of languages — the Indo-European ; that is, the Persian, the
Greek, the Latin, &c. They had a comraon origin, and it is not strange
if we find the same words spread extensively through these languages.
(d) There was sufficient intercourse between Persia, Chaldea, Asia
Minor, and Greece, before and at the time of the Hebrew captivity, to
make it not improbable that the names of musical instruments, and the
instruments themselves, should be borne from oue to the other. There
is, therefore, no improbability in supposing that such instruments may
have been carried to Babylon from Greece, and may have retained their
Greek names in Babylon. Curtius (b. iv. c. 12) says, that in the Persian
host that came out to raeet Alexander the Great, there were many per
sons found of Greek origin who had become subject to the authority of
Media. Far farther historical proofs on this subject, seo Hengs. Authen,
pp. 16, 17. Indeed, little proof is needed. It is known that the Greeks
were in the habit of visiting foreign lands, and particularly of travelling
into the region of the East, for the purpose of obtaining knowledge ; and
nothing is, in itself, more probable than that in this way the naraes of a
few musical instruments, in common use among themselves, should have
been made known to the people among whom they travelled, and that

INTRODUCTION. XXV
those names should have been incorporated into the languages spoken
there. V. A fifth objection, or class of objections, is derived frora the alleged
reference to usages, opinions, aud customs, later than the time of the
exile. This objection, which embraces several subordinate points, is
thus summed up by De Wette : " The reraarkable later representations
on the subject of angels (der Angelologie, iv. 14, ix. 21, x. 13, 21 ; of
Christology, vii. 13, f. xii. 1 — 3 ; of dogmatics [or doctrines, Dogmatik,]
xii. 2, f. ; of riorals [Sittenlehre] or customs, iv. 24, Comp. 'Tobit, iv
11, Xli, 9; and of asceticism [Askese], i. 8 — 16, Comp. Esther iv. 17,
2 Mac. V. 27, vi. 11, furnish at least an additional argument [einen Iliilfs-
beweis] against the genuineness of the book." ? 255, c. (5).
This objection, it will be observed, divides itself iuto several parts or
portions, though coming under the same (/enej-aZ description. The gene
ral statement is, that there is an allusion to customs and opinions which
were found among the Jews only at a later period than the captivity, and
that, therefore, the book could not have been composed at the time al
leged. The specifications relate to angelology, or the representations re
specting angels ; to christology, or the views of the Messiah ; to the
doctrines stated, particularly to those respecting the resurrection of the
dead and the final judgment ; to the customs that prevailed, and to the
ascetic views expressed, particularly on the effect of abstinence from rich
kinds of diet. It will be convenient to notice them in their order, so far
as to furnish a general answer. Most of them will be noticed more par
ticularly in the Notes on the passages as they occur ; and for a full and
coraplete answer the reader may be referred, in general, to Hengstenberg,
Authentie des Daniel, pp. 137 — 173.
A. The first specification is derived from the statements which occur
respecting angols, ch. iv. 14, ix. 21, x. 13, 21. These, it is affirmed, in
dicate a state of opinion whioh prevailed among the Hebrews only at a
later age than the time of the exile, and consequently the book could not
have been written at that time. This objection, as urged by Bertholdt
and others, refers to two points ; first, that the statements respecting the
opinions of the Chaldeans on the subject, are not in accordance with the
opinions in the time when the book is said to have been written ; and se
cond, that the statements respecting angels, considered as Hebrew opin
ions, are those which belong to a later age. It will be proper to notice
these in their order.
I. The first is, that the statements whioh occur as representing the
opinions of the Chaldeans, express sentiments which did not prevail
among them. The objections on this point relate to two statements in the
book ; one, that the Son of God, or a Son of God, is spoken of by Nebu
chadnezzar ; the other, to what is said (ch. iv. 14,) of the " decree of the
Watchers." The former objection is thus stated by Bertholdt: In ch. iii. 25,
" Nebuchadnezzar speaks of a Son of God [' and the form of the fourth is
like the Son of God'], and although the Chaldeans, and most of tho
dwellers in Upper Asia, were polytheists, yet there is no evidence that
anything was known at the time of the views whioh prevailed among the
Greeks on this subject, but that such views became known in the time of
3

XXVI INTRODUCTION.
Seleucus Nicator." p. 29. It is hence inferred that the book could noi
have been written before the time of Seleucus.
In regard to the objection, it may be observed, in addition to what Is
said in the Notes on the passage, (ch. iii. 25,) where the expression oc
curs, that the objection is so vague and indefinite that it scarce needs a
reply. The opinions which prevailed in the East on the subject of the
gods, is so little known now that it is impossible to demonstrate that such
an opinion as this might not have existed in the time of Nebuchadnezzar,
and impossible to prove that such views as would have suggested this
expression did not prevail before the tirae of Seleucus Nicator. Indeed,
it is not easy to show that such language as is here ascribed to Nebu-
ohadnerzar would have been more likely to have been suggested by the
riews of mythology that prevailed in Greece, and that were spread
abroad in consequence of the difference of Greek opinions in the
I'ast, than by the views which prevailed in B.abylon in the time of the
exile. But it may be more particularly observed in reply to the objection,
(a) That according to Gesenius (Thes. p. 237), this langu.age, as used
by Nebuchadnezzar, is such as would properly denote merely one of the
gods, or one in the form of the gods ; that is, one who resembled the gods —
in the same way as the phrase "son of man" denotes a man, or one in the
form and appearance of a man. Perhaps this was all thatwas meant by
Nebuchadnezzar ; at least that is all that can be demonstrated to have been
his meaning, or all that is necessarily implied in his words. See Notes
ou the passage. But,
(6) 'There were opinions which prevailed in Chaldea on the subject of
the gods which would fully justify the use of such language. That they
regarded one portion of the gods as descended from another, or as be
gotten by another ; that they looked upon them as constituting families,
in a way similar to the Greeks, and particularly that they regarded Bel,
their supreme god, always accompanied by the goddess Mylitta, as the
father of the gods, has been abund.antly demonstrated. On this point,
see Gesenius, Com. zu. Isai. ii. 332, seq. (Beylage J 2, Gottheiten der
Chaldaer), and Creuzer, Symbolik, on the word Mylitta, i. 231, ii. 331,
333, 350, 460. The idea of derivation, descent, or birth, among the gods,
was one that was quite familiar to the Chaldeans, perhaps as muoh so as
to the Greeks. In fact, this has been so common an opinion among all
polytheists, that it is rather to be presumed that it would be found every
where among the heathen than otherwise.
The other objection on this point is derived from what is said ofthe
Watchers, ch. iv. 13, 17. The objection is, that there are betrayed here
traces of a later Parsish- Jewish representation; that is, that this indicates
that the book was composed in later tiraes.
In regard to' the meaninp of this language, see notes on ch. iv. 13.
Perhaps a reference to this Note, where the probability that such a term
would be used in Babylon is shown, is all that is necessary in answering
the objection. But, in addition to this, an observation of Diodorus
Siculus raay be introduced here. I copy it as I find it in Gesenius, Cora.
7.U. Isa. vol. ii. pp. 333, 334. Diodorus is speaking of the sun, moon, and
five planets as adored by the Chaldeans, and adds, "To the course i.if these
stars, there are, as they say, thirty others that are subordinate, which ara
represented as divine counsellors (Smi 0av\aiot — consulting gods as ws

INTRODUCTION. XXVH
would say,) of whom one half tas the supervision of the regions under
the earth ; the other half has the supervision of things on the earth,
among men, and in heaven. Every ten days is one of them sent as a
messenger of the stars from those above to those below, and from those
below to those above." This quotation will render it unnecessary to say
anything more as to the question, whether it is improbable that such
language would be used by one residing in Babylon in the time of the
exile. It is to be remembered that this is language which is represented
in a dream as having been addressed to Nebuchadnezzar, and the quota
tion proves that it is such language as would be likely to occur to the
king of Babylon in the visions of the night. It was such language as he
must have been accustomed to, and so far is the use of this language
from being an objection to the genuineness of Daniel, that it might rather
have been urged as a proof of it, since it is not probable that it would
have been used by one who was not familiar with the customary ideas of
the Chaldeans.
(2.) The other form of the objection derived from the statements re
specting the angels in the Book of Daniel, refers to the opinions held
among the Hebrews themselves. The general objection is, that these
are representations respecting the ranks, and orders, and names of the
angels which pertain only to later times in the history of Jewish opinions,
and which did not exist in the period of the exile. This objection
divides itself into several specifications, which it may be proper to notice
briefly in their order.
(a) One is, that there is in the book, and particularly in ch. viii. 16,
an allusion to the Persian doctrine of the seven Anihaspands, or angels
that stand before God, and that this idea is found only in times later than
the exile. Bertholdt, p. 528.
To this the answer is obvious : (1.) That there is no manifest allusion
to that Persian doctrine in the book, and no statement which would
not as readily have been made if that doctrine had no existence — since it
is a mere representation of angels with certain names, and with no par
ticular reference to the number seven ; and (2.) if this were so, it is cer
tain that this representation occurs in the Zendavesta, and the Zendavesta
was composed in a distant antiquity, probably long before the time of
the exile, and certainly before the time of Alexander the Great. See
Creuzer, Symbolik, i. 183, seq., and the authorities there referred to.
This, then, if it were true that the doctrine of the seven Amhaspands is
found in the book of Daniel, and was derived frora the Zendavesta, or
the Persian, would remove the objection so far as to show that the book
was composed before the time of Alexander the Great, or at least that
there is no reason, from this quarter, to suppose that it was written
afterwards. But the truth is, that the doctrine respecting angels and
intermediate beings was so prevalent a doctrine all over the East, that
this objection can have no solid foundation.
(6) It is objected, that there are found in this book representations of
the angels, in reference to their ranks and orders, which are opinions of
the Jewd of a later age, and which did not exist in the time of the exile,
and that, therefore, the book had a later origin than the captivity.
Bertholdt. To this it is sufficient to reply, (1.) that such a representation of ranks

XXVIII INTRODUCTION.
and orders of angels is^jroplied in Isa. vi. 1, seq., in the account of tht
Seraphim, a representation which supposes that there are angels of
exalted rank and names ; (2.) That there are traces of such an opinion in
much earlier ages, as in Psa. cxxiii. 20 : Ixviii. 17 ; (3.) That this repre
sentation of differences in the ranks of angels is one that prevails in the
Old Testament; and (4.) That, for anything that appears, all that is im
plied in Daniel may have been a matter of common belief in his time.
There is nothing in the book which would indicate any very definito
arrangement of the angels into orders, though it is evidently implied that
there are different degrees in the ranks of the angelic hosts, (oh. x. 5, 13,
xii. 1,) but this was a common opinion in the East, and indeed has been
a common sentiment where a belief in the existence of angels has pre
vailed at all.
(c) It is objected that names are given to the angels — the name of
Gabriel and Michael, and that this is indicative of a later age. To this,
also, it may be replied, (1.) That long before this we find the name Satan
given to the leader of evil angels. Job i. 6, and there is no presumption
against the belief that names may havo been given to good angels also;
(2.) That even if tho practice had not prevailed before, no reason can be
assigned why the angels who appeared to Daniel may not have assumed
names, or beon mentioned under appropri.ate titles to designate them, as
well as those who appeared in after times ; and (3.) That, for anything
that appears, the fact that names were given to the angels among the
Jews of later times may havo had its origin in the time of Daniel, or may
have occurred from the fact that he actually mentioned them under
tipeoifio names.
(d) A similar objection is, that the statement in ch. vii. 10, that
" thousand thoa!:.ands ministered unto him, and ton thousand times ten
thousand stood before him," is also a statement thathad its origin in the
representation of a Persian court — in the numljers that stood round the
throne of a Persian monarch, and that this indicates a lator age, or a
Persian origin. To this objection it is sufficient to refer to Isaiah, vi.,
and to the Notes on this passage. But we have other representations of
the same kind abounding in the Scriptures, in whioh God is described as
a magnificent monarch, attended and surrounded by hosts of angels, and
the same objection would lie against them which is urged against the ae
count in Dariiel. See particularly Job i. 2; 1 Kings, xxii. 19 — 22;
Deut. x.xjiii j. 2 ; Ps. Ixviii. 18.
(c) Another objection from the representations of the angels, is derived
from what i.'j said of their interposition in human affairs, and their ap
pearing ppirticularly as the guardians and protectors of nations, in ch. x.
12, 20; xii. 1, whioh it is said indicates opinions ofa later age. In reply
to this, all that is necessary is to refer to the copious Notes on these pas
sages, where the foundation of that opinion is examined, and to add that
uo ono can demonstrate that that opinion may not have had an existance
as early as the time of the exile. Indeed, it was a common opinion
hi ancient times— an opinion whose origin no one now can determine—
an opinion whose correctness no one can disprove. That this was a pre-
Ivailincj opinion in ancient times, is admitted by Bertholdt himself, np.
32,33,705—707. In general, therefore, it may bc remarked respecting tho objeetioni

INTRODUCTION. XXIX
derived from the angelology of tho Book of Daniel, (a) that there may
be things occurring in the book which were suggested by opinions
prevailing in Babylon and the East; (6) that the statements in Daniel —
the revelations made to him as an eminent prophet — may have been the
germ of the opinions which prevailed among tho Jews in later times, de
velopments of which we have in the books of tho Apocrypha, and in the
later Kaljbincal writings. If so, tho objection derived frora tho angel
ology of the book is entirely unfounded.
B. The second objection derived from the alleged reference to latei
customs and opinions, is founded on the Christology of the book, or tins
doctrine relating to the Messiah. The objection is, that the opinions
which are found in the book belong to a later age ; or that in the
time of the exile no such views exist in the genuine writings of the
prophets, and that consequently the book must have been composed
when those later views had come to prevail. The views referred to as
the ground ofthe objection, are found in ch. vii. 13, 14, and xii. 1 — 3. This
objection, thus stated by De Wette, has been expanded by Bertholdt and
jtliors, and properly embraces, as stated by them, four specifications,
which it will be convenient to notice in their order.
(1.) The flrst is, thj^t in the time of the exile, the doctrine ofthe Mes
siah had not become so developed that it was expected that he would ap
pear in glory and majesty, and set up a kingdom upon the earth, as is im
plied in ch. vii. 13, 14. 'See Bertholdt, p. 31.
In reply to this, all that is necessary to be said is, to refer to the
prophecies in the other portions of the Old Testament, whose antiquity
and genuineness are undoubted. In the prophecies of Isaiah, there are
predictions of the Messiah as clear, as definite, as distinct, as any
that occur in Daniel ; and no one can compare the prophecies found
in other parts of the Old Testament with those found in Daniel, and de
termine by any internal evidence that one class must have been written
before, and another after, the time of the exile. Besides, why may not
tiie predictions, under the spirit of inspiration, have beon more clearly
communicated to one prophet than to anpther — to Daniel than to Isaiah?
And why may not some circumstances respecting the Messiah and his
reign have been made to one rather than to another ? If it be admitted that
all that occurs in the first part of Isaiah (chs. i. — xxxix.) was actually
revealed to hini, and recorded by him, previous to the exile, tiiere can be
no difficulty in admitting that what is found in Daniel may have been
communicated and recorded at the time of the exile. In proof of what
is here said, it is only necessary to refer to Hengstensberg's Christology,
vol. 1. The Messianic prophecies there collected and illustrated. Gen. iii.
14, 15, ix. 26, 27, xlix. 10, Num. xxiv. 17, Deut. xviii. 15—18, Ps. ii. xlv
ex. xvi. xxii. Isa. ii. — iv. vii. xi. xii., furnish statements as clear, in many
respects, respecting the Messiah as anything in Daniel, and cf many of
these statements it might as well be alleged that they are couched in tho
language of later times, as anything that occurs in the book before ns.
(2.) It is alleged further, of the Christology of Daniel, that the ideas
rospectiug the kingdom of the Messiah are sliated in the language of later
tiraes. Bertholdt, p. 31. In proof of tiiis Bertholdt refers to ch. ii. -14,
rii. 13, seq.
This is the same objection in another form. The reply to it is obvious.
3*

xxx INTRODUCTION. •
(o) If Daniel is admitted to be a true prophet, there is no presumptios
against the supposition that some ideas raay have been imparted to him
which might not be found in other prophets — any more than that circum
stances respecting the power and kingdom of the Messiah may have been
communicated to Isaiah which were not to the earlier prophets ; and (fi)
as a matter of faot, as before stated, many ofthe prophecies of Isaiah a,re as
minute and as clear in regard to the kingdom of the Messiah as those in
Daniel. Compare Isa. ix. 6, 7. No one could place tliat prediction by the
side of the prediction in Daniel vii. 13, 14, and determine from any inter
nal evidence that the one was written before the exile, and that the other
was couched in the language of later times.
(3.) It is objected (Bertholdt p. 31), that the sentiment found in
Daniel (ch. xii. 1,) that the setting up of the kingdom of the Mes
siah would be preceded by times of trouble, is a doctrine of the
Babbincal writings of later times, and savors of a later origin than
the times of the exile. To this, also, the reply is obvious, (o) It
is to be admitted that this idea occurs in the Babbincal writings, and that
it was a common doctrine among the Jews ; but can any one demonstrate
that the doctrine had not its origin in this very passage iu Daniel ? It is
quite as philosophical to suppose that this langjiage may have been
found in the genuine language of the prophets, and that the doctrine may
have sprung up from that cause, as to suppose that it was first originated
by uninspired men araong the Jews, and then embodied in a pretended
prophecy. (6) It was natural that Daniel, if a real prophet, should con
nect tho two things together, not in time, but in the range of vision. See
Intro, to Isa. ? 7, iii. (5). Placing himself in prophetic vision in the
midst of foreseen trouble coming upon his country, it was natural that
the mind should be directed to brighter days and that he should en
deavour to cheer his own heart, and to corafort his afflicted countrymen,
by dwelling on happier scenes when, under the Messiah, these troubles
would cease, (c) As a matter of fact, the same thing elsewhere occurs.
Thus Isaiah (ch. xl. and onward,) describes the coming of the kingdom
of the Messiah, by connecting it with the deliverance from the calamities
that would come upon the Jewish people in the time of the captivity. He
seeks to comfort them in their troubles by the assurance of better days ;
and in describing their return to their own land, the mind of the prophet
insensibly glides on to the coming of the Messiah — to tiie happier times
that would occur under hira — to the deliverance from the bondage of sin
and to the setting up of a kingdom of peace and truth in the world ; and
the description which began with the troubles of the exile, and the return
to their own land, ends with a sublime and glorious view of the times of
the Messiah, and of the happiness of the worid under his reign. And it
may be added that this is in accordance with a general principle laid
down in thoBible. " But the Lord shall judge his people, and repent
himself for his servants, when he saith that their power is gone, and
there is none shut np or left." Dout. xxxii. 36. Comp. Isa. xi. 11, and
the Notes of Gesenius on that place. See also IIos. iii. 5, Amos ix, 14,
15, Micah iv. 6, 7, Joel v. 6, 7, Zeph. iii. 19, 20, Jer. xxiii. 8, xxxiii. 7.
Ezok. xxxvi. 26.
(4.) A fourth specification respecting the Christology in the Book of
Dauiel, is derived from the reference to the doctrine of the resurrection.

INTRODUCTION. XXXI
»L. xii. 2. It is objected that this is a doctrine of later times, and that
it could not have been known in the age when Daniel is said to havo
lived. /That the doctrine of the resurrection of the dead is referred to in that
passage, or that what is there said is based on the belief of that doctrine,
and implies that the doctrine was so oommonly believed as to make it
S roper to refer to it as suoh, seems plain from the passage itself. See
fotes on the passage.
But in regard to the objection derived from this fact, it may bo re
marked :
(a) That there is evidence elsewhere that the doctrine was- known as
early as the time of tho exile, and was assumed to be true in the same man
ner in which it is here. Thus in Isa. xxvi. 19, it is referred to in the
same manner, for the remark of the prophet is based on that, and cannot
be explained except on the supposition that this was an article of common
belief. See Notes on that passage. See also Gesenius, who says, " that
this place actually contains the doctrine of the resurreotion of the dead,
and that in these words the doctrine of the resurrection is undoubtedly
implied." The same thing seems also to be true in the vision of the
valley of dry bones, Ezekiel xxxvii. 1 — 14. Though that passage does not
refer primarily to the resurrection of the dead, and is not intended
directly to teach it, yet it is difficult, if not impossible, to explain it
except on the supposition that this doctrine was understood, and was
believed to be true. It is just such an illustration as would be used
now iu a community where that doctrine is understood and believed.
(fi) It is undoubtedly true th.at in the passage under consideration,
(Dan. xii. 2,) the design is not directly to teach the doctrine of the resur
rection of the dead, but that it refers, as the primary thought, to the
restoration and recovery of the Jewish people, as if they were raised
from the dead; but still, as in the passages in Isaiah and Ezekiel above
referred to, the doctrine of the resurrection is assumed, and the illustration
is derived from that, and, as Jerome has remarked on the passage, such an
illustration would not be employed unless the doctrine were believed,
for " no one would attempt to confirm au uncertain or doubtful thing by
that whioh had no existence." But the same design exists in each of
the cases, in Daniel, Isaiah, and Ezekiel. The doctrine is alluded to in
the same manner, and in eaoh case is assumed to be true in the same
way — as a doctrine thatwas known, and that might be employed for illus
tration. This is one of the best proofs that there could be that it was a
comraon article of belief ; and as it is used by these three writers in the
same manner, if it proves that one of them lived in a later Eige, it proves
the same of all. But as the genuineness of that portion of Isaiah where
the passage occurs, a.nd of Ezekiel is not called in question, it follows
that the objection has no force as alleged against the genuineness of
Daniel. (c) It may be added, that on the supposition that there is no allusion
to this doctrine in any of the prophets that lived in the time of the exile,
or before it, that would furnish no evidence that it might not be found
in a book written by Daniel.. The belief undoubtedly sprang up at some
time among the Jews, for it is admitted by those whc object to the genu
ineness of Daniel on this account, that it did exist in the time in which

^XXII INTRODUCTION.
they allege that tho book was written — in the time of Antiochus Epiph
anes ; and it undoubtedly somehow gained so much currency among the
Jews as to lay the foundation of tho peculiar belief of the Pharisees or
the subject. But no one can. show that this doctrine could not have had it«
origin in Daniel himself ; or that he, living in the time of the exile, raight
not have made such statements on the subjeot, as to lay the foundation
for the general belief of the doctrine in later times. Even on the sup
position that he was not inspired, this might have been ; much more on
the supposition that he was inspired — for he was one of the latest ofthe
prophets of the Old Testament, and oue of those who were most eminently
favored of God. In itself considered, there is no improbability in sup
posing that God might have honoured Daniel, by making him the instru
ment of first distinctly announcing the doctrines of the resurrection and
the future judgment of the world.
C. A third objection, from the alleged reference to later customs and
opinions in the book of Daniel, is derived from the fact stated in ch.
vi. 10, that Daniel in his prayer is said to have turned his face towards
Jerusalem. This objection, as urged by Bertholdt and others, is, that
the custom of turning the face towards Jerusalem in prayer, was one
that was originated after the building of the second temple, and that no
traces of it are found while the first temple was standing. It is ad
mitted indeed that the custom of turning the face towards a temple or
place of worship prevailed extensively iu Oriental countries — as among
the Mohammedans at present — but it is alleged that this had its origin
among the Jews after the captivity, and after the second temple was
built. It is further added that it is improbable that Daniel would turn
his face towards Jerusalem on that occasion, for the city and temple were
destroyed, and the Shekinah, the symbol of the Divine presence there,
had disappeared. See Bertholdt, p. 30.
To this objection, the following remarks may be made in reply:
(1.) The custom of turi^ing the face in worship towards a temple or
shrine, was one that existed early in the world, .and has prevailed in
almost all countries. It is one that would naturally spring up even if
there were no positive commands on the subject, for this would seem to
be demanded by respect for the God who was worshipped, and who was
supposed to have -his residence in a particular temple. If Jehovah,
therefore, was supposed to have his dwelling in the temple ;' if the sym
bols of his presence were believed to be there ; if that was his house,
just in proportion as that was believed would the custom be likely to
prevail of turning the faoe towards that place in worship — just as we
now naturally turn the face towards heaven, which we regard as the pecu
liar phace of his abode. It would have boen unnatural, therefore, if
Daniel had not turned his face towards Jerusalem in his devotions.
(2.) The custom is, in fact, far-spread in the East, and goes back in its
origin beyond any period we can now assign to it. It prevails everywhere
among the Mohammedans ; it was found by Mungo Park among the
negroes in Africa; (Rosenm'iiller Morgenland, iv. 361,) and it maybe
said to be the general custom of the East. No one can determine its
Drigin, and probably, for the reason above stated, it existed in the first
periods of the history of the world.
(3.) The custom is mentioned in the Psalms as existing before ths

INTRODUCTION. XXXin
time of Daniel. Thus in Ps. v. 7, " As for me, I will come into thy
house in the multitude of thy mercy ; and in thy fear will I worship
toward thy holy temple." Ps. cxxxviii. 2, "I wili worship toward thy
holy temple," &o. Comp. Ps. cxxi. 1. So Psalm xxviii. 2, " Hear the
voice of my supplication — when I lift up ray hands toward thy holy
oracle." (4.) The custom was sanctioned by what Solomon said at the dedica
tion of the temple. In his prayer on that occasion, it is implied that the
custom would prevail, and what was said at that time could not but
be regarded as giving a sanction to it. Thus in the prayer offered at
the dedication of the temple, he seems to have supposed just such a case
as that before us : — " If they sin against thee, and thou be angry with
them, and deliver them to the enemy, so that they carry them away cap
tive into the land of the enemy, far or near ; if they shall bethink
themselves in the land whither they were carried captives, and repent,
and pray unto thee toward their land which thou gavest unto their
fathers, the city which thou hast chosen, and the house w.Hich I havo
built for thy name, then hear thou their prayer," &c. 1 Kings viii. 44 —
49. Comp. also vs. 33, 35, 38, 44.
(5.) It may be added that nothing was more natural than for Daniel
to do this. It is not said that he turned his faoe toward the "temple,"
but toward " Jerusalem." It was true that the temple was in ruins ;
true that the ark was removed, and that the Shekinah had disappeared.
It was true, also, that Jerusalem was in ruins. But it is to be remem
bered that Jerusalem had been long regarded as the city of God, and his
dwelling-place on the earth; that this was the place where his worship
had beeu celebrated for ages, and where he had manifested himself by
visible symbols ; that this was the plaoe where the ancestors of Daniel
had lived and worshipped, and where he believed the temple of God
would bo built again, and where God would again dwell — a place sacred
in the recollection of the past, and in the anticipations of the future — a
place where Daniel had himself been taught to worship God when a
child, and where he anticipated that they who should be delivered from
the long captivity would again offer sacrifice and praise ; and nothing,
therefore, was more natural than for him in his prayer to turn his face to
a spot hallowed by so many sacred associations.
D. A fourth objection designed to show that the bo ^k betrays a later
origin than the time of the captivity is, that Daniel is represented (ch.
vi. 10,) as entering into his chamber, or " upper room" — iitpiiou — when
he prayed, and that the custom of setting apart a chamber in a house for
private devotion, sprang up in a later age among the Jews, as one of th*
results of formalism and ostentation in religion. Bertholdt, p. 30.
In regard to this custom among the later Jews, see tho Notes oa
the passage referred to. But there are fwo remarks to be niade, show
ing conclusively that this objection has no force :
(o) There is no evidence that it was such an " upper room" — i^cptfur—
as is here referred to. All that is fairly implied in the word in thiti
passage — ri-''?j) might be applied to any house, and at any time. Il
denotes, indeed, an upper room, upper story, or loft; but not necessarily
such an upper room as was built by the Jews iu later times, and desig'
nated by the word iispqou. It is not improbable that Daniel would retire

XXXIV INTRODUCTION.
to such a part of his house to pray, but it is not nectssarily implied in
this word that the chamber referred to had been specifically constructed
as a place of prayer.
(6) But eveu supposing that this was the case, it is irapossible to
prove that such a custom may not have prevailed in the time ofthe cap
tivity. We cannot now trace the origin of that custom among the Jews,
and though it undoubtedly prevailed in a later age, yet no one can de
monstrate that it did not exist also at a time as early as that of the exile.
Indeed, there is some evidence that it did prevail at an earlier period
among the Hebrews. Thus in 2 Samuel xviii. 33, it is said of David on
the death of Absalom, " And the king was much moved, and went up to
the cha-nber over the gate, and wept," &c. So in the case of the prophet
Elijah, during his residence with the widow of Zarephath, an upper
chamber or loft was assigned the prophet, 1 Kings xvii. 19, called " a
loft where he abode" — njSj, the very word which is used in Daniel. The
same word occurs again in Judges iii. 20, 23, 24, 25, in such case ren
dered parlor, and referring to a private room where one might retire,
and, as the word implies, to an upper room — doubtless a small room built
on the flat roof of the house, as being more retired and cool. And again,
in 2 Kings i. 2, it is said of Ahaziah that " he fell down through a lat
tice in his upper chamber that was in Samaria." And again in 2 Kings
iv. 10, the Shunamitess proposes to her husband to make for the prophet
Elisha " a little chamber on the wall" — Tp-niSy a place of retirement
for him. These passages show that the custom of constructing a cham
ber or upper room for the purpose of retireraent or devotion prevailed
long before the time of Daniel, and, therefore, the fact that he is repre
sented as having such a place in his house in Babylon, if that be the fact
referred to here, oannot be alleged as evidence that the book was written
at a later period than the captivity.
E. It is alleged as an evidence that the book was written at a period
later than the exile, that Daniel is represented (in the same passage, ch.
vi. 10,) as praying three times a day, a custom, it is said, which origi
nated in later times.
But the reply to this is obvious, (a) The custom of praying three
times a day in sacred devotion, is one of which there are traces in
earlier times. Thus the Psalmist, Ps. lv. 17, " Evening, and morning,
and at noon, will I pray and cry aloud, and he shall hoar my voice."
(6) Daniel may have had such a custom without supposing that he
derived it frora any one. (c) These are the natural tiraes of prayer ;
times that devout persons will be likely to select as seasons of devotion ;
the morning, when one just enters upon the duties and trials of the day —
when it is appropriate to give thanks for preservation, and to ask of God
that he will guide, direct and. sustain us; the evening, when, having
finished the toils of the day, it is appropriate to render thanksgiving,
to pray for the remission of the sins of the day, and to seek the blessing
and protection of God as we lie down to rest ; and noon, when we feel
the propriety of dividing the labours of the day by an interval of rest
and devotion — thus keeping up, amidst the cares of the world, the lifo
of religion in tke soul, (d) There is no certain eviden ;e that this be
came a regular and settled usage in later times among tho Jews, ani
more than that it was of a former age.

INTRODUCTION. XXXV
F. It is alleged that what is said iu ch iv. 27, of the efficacy of
almsgiving in averting the judgments of God, is an opinion that had its
origin in later times, and proves that the book must have been written
at a period subsequent to the captivity. The pass.age is, " Let my coun
sel be acceptable unto thee, and brake off thy sins by righteousness, and
thine iniquities by showing mercy io tlie poor ; it may be a lengthening of
thy tranquillity." This, it is said, could have been written only at a
time when great merit was attributed to almsgiving, aud when such
acts, it was supposed, would avert diviue vengeance from the guilty ;
and this opinion, itis alleged, sprang up at a period subsequent to the cap
tivity. That tho sentiment here adverted to prevailed iu later times,
there can be no doubt; but there is no proof that it is used in the pas
sage before us in the sense in which it prevailed in the time when the
books of the Apocrypha were written. And, in reference to the objec
tion here urged, all that is necessary, it seems to me, is to refer to the
Notes on the passage, where its true meaning is fully considered. The
short answer is, that the passage does not teach any such peculiar doc
trine on the subject of almsgiving as prevailed in later times among the
Jews, but only the general doctrine, which is found everywhere in the
Bible, and whioh accords with all just notions on the subject, that if a
sinner will abandon the error of his ways, and perform acts of righteous
ness, it will conduce to his happiness, and in all probability to the length
ening out of his days.
G. One other objection, under the general head now under considera
tion, remains. It is derived from what are called the ctscetic customs re
ferred to in the book. On this point De Wette refers to ch. i. 8 — 16, as
compared with 2 Mace. v. 27, and with the Apocryphal portion of the
Book of Esther.
In regard to this objection, also, perhaps all that is necessary is to
refer to the Notes on the passage. The reason which Daniel gave for
not partaking of the food and wine furnished by the king of Babylon, is
not such as would be derived from any ascetic or monastic opinions, but
such as would be given by any Jew of that age who was conscientious.
It was " that he might not defile himself with the portion of the king's
meat, nor with the wine which he drank" (ch. i. 8) ; that is, he pur
posed to keep himself clear from all participation iu idolatry, and to
save himself from the temptations to which one would be exposed if he
indulged freely in the luxuries in eating and drinking which were prac
tised at the royal table. As this solution explains the passage on prin
ciples that would be like to influence a pious Jew, and which would be
proper in young men everywhere, it is unnecessary to seek any other,
and improper to suppose that there is an allusion here to superstitious
customs which prevailed among the Jews in later times.
VI. A sixth objection to the authenticity and genuineness of the Book,
is derived from the place assigned it in the canon. This objection is
urged by Bertholdt, Bleek, Eichhorn, Kirms, and De Wette, and is sub
stantially this, as stated by Bertholdt. It is well known that the Jews,
in the time when the Talmud was composed, divided their sacred books
into three parts — the Law, the Prophets, and the Hagiography. The
latter class embraced the Psalms, Job, Proverbs, Song of Solomon, Kuui,
Lamentations, Ecclesiastes, Esther, Daniel, Ezra, Nehemiah, and the two

XXXVI INTRODUCTION.
books of the Chronicles. This classification also existed in the time of
Jerome, who obtained it evidently from the Jews in Palestine. The
objection is, that in collecting and arranging the books of the Old Tes
tament, Daniel was assigned to this latter class, and was not placed
among the Prophets. The book professes to be, in a great part, pro
phetical, and if genuine, its true place, it is argued, would be among the
prophets ; and, it is said, it would have beon placed in that class if it had
boen in existence at th.i time when the collection of the sacred books
was made. It is argued, therefore, that it must have had a later origin,
and that when it was written it was assigned a place in that general col
lection of writings where all those books were arranged which could not
be placed with either of the other classes. This objection is summarily
stated by Prof. Stuart (Critical History and Defence of the Old Testa
ment Canon, p. 26G.) in the following words: "The argument runs
thus : ' No reason can be assigned, except the lateness of the composi
tion, why Daniel and the Chronicles should be placed among the Kethu-
bim or Hagiography, since the first belongs to the class of the later pro
phets, and the second, like Samuel, Kings, etc., to the class of the former
prophets. The fact, then, that Daniel aud the Chronicles are joined with
the Kethubim, shows that they were written after the second class of
the scriptural books, viz. the Prophets, was fully defined and completed
Now, as this class comprises Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi, so We
have conclusive evidence that Daniel and Chronicles must havo beer
composed, or at all events introduced into the canon, at a period sub
sequent to Nehemiah and Malachi, which was about 430 — 420, B. C "
In reference to this objection, perhaps all that would be necessary foi
me would be to refer to the very full and satisfactory argument of Prof.
Stuart on the Canon in the work just named, ^ 9 — 13, pp. 214 — 298. A
few remarks, however, on two or three points, seem to be demanded to
show the results which have been searched by a careful investigation of
the subject, and how entirely without foundation is the objection.
A. The objection, then, takes for granted the following things, which
it is impossible now to prove : (1.) That the division of the books ofthe
Old Testaraent found in tho Talmud, and prevailing among the Jews in
the time of Jerome, in which Daniel is placed in the third class, tiie
Kethubim or Hagiography, is the ancient and original division ; for if
this is not so, then Daniel may have been placed araong the prophets,
and of course the objection would not theu exist. There is the strongest
reason to believe that this was not the arrangement that prevailed at an
earlier period, but that it was made long after the time of Josephus.
At any rate it cannot be proved to have been the original arrangement.
(2.) It takes for granted that the main reason for inserting Daniel and
the books of the Chronicles in the Hagiography was the recent Origin of
these books, or the fact th.at they were composed after the second class —
the prophets — was completed and collected together; for the whola
weight of the objection rests on this. If any of these books in the Hagi
ography were in faot written at an earlier period than some in the second
class — the Prophets,_or if any other reason existed for referring them to
the class of the Ilagiograghy than the lateness of tiieir coraposition, then
the objection would have no force. But this diffi-culty of itself would be
fatal to the objection, for there is every nason to suppose that tiie late-

INTRODUCTION. XXXVH
t.es3 of the composition was not the reason why these books were placed
in the Hagiography, and that this was never supposed or implied by those
who made the arrangement. For, not to speak of the Book of Job, which
is found in that class, and which is probably one of the oldest compo
sitions in the Bible, if not the very oldest, what shall we say of the
Psalms, and the Book of Proverbs, and the Book of Ecclesiastes, and the
Canticles, which are also found in that class ? Assuredly it could not
have been pretended that these writings belonged to the Maccabean age,
and that they were inserted in the Hagiography because they were sup
posed to have had a later origin than the Prophets ; for, in all ages, the
Jevvs bave regarded the Book of Proverbs, the Book of Ecclesiastes, and
the Canticles, as the genuine production of Soloraon. Why then were
they put into the Hagiography — for there the Psalms, and the Book of
Proverbs, and Ecclesiastes, and the Song of Solomon, have always been,
in every triplex division of the books of the Old Testament which has
ever been made? (3.) The objection takes for granted that the two
classes, the Prophets and the Hagiography, have been fixed and uniform,
like the first, the Law, as to the number of books, in each ever since the
division was made ; that the same number of books, and the same arrange
ment, has been found whioh existed in the time of Josephus ; and that no
causes have ever operated since to produce a change in the arrangement ;
for if this is not so it would be fatal to the objection. But this can never
be shown to be true. Indeed, there is every reason to believe that the
contrary is true, and if it cannot be demonstrated to be true, the objec
tion is without force. But,
B. There are strong positive arguments to show, that the fact that
D.aniel, in the later divisions of the Hebrew books, is placed in the list of
the Hagiography or Kethubim, is no argument against the genuineness
and authenticity of the book.
(1.) There is every presumption that in the earliest arrangement of
the books of the Old 'Testament, the book of Daniel, with several that
now occupy the same place in the Talmudical arrangement, was ranked
with the second class — the Prophets. This presuraption is founded,
mainly, on what is said of the division of the books of the Old Testa
ment by Josephus. It is true that he has not enumerated the books of
the Old Testainent, but he has mentioned the division ofthe books in his
time, and, of course, in earlier times, in such a way as to make it morally
certain that Daniel was not in the third class, but in the second class —
the Prophets. His account of this division (Against Apion, b. 1, § 8) is
as follows : " We have not a countless number of books, discordant and
arranged against each other, but only two and twenty books, containing the
history of every age, whioh are justly accredited as divine [the old editions
of Josephus ¦ read merely, 'which are justly accredited' — SeIo (divine)
comes from Eusebius' translation of Josephus, in Eoc. Hist. iii. 10] ; and of
these five belong to Moses, which contain both the laws and the history
of the generations of men until his death. This period lacks but little of
3000 years. From the death of Moses, raoreover, until the reign of
Artaxerxes, king of the Persians after Xerxes, the prophets who fol
lowed Moses have described the things which were done during the age
cf each one respectively, in thirteen, books. The remaining four contain
hymns to God und rules of life for men. From the time of Artaxerxes,
4

XXXVIII INTRODUCTION.
moreover, till our present period, all occurrences have been wntten down ;
but they are not rogardea as entitled to the like credit with those which
precede them, because there was no certain succession of prophets. Faot
has shown what confidence we place in our own writings. For although so
many ages have passed away, no ono has dared to add to them, nor to
take anything fnm them, nor to make alterations. In all Jews it is im
planted, even from their birth, to regard them as being the instructions
of God, and to abide steadfastly by them, and if it bo necessary to die
gladly for them." Prof. Stuart's translation, ut supra, pp. 430, 431.
Now, in this extract from Josephus, stating the nuraber and order of
the sacred books in his time, it is necessarily iraplied that the Book of
Daniel was thon included in the second part, or araong the " Prophets."
For (a) it is clear that it was not in the third division, or the Hagiog
raphy. Of that division Josephus says, " Tho remaining four contain
hymns to God, and rules of lifo for men." Now we are not able to
determine with exact certainty, indeed, what these four books were, for
Josephus has not mentioned, their names, but wo can determine with
certainty that Daniel was not of tho number, for his book doos not come
under the description of " hymns to Ood," or " rules of life for mon." If
we cannot, therefore, make out what these books wero, the argument
would be complete on that point; but although Josephus has not
enuraerated thom, they can bo made out with a good degree of proba
bility. That the "hymns to Ood" would erabrace the Psalms thoro can
bo no doubt; and thero can be as littio doubt that in tho books contain
ing " rules oflife for men," the Proverbs would be included. The other
books that would moro properly corae under this designation than any
other, are Ecclesiastes and the Song, of Solomon, (soe the full evidence of
this in Prof. Stuart, ut supra, pp. 256-264) ; at all events it is clear that
Daniel would not be included in that number. (6) Tliore is evidence,
then, that Daniel was included at that time in the second division — that
ofthe Prophets. Josephus says that that division comprised "thirteen
books," and that Daniel was included among them is evident from the
rank which Josephus gives to him as one ofthe greatest of tho prophets.
Thus he says of him (Ant. b. x. ch. xi.), "Ho was so happy as to have
strange revelations made to him, and those as to ono of the ' greatest of
the prophets ; insomuch that while he was alive he had the esteem and
applause both of kings and of the multitude ; and now he is dead he
retains a remembrance that will never fail. For the several books that
he wrote and left behind him arc still read by us till this time, and from
them we believe that he conversed with God ; for he not only prophesied
of future events, as did tho other prophets, but he also determined the
time of their accomplishraent. And while prophets used to foretell rais
fortunes, and on that account were disagreeable both to the kings and
the multitude, Daniel was to thera a prophet of good things, and this to
such a degree, that, by tho agreeable nature of his predictions, he pro
cured the good-will of all men ; and by tho accomplishment of thom he
procured the belief of their truth, and the opinion of a sort of divinity
for himself among the multitude. He also wrote and left behind him
what evinced the accuracy, and an undeniable veracity of, his predictions."
(from this it is clear that Josephus regarded Danici as worthy to be
ranked among the greatest of the prophets, and that he considered hii

INTKODDOTION. XXXIX
writings as worthy to bo classed with those of the oUier eminent prophets
af his country. This is such language as would be used in speaking ot
xuy anoient prophet; and, as wo have seen that the Book of Dauiel could
lot havo been of the number niontionod by him in the third class —
" lUise containing hymns to God and rules of life for men" — it follows
that it must have been ranked by Josephus in the second division — that
of the prophets. It does not seem easy to suppose that thero could be
clearer proof than this, short of direct affirmation. Tho proof that ho
regarded Daniel as belonging to this division of the books, is as clear as
oan bo made out from his writings in favor of Isaiah, Joromiah, or
Ezokioh (2.) 11' Daniel had this rank in the tirao of Josephus, then it would
follow that in tho division of the books of the Old Testament, as referred
to by the Saviour (Luke xxiv. 44), he must have had this rank also.
Thero can be no doubt that Josephus expresses not his own private
judgment in the matter, but the prevailing opinion ofhis countrymen on
tho subject. Josephus was born A. D. 37, and consequently he must
have uttered what was the general sentiment in the time of tho Saviour
and tho apostles — for it cannot be supposed tiiat any change had occurred
in that short time among tho Jews, by which Daniel had been transferred
from the third division to tho second. If any change had occurred in the
arrangement of tho books, it would have beon, for reasons whicii are ob
vious, just the revor.so — since the predictions of Daniel were at this time
much relied on by Christians, in their arguments against the Jews, to
prove that Jesus was the Messiah. We may regard it as morally cer
tain, therefore, that in tlie time of tiie Saviour, Daniel was ranked among
the prophets. It may be added here, also, that if Daniel had this rank
in tho estimation of Josephus, it may be presumed that ho had the same
rank wheu the division of tho sacred booksis referred to in the only
other two instances among the Jews, previous to the composition of the
Talmud. In both tiiese cases there is mention of tho triplex division ; in
neither are the names of the books recorded. XDne occurs in the " Pro
logue of tho Wisdom of Jesus, the Son of Sirach," iu the Apocryph.a.
This Prologue was probably written about 130 B. C. ; the book itself
Srobably about 180 B. C. In this Prologue the writer mentions the
ivisions of the sacred books three times in this manner : " Since so many
and important tilings have been iraparted to us by the Law, ihe Prophets,
and other [icoiAx] of the like kind which have followed, for which one
must needs praise Israel on account of learning and wisdom ; and inas
much as not only tiiose who read ought to be well-informed, but those
who aro devoted to learning, should be able to profit, both in tiie way of
speaking and writing, such as are foreigners, my grandfather, Jesus,
having devoted liimseTf very much to the reading of tlie Law, the Prophets,
and ihe otiier books ofhis country, and having acquired a great degree of
experienoe in these tilings, was himself led on to compose something per
taining to instruction and wisdom, so that those desirous of learning,
being in possession ofthese things, might grow much more by a life con
formed to tiie law. Ye are invited, therefore, with good will, and strict
attention, to make the perusal, and to take notice whenever we may seem
to lack ability, in respect to any of tiie words which we have labored to
translate. Not only so, but tlie Law itself, ^'^'^ ^^ Prophets, and tlie re

XL INTRODUCTION.
maining books, exhibit no small diversity among themselves as to th«
modes of expression."
The other reference of the same kind occurs in Philo Judseus. He
flourished about A. D. 40, and in praising a contemplative life, and giving
examples of it, he comes at last to the Therapeuice, or Essenes, and in
speaking oftheir devotional practices, he uses this language: "In every
house is a sanctuary, which is called sacred place or monastery, in which,
being alone, they perform the mysteries of a holy life; introducing
nothing into it, neither drink, nor bread-corn, nor any of the other things
whioh are necessary for the wants of the body, but the Laws, and, Ora
cles predicted by the prophets, and Hymns and other writings, by which
knowledge and piety are increased and perfected." There can be no
reasonable doubt that precisely the same division of the books of the Old
Testament is referred to in eaoh of these cases which is raentioned by
Josephus. If so, then Daniel was at that time reckoned among the
Prophets. (3.) He certainly had this rank among the early Christians, alike in
their estimation of him, ahd in the order of the sacred books. It happens,
that although Josephus, the son of Siraoh, and Philo have given nc
list of the names and order of the sacred books, yet the early Christians
have, and from these lists it is easy to ascertain the rank which they
assigned to Daniel. " Melito places Daniel among the Prophets, and
before Ezekiel. The same does Origen. The Council of Laodicea places
Daniel next after Ezekiel, and, of course, araong the Prophets. The
same do the Canones Apostol., Cyrill of Jerusalem, Gregory Nazianzen,
Athanasius, Synopsis Scripturse in Athan. The Council of Hippo, lika
Melito and Origen, plaoe it before Ezekiel, as also does Hilary; and
Rufinus places it next aftei? Ezekiel. Jerome alone, in giving an
account of the Rabbinicdf usage in his day, puts Daniel among the
Hagiography; and after it he puts Chronicles, Ezra (with Nehemiah)
and Esther." Prof. Stuart, ut supra, p. 284.* The Talmud thus stands
alone, with the exception of Jerome, in placing Daniel among the books
constituting the Hagiography; and Jerome, in doing this, merely gives
an account of what was customary iu his time among the Jewish
Eabbins, without expressing any opinion of his own on the subject.
These testimonies are sufficient to show that Daniel was never placed in
the division composing the Hagiography, so far as can be proved by the
Son of-> Sirach, by Philo, by Josephus, by the Jews in the time of the
Saviour, or by the Christian writers of the first four centuries ; and, of
course, until it can bo demonstrated that he was thus classified, this ob
jection must fall to the ground. But,
(4.) The fact that Daniel occupied this place in the divisions made of
the books by tho later Jews, can be accounted for in a way perfectly con
sistent with tho supposition that he wrote at the time when the book is
oommonly believed to have been composed. For,
(a) The reason whioh they themselves give for this arrangement is,
not that his writings were of later date, but some fanciful view which
they had about the degrees of inspiration of the prophets. They say that
the Books of Moses take the precedence above all others, because God
* The lists of the books, as given hy theso writers and councils, may ho leen at lengtb In
frof. Stuart, ut supra, .Appendix, pp. 431-452.

INTRODUCTION. XLI
spake with him mouth to mouth ; that the prophets who came after him,
were such as, whether sleeping or waking when they received revelations,
were deprived "of all the use of their senses, and were spokeu to by a
voice, or saw prophetic visions in ecstacy ; and that the third and lowest
class of writers were those who, preserving the use of their senses, spake
like other men, and yet in such. a way that, although not favoured with
dreams or visions in ecstacy, they still perceived a divine infiuence resting
upon them, at whose suggestion they spake or wrote what they madt
public. For the proof of this, see Prof. Stuart, ut supra, p. 269. Agree
ably to this fanciful opinion, they made the arrangements of the sacred
books which is found in the Talmud, and on this principle they placed
Daniel in the list of the Hagiography. But assuredly this fanciful
opinion, and the mistake of the Jews consequent on it, can be no reason
for supposing that tho Book of Daniel was written in the tirae of the
Maccabees ; and especially as they who made this arrangement never
pretended this, and never could have made the arrangement on this
ground. And,
(6) There is great reason for supposing, after all, that Daniel was not
assigned to the place which he has in the Talmudic divisions of the sacred
books, on the ground that he was properly classed there, even on their
arbitrary and fanciful opinion as to the degrees of inspirsition araong the
prophets, but because, in the disputes between Christians and Jews
about the Messiah, in the first three and a half centuries, the Jews folt
theraselves to be so pressed by the prediction in Dan. ix. respecting the
seventy weeks, that they sought to give the book a lower place than it
had occupied before, and thus to remove it somewhat from an association
with the other prophets, and to diminish the force of the argument in
proof that Jesus of Nazareth was the Christ.
(5.) To all this it may be added, that it would have been impossible to
have foisted a book into the canon that was oomposed in the time of the
Maecabees, and that was not regarded as of divine inspiration. We have,
as above, the express testimony of Josephus, that for some four hundred
years before his time they had no prophets who wrote inspired books, or
who could be regarded as sacred writers. The canon, according to him,
was closed at the time of Artaxerxes, and aftei-ward they had books in
which " all occurrenoes were written down, but these were not regarded
as of like credit with those that preceded them, because there was no
certain succession of prophets." That is, the canon of inspired books
was then closed, in the apprehension ofthe Jews, or they had a definite
number which they regarded as of diviue origin, and as distinguished
from all others.
Now, supposing this to have been, as no doubt it was, a prevailing
opinion among the Jews, it would have been impossible to have foisted
in a book written in the time of the Maccabees — or after the time of
Antiochus Epiphanes, as the objection supposes the Book of Daniel to
have been — in such a way that it would be regarded as entitled to a
place among the sacred writings. If this book was written at that
time, it must have been known that it was not the genuine production of
tho Daniel of the captivity, and by whom could it be introduced into the
canon ? On what pretence could it be done ? What claim could have
been urged for a spurious book of this kind to a place by the side of
4*

XLU INTRODUCTION.
Isaiah and Ezekiel ? It is well known that the Hebrews have been, in aH
ages, most careful of their sacred books ; that they have transcribed
them with the greatest possible attention ; that they have counted the
words and the letters ; that they have raarked and preserved every
variety, irregularity, and anomaly, even every unusual shape and
positionof a letter in the manuscript; audit may be asked with em
phasis, in what way it would be possible to introduce a book which wan
known and admitted to be spurious, — a book falsely ascribed to one who
was said to have lived long before — among those which they regarded as
of divine origin, and whose purity they guarded with so much care?
Scarcely any greater literary absurdity cau be imagined than this.
VII. A seventh objection which has been urged to the genuineness of
the Book of Daniel, is derived from the silence of the Son of Sirach in
regard to it. This objection is urged by De Wette, Bleek, Eichhorn,
Kirms, and Bretschneider, and is substantially this: — that in the Book
of Ecclesiasticus (ch. xlix.), the author of that book, Jesus, the Son
of Sirach, undertakes to give a list of the personages in the Jewish
history who had been eminent for virtue, piety, and patriotism ;
and that the circumstances of the case are such that it is to be pre
sumed that if he had known anything of Daniel and his writings, he
would have been mentioned among them. Thus he mentions David,
Hezekiah, Josiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, the Twelve Prophets, Zorobabel,
Jesus the son of Josedeo, Nehemiah, Enoch, Joseph, Shem, Seth, and
Adam. The particular point, however, of the objection seems to be, that
he mentions mon who were eminent in securing the return of the He
brews to their own country, as Nehemiah and Zorobabel, and that if
Daniel had lived then in Babylon, and had had the important agency in
effecting the return of the captives whioh is ascribed to him in this book,
or had had the influence at the court of Persia attributed to him, it is un
accountable that his name was not mentioned.
To this objection we may reply: (1.) That the argumentum a silentio
is admitted not to be a conclusive kind of reasoning. So long as there
may have been other reasons why the name was omitted in such a list, it
is unfair and inconclusive to infer that he had not thon an existence, or
that there was no such man. It is necessary, in order that this reason
ing should have any force, to show that this is the only cause which
could have led to thisomission, or that this alone could account for it.
But it is easy to conceive that there may have been many reasons why
the name was omitted in this rapid enumeration, consistently with
the belief that Daniel then lived iu Babylon, and that he occupied
the position, and rendered the services, which it may be supposed
from the account in this book, he would render. In such a rapid
enumeration it oannot be supposed that the writer mentioned all the
eminent raen among the Hebrews, and therefore it is in no way remark
able that the name of Daniel should have been omitted. This is con
ceded even by Kirms. See his work, Commentatio Ilistorico-Critica, &c.,
p. 9. (2.) The objection, if of any value, would prove that no such
person as Daniel existed at that time, or even at anj' time previous to
the age of the Son of Sirach ; for he did not mention these persons as
authors of books, but as eminent persons — as distinguished not by their
writings, but by their lives. But the existence of Daniel, as a historical

INTRODUCTION. XLITl
personage, is as clear as that of any of the eminent men mentioned in
the Jewish history, and is even conceded by the objectors themselves.
See ? 1 of this Introduction. (3.) As a matter of fact, the Son of Sirach
has oraitted the names of others whom he would be at least as likely to
refer to as the namo of Daniel. He has wholly omitted tho name of
Ezra. Would not his agency be as likely to occur to such a writer as
Uiat of Daniel? He has omitted the names of Mordecai and Esther —
personages whose agency would be as likely to be remembered in
such a connection as that of Daniel. He has omitted also tho whole
of the Minor Prophets ; for tbe passage in ch. xlix. 10, which in the
common version makes mention of them, is shown by Bretschneider
{in loc.) to be clearly spurious, it having been copied verbatim from ch.
xlvi. 12, with merely the substitution of the words " the twelve prophets"
for the word " their." See Prof. Stuart, Com. p. 463. How can such
an omission be accounted for if the objection derived from the omission
of the name of Daniel has any force? And if the mere silence of the Son
of Sirach be allowed to be an argument against the existence of pro
minent persons in the Jewish history, and the genuineness of the books
which they wrote, who will determine the limit to which the objection
will go ? How small a portion of the patriarchs and prophets ; how small
a portion of the writings of the Old Testament, would be spared ! And,
after all, why should so much weight be allowed to the mere silence of
the Son of Sirach — an author coraparatively unknown — as to set aside
the positive testimony of all antiquity, and change the faith of the
world ?
g 3. CONTINUATION OF THE ARGUMENT FOE THE GENUINENESS
AND AUTHENTICITY OF THE BOOK OP DANIEL.
B. Positive Proofs of its Genuineness and Authenticity.
H.iviNG thus examined at length the objections which have been made
to the genuineness and authenticity of the Book of Daniel, I proceed
now to notice the positive proofs that it was written at the time when it
is alleged to have been, and by the author whose name it bears. This
need not detain us long; for if the objections which are made to the
genuineness of the book are not well founded, there will be little diffi
culty in showing that the common sentiment in the church in regard to
its authorship and authenticity is correct. It has undeniably for a long
tirae had a place in the sacred canon ; it has been received by the
Christian church at all tiraes as a sacred book, on the sarae level with
the other inspired books ; it has .had a place among the books regarded
by the Jews as inspired, and if it cannot be displaced from the position
which it has so long occupied, the conclusion would seem to be fair
that that is its proper position. We have seen, in the previous dis-
cussijn, that it was ranked by Josephus among the prophetic books ; that
it waa held in high estimation among the Jows as one of their sacred
nooks ; that the canon of Scripture was closed some four hundred years
before the time of the Saviour, and that, from the nature of the case, it
would have been impossible to foist a book of doubtful origin, or an
sflknowledged fiction, into that canon in a later age.
In looking now at the positive evidence of the genuineness and

Xliv INTRODUCTION.
canonical authority of the book, the only points that are really necessary
to be made out are two: — that it is the work of one author, and thai
that author was the Daniel of the captivity. If these two points can be
established, its right to a place in the canon will be easily demonstrated.
JMy objeot, theu, will be to establish these two points, and then to show
how, i'f these points are admitted, it follows that the book is inspired,
and has a right to a plaoe in the canon.
I. It is the work of one author. That is, it is not made up of frag
ments from different hands, and composed at different times. It is a
book by itself, every part of which is entitled to credit if any part
of it is, and entitled to the same credit on the ground of being the com
position ofthe same author.
The evidence of this lies in such circumstances as the following :, —
(1.) It is apparent on the face of the book that the design is to repre
sent it as the production of one author. If the book is a forgery, this
was no doubt the intention of its author ; if it is genuine, it was of course
the design. No one, on reading the book, it is presumed, could fail to
perceive that the design of the author was to leave the impression that it
IS the work of one hand, and that it was intended to represent what
occurred iu the lifetime of one man, and that one man had coraraitted it
to writing. This is apparent, because the same name occurs throughout ;
because there is substantially one series of transactions ; because the
transactions are referred to as occurring in one plaoe — Babylon ; and
because the same languages, customs, usages, and times, are referred to.
All the internal marks which can go to demonstrate that any work is by one
hand would be found to be applicable to this ; and all the extemal marks
will be found also to agree with this supposition.
There are two things, indeed, to be admitted, which have been relied
on by sorae, to prove that the work is the composition of different
authors. (a) 'Che one is, that it is divided into two parts : — the one (ch. i.-ri.), in
the main historical ; the other (ch. vii.-xii.), in the main prophetical.
But this is no argument against the identity of the authorship, for the
same intermingling of history with prophecy occurs in most of the pro
phetic books ; and it is no objection that these occur in separate con
tinuous portions instead of being irregularly intermingled. In fact, the
sarae thing occurs in Isaiah, where the first part (ch. i.-xxxix.) is made
up, in a considerable degree, of historic allusions mingled with prophesy ;
and where the second part (ch. xl.-lxvi.) is wholly prophetic. Besides,
any one must admit that on the supposition that Daniel vi as the sole
author of the book, nothing would be mqje natural than this vo.'y arrange
ment. What objection could there be to the supposition that one part
of his book might relate to historic incidents mainlye— though even these
have a strong prophetic character — and that the other should be com
posed of prophecies ? AVhat would there be in his condition or character
that would forbid such a supposition ?
(6) The other circumstance is, that, between these two parts, there is
a change in the perwn of the writer — that in the first portion (ch. i.-vi.),
he uses the third person when speaking of Daniel, and in the other (oh.
vii.-xii.), the first person. This is, in the main, true, though it is true
also that in the second part the third person is sometimes used when

INTRODUCTION. XLV
speaking .»f himself, ch. vii. 1, x. 1. Bnt in regard to this, it may be
observed, (1.) that it is no uncommon thing for an author to speak of
himself in the third person. This is uniformly done by Csesar in his
Commentaries, and this fact is novor urged now as an argument against
the genuineness of his work. (2.) This is often done by the prophets.
See Isa. ii. 1, vii. 3, xiii. 1 ; Ezok. i. 3. So Ilose.a, throughout the flrst
chapter of his book, speaks uniformly of himself in the third person, and
in chs. ii. and iii. in the first person ; and so Amos, ch. vii. 1, 2, 4, 5,
7, 8, speaks of himself in the first person, and again, vs. 12, 14, in the
third person. It may be added, that it is the uniform method, also, of the
Evangelist John to speak of himself in the third person ; and, in fact, this
is so conimon in authors that it can constitute no argument against the
genuineness of any particular book.
It may be observed, also, that, in general, those who have denied the
genuineness and authenticity of the Book of Daniel, havo admitted that
it is the work of one author. This is expressly admitted by Lengerke,
p. ci., who saj'S, "The identity of tho author appears from the uniformity
Of the plan, and tho relations vvhich the different parts 'bear to eaoh other;
that the historical and prophetic parts are related to e.ach other; that
there is a certain uniform gradation (Stufonfolge) of tho oracles from the
uncertain to the certain ; that there is a remarkable similarity of ideas,
images, and forms of speech ; and that in the respective parts of the He
brew and Chaldee, there is gre.at similarity of stylo." 'The sarae opinion
is maintained by Dereser, Gesenius, Bleek, De Wette, Kirms, Hoffmann,
and Hengstenberg ; though nearly all of these authors suppose that it
was written in the time of the Maucabees. They admit, however, that it
is the work of a single author. Eichhorn and Bertholdt appear to have
been the only authors of distinction who have denied it.
(2.) The identity of the book appears from the manner in which it is
written in respect to language. We have already seen that a part of it
is written in Hebrew, and a part in Chaldee. Frora the beginning to ch.
ii. 4, it is Hebrew ; then from ch. ii. 4, to the end of ch. vii. it is Chaldee,
and the reinainder (ch. viii.-xii.) is Hebrew. Now, it may be admitted,
that if the historical part (ch. i.-vi.) had been wholly in either of these
languages, andthe prophetioal part (oh. vii.-xii.) had been wholly in the
other, it might have constituted a plausible argument against the
identity of the book. But the present arrangement is one that furnishes
no such argument. It cannot well be conceived that if the work
were the production of two authors, one would begin his portion in one
language and end it in another, and th.at the other would just reverse
the process in regard to languages. Such an arrangement would not be
likely to occur in two independent compositions professedly treating of the
same general subjects, and intended to be palmed off as the work of one
author. As it is, the arrangement is natural, and easy to be accounted
for; but tbeother supposition would imply an artifice in composition
whioh would not be likely to occur, and which would be wholly unneces
sary for any purpose which can be imagined.
(3.) Tha identity of the book appears from the fact that it refers to the
same series of subjects ; that the same great design is pursued through
the whole. Thus in the two parts, though the first is mainly historical,
and the last prophetical, there is a remarkable parallelism between ths

XLVI INTRODUCTION.
predictions in ch. ii. and in ch. vii. The same great series of events il
referred to, though in different forms ; and so throughout the book, aa
remarked above in the quotation frora Lengerke, we meet with the same
ideas, the sarae raodes of speech, the same symbols, the eame imagery,
the operation of the same mind, and the manifestation of the same cha
racter in the authors. The Daniel of the first part is the Daniel of the
last ; and, in this respect, the similarity is so great as to leave the irre-
sistilile impression on the mind that he is ihe personage of the whola
book, and that his own hand is apparent throughout.
(4.) The identity of the book appears from the fact that the objections
made to it pertain alike to every part of it, and in reference to the dif
ferent parts are substantially the same. By referring to the objections
which have, in the previous section, been examined at length, it will be
seen that they all suopose the identity of the book, or that they are
drawn from tbe book considered as a whole, and not from any particular
part. Whatever difficulty there is in regard to the book pertains to it as
a whole, and difficulties of precisely the sarae kind lie scattered through
the entire volurae. ' This feet proves that the book has such an identity
as appertains to one and the sarae author ; and this fact would not be
likely to occur in a book that was raade up of the productions of different
authors. (5.) It raay be added, that whenever Daniel is spoken of by Josephus,
by the Saviour, or by the early Christian writers, it is always done as if
the book was the production of one author. Just such language is used
as would be used on the supposition that the book is the composition
of one man ; nor is there an intimation that there were two Daniels, cn
that there was even any doubt about the identity of the authorship.
The fact that the Book of Daniel is the production of one author, may
be regarded as established. Indeed, there is no ancient work concerning
which the evidence is more direct and clear.
II. The second point to be made out is, that the author was the
Daniel of the captivity. The evidences on this point will be adduced in
the order, not of time, but of what seems due to them in value and im
portance. (1.] I refer, first, to the testimony of the writer himself. In chs. rii.
28, viii. 2, 15, 27, ix. 2, x. 1, xii. 5, the writer speaks of himself as
" I Daniel ;" that is, the same Daniel whose history is given in ch. i.
This cannot be, indeed, regarded as conclusive evidence ; for the forger
of a book might insert the name of another person as the author,
and be constant in maintaining it to be so. All that is affirmed is, that
tbis is prima facie evidence, and is good evidence untU it is set aside
by substantial reasons. We assume this in regard to any book, and
the evidence should be admitted unless there are satisfactory reasons foi
supposing that tbe name is assumed for purposes of deception. It cannot
be doubted that the book bears on its face the appearance and the elaiw.
of having been written by the Daniel of the captivity, and that, in this
respect, it is altogether such as it would be on that supposition. There
is certainly an air of simplicity, honesty, and sincerity about it wliich wo
expect to find in a genuine production.
(2.) I refer, secondly, to the fact that the Book of Daniel was re.;'eived
info the canon o* the Old Tt-stament as an authentic work of the Daniel

INTRODUCTION. XLN II
of the captivity, and as entitled to a place among the inspired books of
Scripture. (a) It has been shown above, that the Canon of Scripture was re
garded as complete long before the time of the Maccabees ; or that,
according to the testimony of Josephus, there were three classes of books
araong the Hebrews, all regarded as sacred books, and all, in this respect,
differing from certain other books which they had, as containing the
record of affairs subsequent to the time of Artaxerxes. These classes of
books were known as the Law, the Prophets, and the " Kethubim" — the
" other writings," or the " Hagiography ;" and these books together con
stituted what, in the New Testament, are called the Scriptures, or /Scrip
ture : the Scripture in Matt. xii. 10, xv. 28 ; Luke iv. 21 ; John ii. 22, vii
38, 42, X. 35, xix. 37 ; Rom. iv. 3, ix. 17 ; Gal. iii. 8, 22 ; 2 Tim. iii. 16
1 Pet. ii. 6 ; 2 Pet. i. 20 ; the Scriptures in Matt. xxi. 42, xxii. 29, xxvi.
54; Luke xxiv. 27, 32, 45; John v. 39; Acts xvii. 2, 11, xviii. 24, 28;
Rom. i. 2, XV. 4, xvi. 26 ; 1 Cor. xv. 3, 4; 2 Tim. iii. 15 ; 2 Pet. iii. 16.
These constituted u, collection of writings which were distinct from all
others, and the use of the word Scripture, or Scriptures, at once suggested
them, and no others, to the mind.
(6) 'The Book of Daniel was found in that list of writings, and would
be suggested by that term as belonging to the general collection. That
is, in order to adduce his authority, or to mention a prophecy in that book,
it would be done as readily as a part of the Scriptures, and would be as
well understood, as in quoting a declaration of Moses or Isaiah. This is
apparent (1) from the fact seen above, that Josephus must have regarded
Daniel as having a rank among the prophets ; and (2), mainly, from the
fact that Daniel has always, from the earliest knowledge which we have
of the book, had a place in the canon. The book has never, so far as we
have any knowledge, been placed among the Apocryphal writings. It
was evidently regarded by Josephus, speaking the common sentiment of
his countrymen, as having a place in the canonical writings ; it was cei--
tainly so regarded by the authors of the Talmud, though they assigned
it a place in the third division, or •Kethubim; it is expressly so men
tioned by Jerome, by Melito, Bishop of Sardis (A. D. 170), by Origen, by
the Council of Laodicea (A. D. 300-364), by Cyrill of Jerusalem ^A. D.
350), by Gregory Nazianzen (A. D. 370), by Athanasius of Alexandria
(A. D. 326), and by the author of the Synopsis Scripturfe Sacree, who
lived in the time of Athanasius. See Prof. Stuart on tho Old Testament.
Appendix. From that time onward it is needless to show that the Book
of Daniel has always had a place in the canon of Soripture, and been re-
farded as on a level with the other writings of the sacred volurae.
ndeed, it has never had, so far as we have any historical information,
any other place than that, biit wherever known, and wherever men
tioned, it has always been as a portion of the sacred writings.
(c) It is 'norally certain that it could not have been introduced into
that canon if it was the work of a later age, and if it was not believed, at
the time when the canon of the Old Testament was completed, or when
the books of the Old Testament were collected and arranged, by whom
soever this was done, to have been the genuine work of Daniel. 'This
point has been considered already. The Jews were the most cautious of
all people in regard to their sacred books, and at an early period of theii

XLVIII INXRODUCTK^.
history the contending sects of the Pharisees and Sadducees arose, and
frora the very nature of their opinions, and the vigilance of the one
against the other, it was irapossible that a book could be introduced
into the sacred canon which was not universally regarded as genuine and
authentic. The exact period, indeed, when these sects arose has not
been determined, and cannot now be ; but it is put beyond a doubt that it
was before the time of the Maccabees. Josephus tirst raentions them
(Ant. xiii. 5, 9) under the high-priest Jonathan (B. C. 159-144) ; but hs
mentions them, together with the Essenes, as sects already fully- and
definitely formed. Winer thinks that the spirit of Judaism, soon after
the return from the exile, gave rise to a feeling which led to the forma
tion of the party ofthe Pharisees ; and that this very naturally called forth
an opposition which embodied itself in the party of the Sadducees. In the
time of John Hyrcanus, nephew of Judas Maccabasus, Josephus speaks
of the Pharisees as having such influence with the common people that
" they would be believed even if they uttored anything against the king or
high-priest." 'The Sadducees were always opposed to them; always
watched all their movements, opinions, and aims, with jealousy ; always
contended with them for power, and always embodied in their own ranks
no small part of the learning, the wealth, and the influence of the nation.
The main subject of division between them was one that pertains to the
very point before us. It was not the question about the existence of
angel or spirit, or the question of predestination, as has been sometimes
said, but it was whether the Scriptures are io be regarded as ilie only rule
of faith and practice. The Pharisees insisted on the authority of tra
dition, and claimed that the oral or unwritten law was of equal authority
with the written ; while the Sadducees rejected all traditions and ordi
nances of men not expressly sanctioned by tho Scriptures. So Josephus
says expressly: " Their custora was, to regard nothing except the Laws
[that is, the written Laws — the Old Testament] ; for they reckon it as a
virtue to dispute against the doctors in favor of the wisdom (cai^iai) which
they follow." Ant. xviii. 1, 4. Again, in Ant xviii. 10, 6, he says,
" The Pharisees inculcated many rules upon the people, received from
the fathers, which are not written in the Law of Moses ; and on this
account the seot of the Sadducees reject them, alleging that thoso things
are to be regarded as rules which are written" [in the Scriptures], " but
that the traditions of the fathers are not to be observed."
The rise of these contending sects must, at all events, be referred to a
time which preceded the Maccabees — the time when it is pretended by
objectors that the Book of Daniel was composed. But the moment when
these two parties were formed, the extent of the Jewish Scriptures was,
of course, a matter that was fully and permanently decided. It is im
possible to suppose that the Sadducees would concede to their antagonists
the right to introduce new books into the canon, or that a new book could
be introduced without producing controversy. This would have been
giving up the very point in dispute. No book could be introduced, or
could be recognised as entitied to a place there, which was not acknow
ledged by both parties as having been written by a true prophet, and as
being believed to be divinely inspired. If the Book of Daniel, then,
was the work of that age, and was falsely attributed to the Daniel of the
exile, it is impossible that it could have been introduced into the canon.

INTRODUCTION. XLIX
(d) It may be asked, in addition, why, if the Book of Daniel was
written in the time of the Maccabees, and was then introduced into tho
canon, tlie Book of Ecclesiasticus, and other books of the Apocrypha,
wore not also introduced ? If the book of Daniel was spurious, what was
ti^re that should entitle that to a placo in tho canon which could not have
boon urged in favor of the " Book of Wisdom," or of some of the other
books of the Apocrypha ? Yet these books never found a plaoe in the
canon, and were never reg.arded as belonging to it ; and there was, there
fore, sorae reason why Daniel had a place there whioh could not be
applied to them. The only reason must have been that the Book of
Daniel was regfvrded as the genuine work of the Danici of the exile, and
therefore written by a prophet before the times of inspiration ceased.
(3.) I refer, third, in proof of the genuineness and authenticity of the
Book of Daniol, to the New Testament.
Daniel is expressly mentioned in the Now Testament but onee, and
that is by the Saviour, in Matt. xxiv. 15, and in the parallel passage in
Mark xiii. 14. In the former passage the Saviour says, "when ye,
therefore, shall see the abomination of desolation, spoken of by Daniel
the prophet, stand in the holy plaoe (whoso readeth let him understand),
then let them whioh be in Judea flee into the mountains." In the latter
place — the same passage reported by another writer — " But when ye shall
eee the abomination of desolation spokeu of by Daniel the prophet,
standing where it ought not (let him that readeth understand), then let
them which be in Judea," &o.
These, it must be admitted, are the only places in the New Testament
where Daniel is directly quoted, though it oannot be denied that there
are others which seem to imply that tho book was known, and that it
was intended to be referred to. Comp. the argument in Hengstenberg,
Authentic des Daniel, pp. 273-277. The passages of this nature referred
to by De Wette, J 255, (3), and commonly relied on, aro the following: —
1 Peter i. 10, seq. Compared with Daniel xii. 8, seq.
2 Thess. ii. 3. " " vii. 8, 25.
1 Cor. vi. 2. " " vii. 22.
Hob. xi. 33. " " vi.
In regard to these passages, however, it may be doubted of some of
thom (2 Thess. ii. 3, 1 Cor. vi. 2) whether there is in them any designed
allusion to any prophet of the Old Testament ; and of 1 Pet. i. 10, that
the allusion is so general that it cannot be demonstrated that Peter had
his eye on Daniel rather than on tho other prophets, or that he neces
sarily included Daniel in the nuraber; andof tho other passage (Heb.
xi. 33, (" Stopped the raouths of lions"), that, from anything that appears
in the passage, it oannot be deraonstrated that Paul meant to refer to
Daniel, or, if he did, all that is there implied may have been founded on
a traditionary report of Daniel, and it cannot be adduced as proof that
he meant to refer to the Book of Daniel. It cannot bo denied that thero
is, in somo respects, a very strong reserablance between the Book of
Daniol and the Book of Revelation, and that the Book of Daniel was
familiar to tho author of the Apocalypse, but still, as Daniel is not ex
pressly quoted or referred to, it cannot be demonstrated with certainty
tliat John meant to ro jognise the book as inspired. 'The argument, then,
rests mainly, if not exclusively, on the testimony of the Saviour.
5

U INTRODUCTION.
And hero it is proper to say that, in this country, we may lay out of
view, as not worthy of attention, the remark of De Wette, that " Chrisi
neither would (wollte) nor could [konnte], from the natnre of the case, be
a critical authority." § 255, (3). In this arguraent it must be assuraed,
that if a book of the Old Testament can be shown to have his sanction,
it is to be regarded as belonging to the inspired canon. Or, to state the
proposition in a form whieh cannot, on any account, be regarded as ob
jectionable, the point of inquiry is, to ascertain whether Christ did, or
did not, regard the Book of Daniel as belonging to the canon of the
inspired writings, and as coraing within the class which he, in John
V. 39, and elsewhere calls " the Scriptures."
Now, in regard to this reference to Daniel by the Saviour, considered
as an argument for the genuineness and authenticity of the book, the
following remarks raay be made : —
(a) There is a distinct recognition of Daniel as a historical personage —
as a man. This is plain on the face of the quotation — for he refers to him
as he would to Moses, Isaiah, or Jeremiah. No one can believe that he
regarded Daniel as a fictitious or fabulous personage, or that, in this
respect, he meant to speak of hira as different from the most eminent of
the anoient prophets. Indeed, in all the doubts that have been expressed
about the genuineness of the Book of Daniel, it has never been main
tained that the Lord Jesus did not mean to be understood as referring to
Daniel as a real historioal personage.
(6) He refers to hira as a prophet : " When ye shall see the abomina
tion of desolation, spoken of by Daniel, the prophet" — ^o irpoiph'oii. This
word he uses evidently, in its ordinary signification, as moaning one who
predicted future events, and as entitled to a rank among the true
prophets. It is the very word which Josephus, in a passage quoted above,
employs in relation to Daniel, and is manifestly used in the same sense.
The Saviour assigns him no inferior plaoe among the prophets ; regards
him as having uttered a true prediction, or a prediction which was to be
fulfilled at a period subsequent to the time wheu he was then speaking ;
and refers to him, in this respect, as he would have done to any one of
the ancient inspired writers.
(c) He refers to him as the author of a book, and, by his manner of
speaking of him, and by the quotation whioh he makes, gives his sanction
to some well-known book of which he regarded Daniel as the author.
This, which if true settles the question about the testimony of the
Saviour, is apparent from the following considerations: (1.) From the
very use of the word prophet here. It is evident, on the face of the pas
sage, that he refers to him in the use of this word, not as having spoken
the prediction, but as having recorded it ; that the language is used as it
would have been of any other of the " prophets," or of those who had
this appellation because they had made a record predictin"- future events.
It is clear that the word among the Jews had so far a technical significa
tion, that this would at onco bo suggested on its use. (2) Because he
quotes the language found in the Book of Daniel — ffUXvyita rr,, ipeptMrcus.
This very phrase occurs in the Greek translation, in oh. xii. 11, and a
similar expression — lidiXvypa Tii„ tpEpiiaiav — occurs iu ch. ix. 27- and
¦ another similar expression — 0ii\vyp,i i/ipaawphof — occurs in ch. xi. 31.' Tha
phrase, therefpre, may be regarded as belonging to Daniel] not only by

INTRODUCTION. Ll
the express mention of his name, but by the faot that it does not
elsewhere occur in the sacred Scriptures. (3.) The same thing is
apparent from the parenthetical expression, " Whoso readeth, lei
him understand." The point of this remark is in the word " readeth,"
as referring to some written record. There has been, indeed, muoh
difference of opinion in regard to this phrase, whether it is to be
considered as the command of the Saviour that they who read the words
of Daniel should pay attention to its meaning ; or whether it is the
remark of the evangelist, designed tc call attention to the meaning of
the prophecy, and to the words of the Saviour. In my Notos on the pas
sage in Matt. xxiv. 15, the opinion is expressed that these are the words
of the evangelist. It is proper now to say, that on a more careful con
sideration of that passage this seems to me to be very doubtful ; but
whether correct or not, it would only vary the force of the argument by
making Matthew the speaker instead of the Saviour. It would still be
an inspired testimony that, at the time when Matthew wrote, there was
a book whioh was understood to be the production of Daniel, and that it
was the intention of the evangelist to rank him araong the prophets, and
to call particular attention to what he had written. The interpretation
of the parenthesis, it must be admitted, however, is so uncertain that no
argument can be founded on it to denonstrate that Christ meant to call
attention to the words of Daniel ; but the passage does prove that such
words to be "read" were found in the book, and that in order to
determine their exact sense there was need of close attention. Olshausen
agrees with the interpretation of the parenthesis expressed in my Notes
on Matthew, regarding it as the declaration of the evangelist. The older
expositors generally regard the parenthesis as the words of the Saviour ;
more recent ones generally as the words of the' evangelist. The former
opinion is defended by Hengstenberg. Authen. pp. 259, 260.
Whichever interpretation is adopted, it seems clear, from the above
remarks, that the Saviour raeant to refer to Daniel as a real historical
personage, and to a well-known book bearing his name, as a genuine pro
duction of the Daniel of the exile. If so, then the testimony of Christ ia
expressly in fiivor of its canonical authority.
(4.) 1 refer, fourth, in proof of the genuineness and authenticity ofthe
book, or in proof that it was written by the Daniel of the captivity, to the
fact that it hud an existence before the times of the Maccabees, and was re
ferred to then as among the books having a divine authority. This might,
indeed, be regarded .as already demonstrated, if it had a place in the Canon
of Scripture, as I have endeavoured to show that it had ; but there is other
proof of this that will go further to confirm the point. It will be recol
lected that one of the main positions of those who deny its genuineness
is, that it was written in the time of the Maccabees by some one who
assumed the name of Daniel. The point now to be made out is, that
there is direct evidenoe that it had an existence before that time. In
proof of this, I refer,
(a) To the testiraony of Josephus. His statement is found in kis " Anti
quities," b. xi. ch. viii., in the account which he gives of the interview
between Alexander and the high-priest Jaddua, iu Jerusalem : " Ana
when he went up into the temple, he offered sacrifices to God, according
1* the high-priest's direction ; and magnificently treated both the high-

LII INTRODUCTION..
priest and the priests. And when the Book of Daniel was shown t«
him, wherein Daniel declared that one of the Greeks should destroy the
empire of the Persians, he supposed that himself was _ the person
intended. And as he was then glad, he dismissed the multitude for the
present; but the next day he called them to him, and bade thera ask
what favors they pleased of him." The genuineness of this narrative
has been examined at length by Hengstenberg, Authen. pp. 277-288.
In reference to that testimony, the following remarks may be made: —
(1.) The authority of Josephus is entitled to great credit, and his testi
mony may be regarded as good proof of a historical faot. (2.) There is
here express mention of " the Book of Daniel," as a book existing in the
time of Alexander, and as shown to him, in whioh he was so manifestly
referred to that he at once recognised the allusion. The passages re
ferred to are the following: oh. vii. 6, viii. 3-8, 21, 22, xi. 3, 4. For the
evidence that these passages relate to Alexander, the reader is referred
to the Notes on them respectively. .It is clear that if they wore read to
Alexander, and if he regarded them as applying to himself, he could not
doubt that his victory over the Persians would be certain. (3.) There is
evory probability in the circumstances of the case, that, if the Jewish
high-priest was in possession of the Book of Daniel at that time, with so
clear a reference to a Grecian conqueror, he would show those passages
to him, for nothing would be more likely to appease his wrath, and to
obtain protection for the Jews in Jerusalem, and ibr those who were
scattered in the lands where it was manifest that he purposed to extend
his conquests. And (4.) it may be presumed that, as a consequence of
this, Alexander would grant to the Jews all that Josephus says, that he
did. The best way of accounting for the favor whioh Josephus says he did
show to the Jews, is the'fact which he states, that these predictions were
read to him announcing his success in his projected wars. Thus
Josephus says, as a consequence of these predictions being shown to him
(Ant., utsupra), " And as he was then glad, he dismissed the multitude for
the present ; but the next day he called them to hira, and bade them ask
what favors they'pleased of him. Accordingly the high-priest desired
that they might enjoy the laws of their forefathers, and might pay no
tribute the seventh year. This was readily granted. And when they
entreated that, he would permit the Jews in Babylon and Media to enjoy
their own laws also, he willingly promised to do hereafter what they
desired. And when ho said to the multitude, that if any of them would
enlist themselves in his army, on the oondition that they should continue
under tho laws of their forefathers, and live according to them, he was
willing to take them with him, many were ready to accompany him in
his wars."
There is intrinsic probability that this aecount in Josephus is true, and
the main historical facts, as stated by Josephus, are vouched for by other
writers. " 'That Alexander was personally in Judea, Pliny testifies. Hist.
Nat. xii. 26. That Palestine voluntarily surrendered to him, is testified
in Arrian's History of Alexander, ii. 25. That he was met bythe high-
priest and his brethren dressed iu turb.ans, is testified by Justin (xi. 10),'
who says: Obvios cum infulis multus orientis regis habuit." Seo
Stuart on Daniel, p. 408.
There is, therefore, the highest degree of probability that thii

INTRODUCTION. Mil
narrative of Josephus is true ; and if this is a correct historioal
narrative, then it is clear that the Book of Daniel, containing, in respect
to the conquests of Alexander, the same passages that are now applied
to him, was in existence long before the time of the Maccabees. This
occurred in 332 B. C, and if this account is correct, then " the Book of
Daniel, as it now exists, was current aniong tho Jews as a sacred book,
at least .some 168-170 years before the time when, according to the critics
of the sceptical school, the book could be written."
(6) The same thing may be inferred from a passage in tho Apocrypha.
In 1 Maccabees ii. 49-68, the dying Mattathias is said, in an exhortation to
his sons to be " zealous for the law, and to give their lives for the covenant
of their fathers," to have referred to the ancient examples of piety and
fortitude ainong the Hebrews, mentioning, among others, Abraham,
'' found faithful in temptation ;" Joseph, who " in a time of distress kept
the commandments, and was made lord of Egypt ;" Joshua, who " for
fulfilling the word was made a judge in Israel ;" Caleb, who for " bearing
witness before the congregation received the heritage of the land ;" David,
Elias, Ananias, Azarias, and Misael, and then (ver. 60) he mentions
Daniel in these words : " Daniel for his innocency was delivered from the
mouth of lions." Here is an evident reference to the history of Daniel
as we have it (ch. vi.) ; and although it is true that suoh an account
might be handed down by tradition, and that such a reference as this
might be made if there were nothing more than mere tradition, yot it
is also true that this is such a reference as would be made if the book
were in existence then as it is now, and true also that the other references
are, mostly at least, to written accounts of the worthies who are there
mentioned. If there were no positive evidence to the contrary, the
prima facie proof in this quotation would be, that Mattathias referred to
some well-known written record of Daniel.
(c) The faot of the existence of the book before the time of the Mac
cabees may be inferred from its translation by the authors of the
Septuagint. The fact that the book was translated with the other He
brew and Chaldee books of the Old Testament, is a proof th<at it had an
existence at an early period, and that it was worthy, in the estimation of
the translators, ofa place among the sacred books ofthe Jews.
(5.) I refer, fifth, in proof of the genuineness and authenticity of the
book, to the language in whioh it is written. We have already seen that
it is written partly in Hebrew, and partly in Chaldee. The argument
to which I refer, from this fact, in proof of the genuineness of the book,
consists of the following things : —
(a) The language is such as it might be expected it would be on the
supposition that Daniel was the real author. Daniel was by birth a
Hebrew. He was probably born in Jerusalem, and remained there until
he was about twelve or fifteen years of age (see ? 1), when he w&s re
moved to Babylon. In his youth, tl erefore, he had used the Hebrew
language, and his early education had been in that language. In Baby
lon he was instructed in the language and literature of the Chaldeans,
and probably became as farailiar with the language of the Chaldeans
as he was with his native tongue. Both these languages ho un
doubtedly spoke familiarly, and probably used them with the same
degree of ease. That the book, therefore, is written in both these
5*

LIV INTRODUCTION.
languages, accords with this representation; and, if written by one
man, it must have been composed by one who was thus familiar with
both. It is true that the fact that Daniel could thus speak the two
languages is in itself no proof that he was the author ; but the fact that ill
was so written accords with the circumstances of the case. His early
training, and the fact that the book is written in the two languages with
whioh it is known he was familiar, furnish a coincidence such as would
occur on the supposition that he was the author ; and a coincidence, Uke
those adverted to by Dr. Paley, in his arguraent in favor of the genuine
ness of the New Testament (Horie Paulinsej, the raore valuable because
it is clear that it was undesigned.
But why the book was written in two languages, is a question that is
not so easily solved, and which it is not necessary to solve. No reason
is given in the book itself; none appears from anything in the design of
the portions written respectively in Hebrew and CuaiUee. 'There is
nothing apparent in these portions of the book whioh would lead us to
suppose that one was designed to be read by the Hebrews and the other
by the Chaldeans, or that, as it is often affirmed (comp. Home, Introduc
tion, vol. iv. p. 193) that one portion " treats of the Chaldean or Baby
lonish affairs." There is no particular " treatment" of the Chaldean or
Babylopish affairs, for example, in the seventh chapter, where the
Chaldean portion ends, any more than in the eighth, where the Hebrew
is resumed, and, in fact, no internal reason can be assigned why one of
those chapters should have been written in Chaldee or Hebrew rather
than the other or both. The same remark is applicable to the first and
seoond chapters, and indeed to every portion of the book ; and the reason
which induced the author to write different portions of it in different
languages must be for ever unknown. This does not, however, affect the
force of the arguraent which I am suggesting.
(6) The circumstance now adverted to may be regarded as of some
force in showing that it is not probable that the book was forged, and
especially that it was not forged in the time of the Maccabees. It is an
unusual thing for a man to attempt to forge a book in two languages;
and though cases have occurred in groat numbers where a man could so
familiarly write in two languages that he could do this, yet this would
not be likely to occur in the time of the Maccabees. It was probably a
very uncommon thing at that time that a man was so familiar with the
two languages that he could write readily in eaoh, for there are no
writings extant in either of these languages in that age; and it is well
known that the Hebrew language became greatly adulterated by foreign
admixtures soon after the return from the exile, and never regained the
purity whioh it had in the early periods of its history.
(c) To these considerations it may be added, that if the book was
written in the times of the Maccabees, or at a later period, there is every
reason to suppose that it would have been written in the Greek language.
'This appears from the faot that all the books which we have of that age
aro written in Greek, and that the Greek at that time had become so pre-
falent that it would be natural that it should be used. 'Thus all the
books of the Apocrypha, and those parts which profess to be additions
to the Book of Daniel, as the Song ot the Three Holy Children, the His
tory of Susanna, and the Destruction of Bel and the Dragon, are found

INTRODUCTION. LV
only in Greek, and there is no evidence that they were ever written in
Hebrew or Chaldee. See § 4 of this Introduction. If the Book of
Daniel itself was written in that age, why was not it also written in
Greek ? Or why should the book, as we have it now, if it were a forged
book, have been written in Hebrew and Chaldee, and those other portions,
which the author seems to have designed should be regarded as belonging
to the book, have been written in Greek ? There are none of the books
of the Apocrypha of which there is any evidence that they were written
in Hebrew or -Chaldee, The only one of those books for which such
a claim has been set up is the Book pf Ecclesiasticus. That is affirmed by
the Son of Siraoh (see the Prologue), to have been written originally by
his grandfalher in Hebrew, and to have been translated by himself into
Greek. But the Hebrew original is not in existence ; nor is there any
reertain evidence that it ever was. It is an additional circumstance,
showing that a book of the Macoabaean ago would have been written in
Greek, that even Berosus, who was himself a Chaldean, wrote his history
of Chaldea in Greek. See Intro, to ch. iv. § 1.
To all these considerations, which seem to me of themselves to settle
the question, I may be perraitted to add a very ingenious arguraent
of Prof. Stuart, in his own words ; an argument which, I thiuk, no one
can answer. Com. on Daniel, pp. 438-449.
" The accurate knowledge, which the writer of the Book of Daniel
displays, of ancient history, manners and customs, and Oriental-Baby
lonish peculiarities, shows that he must have lived at or near the time
and plaoe, when and where the book leads us to suppose that he lived.
" A great variety of particulars might be adduced to illustrate and
confirm this proposition ; but I aim only to introduce the leading and
more striking ones.
" (a) In drawing the character of Nebuchadnezzar, and giving some
brighter spots to it, Daniel agrees with hints of the like nature in Jer.
xlii. 12, xxxix. 11. If a writer in the Macoabaean age had undertaken, as
is asserted, to symbolize Antiochus Epiphanes by drawing the character
of Nebuchadnezzar, it would be difficult to conceive how he would have
been persuaded to throw into the picture these mellower tints.
" (6) In drawing the portrait of Belshazzar, the last king of Babylon,
Daniel agrees very strikingly with Xenophon. In this latter writer, he
appears as a debauched, pleasure-loving, cruel, and impious monarch.
Cyrop. iv. v. represents 'him as killing the son of Gobryas, one of his
nobles, because he had anticipated him, while hunting, in striking down
the game. When the father remonstrated, he replied, that he was sorry
only that he had not killed him also. In Lib. v. 2, he is styled haughty
and abusive. One of his concubines spoke in praise of Gadates, a
courtier, as a handsome man. The king invited him to a banquet, and
there caused him to be seized and unmanned. It is all in keeping with
this, when he appears in Daniel v. In his intoxication and pride, he
orders the sacred vessels of the Jerusalem-teraple to be profaned ; and
Daniel is so d.s^usted with his behaviour, that he does not, as in the case
of Nebuchadnezzar (chap, iv.), disclose any strong sympathy for him, but
denounces unqualified destruction. Xenophon calls this king, av6aios.
" (c) Cyaxares (Darius the Mede in Dan.) is drawn by Xenophon as
devoted to wine and women (Cyrop. iv.). In Dan. vi. 19, it is mentioned

LVI INTRODUCTION.
of Darius, as an extraordinary thing, that after he saw the supposed rum
of Daniel, he neither approached his table or his harem. Xenophon
speaks of him as indolent, averse to business, of small understanding,
vain, without self-restraint, and easily thrown into tears ; and then,
moreover, as subject to violent outbursts of passion (iv. v.). In Daniel
he appears as wholly governed by his courtiers ; they flatter his vanity
and obtain the decree intended to destroy Daniel. Daniel's supposed
impending fate throws him into lamentation, and he betakes himself to
fasting and vigils ; and when he learns the safety of his Hebrew servant,
he sentences his accusers, with all Vieir wives and children, to be thrown
into the lions' den, vi. 18-24. f
" Now as there was no history of these times and kings among tho
Hebrews, and none among the Greeks that gave any minute particulars,
in what way did a late writer of the Book of Daniel obtain his know
ledge ?
" (d) When in Dan. i. 21, it is stated that Daniel continued until the
first year of Cyrus, without any specification when this was, the writer
seems plainly to suppose his readers to be familiar with this period. It
is true, that from the Book of Ezra a knowledge of that time, the period
of Jewish liberation, raight be gai.ned ; but the familiar manner of the
reference to it, indicates that the writer feels himself to be addressing
those who were cognizant of matters pertaining to the period.
" (e) In ch. i. and ii. we are told that king Nebuchadnezzar besieged
Jerus.alem, took it, and sent Daniel and his companions to Babylon.
There they were taken under the oare and instruction of learned men
among the Chaldees, and trained up for the personal service of the king.
The period of training was three years. At the close of this, they wero
examined and approved by the king ; and soon after this occurred
Nebuchadnezzar's first dream, which Daniel was suraraoned to interpret.
This dream is said to be in the second year of Nebuchadnezzar's reign.
Here then is an apparent parachronism. How could Daniel have been
taken and sent into exile by king Nebuchadnezzar, educated three years,
and then be called to interpret a dream in the second year of Nebuchad
nezzar's reign ? The solution of this difficulty I have already exhibited
in an Exc. at the end ofthe comraentary on ch. i. I need not repeat the
process here. It amounts simply to this, viz., that Nebuchadnezzar is
called king in Dan. i. 1, by way of anticipation ; a usage followed by
Kings, Chron., and Jeremiah. Before he quitted Judea he became
actual king by the death of his father ; and the Jews, in speaking of him
as commanding the invading army, always called him king. But in
Dan. ii. 1, Nebuchadnezzar is spoken of in the Chaldee mode of reference
to his actual reign. This leaves some /m<r years for Daniel's discipline
and service. But to those who were not familiar with the Jewish mode
of speaking in respect to Nebuchadnezzar, it would naturally and
inevitably appear like a parachronism, or even a downright contradiction
of dates. 'Xet the writer has not a word of explanation to make. He
evidently^ feels as if all were plain to his readers ; (as doubtless it was).
But a writer of the Maccabaoan age would plainly havo seen and avoided
the difficulty.
" (jf) I'l Dan. V. 30, it is stated that Belshazzar was slain ; but not a
word is said descriptive of the manner in which this was brought aboul;

INTRODUCTION. LVII
nor even that the city of Babylon was taken. The next verse simply
mentions that Darius the Mede took the kingdom. All this brevity seema
to imply, that the writer supposed those whora he was addressing to be
cognizant of the whole raatter. Had he lived in the Maccabean .age,
would he have written thus . respecting events so interesting and im-
Dortant? — In like raanner Dan. x. 1, seq. tells us, that in the third year
of Cyrus, Daniol raourned and fasted three weeks. But not a word is
said to explain the occasion of this peculiar and extraordinary humili
ation. If we turn now to Ezra iv. 1-5, we shall find an account of a
combination among the enemies of the Jews to hinder the building of
the city walls, which was successful, and which took place in the third
year of Cyrus' reign, i. e. the same year with Daniel's mourning. There
can scarcely be a doubt that this was the occasion of that mourning ; for
certainly it was no ritual, legal, or ordinary fast. The manner now in
which ch. X. is written, plainly imports that the writer feels no need of
giving explanations. He takes it for granted that his readers will at
once perceive the whole extent of the raatter. But how, in the Macoa
baean age, could a writer suppose this knowledge within the grasp of
his readers?
" {g) In Dan. ii., the dream is interpreted as indicating the destruction
of the Babylonish empire by the Medo-Persians. Abydenus, in his
singular account of Nebuchadnezzar's last hours (given on p. 122 above),
represents this king as rapt into a kind of prophetic ecstasy, and in this
state as declaring his fearful anticipations of the Medo-Persian conquest.
How came such a coincidence ?
" {h) In iv. 27, Nebuchadnezzar is introduced as saying: " Is not this
great Babylon which I have built ? Recent critics allege this to be a
mistake. ' Ctesias,' they tell us, ' attributes the building of Babylon to
Semiramis (B'ahr Ctes. p. 397, seq.), and Herodotus (i. 181, seq.) ascribes
it to Semiramis and Nitooris.' — My answer is, that Ctesias follows the
Assyrian tradition, and Herodotus the Persian. But Berosus and Aby
denus give us the Babylonian account ; whioh is, that .Nebuchadnezzar
added much to the old town, built a magnificent royal palace, surrounded
the city with new walls, and adorned it with a vast number of buildings.
Well and truly might he say that he had built it, meaning (as he plainly
did) its magnificent structures. It was not any falsehood in his declara
tion, which was visited with speedy chastisement, but the pride and vain
glory of his boasting gave offence to heaven. But how came a writer of
the Macoabaean period to know of all this matter ? . No Greek writer has
told anything about Nebuchadnezzar or his .doings. To Berosus and
Abydenus, a writer of the Maccabaean age could hardly have had access.
Herodotus and Ctesias told another and different story. Whence then
did he get bis knowledge of the part which Nebuchadnezzar had acted,
in the building of the city ? And yet the account of it in Daniel accords
entirely with both Berosus and Abydenus. Even the account of Nebu
chadnezzar's madness is virtually, adverted to in these writers ; see above,
p. 122, seq.
" (i) In Dan. v. 10-12, is introduced a personage styled the queen,
not because she was Belshazzar's wife, for the latter was already in the
banqueting-room (v. 3, 23), but probably- because she was a qunen-
mother. Not improbably tbis was the Nitooris of Herodotus ; and Berosus,

LVm INTRODUCTION.
Diod. Sic. (ii, 10), and Alex. Polyhist. (in Chron. Armen.), all say tiia»
Nitooris was a wife of Nebuchadnezzar. If so, she might have had muoh
to do with ornameuting the city both before and after Nebuchadnezzar's
death ; and this will account for the great deference paid to her by Bel
shazzar, as related in v. 10-12. It is one of those accidental circum
stances, which speaks much for the accordance of Daniel with the
narrations of history. It is, moreover, a circurastance, about whicii a
writer of the Maccabaean age cannot well be supposed to have known
anything. "And since we are now examining ch. v., it maybe proper to note
another circumstance. We have seen, that at Babylon the vrives and
concubines of the king were, without any scruple, preseut at the feast
But in Esth. i. we have an account of the positive refusal of Queen Vashti
to enter the guest-chamber of Ahasuerus. In other words, this was, and
is, aga ust the general custom of the East. How came a writi r of the
Maccabaean period to know this distinction between the customs of
Babylon and of Persia ? The author of the Sept. Version, a contemporary
of this period, knows so little of suoh a matter that he even leaves out the
passage respecting the presence of women at the feast. Why ? Plainly
because he thought this raatter would be deeraed incredible by his readers.
In Xen. Cyrop. (V. 2. 28), is an account of a feast of Belshazzar, where
his concubines are represented as being present. Not only so, but we
havo elsewhere, in Greek and Roman writers, abundant testiraony to
usages of this kind, in their aecounts of the Babylonish excesses. But
how oomes it about, that the forger of the Book of Daniel, whose fami
liarity with those writings is not credible, should know so muoh more of
Babylonish customs than the Sept. translator ?
" {j) Of the manner in which BiAbylon was taken, and Belshazzar slain,
Daniel has not given us any minute particulars. But he has told us that
the Medes and Persians acquired the dominion of Babylon (v. 28), and
that Darius tlie Mede succeeded Belshazzar. The manner in which he
announces the -slaying of Belshazzar (v. 30), shows that the event was
altogether sudden and unexpected. Now Herodotus in (I. 190), and
Xenophon (Cyrop. VII.), have told us, that Cyrus diverted the waters of
the Euphrates, and marched in its channel into the heart of Babylon,
and took the city in a single night. 'They toll us that the Babylonians
were in the midst of feastJ-rioting that night, and were unprepared to
meet the enemy who were not expected in the city. How entirely all
this harmonizes with Daniel, is quite plain. Gesenius hiraself acknow
ledges that this is sehr auffallend, i. e. very striking. He has even
acknowledged, in a raoment of more than usual candor and concession,
that Isa. xliv. 27, has a definite reference to the stratagem of Cyrus in
taking the city. In conneotion with a prediction concerning Cyrus,
Jehovah is here represented as " saying to the deep. Be dry ; yea, 1 will
dry up thy rivers." So in Jer. 1. 38, " A drought is upon her waters, and
they shall be dried up ;" and again, li. 36, " I will dry up her sea [river],
and make her springs dry." If the Book of Daniel is to be cast out as a
late production, and as spurious, because it seeras to predict the sudden
capture of Babylon in one night, by the Medes and Persians, what is to
De done with these passages of Isa. and Jer. ? Even the Neologlsts,
although they maintain a later composition in respect to those parts of

INTRODUCTION. LIX
the prophets which have just been cited, still do not venture to place that
lompositinn post eventum. If not, then there is prediction ; and this, too,
of a strange event, and one so minute and specific, that guessing is out of
question. If, then, Isa. and Jer. predicted, why might not a Daniel also
,predict f
" Another circumstance there is also, in which all three'of these pro
phets are agreed. According to Dan. vi., Babylon was feasting and
carousing, on the night of its capture. In Isa. xxi. 5, we have the like :
' Prepare the table . . . Eat, drink ; arise, ye princes, and anoint the
shield,' i. e rise up from your feast-table, and make ready for assault.
So Jer. li. 39, ' I will prepare their feasts, and I will make them drunken,
that they may rejoice, and sleep a perpetual sleep, and not wake, saith
the Lord.'
" If now a writer of the Maccaba<ean period had undertaken to write
the story of the capture of Babylon, is there any probability that he
would have hit upon all these circumstances, so peculiar and so con
cordant ? Conversant with the native Greek historians we cannot well
suppose hira to have been ; for Greek literature was regarded as reproach
ful by the Jews of that period, and even down to the time of Josephus,
who speaks strongly on this subjeot.
" {k) Daniel v. 30, relates the violent death of Belshazzar, when the city
was taken. In this particular he is vouched for by Xenophon, Cyrop.
VII. V. 24, 30. So do Isa. xxi. 2-9, xiv. 18-20 ; Jer. 1. 29-35, li. 57,
declare the same thing. But here Berosus and Abydenus dissent, both
of them representing the Babylonish king as surrendering, and as being
treated humanely by Cyrus. How comes it, if the forger of the Book of
Daniel wrote about B. C. 160, that he did not consult those authors on
Babylonish affairs? Or if (as was surely the faot in regard to most
Jewish writers at that period), he had no familiarity with Greek authors,
then where did he obtain his views about the death of Belshazzar? For
a full discussion of this matter, see p. 147, seq., above. There can
scarcely be a doubt, that the account of Daniel and Xenophon is the
true one.
" Xenophon relates, that the party which assailed the palace, who were
led on by Gobryas and Gadatas, fell upon the guards who were carous
ing, itpif <^s '""Xli, i. e. at broad daylight;* Cyro. VII. 5. 27. In other
words, the Persians did not accomplish their onset upon the palace, until
the night was far spent, and daylight was dawning. How now are
matters presented in the Book of Daniel. First, there is the feast, (of
course in the evening) ; then the quaffing of wine ; then the hand-writing
on the wall ; then the assembling of all the Magi to interpret it ; then the
introduction of Daniel, whose interpretation was followed by his being
clothed with the insignia of nobility, and being proclaimed the third ruler
in the kingdom. All this must of course have taken up most of the night.
Here, then, one writer confirms and illustrates the other. A Pseudo-
Daniel would not have risked such a statement as the true one has
made ; for at first view, the matter seems incredible, and it is charged
" f Singular, that in a critical edition and commentary on Xenophon, now hefore me, this ia
rendered bi^ort a goad Jlre. First, the Greek words do not allow this. Secondly, the Baby
lonians need and have no fires for warmth. Thirdly, Cyrus would not have drained tho
Euphrates, and marched liis army in its cha'anel, at a time when fires were needed fo/
frarmtb.

tx INTEODUCTION.
upon the book as such. But Xenophon has freed il from iJL diffi.
culties. " Dan. vi. also declares, that Belshazzar was a son, i. e. a descendant
of Nebuchadnezzar. An appeal is made to Berosus and Megasthenes, to
show that this was not true. Yet they do not so testify, but only that
Belshazzar was not of ihe regular line of heirs of the throne. He
might still have been a younger son of Nebuchadnezzar, or a son of
Nebuchadnezzar's daughter. Now Herodotus agrees with Daniel, i. 188,
i. 74. So does Xenophon. And as the othfir authors have not in reality
contradicted this, what reason is there for refusing to believe ? See the .
discussion of this topic at large, p. 144, seq.
" It certainly deserves to be noted, that, in part, the Book of Daniel is
on the side of the Greek writers, and against Berosus and Abydenus,
where the representations of the latter may be justly regarded as
designed to save the honor and credit of the Babylonians ; in part also
is Daniel on the side of the latter, and against the Greek writers,
i. e., in cases where there is no reason to suppose the native historians
to be partial. 'The media via appears in tnis case to be hit upon, by
the simple pursuit of historioal truth in the narratives of the book
before us.
" Again, in Dan. v. 31, we have an assurance, that Darius the Mede
assumed the throne of Babylon. Here Herodotus and Ctesias are
silent ; but here Xenophon fully confirms the account given by Daniel.
Herodotus himself states (i. 95), that there were two other modes of
telling the story of Cyrus, besides that whioh he follows ; and that of
Xenophon and Daniel is probably one of these. This is confirmed by
Is. xiii. 17, where the Mede is declared to be the leading nation in
destroying Babylon, and the same is also said in Jer. liii. 11, 28. In
Is. xxi. 2, both Media and Persia are mentioned. The silence of Hero
dotus and Ctesias can not disprove a matter of this kind. See a full dis
cussion of the topic, p. 148, seq,
"Dan. vi. 1 states, that Darius set over his kingdom 120 satraps.
Xenophon (Cyrop. VIII. 6, 1 seq.) relates, that satraps were set over all
the conquered nations, when Cyrus was in Babylon. He speaks of the
appointments as made by Cyrus ; and doubtless they were, since he was
the only acting governor of B,ab\lon, and vice-gerent of the king. No
less true is it, that to Darius also, as supreme, may the appointment be
attributed. How came the alleged toe writer of Daniel to know this?
Xenophon mentions no express number. The Book of Esther (i, 1) raen
tions 127 satraps. Why did not our late writer copy that number in order
to remove suspicion as to so great a number of those high officers ? And
how is it that 120 in Daniel is objected to as an incredible number, when
the empire was actually as large at the time of their appointment, as it
was in the time of Xerxes, as exhibited in Esth. i. 1? The Septuagint
translator of Daniel, who belonged to the Maccabaean age, did not venture
to write 120, as it seems, but 127 (so in Cod. Chis.), thus according with
Esth. i. 1, and leaning upon that passage. He seems evidently to have
felt that the story of so many satrapies must be supported by the Book
of Esther, in order to be believed. He even, in his ignorance of history,
translates v. 31 thus : ' And Artaxerxes, the Mede, took the kingdom,'
frobably lueaning the Persian Artaxerxes Longimanus.

INTRODUCTION. 1X1
" (?) It is worthy of remark, that the order of the two nations, Medel
and Persians, is to be found in strict accordance with the idiom of tho
times. Thus in vi. 8, 12, 15, we have the Medes and Persians; but after
Oyrus comes to the throne, the order is invariably Persians and Merles
So in the Book of Esther, ihe law of the Persians and Medes shows the
same change of usus loquendi. Would a Pseudo-Daniel have been likely
to note such a small circumstance ?
"It is also noted (Dan. v. 31), that when Darius took the kingdom, ho
was threescore and two years old. From his history, his reign, and his
descent from Ahasuerus (ix. 1), this seems altogether probable. But no
other author states his age. The fact that it is done in Daniel, betokens
a familiarity of the writer with the minutice of his history. So does the
mention, that in tho first year of his reign, Daniel took int<5 most serious
consideration the prophecy of Jeremiah, respecting the seventy years'
exile of the Hebrews.
"Thus far, then, all is well. All seems to be in conformity with true
history, so far as we can ascertain it. It is not upon one or two particu
lars that we would lay stress. We acknowledge that these might have
been traditionally known, and accurately reported. It is on the tout ert-
semble of the historical matters contained in the book, that stress is to be
laid. And certainly it would be very singular, if all these circumstances
should be true and consistent, and yet the book be written in the Mac
cabaean period.
" How is it with the best historical books of that period ? The first
Book of tho Maccabees is, in the main, a trustworthy and veracious
book. But how. easy it is to detect errors in it, both in respect to
geography and history ! ¦ In vii. 7 it is related that the Romans took
Antiochus the Great prisoner alive. But this never happened. They
gained a great victory over him, and took away many of his provinces ;
but he himself escaped their grasp. In vii. 8 it is said, that they took
from him the land of India, Media, and Lydia. But neither India
nor Media ever belonged to him. The efforts to show that Mysia was
originally written instead of Media, are of course but mere guesses;
and if true, India still remains. More likely is it that the author him
self put Media for Mysia, and if so, then this does not mend the matter.
In vii. 9, 10, it is related, that 'the Greeks resolved to send an army to
Rome and destroy it; but that the Romans learning this, sent forth an
army, who slew many, carried away numerous captives of their women
and children, laid hold of their strong places, and took possession of
their lands, and reduced the people of Syria to servitude vnto this day.'
Now nothing of all this ever happened. There was indeed a fracas
between the Aetolians and the Romans at that period; but it was soon
made up, without any ravages of war, or any servitude. Further, tho
author, in vii. 15, represents the Roman Senate as consisting of 320
members, continually administering the governraent. He 'goes on to
state (v. 16), that they choose a ruler annually, and that all obey this
one. Every tyro in Roraan history knows how unfounded all this
is. And what shall we say of the very flrst sentence in the book,
which tells us, that Alexander, the son of Philip, smote Darius, king of
the Persians and Medes, and then reigned in his stead over Greece?
In i. 6, he states that the same Alexander, about to die, made a partition
6

tXn INTRODUCTION.
of his empire among his chiefs — a thing that took place some consider
able time afterwards, partly by mutual agreement, and partiy by force.
In vi. 1 he makes Elymais_,a town instead of a province.
" Such ar.j some of the specimens of this writer's errors in geography
and history. That he was a grave, enlightened, .and veracious writer,
in the main, is conceded by all. But if in things so plain, and transao-
lions so reoent, he commits so many errors as have been specified,
what would he have done, if the scene had been shifted from near coun
tries to the remote places where the Book of Daniel finds its circle of
action ?
" As to the second Book of the Maccabees, it is so notorious for errors
and raistakes, that very little credit has been attached to it, on the part
of intelligent critics. It is not onoe to be naraed, in coraparison with
the Book of Daniel. It must have been written, when a knowledge of
historical events was confused, and at a very low ebb. The Book of
Tobit, which originated in or near the Maccabaean period, exhibits not
only a romantic, and, as it weri^ fairy tale, but contains historical and
geographical difficulties incapable of solution ; also physical phenomena
are brought to view, which are incredible. It is needless to specificate
them here. De Wette's Einleit. presents them, § 309.
" We have dwelt hitherto, under our 5th head, mainly on things of a
historical nature, i. o. events and occurrences. Let us now examine a
nuraber of things that are of a miscellaneous nature, which it would be
somewhat difficult if not useless to classify throughout, but most of which
are connected with manners, custoras, demeanor, etc.
" (m) Daniel makes no mention in his book of prostration before the
king, in addressing him. O king, live for ever! was the usual greeting.
Arrian (iv.) testifies, that the story in the East was, that Cyrus was the
first before whom prostration was practised. It is easy to see how this
came about. With the Persians, the king was regarded as the represen
tative of Ormusd, and therefore entitled to adoration. Nebuchadnezzar
was high enough in claims to subraission and honour ; but not a word of
exacting adoration from those who addressed him. How could a Pseudo-
Daniel know of this nice distinction, when all the Oriental sovereigns of
whom he had any knowledge had, at least for four centuries, exacted
prostr.ation from all who approached them ?
" (n) In mere prose (Dan. i. 2), Babylon is called by the old name,
Shinar (Gen. xi. 2, xiv. 1); and as an old name, it is poetically used
onco by Isaiah (xi. 11), and once by Zechariah (v. 11). Now Shinar
was the vernacular name of what foreigners call Babylonia ; and it was
easy and natural for Daniel to call it so. But how or why came a Pseudo-
Daniel to such a use of the word ? Babylon he would naturally, and
almost with certainty, call it.
" (o) Dan. i. 5 tells us that the Hebrew lads were to be fed from the
king's table. Such a custom, even in respect to royal prisoners, Jer.
lii. 33, 34, discloses. Among the Persians this was notorious, and ex
tended to the whole corps d' elites of the soldiery. Ctesias tells us, that
the king of Persia daily fed 15,000 men. How came the late writer of
Daniel to be acquainted with a minute circumstance of the nature of that
before us?
" (p) Daniel and his companions receive Chaldee r ames, some of which

INTRODUCTION. LXIIt
are corapounded of the naraes of thoir false gods. In 2 Kings ixiv. 17,
Nebuchadnezzar is reported to have changed the name of king Mattanlah
into Zedekiah. IIow did the late forger of tho book come by the notion
of assigning to his Hebrew heroes the names of idol-gods ? 1'he rigorous
attaohniont to all that was Jewish, and the hearty liatrod of heathenisra
by all the pious in tho time of tho Mac<;aboos, makes it difficult to ao
count for his course.
" (o) In Dan. ii. 1, tho Babylonish mjdo of reckoning time is intro
duced, viz., the second year of Nebuchadnezzar. Whero else, unless in
Ezok. i. 1, is this employed? Iiow came the late interpolator of the
sacred books to betake himself to this mode of reckoning ; and especially
since it apparently contradicts i. 1, v. 18? Seo the solution of tlie diffi
culty, in Exe. I. p, 19, seq.
" (?•) In J}an. u. 5, iii. ii9, one part of the threatened punishment is,
that tho houses of the transgressors should bo turned into a dung-hill, or
rather a morass-heap. Horo an intimate acquaintance with the Baby
lonish mode of building is developed. The houses were mostly coi-
structed of sun-baked bricks, or with those slightly burned ; and when
once demolished, the rain and dow would soon dissolve the whole msiss,
and make them sink down, in that wot land near the river, into a miry
place of clay, whenever tho weather was wot.
" (s) In Dan. iii. 1, tho plain ol' Dura is mentioned; a name found no-
whore olso, yet mentioned hare as a place familiar lo the original readers
of the book, in.ismuch as no explanation ia added. Whence did the
rscxido-Daniel derive this name?
" (<) In Dan. ii. 5, and iii. 0, we flnd the punishment of hewing to
pieces and burning in ovens mentioned. Testimony to snch modes of
punishmont may be found in Ezek. xvi. 40, xxiii. 25, and Jer. xxix. 22.
But such a mode of punishment oonld not exist among the Persians, who
vroro fire worshippers ; and accordingly in chap. vi. wo find casting into a
den of liona as substituted for it.
" (n) In Dan. iii. we find not only a huge idol (in keeping with tho
Babylonish taste), but also a great variety of musical instruments em
ployed at tho dedication of it. Quintus Curtius has told us, tiiat when
Alexander tho Great entered Babylon, ' there were in the procession
singing Magi . . . and artists playing on stringed instruments of a pecu
liar kind, accuswrnod to chant tho praises ofthe king.' (v. 3.)
*' ((') According to Herod. I. 195, the Babylonish costume consisted of
three parts, first Uie wide and long pantaloons for the lower part of the
person; secondly, a woollen shirt; and thirdly, a large mantle with a
girdle around it. On the cylinder rolls found at Babylon, M'dnter (Relig.
d. Bab. B. 96) discovered the same oostnmo. In Dan. iii. 21, the same
three leadiii;j and principal articles of dress are particularized. Other
parts of clothing are merely referred to, but not siiecifioated ; but these
carmonts being largo and loose, and mado of delicate raaterial, are men-
kioned in order to show how powerless the furnace was, since they wore not
even singed. Iiow did a Pseudo-Daniel obtain such particulars as those?
" (lo) Dan vi. 10 shows, that the regal token of honour bestowed, was >,
collet or golden chain put around tho neck. Brissonius, in his work on
tho Persian dominion, has shown the same custom among the Persian
kings, who, not improbably, borrowed it from the Babylonians,

tXIV INTRODUCTION.
" {x) In Dan. vi. 8, ' tho laws of the Medes whioh change n)t' are mem
tioned. In Esth. i. 19, and viii. 8, we have repeated mention of this
same peculiar custom. 'The reason of this probably was, that the
king was regarded as the impersonation of Ormusd, and therefore as
infallible. " iy) In Dan. vii. 9, wo have a description of the divine throno as
placed upon moveable wheels. The same we find in Ezekiel i. and x. ;
which renders it quite probable, that tho Babylonian throne was con'
structed in this way, so that the monarch might raove in processisno,
with all the insignia of royalty about hira.
" (z) It deserves special remark, that Daniel has given individual clas
sifications of priests and civilians, such as are nowhere else given in
Soripture, and the knowledge of whioh must have been acquired from
intimate acquaintance with the state of things in Babylon.^In Dan. ii.
2, 10, 27, the various classes of diviners and literati are nam". In Dan.
iii. 2, 3, the different classes of magistrates, civilians, and rulers, ars
specifically named. On this whole subject, I must refer the reader to
Exc. III. on ihe Chaldees, p. 34, seq. above. Whence a Maccabaean writer
could have derived such knowledge, it would be difficult to say. It is ono
of those circumstances which could not well be feigned. Several of the
names occur nowhere else in the Ileb. Bible, and some of them are evi
dently derivates of tho Parsi or Median language ; e. g. )i;-ii; in vi. 3, a
name unknown in the Semitic. On the other hand, several of them are
exclusively Chaldean ; e. g. Dan. iii. 3, NJ'iii'^iN, N^.ijePi, of which no pro
fane writer has given the least hint. How camo the Pseudo-Daniel to a
knowledge of such officers ?"
The evidence that tho book is a genuine production of the Daniel of the
captivity, may be summed up now in fow words. There is (1), on the
face of the book, the testimony of the writer himself to his own author
ship — good evidenoe in itself, unless there is some reason for calling it
in question or setting it aside. Thr-rc is (2) the fact that it was early
received into the canon as a part of the inspired Scriptures, and that it
has always been, both by Jews and Christians, regarded as entitled to a
plaoe there. There is (3) the express testiraony of the Saviour that Daniel
was a prophet, and a clear reference to a part'of the prophecy by him, as
we have it now in the Book of Daniel. There is (4) express testimony liiat
the book was in existence before the time of the Maccabees, and was then
regarded as a genuine production of Daniel ; particulariy (a) the testimony
of Josephus; (fi) ofthe author of the Book of Maccabees, and (c) of the
authors of the Septuagint translation. There is (5) the fact that
the book was so written in two different languages that we cannot
well attribute it to a writer of the Maccabean period. And there is
(6) " tho accurate knowledge whioh the writer of the Book of Daniel
displays of ancient history, manners, and customs, and Oriental-Baby
lonish peculiarities, which shows that he must have lived at or near the
time and place when and where the book leads us to suppose that he
lived." For the genuineness and authenticity of what other book can
more clear and decisive testimony be brought? These considerations
seem to make it clear that the book could not have been a forgery of ths
kime ofthe Maccabees, and that every circumstance combines to confirn

INTRODUCTION. LX^V
the common belief that it was written in the time of the exile, and by tho
author whose name it bears. But if this is so, then its canonical autho
rity is established : for we have all that can be urged in favor of the
canonical authority ofany ofthe books ofthe Old 'Testament. Its place
in the canon from the earliest period ; the testimony of Christ ; tho testi
mony of Josephus and the Jews in all ages to its canonical authority ; the
testimony of the early Christian fathers ; its prophetic character ; and tho
strong internal probabilities that it was wiitten at the time and in the
nianner in which it professes to h.ave been, all go to confirm the opinion
that it is a genuine production of the Daniel of the captivity, and worthy
to be received and accredited as a part of the inspired oracles of truth.
On one of these points, which has not been insisted on in this Introduc
tion — its prophetic character — tho evidence oan be appreciated only by an
examination of the particular prophecies ; and that will be seen as tho
result of the exposition of those parts of the book which refer to future
events. It may be said, in general, however, that if it is proved to have
been written in the time of the captivity, there will be no hesitation in
admitting its inspiration. Porphyry maintained, as we have seen, that
the pretended prophecies were so clear that they must have been written
after the events ; and this, as we have seen also, is one ofthe leading ob
jections urged against the book in more modern times. Ifthis is so, then,
apart frora all the evidence which will be furnished of the fulfillraent of
the prophecies of Daniel in the course of the exposition, it raay be pro
perly inferred, that if the book was written in the time in whioh it pro
fesses to have been, it furnishes the highest evidence of inspiration, for
no one can pretend that the predictions occurring in it, pertaining to
future events, are the results of any mere natural sagacity.

g 4. NATURE, DESIGN, AND GENERAL CHARACTER OF THE
BOOK OE DANIEL.
The Book of Daniel is not properly a history either of tho Jews or
Babylonians, nor is it a biography of the writer himself. It is not con
tinuous in its structure, nor does it appear to have been written at one
time. Though the work, as we have seen, of one author, it is made up
of portions, written evidently on different occasions, in two different lan
guages, and having, to a considerable extent, different objects in view.
Though the author was a Jewish exile, and surrounded by his own country
men as exiles, yet there is almost no reference to the past history of these
people, or to the causes of their having been carried into captivity, and no
description oftheir condition, struggles, and sufferings in thoir exile ; and
though written by one who resided through the greatest part of a very
long life in a land of strangers, and having every opportunity of obtain
ing inforraation, there is no distinct reference to their history, and no
description of their manners and customs'. And although his own career
while there was eventful, yet the allusions to himself are very few ; and
of the largest portion of that long life in Babylon — probably embracing
more than seventy years — ^we have no information whatever. In ths
book there are few or no allusions to the condition of the exiles there;
hut two of the native kings that reigned there duiing that long period are
6 *

LXVI INTRODUCTION.
even mentioned; one of those — Nebuchadnezzar — only when Daniel
interpreted two of his dreams, and when the colossal idol was set up on
the plain of Dura ; and the other — Belshazzar— only on the last day of his
life. The book is not regular in its structure, but consists of an inter
mixture of history and prophecy, apparently composed as occasion
demanded, and then unit",d in a single volume. Yet it has a unity of
authorship and design, as we have seen, and is evidently the production
of a single individual.
In considering the nature, design, and general character of the book,
the attention may be properly directed to the following points : —
I. The portions containing incidents in the life of the author, and of
his companions in Babylon, of permanent value.
II: The prophetic portions.
III. The language and style of the book.
I. The portions containing incidents in the life of the author, and of
his companions in Babylon, of permanent value.
As already remarked, the allusions to his own life, and to the circum
stances of his companions in exile, are few in number ; and it may be
added, that where there are suoh allusions they are made apparently
rather to illustrate their principles, and the nature of their religion, than
to create an interest in them personally. .We could make out but little
respecting their biography from this volume, though that little is suffi
cient to give us decided views of their character, and of the value and
power ofthe religion which they professed.
The few personal incidents which we have, relate to such points a§ the
following : — The selection of Daniel, and three other captives, when young,
with a view to their being trained in the language and science of the
Chaldeans, that they might be employed in the service of the govern
ment, ch. i. ; the faot that Daniel was called, when all the skill of the
Chaldeans fiviled, to interpret a dream of Nebuchadnezzar, and that he
was enabled to give an explanation that was so satisfactory that the king
promoted him to exalted honor, ch. ii. ; the narrative respecting the three
friends of Daniel — Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego, — who refused to
fall down and adore the golden image that Nebuchadnezzar erected in tho
plain of Dura, and who for their disobedience weve cast into the fiery
furnace, ch. iii.; Daniel's interpretation ofa second dream of Nebuchad
nezzar, and the fulfillment of the interpretation of that dream on the
monarch, oh. iv. ; his interpretation of the hand-writing on the wall at
the feast of Belshazzar, ch. v. ; and the attempt of the enemies of Daniel
to destroy his influence and his lifo by taking advantage of his known
piety, and tho firmness of his attachment to God, ch. vi.
These must have been but a few of the incidents that occurred to
Daniel in the course ofa, long life spent in Babylon, and they were pro
bably selected as furnishing valuable illustrations of character; as
evincing the nature of true piety ; as proofs of divine inspiration ; and as
ehowing that God has control over kings and nations. All that is here
Slated ocourred at distant intervals in a long life, and this fact should be
remembered in reading the book. For the practical lessons taught by
these portions of the book, I may be permitted to refer to the remarks at
tho close of chs. i. ii. iii. vi.

INTRODUCTION. LX'VII
II. The prophetij portions ofthe book.
The prophecies of the Book of Daniel may be arranged under
two great classes : — those relating to the Babylonian monarchti ; and
those of more general interest pertaining to the future history of the
world. (1.) The former are confined to the calaraities that would corae upon
the two raonarohs who are mentioned in the book — Nebuchadnezzar and
Belshazzar. Ofthe former ofthese kings, Nebuchadnezzar, his derange
ment as a judgment of heaven, on account of his pride, is predicted,
ch. iv. ; and of the latter, Belshazzar, the termination of his reign, and
the taking of his kingdom, are predicted on account of his irapiety, ch. v.
The object did not seem to be to state what farther would occur to the
kingdom of the Chaldeans, except as it should be lost in the great king
dom of the Medes and Persians, in which it would be absorbed.
(2.) Those of general interest pertaining to future times. Of these
there ave seveval classes : —
{a.) The prospective history of the revolutions in the great kingdoms
of the world; ora general glance at. -what would happen in relation t(
the empires that were then playing their part in human affairs, and
of those whioh would grow out of the kingdoms existing in the time of
Daniel. These may be arranged under the following general heads : —
(1.) A description of the great kingdoms or empires that would pro
perly grow out of the Babylonian or Chaldean monarchy, ch. ii. That
kingdom was, iu the time of Daniel, the great, and almost the single,
sovereignty of the earth ; for, in the time of Nebuchadnezzar, this had
absorbed all others. From this, however, were to spring other great
dynasties that were to rule over the world, and that might properly, iu
some sense, be represented as the successors of this. These great revo
lutions ave vepvesented in the dream of Nebuchadnezzar respecting tho
golden image, oh. ii., and they are deseribed by Daniel as (a) the great
monarchy of which Nebuchadnezzar was the head — Babylon — represented
in the image by the head of gold, ch. ii. 38 ; (6) as another kingdom
inferior to this, represented in the image by the breast and arms of
silver (ch. ii. 32, 39) — the Medo-Persian empire, that would succeed that
of Babylon ; (c) as a third kingdom that would succeed this, represented
in the image by the belly and the thighs of brass, ch. ii. 32, 39 ; {d) as a
fourth kingdom more mighty than either, subduing all nations under it,
and crushing the powers of the earth, yet made of discordant materials,
so as never firmly to adhere as one — represented by the legs of iron, and
the feet and toes partly of iron and partly of clay in the image (ch. ii. 32,
41-43), denoting the mighty Roman power; and (e) as another kingdom
that would spring up under this fourth kingdofn, and that would ulti
mately supplant it, and become the permanent kingdom on the earth
(ch. ii. 44, 45).
Substantially the sarae representation occurs again in ch. rii., under
the image of a succession of formidable beasts that were seen by Daniel
in a dream. These four great kingdoms, represented successively by a
lion, by a bear, by a leopard, and by a non-descript monster, weve also
succeeded by a great and permanent kingdom on the earth — the reign of
Qod. In this representation, Daniel goes more into detail in respect

liXVm INTRODUCTION.
to the last great empire than he does in interpreting the dream of Nehn-
chadnezzar. Indeed, the design of this lattor representation seems tobe,
to give a more full account of the changes which would occur in this last
great kingdom on the earth — the kingdom of the saints — that had been
befove given.
(2.) A pavtioular prophecy of the conquests of the king of Grecia—
Alexander the Great — extending down to the time bf Antiochus
Epiphanes, and to tho calamities and desolations which he would bring
upon the holy land, ch. viii. This occurs in a vision which Daniel he / at
Shushan, in the province of Elam, and consisted of a representation ofa
ram with two horns, " pushing" in every direction, as if to extend its
conquests everywhere. From the west, however, there came a goat, with
a single horn between its eyes, that attacked and overcame the ram.
This single horn on the head of the goat is subsequently represented as
broken, and in its plaCe there oame up four other. horns, and out of ono
of them a little horn that became great, and that magnified itself par
ticularly against "the prince of the host," and that took away the daily
sacrifice, or that closed the sacred services ofreligion in the temple.
A part of this is explained by Gabriel, as referring to the king of
Greci»; and there can be no difficulty in understanding that Alexander
the Great is referred to, and that by the four horns that sprang up out
of the one that was broken, the four kingdoms into whioh that of Alex
ander was divided at his death are meant, and that by the little horn that
spr.ang up Antiochus Epiphanes is designated.
(3.) A particular and minute prophecy respecting the wars between
two of the kingdoms that sprang out of the empire of Alexandev — Syvia
and Egypt — so far especially as they affected the hply land, and the
services in the sanctuary of God, chs. x. xi. This vision ocourred in the
third year of the reign of Cyrus, and on an occasion when Daniel had
been fasting three full weeks. The prediction was iraparted to him by
an angel that appeared to him by the river Hiddekel, or Tigris, and con
tains a detailed account of what would occur for a long period in the
conflicts which would exist between the sovereigns of Syria and Egypt.
In these wars the Hebrew people were to be deeply interested, for' their
country lay between the two contending kingdoras ; their land would bo
taken and re-taken in those conflicts ; not a few ofthe great battles that
would be fought in these conflicts would be fought on their territory ; aud
deep and perraanent disasters would occur to thera in consequence of the
raanner in which the Hebrew people would regard and treat one ov both
of the contending p.irties. 'This prophetic history is conducted onward,
with great particularity, to the death of Antiochus Epiphanes — ^the most
forraidable enemy that the Hebrew people would have to encounter in the
future, and then (ch. sii.), the vision terminates with a few uncon
nected hints of what would occur in future periods, to the end of the
world. It was from this portion of the book particularly that Porphyry
argued that the whole work raust have been written after the events had
¦-"ccurred, and that, therefore, it must be a forgery of a later age than the
time of the exile in Babylon.
(4.) A particular and minute prophecy respecting tho time when ths
Messiah would appear, ch. ix. This was iraparted to Daniel wheOi

INTRODUCTION. LXIX
anxious .about the close ofthe long captivity of his countrymen, and sup
posing thatthe predicted time of the return to the land of their fathers
drew on, he gave himself to an earnest and careful study of the books
of Jeremiah. At the close of the salenin prayer which he offered on that
occasion (ch. ix. 4-19), the angel Gabriel appeared to him (ch. ix. 20, 21),
to assure him that his prayer was heard, and to make an important com
munication to hira respecting future times, ch. ix. 22, 23. He then pro
ceeded to inform him how bmg a period was determined in respect to
the holy oity, before the great work should be accomplished of making ap
end of sin, and of making reconciliation for iniquity, and of bringing iik
everlasting righteousness ; when, that great work having been accom
plished, the oblations at the temple would cease, and the overspreading
of abomination would occur, and desolation would come upon the temple
and city, ch. ix. 24-27. This celebrated prophecy ofthe " seventy weeks"
is among the most iraportant, and, in some respects, araong the most
difficult parts of the sacred volume. If the common interpretation — and
the one that is adopted in these Notes — is correct, it is the m.^st definite
prediction of the time when the Messiah would appear, to be found iu
the Old Testament.
(5.) Particular prophecies respecting events that would occur after
the coming ofthe Messiah. These relate to two points : —
A. Prophecies relating to the church, ch. vii. 7-27.
(a.) lhe rise of ten kingdoms out of the great fourth raonarohy
which would succeed the Babylonian, the Medo-Persian, and
the Macedonian — to wit, the Boman power, ch. vii. 24.
(6.) The rise of another power after them, springing out of them,
and subduing three of those powers — to wit, the Papal power,
ch. vii.'24.
(c.) The characteristics of that new power— as arrogant, and per
secuting, and claiming supreme legislation over the world,
ch. vii. 25.
{d.) The duration of this power, ch. vii. 25.
(e.) The manner in which it would be terminated, ch. vii. 26.
(f.) The permanent establishment of the kingdpm of the sainta
on the earth, ch. vii, 27.
B. Prophecies relating to the final judgment, and the end of ali.
things, ch. xii.
This portion (oh. xii.) is made up of hints and fragments — broken
thoughts and suggestions — which there was no occasion to fill up. What
is said is not communicated in a direct form as a revelation of new truths,
but is rather based on certain truths as already known, and employed here
for the illustration of others. Itis assumed that there will be a resurrection
of the dead and a judgment, and the writer employs the language based on
this assumption to illustrate the point immediately before him, ch. xii. 2,
3, 4, 9, 13. There is also a very obscure reference to the times when
certain great events were to occur in the future (ch. xii. 11, 12) ; but
there is nothing, in this respect, that can enable us certainly to determine
when these events will take place.
In reference to these prophetic portions of the Book of Daniel, a few
Illustrative remarks may now be made : —
(1.) They relate to most ni omentous events iu the history of the world.

tXX INTRODUCTION.
If the views taken ofthese portions of the book are correct, then the eys
of the prophet rested ou those events in the future which would enter
most deeply into the character of coming ages, and which would do more
than any other to determine the final condition of the world.
(2.) 'The pvophecies in Daniel are more minute than any others in the
Bible. This is particularly the case in respect to the four great king
doms which would arise ; to the conquests of Alexander the Great ; to the
kingdoms whieh would spring out of the one gveat empire that would be
founded by him ; to the wars that would exist between two of thos;
sovereignties ; to the time when the Messiah would appear ; to the man
ner in whieh he would be out off; to the fin.al destruction of the holy city;
and to the rise, character, and destiny of the Papacy. Of these great
events there are no other so minute connected descriptions anywhere
else in the Old Testament ; and even, on many of these points, the more
full disclosures of the New Testament receive important light from the
prophecies of Daniel.
(3.) 'There is a remarkable resemblance between many of the predic
tions in Daniel and in the Book of Revelation. No one can peruse the
two books without being satisfied that, in many respects, they were
designed to refer to the same periods in the history of the world, and to
the same events, and especially where time is mentioned. There is,
indeed, as is remarked in the Prefiice to these Notes, no express allusion
in the Apocalypse to Daniel. There is no direct quotation from the
book. There is no certain evidence that the author of the Apocalypse ever
saw the Book of Daniel, though no one can doubt that he had. There is
nothing in the Apocalypse whioh raight not have been written if the Book
of Daniel had not been written, or if it had been entirely unknown to
John. Perhaps it may be added, that there is nothing in the Book of
Revelation which might not have beon as easily explained if the Book of
Daniel had not been written. And yet, it is manifest, that in raost im
portant respects the authors of the two books refer to the same great
events in history ; describe tho same iraportant changes in hum.an
affairs ; refer to the same periods of duration ; and have in their eye the
same termination of things on the earth. No other two books in the
Bible have the sarae relation to each other ; nor are there any other two
in whioh a commentary on the one will introduce so many topics which
must be considered in the other, or where the explanations in the one will
throw so much light on the other.
HI. The language and style of the book.
(1.) The language of the Book of Daniel is nearly half Chaldee and
half Hebrew. In oh. i. ii. 1 — 3, it is Hebrew; from ch. ii. 4, to the end
of ch. vii. it is Chaldee, and the remainder of the book is Hebrew.
The Book of Ezra also contains several chapters of Chaldee, exhibiting
the same characteristics as the part of the Book of Daniel written in that
language. As Daniel was early trained in bis own country in the knowledge of
the Hebrew, and as he was caref illy instructed, after being carried to
Babylon, in the language and literature of the Chaldees (see | 1), it is
certain that ho was capable of writing in either language ; and it it> pro
bable that he would use either, as there might be occasion, in his iiiter-
sourse with his own countrymen, or with the Chaldeans. 'There Lj tht

INTRODUCTION. IXXI
Lighest probability that the captive Hebrews would retain the knowledge
of their own language in a great degree of purity, during their long
captivity in Babylon, and that this would be the language which Daniel
would employ in his intercourse with his own countryraen, while from bis
own situation at court, and the necessity of his intercourse with the Chal
deans, it may be presumed that the language whioh he would perhaps
most frequently employ would be the Chaldean.
That there were reasons why one portion of this book was written
in Chaldee, and another in Hebrew, there can be no doubt, but it is
now utterly impossible to ascertain what those reasons were. The use of
one language or the other seems to be perfectly arbitrary. The portions
written in Hebrew have no more relation to the Jews, and would have
no more interest to them, than those written in Chaldee ; and, on the
other hand, the portions written in Chaldee have no special relation to
the Chaldeans. But while the reasons for this change must for ever
remain a secret, there are two obvious suggestions whioh have often been
made in regard to it, and which have already been incidentally adverted
to, as bearing on the question of the authorship of the book. (1) The
first is, that this faot accords with the account whioh we have of the
education of the author, as being instructed in both these languages —
furnishing thus an undesigned proof of the authenticity of the book;
and (2) the other is, that this would not havo occurred if the work was
a forgery of a later age ; for (a) it is doubtful whether, in the age of
the Maocabees, there were any who could write with equal ease in both
languages, or could write both languages with purity ; (6) if it could
be done, the device would not be one that would' be likely to occur to the
author, and he would have been likely to betray the design if it had
existed; and (c) as the apocryphal additions to Daniel (see ^5) were
written in Greek, the presumption is that if the book had been forged in
that age it would have been wholly written in that language. At all
events, the facts in the case, in regard to the languages in which the book
was written, accord with all that we know of Daniel.
(2.) 'The book abounds with symbols and visions. In this respect it
resembles very closely the writings of Ezekiel and Zechariah. One of
these was his cotemporary, and the other lived but little after him, and
it may be presumed that this style of writing preva'iled much in that
age. All these writers, not improbably, " formed the'v style, and their
manner of thinking and expression, in a foreign Land, where symbol, and
imagery, and vision, and drearas, were greatly relished and admired.
The rums of the Oriental cities recently brought to the light of day, as
well as those which have ever reraained exposed to view, are replete with
syrabolic forras and images, which once gave a play and a delight to the
fancy." Prof. Stuart on Daniel, p. 393. Perhaps none of the other
sacred writers abound so much in symbols and visions as Daniel, except
John, in the Book of Revelation ; and in these two, as before suggested,
tiie resemblance is reraarkable. The interpretation of either of these
books involves the necessity of studying the nature of symbolic language ;
Jind on the views takon uf that language, must depend, in a great degree,
the views of the truths disclosed in these books.
(3.) The Book of Daniel, though not written in the style of poetry, yet
abounds much with the spirit of poetry — as the Book of Revelation does.

LXXII INTRODUCTION,
Indeed the Apocalypse maybe regarded as, on the whole, the iribst poetit
book in the Bible. We raiss, bai^ned, in both these books, the U'ual
forms of Hebrew poetry ; we miss tbe parallelism, (oomp. Intro, to Job,
g 5) ; but the spirit of poetry pewades both tiie Book of Daniel and the
Book of Revelation, and the latter, especially if it were a mere human
production, would be ranked among the highest creations of genius.
Much of Daniel, indeed, is simple prose — alike in structure and in form ;
but much also in his visions deserves, to be classed among the works of
imagination. Throughout the book there are frequent bursts of feel
ing of a high order (comp. ch. ii. 19-23) ; there are many passages that
are sublime (comp. chs. ii. 27-45, iv. 19-27, v. 17-28) ; there is a spirit of
unshaken fidelity and boldness — as in the passages just referred to ; there
is true grandeur in the prophetic portions (corap. chs. vii. 9-14, x. 5-9,
xi. 41-45,' xii. 1-3, 5-8) ; and there is, throughout the book, a spirit of
hurable, sincere, firm, and devoted piety, characterising the author as a
man eminently prudent and wise, respectful in his intercourse with
others, faithful in every trust, unceasing in the discharge of his duties to
God ; — a man who preferred to lose the highest offices which kings
could confer, and to subject himself, to shame, and to death, rather than
shrink, in the slightest degree, from the discharge of the proper duties of
religion.

I 5. THB APOCRYPHAL ADDITIONS TO THB BOOE OF DANIEL.
These additions are three in number: —
(1.) " The Song of the Three Holy Children ;" that is, the song of
Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego, who were cast into the burning fur
nace by Nebuchadnezzar, oh. iii. This " Song," as it is called, is inserted,
in the Greek copies, in ch. iii., between the twenty-thivd and twenty-
fourth verses, and contains sixty-eight verses, making the whole chapter,
in the Greek, to contain an hundred verses. The " Song" consists pro
perly of three parts : I. A hymn of " Azariah," or of " Ananiah, Azariah,
and Misael'.'- — Afaniat nal Aiapias tai MiffaiiX — of whoni Azariah is the speaker,
in which praise is given to God, and a prayer is offered that thej may
be accepted, preserved, and delivered, vs. 1-22. 'These are the Hebrew
names of the three persons that were cast into the fiery furnace (Dan. i.
6, 7), but why tiiese names are inserted here rather than the naraes given
them in Babylon by the " prince of the eunuchs" (oh. i. 7), and which
are used in the Chaldee in this chapter, is not known ; and the circum
stance that theyare so used furnishes a strong presuraption that this
addition in Greek is spuvious, since, in the other portions of the chapter
(vs. 12, 13, 14, 16, 19, marked in Codex Chisian. in brackets), the same
names occur which aro found in the original Chaldee. II. A statement,
that the king's servants added fuel to the flame, or kept up the intensity
of the heat by putting in rosin, pitch, tow, and small wood, making the
furnace so hot that tho flame rose above it to the height of forty-nine
cubits, and so hot as to consume the Chaldeans that stond around it, but
that the angel of the Lord came down, and smote the flame of five out
of the oven, and made the midst of the furnace like a moist, whistiing
wind, so that the three " children" were safe, vs. 23-27. III. A. hymn

INTRODUCTION. LXXIII
of praise, calling on all things to praise God, uttered by " the three, as out
of one mouth," vs. 28-68. The narrative then proceeds, in the Greek
translation, as it is in the Chaldee, and as it now stands in our common
translation of the Book of Daniel.
(2.) 'The second addition is what is called " The History of Susanna.*
This Is a story the des.gn of which is to honour Daniel. A man in Baby
lon of great wealth, by the name of Joacim, marries Susanna, a Jewess,
¦who had been brought up in the fear of the Lord. The house of
Joacim was a place of much resort, and particularly by two men
of advanced life, who were appointed judges of the people. Susanna was
a woraan of great beauty, and each one of the two judges, ignorant of tho
feelings of the other, fell violentiy in love with her. 'They both observed
that at a certain time of the day she walked in the garden, and both, un
known to eaoh other, resolved to follow her into the garden. They pro
posed, therefore, to each other to return to their own homes, and both,
after having gone away, returned again, and then, surprised at this, thej
eaoh declared their love for Susanna, and agreed to watch for the time
when she should enter tho garden, and then to accomplish their purpose.
She entered the garden as usual for the purpose of bathing, and the elders,
having hid themselves, suddenly came upon her, and threatened her with
death if she would not gratify their desires. She, rather than yield,
calmly made up her mind to die, but gave the alarm by crying aloud, and
the elders, to save themselves, declared that they found a young man
with her in the garden, and the matter coraing before the people, she was
condemned to death, and was led forth to be executed. At this juncture,
Daniel appeared, who proposed to examine the elders anew, and to do it
separately. In this examination, one of thom testifled that what he had
seen occurred under a mastick or lentisk tree, the other that itwas under
a holm tree. The consequence was, that Susanna was discharged, and
the two elders themselves put to death.
'This story is said, in the common version of the Apocvypha, to be " set
apart from the beginning of Daniel because it is not in the Hebrew." It
is found only iu the Apocrypha, and is not incorporated in the Greek
translation of Daniel.
(3.) 'The third addition is what is called " 'The History ofthe Destruc
tion of Bel and the Dragon, cut off from the end of Daniel."
This is a story in two parts. 'The flrst relates to Bel, the idol god of
the Babylonians. A large quantity of food was daily pl.aoed before the
idol in the temple, which it was supposed the idol co.nsumed. The
inquiry was made of Daniel by Cyrus, king of Persia, why he did not
worship the idol. Daniel replied, that he was permitted by his religion
to worsh p only the living God. Cyrus asked him whether Bel was not
a living God ; and, in proof of it, appealed to the large quantity of food
which he daily consumed. Daniel smiled at the simplicity of the king,
and affirmed that the god was only brass and olay, and could devour
nothing. The king, enraged, called for the priests of Bel, and insisted
on being informed who ate the large quantity of food that was daily
placed before the idol. They, of course, affirmed that it was the idol,
aud proposed that a test should bo applied by placing the food before
him as usual, and by having the temple carefully closed and sealed with
the signet of the king. Under the table they had, however, made a
7

tXXnr INTRODUCTION.
private entrance, and, in order to detect them, Daniel caused ashes to be
sprinkled on the floor, which, on the following day, revealed the foot.
prints of mon, women, and children, who had secretly entered the temple,
and consuraed the food. The consequence was, that they were put to
death, and Bel and his temple were delivered to Daniel, who destroyed
them both.
The other part of the story relates to a great dragon which was wor
shipped in Babylon. The king said that it could not be affirmed that this
ilragOE was made of brass, or that he was not a living being, and required
Daniel to worship him. Daniel still declared that he would worship only
tbe living God, and proposed to put the dragon to death. This he did by
n aking a ball of pitch, and fat, and hair, and putting it in the mouth
of the dragon, so that he burst asunder. A' tumult, in consequence of
the destruction of Bel and the dragon, was excited against the king, and
tho mob camo and demanded Daniel, who had been the cause of this.
Dari iei was delivered to them, and was thrown into the den of lions, where
he lemained six days ; and, in order that the lions might at once devour
him, their appetites had been sharpened by having been fed each day
with "two carcasses" — in the margin, "two slaves" — and two sheep.
At this juncture, it is said that there was in Jewry a prophet, by the
name of Habbacuc, who had made pottage, and was going with it into a field
to carry it to the reapers. He was directed by an angel of the Lord to take
it to Babylon to Daniel, who was in the lions' den. 'The prophet answered
that he never saw Babylon, and knew not where the den was. So the
angel of the Lord took him by the crown, and bare him by the hair of his
head, and placed hira in Babylon over the den. He gave Daniel the food,
and was immediately restored to his own place in Judea. On the seventh
day the king went to bewail Daniel ; found him alive ; drew him out, and
threw in those who had caused him to be placed there, who were, of course,
at once devoured. i
This foolish story is said, in the title, in the common version of the
Apocrypha, to have been " cut off from the end of Daniel." Like tha
Prayer of the Three Children, and the History of Susanna, it is found
only in Greek, in which language it was undoubtedly written.
In respect to these additions to the Book of Daniel, and the question
whether they aro entitied to be regarded as a part of his genuine work,
and to have a plaoe in the inspired writings, the following remarks may
now be made : —
(o) Neither of thom, and no portion of them, is found in the Hebrew
or the Chaldee, nor is there the slightest evidence that they had a
Hebrew or Chaldee original. Theve is no historical proof that they
over existed in either of these languages, and, pf course, no proof that
they ever formed a part .of the genuine work oY Daniel. If they were
written originally in Greek, and if the evidence above adduced that tht
Book of Daniel was written in the time of the exile is conclusive, then
it is clear that these additions were not written by Daniel himself, and
of course that they were not entitled to a plaoe among the inspired
records. For tho Grrek language was not understood in Babylon to any
considerable extent, if at all, until the time of Alexander the Great, and
his conquests in the East ; and it is every way certain, that a book written
in Babylon in the time of the exile would raorhave been written in Greek.

INTRODUCTION. LXXV
The evidenoe is c(mclusive that these additions were never aLy ^art of
tho genuine Book of Daniel ; and, of course, that they have no claim to a
place in the canon. Moreover, as they constituted no part of that book,
¦tMne of the evidence urged in favor of the canonical authority of that
book can be urged in behalf of these stories, and any claim that they
mav have must rest on their own merits.
(fi) They have no claim, on their own account, to a place in the canon.
Their authors are unknown. The time of their coraposition is unknown.
They weve never recognized by the Jews as canonical, and never had the
sanction of the Saviour and the apostles, as they are never quoted or
alluded to in the New Testament. And they have no internal evidence
that they are of divine origin. There is no evidence whioh could be
urged in favour of their claims to a plaoe in the canonical Scriptures which
30uld not be urged in favour of the whole of the Apocrypha, or which
oould not be urged in favour of any anonymous writings of antiquity.
The only ground of claim which could be urged for the admission of these
stories into the sacred canon would be, that they wore a part of the
genuine Book of Daniel ; but this claim rviver can be made out by any
possibility. (c) In comraon with the other books of the Apocrypha, these books
were rejected by tho early Christian writers, and were not admitted into
the canon of Scripture during the first four centuries of the Christian
church. See Horne's Introduction, i. 628. Sorae of the books of the
Apocrypha were indeed quoted by sorae of the Fathers with respect
(Lardner, iv. 331), particularly by Ambrose (who lived A. D. 340-397),
but they are referred to by Jerome only to be censured and condemned
(Lardner, iv. 424, 440, 466-472), and are mentioned only with contempt
¦by Augustine. Lardner iv. 499.
It is seldom that these additions to Daniel in the Apocvypha are quoted
or alluded to at all by the early Christian writers, but when they are it is
only that they maybe condemned. Origen, indeed, vefers to the story of
Susanna as a true history, and, in a letter to Africanus, says of it, " 'That
the story'of Susanna, being dishonorable to the Jewish elders, it was sup
pressed by their great men ; and that there were many things kept, as
muoh as might be, from the knowledge of the people, some of which,
nevertl eless, were preserved in some apocryphal books." Lardner, ii.
466. Origen, indeed, in the words of Dr. Lardner, " Says all he can
think of to prove the history [of Susanna] true and genuine, and affirms
that it was made use of in Greek by all the churches of Christ among the
Gentiles ; yet be owns that it was not received by tho Jews, nor to be
found in their copies of the«Book of Daniel." Lardner, ii. 541, 542.
Comp. also Du Pin, Dissertation Preliminairo sur la Bible, Liv. i., ch. i.
sect. 5, p. 15, note (e). To the arguraents of Origen on the subject,
Africanus replies, that " he wondered that he did not know that the book
was spurious, and says it was a piece lately forged." Lardner ii. 541.
The other books — the Prayer of the Three Children and the Story of Bel
and the Dragon — I do not find, from Lardner, to have been quoted or
referred to at all by the e.ariy Christian writers.
(J) The foolishness and manifest fabulousness of the Story of Bel and
the Dragon, may be referred to as a proof that that oannot be a part of
the genuine Book of Daniel, or entitled to a place among books claiming

LXXVI INTRODUCTION.
fo be inspired. It has every mark of being a fable, and is wholly un
worthy a plaoe in any volume claiming to be of divine origin, or any
volume of respectable authorship whatever.
(e) Littie isknown of the origin of these books, and littio importance
can be attached to them, but it may be of some use to know the place
which they have oommonly occupied in the Bible by those who have re
ceived them as a part of the canon, and the place where they are com
monly found in the version of the Scriptures.
" The Song of the Three Children" is placed in the Greek version of
Daniel, and also in the Latin Vulg.ate, between the twenty-third and
twenty-fourth verses of the third chapter. " It has always been ad
mired," says Home (Intro, iv. 217, 218), " for the piety of its sentiments,
but it was never admitted to be. canonical, until it was recognised by the
Council of Trent The fifteenth verse ['Neither is there at this time"
prince, or prophet, or leader, or burnt-offering, or sacrifice, ov oblation,
ov incense, ov plaoe to sacvifice befove thee, and to find raercy'], contains a
direct falsehood ; for it asserts that there was no prophet at that time, when
it is well known that Daniel and Ezekiel both exercised the prophetic
ministry in Babylon. This Apocryphal fragment is, therefore, most pro
bably the production of a Hellenistic Jew. The Hymn (vs. 20, seq.) re
sembles the hundred and forty-eighth Psalm, and was so approved of by
the compilers of the Liturgy, that in the first Common Prayer Book of
Edward VI. they appointed it to be used instead of the Te Deum during
Lent." " The History of Susanna has always been treated with some respect,
but has never been considered as canonical, though the Council of Trent
admitted it into the number of the sacred books. It is evidently the work
ofsome Hellenistic Jew, and in the Vulgate version it forms the thirteenth
chapter of the Book of Daniel. In the Septuagint version it is placed at
the beginning of that book." Home, iv. 218.
" The History of the Destruction of Bel and the Dragon, was always
rejected by the Jewish Churoh ; it is not extant either in the Hebrew or
the Chaldee language. Jerome gives it no better title than The Fable of
Bel and ihe Dragon ; nor has it obtained more credit with posterity,
except with the Fathers of the Council of Trent, who determined it to be
a part of the canonical Scriptures. This book forms the fourteenth
chapter of the Book of D.aniel, in the Latin Vulgate ; in the Greek, it was
called the Prophecy of Habakkuk, the son of Jesus, of the tribe of Leri.
There are two Greek texts of this fragment, that of the Septuagint, and
that found in Theodotion's Greek version of Daniel. The former is the
most ancient, and has been translated into Syriae. The Latin and Arabic
versions, together with another Syriac tv.anslation, have been made fvom
the text of Theodotion." Home, iv. 218. 'These additions to Daniel
may be found in Greek, Arabic, Syriac, and Latin, in Walton's Polyglott,
tom. iv. i 6. THB ANCIENT VERSIONS OF THB BOOK OF DANIEL.
(1.) Of these the oldest, of course, is the Septuagint. For a general
account of this version, see Intro, to Isaiah, ? 8, I. (1). Of the author
»f that portion of the Septuagint version which comprised the Book of

INTRODUCTION. LXXVU
Daniel —for no one can doubt that the Septuagint was the work of dif
ferent authors — we have now no information. 'The translation of Daniel
was araong the least faithful, and was the most erroneous, of the whole
Collection ; and, indeed, it was so imperfect that its use in the church was
early superseded by the version of 'Theodotion — the version which is now
found iu the editions ofthe Septuagint.
The Septuagint translation of the Book of Daniel was for a long time
supposed to be lost, and it is only at a comparatively reoent period that
it has been recovered and published. For a considerable period before
the time of Jerome, the version by the lxx. had been superseded by that
of Theodotion, doubtless on account of the great imperfection of the
former, though it is probable that its disuse was gradual. Jerorae, in
h s Preface to the Book of Daniel, says, indeed, that it was not known
to him on what ground this happened — " Danielem prophetam juxta
LXX. interpretes ecelesiae non legunt, et hoc cur acciderit, nescio," — but
it IS in every way probable that it was on account of the great imperfec-
tiim uf the translation, for Jerome hirasolf says, " Hoc unum affirmare,
quod multum a veritate disoordet et reoto judicio repudiata sit." He
adds, therefore, that though 'Theodotion was understood to be an unbe
liever — " post adventem Cnristi inoredulus fuit" — ^yetthat his translation
¦n as preferred to that of the lxx. " Illud quoque lectorera admoneo,
Danielem non juxta lxx. interpretes, sed juxta 'Theodotionem ecclesias
legere, qui utique post adventum Christi inoredulus fuit. Unde judicio
niagistrorum ecclesia editio eorum in hoo volumine repudiata est, et
Theodutionis vulgo legitur, quse et Hebraeo et ceteris tvanslatovibus
congruit." From this cause it happened that the translation of Daniel by the lxx.
went into entire disuse, and was for a long time supposed to have been
destroyed. It has, however, been recovered and published, though it has
not been substituted in the editions of the Septuagint in the place of the
version by Theodotion. A copy of the old version by the lxx. was found
in the Chisian library at Rorae, in a single manuscript (Codex Chisianus),
and was published in Rome, in folio, in the year 1772, under the title,
Daniel Secundum lxx. ex tetraplis Origenis nunc primum editus e singu
lari Chisiano Codice annorum supra nccc. Rorase, 1772. fol. This was
republished at Goettinburg, in 1773, and again in 1774. These editions
were prepared by J. D. Miohaelis, the forraer containing the text only, the
latter with the text of the lxx., the version of Theodotion, the interpre
tation of Hippolytus, a Latin version, and the annotations of the Roman
editor. These editions were published frora one raanuscript, and without any
attempt to correct the text by a comparison with other versions. The
text is supposed to have been corrupted, so that, as Hahn says, no one can
bsiieve that this codex exhibits it as it was when the version was made.
" This corruption," says he, " exists not only in particular words and
phrases, but in the general disarrangement and disorder of the whole
text, so that those parts are separated which ought to be united, and
those parts united which ought to be kept distinct. Besides this, there
was entire inattention to the signs which Origen had used in his e iition of
the Septuagint." Pref. to Daniel, raro nvs EiSiojojmiTo. As there was but
sne manuscript, all hope of correcting the text iu the way in which it
7*

LXXVrU INTRODUCTION.
haa been done in the other parts of the Septuagint, and in other versions,
by a comparison of manuscripts, was, of course, out of the question.
ALfter four editions of the work had been published, it happened that,
in the Ambrosian Library at Mailand, Cajetan Bugati discovered a
Syriac Hexaplar manuscript, written in the year 616, or 617, after Christ,
which embraced the Hagiography, and the prophetic books, and, among
others, " Daniel, according to the Septuagint 'Translation." The title of
this Syriao version, as translated by Hahn, is as follows: "Explicit liber
Donielis prophefae, qui conversus est ex traditione rSv Septuaginta
duorum, qui in diebus Ptolemaei regis jEgypti ante adventum Christi
annis centum plus minus verterunt libros sanctos de lingua Hebraeorum,
in GrjBcum, in Alexandria civitate magna. Versus est autem liber iste
etiam de Graeco in Syriacum, in Alexandria ciritate mense Canun pos
teriori anni nongentesimi vicesirai octavi Alexiindri indictione quinta
(i. e. a 617, p. ch.)." This professes, therefore, to be a Syriac translation
of the Septuagint version of Daniel. This version was found to be in good
preservation, and the signs adopted by Origen to deterraine the value ofthe
text were preserved, aud a new edition ofthe Greek translation was pub
lished, corrected by this, under the title : Daniel Secundum editionera lxx.
interpretum ex tetraplis desumptum. Rom., 1788. This Syriao version
enabled the editor to correct many places that were defective, and to do
much towards furnishing a more perfect text. Still the work was, in
many respecte, imperfect ; and, from all the aids within his reach, and
probably all that can now be hoped for, Hahn published a new edition of
the work, corrected in many more places (see them enumerated in his
Prefiice, p. ix.), under the following title: aaniha icaro roi>£ E/SAj/nwi-ra.
E Codice Chisiano post Segaarium edidit secundum vevsionew Syviaco-
Hexaplavem vecognivit annotationibus cvitiois et philologicis illustrarit
Henricus Augustus Hahn, Philosophiae Doctor et Theologiae candi-
datus. Lipsiae, cidiocccxlv. This is now the most perfect edition of
the Septuagint version of Daniel, but still it cannot be regarded as of
great critical value in the interpretation of the book. It has been used
in the preparation of this commentary. An account of the instances in
which it departs from the Hebrew and Chaldee original raay be seen at
length in Lengerke, Das Buck Daniol, Einleitung, pp. cix-cxiv. It has
the Prayer of the Three Children, inserted in the usual plaoe (ch. iii. 23,
24), aud the History of Susanna, and the Destruction of Bel and tiie
Dragon, as separate pieces, at the end.
(2.) The translation of Theodotion. This is that whioh has been sub
stituted in the Septuagint for the version above referred to, ani which is
found in the various editions of the Septuagint, and in tho Polyglott
Bibles. Theodotion was a native of Ephesus, and is termed by Eusebius
an Ebonite, ov Semi-Chvistian. Jevorae, as we have seen above, regarded
him as an unbeliever— post adventum Christi inoredulus fuit ¦— that is
he remained an unbeliever after the coming ofChrist; propably meaning
that ho was a Jew by birth, and remained unconvinced that Jesus was
the Messiah. He was nearly contempor.ary with Aquila, who was th*
author of a Greek translation of the Old Testament, and who was also
of Jewish descent. The Jews were dissatisfied with the Septuagint
Version as being too paraphrastic, and Aquila undertook to make a literal
version, but without any regard to tiie genius of the Greek language.

INTRODUCTION. LXXIX
We have only somo fragments of the version by Aquila. The version of
Theodotion is less literal than that of Aquila — holding a middle rank
between the servile closeness of Aquila, and the freedom of Symmachus.
This version is cited by Justin Martyr, in his Dialogue with Tryphon,
the Jew, which was composed about the year 100. The version of
Theodotion is a kind of revision of the Septuagint, and supplies some defi
ciencies in the Septuagint, but the author shows that he was indifferently
skilled in Hebrew. It is evident, that in his translation Theodotion
made gveat use of both the previous versions, that by the lxx., and that
of Aquila ; that he followed sometimes the diction of the one, and sorae
tiraes that of the other ; that he often mingled them together in the com
pass of the same vevse ; and that he adapted the quotations fvom the two
versions to his own style. As his style was similar to that of the lxx.,
Origen, in his Hexapla, perhaps for the sake of uniformity, supplied the
additions which he inserted in his work chiefly from this version. There
are but few fragments of these versions now remaining. See Home,
Intro, iv. 171-176. Lengerke supposes that Theodotion was a Christian,
p. cxv. From this translation of Theodotion, a version was made in
Arabic, in the tenth century. Lengerke, p. cxv.
(3.) The Syriac versions. For the general character of these versions,
see Intro, to Isaiah, J 8, (3). There is nothing remarkable in these
versions of Daniel. For an account of a later Syriao vevsion of the
Septuagint, see the veraarks above. " As Daniel has no Targpra or Chaldee
version, the Syriac version performs a valuable service in the explanation
of Hebrew words." Prof. Stuart, p. 491.
(4.) The Latin Vulgate. For the general character of this, see Intro.
to Isa. § 8, (2). As this contains the Apocryphal portions, the Prayer
of the 'Three Children, the History of Susanna, and the Destruction of.
Bel and the Dragon, and as the Latin Vulgate was declared canonical
by the Council of 'Trent, of course those fragments have received the
sanction of the Roman Catholic Church as a part of the inspired records.
This version, as a whole, is superior to any of the other ancient versions,
and shows a more thorough knowledge than any of. thera of the
tenor and nature of the book. " An invaluable service has Jerome done,
by the translation of Daniel, and byhis commentary on the book." Prof.
Stuart, p. 491.
(5.) The Arabic version. For an account of the Arabic versions, seo
Intro, to Isaiah, ^ 8, (4). There is nothing peculiar in the Arabic ver
sion of Daniel.

I r. EXEGETICAL HELPS TO THE BOOK OF DANIEL.
Besides the versions above referred to, I have made use of the following
exegetical helps to the Book of Daniel, in the preparation of these Notes.
The order in which they are mentioned is not designed to express any
thing in regard to their value, but is adopted more for the sake of con
venience : —
Critici Saeri. Tom. iv.
Calvin, Prselectionns in Daniel. Works, vol, v., ed. Amsterdam, 1667.

LXXX INTRODUCTION.
Jerome, Commentary on Daniel. Works, tom. iv., ed. Paris, 1623.
The Pictorial Bible (Dr. Kitto). London, 1836.
Bush's Illustrations of Scripture. Brattleboro, 1836.
Dr. GUI, Comraentaries. Vol. vi., ed. Philadelphia, 1819.
Hengstenberg's Christology, translated by the Rev. Reuel Keith, D. D,
Alexandria, 1836.
' Newton on the Prophecies. London, 1832.
Einleitung in das Alte Testament. Von Johann Gottfried Eichhorn,
Vierter Band, ? 612-619.
Daniel aus dem Hebr'aish-Aramaischen neu ubersetzt und erkl'art mil
einer vollsfandigen Einleitung, und einigen historischen und exegetischen
Excursen, Von Leonhard Bertholdt. Erlangen, 1806.
Das Buch Daniel Verdeutscht und Ausleget Von Dr. Csesar von
Lengerke, Professor der Theologiae zu Konigsburg in Pr. Konigsberg,
183o. Commentarius Grammaticus in Vetus Testamentura in usum maxime
Gymnasiorum et Academiarum adornatus. Scripsit Franc. Jos. Valent.
Dominic. Maurer. Phil. Doct. Soc. Historico-Theol. Lips. Sod. Ord,
Velumen Secundum. Lipsiae, 1838.
Isaaci Newtoni ad Danielis Profetae Vaticinia. Oposcula, tom. iii.,
1744. Lehrbuch der Historish-Kritischen Einleitung in die kanonishen und
Apokryphischeu Biiohev des Alten Testamentes. Von WUhelra Mavtiu
Lebevect De Wette, ^ 253-259. Bevlin, 1845.
In Danielem Pvophetam Commentarius editus a Philippe Melanthone,
Anno M. D. XLIII. Corpus Reformatovum, Bretschneider, vol. xiii.,
1846. Ueber Verfasser und der Zweck des Buches Daniel. Theologische
Zeitschrift. Drittes Heft. Berlin, 1822, pp. 181-294. By Dr. Fried.
Liicke. Comraentatio Historico-Critica Exhibeus descriptionem et censuram
reoentiura de Danielis Libro Opinionum, Auctore Henrico Godofredo
Kirrass, Saxone Seminarii Theologici Sodali. Jenae, 1828.
Die Authentie des Daniel. Von Ernst Wilhelm Hengstenberg.
Beriin, 1831.
The Season and Time, or an Exposition of the Prophecies which relate
to the two periods of Daniel subsequent to the 1260 years now recentiy
expired. By W. Ettrick, A. M. London, 1816.
An Essay towards an Interpretation of the Prophecies of DanieL By
Richard Amner. London, 1776.
Neue Kritishe Untersuchungen uber des Buch Daniel. Von Heinrich
n'4vernick, der Theologie Doctor und A. 0. Professor an der Univorsitat
Rostock. Hamburgh, 1838.
An Exposition of such of the Prophecies of Daniel as receive their ae.
eomplishment under the New Testament. By the late Rev. Magnus
Frederic Roos A. M., Superintendant and Prelate in Lustnan and

INTRODUCTION. LXXXI
Anhausen. Translated from the German, by Ebenezer Henderson.
Edinburgh, 1811.
A Description accompanying an hieroglyphical print of Daniel's Great
Image. London.
Daniel, his Chaldie Visions and his Ebrew: both translated after
the original, and expounded both, by the reduction of heathen most
faraous stories, with the exact proprietie of his wordes (whioh is the
surest certaintie what he must meane) : and joining all the Bible and
learned tongues to the frame of his Worko. London, 1590. By Hugh
Broughton. Observations intended to point out the application of Prophecy in the
eleventh chapter of Daniel to the French Power. London, 1800.
Author unknown.
An Apologie in Briefe Assertions defending that our Lord died in the
time properly fortold to Daniel. For satisfaction to some studentes in
both Universities. By H. Broughton. London, 1592.
As Essay in Scripture Prophecy, wherein it is endeavoured to explain
the three periods contained in the xiith chapter of the Prophet Daniel,
with sorae arguments to make it probable that the first of the periods did
expire in the year 1715. Printed in the year 1715. Author and place
unknown. Daniel, an Improved Version attempted, with a Preliminary Disser
tation, and Notes, critical, historical, and explanatory. By Thomas
Wintle, B. D., Rector of Brightwall, in Berkshire, and Fellow of Pem
broke College. Oxford, 1792.
Hermanni Venema Commentarius, ad Danielis cap. xi. 4-45, et xii.
1-3. Leovardiae, 1752.
A Chronological Treatise upon the Seventy Weeks of Daniel. By
Benjamin Marshall, M. A., Rector Naunton, in Gloucestershire. Lon
don, 1725.
The Times of Daniel, Chronological and Prophetical, examined with
rolation to the point of contact between Sacred and Profane Chronology.
By George, Duke of Manchester, London, 1845.
Profi Stuart's Commentary on Daniel, Boston, 1850, was not pub
lished until after the "Notes" or Comraentary in thiswork had been
written. I have consulted it carefully in revising the manuscript for the
press. To these works, which I have consulted feely, in proportion to what
seemed to rae their respective worth, and to such collateral exegetical
helps in addition as I have access to in my own library, the following
works are referred to by De Wette, Lehrbuch, pp. 378, 379, as valuable
aids in interpreting Daniel : —
Ephraem, d. S. Ausleg. des Proph. Daniel, Opp. ii. 203, seq.
Theodoret, Comment, iu Visiones Dan. Proph. Opp. ed. Soulz. ii.
l(/53j seq.

IXXXII INTRODUCTION.
Paraph. Josephi Jachidss in Dan. o. Vers, et Annotatt. ConsK
I'Empereur. Amst. 1633.
Praeleott. Acad, in Dan. Proph. habitae a Mart. Geir. Lips. 1667, ed.
corr. 84.
H. Venom. Disseitatt ad Vatice. Danielis, c. ii. vii. et viii. Loov.
1745 Chr. B. Michel. Annotatt. in Dan, in J. H. Michael. Ueberr. Annatatt.
in Ilagiogr. iii. 1, seq.
RosenmUller schoL

THB

BOOK OF DANIEL.

CHAPTER I.
§ 1. AUTHENTICITT OP THE CHAPTER.
ftSK y w gwioral argument in favour of the genuineness aud authenticity of the Book ef Daniel,
vfv lai JZ'&j ^ ?>, 3. To the genuineness and authenticity of each particular chapter in detail,
howei er, olgections, derived ftom something peculiar in each chapter, have been urged, which
it is propiw to meet, and which I propose to consider in a particular introduction to the re
spective chapters. These objections it is proper to consider, not so much because they hava
been urged by distinguished German critics — De Wette, Bertholdt, Bleek, Eichhorn, and others,
—for their writings will probably fall into the hands of few persons who will read these Notes,
but (a) because it may be presumed that men of so much learning, industry, acuteness, and
ingenuity, have urged all the objections which can, with any appearance of plausibility, ba
alleged agflinst the book ; and (&) because tho objections which they have urged may be pre
sumed to be felt, to a greater or less degree, by those who read the book, though they might not
be able to express them with so much clearness and force. There are numerous objections to
various portions of the Scriptures floating in the minds of the readers of the Bible, and many
difBculties which occur to such readers, which are not expressed, and which it would be desirable
to remove, and which it is the duty of an expositor of the Bible, if he can, to remove. Sceptical
critics, in general, but collect and embody, in a plausible form, difficulties which are felt by most
rpiidera of the Scriptures. It is for tbis reason, and with a view to remove what seer/is to fur
nish plausible arguments against the different portions of this book, that the objections whioli
have been urged, principally by the authors above referred to, will be noticed in special sectionfi^
preceding the exposition of each chapter.
The oi3y objection to the genuineness and authenticity of the first chapter, which it seems
necessary to notice, is that the account of Daniel in the chapter is inconsistent with the mention
of Daniel by Eeekiel. The olgection substantially is, that it is improbable that Uie Daoiel who
is mentioned by Ezekiel should be one who was a cotemporary with himself, and who at that
time lived in Babylon. Daniel is three times mentioned in Ezekiel, and iu each case as a man
of eminent piety and integrity; as one go distinguished by his virtues as to deserve to be classed
with the most eminent of the patriarchs. Thus in Ezek. xiv. 14, "Though these three men,
Noah, Daniel, and Job were in it, they should deliver but their own souls by their righteous-
neas, saith the Lord God." So again, ver. 20, " Though Noah, Daniel, and Job were in it, as I
live, saith the Lord God, they shall deliver neither son nor daughter, they shall deUver but their
owe souls by their righteousness." And again, ch. xviii. S, speaking of the prince'of Tyre,
*' Behold thou art wiser than Daniel." The objection urged in respect to the mention of Daniel in.
these passages is sujatan tially this — that if the account in the Book of Daniel is true, he must
have been a cotemporary with Ezekiel, and must have been, when Ezekiel prophesied, a young ¦
man ; that it is incredible that he should have gained a degree of repu^tion which would
entitle him to be ranked with Noah ond Job ; that he could not have heen so well known aa to
make it natural or proper to refer to him in the same connection with those eminent men ; and
especiaUy that he could not have been thus known to the prince of Tyre, as is supposed of those
mentioned hy Ezekiel in the passages r^erred to, for it cannot be presumed tbat a man so young
had acquired such a fame abroad as to make it proper to refer to him in this manner in an
address to a heathen prince. This objection was urged by Bernstein (iiber das Buch Hiob, in
den Analekten Von Keil uni Tzschirner, i. 3, p. 10), and it is found also in Bleek, p. 2S4, and
Do Wette, Elnl. p. SSO. De Wette says that it is probable that ttie author of the Book of
Daniel used the name of "an ancient mytliio or pootic person feJBely," in order to illustrate his
?ork. (83)

84 DANIEL. [3.0.607
Now, in regard to this objection, it may be remarked, (a) that, according to all the accounti
which we have in the Biblo, Ezekiel and Daniel were cotemporary, and were m Babylon at till
game time. As Daniel, however, lived a long time in Babylon al"ter this, it is to be admitted,
¦Jso, that at the period referred to by Ezekiel, he must have been comparatively a young man.
But it does uot follow that he might not then have had a well-known character for piety and
integrity, which would make it proper to mention his name in connection with the most eminent
eaints of ancient times. If the account in the Book of Daniel itse^ is a correct account of him,
this will not be doubted, for he soon attracted attention In Babylon; he soon evina-d that i»x-
traordiuary piety which made bim so eminent aa a man of God, and that extraordinary wisdcm
which raised him to the highest rank as an officer of state in Babylon. It wi\8 very soon aftcf
he was taken to Babvlon that the purpose was formed to train him, and the tl ree other selected
vouths, in the learning of the Chaldeans (ch. i. va. 1-4), and that Daniel eb^jwed tliat he was
qualified to pass the examination, preparatory to his occupying an honourable place in tha
court (ch. i 18-21), and it was ouly iu tbe second year of the reign of Nebuchadneuar that the
remarkabli* iream occurred, the interpretation of which gave to Daniel so much celebrity, ch. iL
According t.- a computation of Hengstenberg (Authentie des Daniel, p. 71), Daniel waa taken to
JJabylon full ten years before the prophecy of Ezekiel, in which the first meniion of him waa
made, and if so, there can be no real ground for the objection referred to. In lhat time, if the
account ofhis extraordinary wisdom is true; if he evinced the character which it is said tbat he
did evince — and against thiE< there i/i no intrinsic improbability; and if he was exalted to ofiico
and rank, as it is stated that he was. tbere can be no improbability in what Ezekiel aays of him,
tbat he had a character which made it proper that he should be classed with the most enuncnt
men of the Jewish nation. (6) As to the objection that the name of Daniel could not have been
known to the king of Tyre, as would seem to bc implied in Ezek. xxviii. 3, it may bu remarked,
that it is not necessary to suppose that these prophecies were ever known to the king of Tyre, ol
that they were ever designed to influence him. The prophecies which were directed against tha
ancient heathen kings were uttered and published among the Hebrew people, primarily for
their guidance, and were designed to furnish to them, and to others in future times, argumenti
for the truth ofreligion, though they assumed the form of direct addresses to the kings them
selves. Such an imaginary appeal may have been made in this case by Ezekiel to tbo king of
Tyre ; and, iu speaking of him, and of his boasted wisdom, Ezekiel may have made the compac
rison wbich would then naturally occur to him, by mentioning him in connection with tho
mn^t eminent man for wisdom of that age. But, it should be said, also, that there can be no
Oertain evidence that the name of Daniel was not known to the king of Tyre, and no intrineip
Improbability in the supposition that it was. If Daniel had at that time evinced the remark*
able wisdom at the court of Babylon which it is said iu this book that be had; if he had been
raised to that high rank which it is aflirmed he had reached, there is no improbability in sup
posing that so remarkable a circumstance should have buen made known to the king of Tyre.
Tyre was taken by Nebuchadnezzar, B. C. 572, after a siege of thirteen years, and it is in no
fray improbable that the king of Tyre would be made acquainted with what occurred at tha
court of the Chaldeans. The prophecy in Ezekiel, where Daniel is men tioned (ch. xxviii. 3), could
not have heen uttered long before Tyre was taken, and, in referring to what was to occur, it was
not unnatural to mention the man most distinguished fqr wisdom at the court of Babylon, and
in the councils of Nebuchadnezzar, with the presumption that his namo and celebrity would
not be unknown to the king of Tyre, (c) As to the objection of Bernstein, that It would be im
probable, if Daniel lived there, and if he was comparatively a young man, that his name would
be placed between that of Noah aud Job (Ezek. xiv. 14), as if he bad lived before Job, it may
be remarked, that there might he a greater similarity between the circumstances of Noah and
Daniel than between Noah and Jot, and that it was proper to refer to them in t^is order. But
the mere circumstance of the order in which the names are mentioned cannot be adduced ae a
proof that one of the persons named did not exint at that time. They may have occurred in
this order to Ezekiel, because, in his apprehensici, that was the order in which the degree of
their piety was to be estimated
To this objection thus considered, that the men tion of Daniel in connection with Noah and
Job proves that Ezekiel referred to some one of ancient times, it may be further replied, that,
If this were so, it is impossible to account for the fact that no such person is mentioned by any
ofthe earlier prophets and writers. How came his name known to Ezekiel? And if there had
beon a patriarch so eminent as to be ranked with Noah and Job, how is it to be accounted for
that all the sacred writers, up to the time of Ezekiel, are wholly silent in regard to him F And
why is it that, when he mentions him, he does it as of one who wae well known? The mere
ivention of his name in this manner by Ezekiel, proves that bis character waa well known
lo those fir whom he wote. Noah and Job were thus known by the ancient records; bnt how
was Vaiiid thuf= kn^wr ' He is nowhere mentioned in the ancient writings of the Hebrews,
and if ho was so well known that he could be referred to in the same way as Noah and Job, it
inust bc either because there was some tradition in regard to him, or because he was then living,
nnd his character was well understood by those for whom Ezekiel wrote. But there is no
«Tidence that there was any such tradition, and no probability that there was; and the coih
elusion, then, is inevitable, that he was then so well known to tbe Hebrews in exile, that it wai
E roper for Ezekiel to mention him just as he did Noah and Job. If so, this fumishes tho
igbpst evidence that he actually lived in th? time of Ezekiel; that is, In th« timo when iJiis
book purports to have been written.

B.O. 607.J CHAPTER i. 85
J 2. ANALYSIS OF THB CHAPTER.
Thia chapter is entirely historical, tho prophotio portions of the book commencing with th«
Bcooud chapter. The ol^ect of this chapter seems to be to stato tho way in which Daniel, wlio
iubsequently acted so important a part in Babylon, wa^ raisod to so distinguished favour with
the king and court. It was remarkable that a Jewish captive, aud a young man, should bo so
honoured; thnt ho should bo admitted as ono of tl " principal counsellors ofthe king, aud that
hu should ultimately become tho prime-ministor 0/ the realm; and there was a propriety that
there should bo a preliminary statomcut of tho stops of thia extraordinary promotion. This
chapter contains a rocowl of tho way in which tho future premier and prophet wa^ introduced to
the notice of the reigning monarch, and by which hia wonderful genius and sagacity wero din-
covered. It is a chapter, therefore, that may bo full of interest and inf-truction to all, and
eepenially to young mon. Tho chapter contains the record of tho following points, or stops,
which led to the promotion of Daniel : —
I. The history of tho Jewish captivity, as uxplanatory of tho reason why those who are fiuN
sequently referred to were in Babylon. They wore exiles, having been conveyed as captives
to n foreign land. va. 1, 2.
II. The purpose of the king, Nebuchadnezzar, to bring forward the principal talent to ba
found auiong thR Jewish captives, and to put it under a process of training, that it
might bo employed at the court, vs. 3, 4. In carrying out this purpose, a confidential
officer of the court, Ashpenaz, was lirected to search out among the captives the most
Jiromising youtJbis, whether by birth or talent, and to put them under a process of traln-
ng, that thoy mi^ht become fully instructed in the science of tho Chaldeans. What
wore the reasons which led to this cannot bo known with certainty. Thoy may bavo beeo
such OS the^o : (1.) The Chaldeans had devoted themselves to science, especially to those
Bcionces which promised any information rospcoting futuro eventa, the secrets of tho
unseen world, Ac. Ilonco they either originated or odopted the science of astrology; they
practised the arts of magio; they studied to interpret dreams; and, in general, thoy made
use of all tho moans which it was thon supposed could be employed to unlock the
aecrets of tho inviBlble world, and to disclose the future. (2.) They could not have been
Ignorant of the fact, that the Hebrews claimed to have communications with Qod. They
hod doubtless hoard of their prophets, and ¥>f their being able to foretell what was to
occur. This kind of knowlodj^e would fall'ln with the otgoota at which tbe Chaldeans
aimed, aud if thay could avail themtielves of it, it would enable them to secure what they
BO ardently sought. It is probable that they considered this as a sort of permanent
power which the Hebrew prophets had, and supposed that at all times, and on oil sulyccts,
they could interpret dreams, and solve the various questions about which their own
mogloiana wore so much engaged. It is not to be presumed that they had any vory accu
rate knowlodgo on the exact character of the Hebrew prophecies, or tho nature of tlie
communicaiion which the prophets had with Qod; but it was not unnatural for them to
suppose that this spirit of prophesy or divination would be possessed by the most noble
and the most talented of the land. Ilonco Ashpenoz was Instructed to select those of the
royal family, and those in whom there was no blemish, and who were handsome, and who
¦were distinguished tor knowledge, and to prepare them, by a suitable course, for being pre
sented to tbe king. (3.) It may have been the purpose of the Chaldean monnrc-h to bring
forward all the tatent of tho realm, whether native or foreign, to bo employed in the service
of the government. There is no reason t-o suppose that there was any jealousy of foreign
talent^ or any reluctance to employ It in any proper way, in promoting the interests of
the kingdom. As the Chaldean monarch bad now in bis possession the Hebrew royai
fomily, and all the principal men that bad been distinguished in Judea, it was not un-
natunU to suppose that there might be valuable ttUent among them of which he might
avail himself, and which would odd to the splendour of his own court and cabinet. It
might have been natural^ supposed, also, that it would tend much to conciliate the cap
tives themselves, and repress any existing impatience, or insubordination, to selccttho
most noble and the moat gifted of thom, and to employ them in the service of the go
vernment; and in any questions that might arise between the govemment and the captive
nation, it would bo an advantage Ibr the government to be able to employ native-born
Uobrews in making known the wishea and purposes of the government. It was, more
over, in accordance with the proud spirit of Nebuchadnezzar (aee ch. iv.), to surround
himself with all that would impart splendour to his own reign.
ni. The method by which this talent wos to be brought forward, vs. 5-7. Thia was by a
course of living tn the manner of tha royal household, with tbe presumption that at the
end of three years, iu personal sppearance, and in the knowledge of the language of the
Chaldeans (vor. 4), they would be prepared to appear at court, and to be employed in the
Borvice lt> which thoy might be appointed.
IV. The re^olation of Dimiel not to corrupt himaelf with the viands which had been appointed
for him and his brethren, ver. 8. He hod heretofore been strictly temperate; he had
avoided all luxurious living; he had abstained fcom wine; and, though now having oi}
the meana of luxurious indulgence at command, and unexpectedly thrown intn the temp*
tations ofa aplendid Oriental court, he resolved to adhere steadfastly to bis principles.
T. Tlio apprehension of the prince of the eunuchs that this would be a ground of ofTeuce with
his muster, the king, and that he would Umself he hold responsible, vs. 9, 10. This wa.s s
8

86

DANIEL.

[B. c. mr.

?ery ns tural apprehension, as the co^nmand seems to have been positive, and as an Orienta]
monarch was entirely despotic. It waa not unreasonable for him to whom this office woi
entrusted, to suppose that a failure on his part to accomplish what he had been directed
to do would be followed by a loss of place or life.
TL TLe experiment, and the result, vs. 11-17. Daniel asked that a trial might be made of
the effects of temperance in preparing him and his companions for presentation at court
He requested that they might be permitted, even for a brief time, yet long enough to make
a fair experiment, to abstain from wine, and the other luxuries of the royal taole, and that
then it might be determined whether they should be allowed to continue the experiment.
The result was as he had anticipated. Atthe end of ten days, on a fair comparison with
those who had indulged in luxurious living, tbe benefit of their course was apparent, and
they were permitted to continue this strict abstinence during the remainder of the time
which was deemed necessary for their preparation to appear at court.
<IL The presentation at court, vs. 18-21. At the end of the time appointed for pmparation,
Dauiel and his selected companions were brought into the royal presence, and met with
the most favourable reception which could have been hoped for. They were distinguished,
it would seem, for beauty and manly vigour, and as much distinguished for wisdom as they
were tor the beauty and healthfulness of their bodily appearance. They at once took an
honourable station, greatly surpassing in true wisdom and knowledge those at the court
who were regarded as skilled in the arts of divination and astrology. These years of
preparation we are not to suppose were spent in merely cultivating the beauty of their
personal appearance, but they were doubtless employed, under all the advantages of instmo*
tion which could be afforded them, in the careful cultivation of their mental powera, and in
the acquisition of all tho knowledge which could be obtained under the liest mastcis at the
court of the Chaldeans. Comp. ver. 4.

1

V the third year of the reign of
Jehoiakim king of Judah came

S. In the third year of the reign of Je
hoiakim king of Judah came Nebuchad-
neiizar king of Babylon unto Jerusal&m.
This event occurred, according to Jahn,
(History of the Hebrew Commonwealth),
in the year 607 before Christ, and in the
36Sth year after tlie Revolt of the ten
tribes. According to Usher, it was in the
369th year of the Revolt, and 606 B. C.
The computation of Usher is the one
generally received, but the difiFerence ofa
year in the reckoning is not material.
Comp. Mlchaslis, Anmerkung, zu 2 Kun.
xxiv. 1. Jehoiakim viras a son of Josiah,
a prince who was distinguished for his
piety, 2 Kings, xxii. 2; 2 Chron. xxxv.
1-7. After the death of Josiah, the peo
ple raised to the throne of Judah Je
hoahaz, the younger son of Josiah, proba
bly because he appeared better qualified to
reign than his elder brother. 2 Kings
xxiii. 30 : 2 Chron. xxxvi. 1. He was a
wicked prince, and, after he had been on
the throno three months, he was removed
by Pharaoh-uechoh, king of Egypt, who
Teturned t/i Jerusalem from the conquest
of Phoenicia, and placed his elder brother,
Kliakim, tc whom he gave the name of
Jehoiakim, on the throne. 2 Kings xxiii.
34; 2 Chron. xxxvi. 4. Jehoahaz was
first imprisoned in Riblah, 2 Kings, xxiii.
33, aud was aftorwards removed to Egypt
t Chron. xxxvi. 4. Jehoiakim, an un-

* Nebuchadnezzar kjng of Babylon
unto Jerusalem, and besieged it,
^ 2 Kings 24. 1, 2 ; 2 Chron. 36. 6, 7.

worthy son of Josiah, was, in reality, aa
he is represented by Jeremiah, one of
the worst kings who reigned over Judah.
His reign continued eleven years, and as
he came to the throne B, C. 611, hia
reign continued to the year 600 B. C. In
the third year ofhis reign, after the battle
of Megiddo, Pharaoh-nechoh undertook a
second expedition against Nabopolassar,
king of Babylon, with a numerous army,
drawn in part from Westem Africa, Libya,
and Ethiopia. Jahn's His. Heb. Com
monwealth, p. 134. This NabopolasBar,
who is also called Nebuchadnezzar I., waa
at this time, as Berosus relates, aged and
infirm. He therefore gave up a part of
his army to his son Nebuchadnezzar, who
defeated the Egyptian host at Carche-
mish (Circesium) on the Euphrates, and
drove Necho out of Asia. The victorious
prince marched directly to Jerusalem,
which was then nnder the sovereignty of
Egypt. After a short siege Jehoiakim
surrendered, and was again placed on the
throne by the Babylonian princo. Ne
buchadnezzar took part of the furniture
of the temple as booty, and carried back
with him to Babylon eeveral'young men,
the sons of the principal Hebrew nobles,
among whom were Daniel and hia three
friends referred to in this chapter. It ia
not improbable that one object in con
veying them to Eibylon wa« mat they

B.C. 606.]

CHAPTER I.

87

2 And the Lord gave Jshoiakim
king of Judah into his hand, with

might be hostages for the submission and
good order of the Hebrews in their own
land. It is at this time that the Baby
lonian sovereignty over Judah commences,
commonly called the Babylonian cap
tivity, which, according to the prophecy
of Jeremiah, xxv. 1-14, xxix. 10, was to
continue seventy years. In Jer. xxv. 1,
and xlvi. 2, it is said that this was in the
fourth year of Jehoiakim. In the passage
before us it is said that it was the third
year. This difference, says Jahn, arises
from a different mode of computation.
" Jehoiakim came to the throne at the
end of the year, which Jeremiah reckons
as the first (and such a mode of reckon
ing is not uncommon), but Daniel neglect
ing the incomplete year, numbers one
less." For a more full and complete ex
amination of the objection to the genuine
ness of Daniel from thia passage, I would
refer to Prof. Stuart on Daniel, Excursua,
1. pp. 19-30. \ And besieged it. Jerusa
lem was a strongly fortified place, and it
wa^ not easy to take it, except as the re
sult of a siege. It was, perhaps, never
carried by direct and immediate assault.
Comp. 2 Kings xxv. 1-3, for an account
of a siege of Jerusalem a second time by
Nebuchadnezzar. At that time the city
was besieged about a year and a hal^.
How long the siege here referred to con
tinued is not specified.
2. And the Lord gave JehoJhia/eim Icing
of Judah into hia hand, Jehoiakim was
taken captive, and it would seom that
there was an intention to convey him to
Babylon (2 Chron. xxxvi. 6), but that for
gome cause he was not removed there,
but died at Jerusalem (2 Kings xxiv.
5, 6), though he was not honourably
buried there. Jer. xxii. 19, xxxvi. 30.
In the Second Book of Chronicles (xxxvi.
6), it is said that " Nebuchadnezzar king
of Babylon came up, and bound Jehoia
kim in fetters to take him to Babylon."
Jahn supposes that an error has crept
into the text in the Book of Chronicles,
ao there is no evidence that Jehoiakim
was taken to Babylon, but it appears from
2 Kings xxiv. 1, 2, that Jehoiakim was
continued in authority at Jerusalem under
Nebuchadnezzar three years, and then re
belled against him, and that then Nebu
chadnezzar sent against him " bands, of
'Jde Chaldees, and lioiida of the Syrians,

part
God

of the vessels of the house of
which he carried into the land

and bands of the Moabites, and bands of
the children of Ammon, and sent them
against Judah to destroy it." There is
no necessity of supposing an error in the
text in the account i^ the Book of Chron
icles. It is probable that Jehoiakim was
taken, and that the intention was to take
him to Babylon, according to the account
in Chronicles, but that, from some cause
not mentioned, the purpose of the Chal
dean monarch was changed, and that he
was placed agnin over Judah, under Ne
buchadnezzar, according to the account
in the Book of Kings, and that he re
mained in this condition for three years
till he rebelled, and that then the bands
of Chaldeans, Ac, were sent against
him. It is probable that at this time,
perhaps while the siege was going on, he
died, and that the Chaldeans dragged his
dead body out of the gates of the city,
and left it unburied, aa Jeremiah had
predicted. Jer. xxii. 19, xxxvi. 30. ^ With
part of the veaaeta of the houae of God.
2 Chron. xxxvi. 7. Another portion of
the vessels of the temple at Jerusalem
had been taken away by Nebuchadnezzar,
in the time of Jehoiaohin, the successor of
Jehoiakim. 2 Chron. xxxvi. 10. On the
third invasion of Palestine, tho same
thing had been repeated on a more ex
tensive scale. 2 Kings xxiv. 13. At tho
fourth and final invasion, under Zedekiah,
when the temple was destroyed, ail its
treasures were carried away. 2 Kings,
xxv. 6-20. A part of those treasures were
brought back under Cyrus, Ezra L 7 ; the
rest under Darius, Ezra vi. 5. Why thoy
were not all taken away at first doos not
appear, but perhaps Nebuchadnezzar did
not then intend wholly to overthrow tho
Hebrew nation, but raeant to keep them
tributary to him as a people. The .temple
was not at that time destroyed, but pro
bably he allowed the worship of Jehovah
to be celebrated there still, and he would
naturally leave such vessels as were abso
lutely necessary to keep up the services of
public worship ^ Which he carried into
the land of Shinar. The region around
Babylon. The exaot limits of this country
are unknown, but it probably embraced the
region known as Mesopotamia — the conn
try between the rivers Tigris and Eu
phrates. Tbe derivatipn of the name
Shinar is unknown. It occurs only in

«8

DANIEL.

[B. 0. 608

of Shinar to the house of his god ;
and he brought the vessels into the
treasure-house of his god.

Gen. X. 10, xi. 2, xiv. 1, 9; Josh. vii. 21 ;
Isa. xi. 11 ; Dan. i. 2; Zech. v. II. If To
the home of his God. To the temple of
Bel, at Babylon. This was a temple of
great magnificence, and the worship of
Bel was celebrated there with great
splendour. For a description of this
temple, and of- the god which was wor
shipped there, see Notes on Isa. xlvi. 1.
These vessels were subsequently brought
out at the command of Belshazzar, at his
celebrated feast, and employed in the con
viviality and revelry of that occasion.
See Dan. v. 3. ^ And he brought the vea-
aels into the treaa^ire-houae of hia god. It
would seem from this that the vessels had
beon ta.ken to the temple of Bel, or Belus,
in Babylon, not tobe used in the worship
of the idol, but to be laid up among the
valuable treasures there. As the temples
of the gods were sacred, and were re
garded as inviolable, it would be natural
to make them the repository of valuable
spoils and treasures. Many of the spoils
of the Romans were suspended around
the walls of the temples of their gods,
particularly in the Temple of Victory.
Comp. Eschenberg, Manual of Class. Lit.
P. iii. ? 149, 150.
3. And the king apake unto Aahpenaz
the maater of hia eunucha. On the general
reasons which may have infiuenced the
king to make the selection of the youths

3 f And the king spake unto Ash.
penaz the master of his eunuchs,
that he should bring certain of ths

here mentioned, see the analysis of tha
chapter. Of Ashpenaz, nothing more ii
known than is stated here. Eunuchs
were then, as they are now, in constant
employ in the harems of the East, and
they often rose to great influence and
power. A large portion of the slaves em
ployed at the courts in the East, and in
the houses of the wealthy, are eunuchs.
Comp. Burckhardt's Travels in Nubia,
pp. 294, 295. They are regarded as the
guardians of the female virtue of the
harem, but their situation gives them
great influence, and they often rise high
in the favour of their employers, and
often become the principal officers of the
court. " The chief of the black eunuchs
is yet, at the court of the Sultan, which
is arranged much in accordance with tbe
ancient court of Persia, an officer of the
highest dignity. He is called Kislar- Ago,
the overseer of the women, and is the
chief of the black eunuchs, who guard the
harem, or the apartments of the females.
The Kislar-Aga enjoys, throngh his situa
tion, a vast influence, especially in regard to
the offices of the court, the principal Agaa
deriving their situations through him."
See Jos. vou Hammers des Osmanischen
Reichs Staatsverwalt, Th. i. s. 71, as
quoted in Rosenmiiller's Alte und neue
Morgenland, ii. 357, 348. The following
cuts, from Assyrian marbles, will illustrata

thn usual appearance of these officers.
Tbat it is common in the East to desire
thnt those employed in public service
should have vigorous bodies, and beauty
of form, and to train them for this, will
be apparent from the following extract :

"Curtius says, that in all barbarous or
uncivilized countries, the stateliness of tha
body is held in great veneration ; nor do
they think it capable of great services or
action to whom nature has not vouchsafed
tv give a beautiful form and aspect. II

CHAPTEE I.

B.C. 606.]
children » oflsrael, and of the king's
f>eed, and of the princes ;
» Foretold, 2 Kings, 20. 17, 18 ; Is. 39. 7.

89

has always been the custom of eastern
nationa to choose such for their principal
officers, or to wait on princes and great
personages. Sir Paul Kicaut observes,
*That &Q youths that are designed for
the great ottiGes of the Turkish empire,
must be of admirable features and looks,
well-shaped in their bodies, and without
any defect of nature j for it is conceived
that a corrupt and sordid soul can scarcely
inhabit in a serene and ingenious aspect;
and I have observed, not only in the
seraglio, but also in the courts of great
men, their personal attendants have been
of comely lusty youths, well-habited, de
porting themselves with singular modesty
and respect to the presence of their
masters; so that wben a Pascha Aga
Spahi travels, he is always attended with
a comely equipage, foUowed by flourish
ing youUis, well-clothed, and mounted, in
great numbere.'" — Burder, This may
serve to explain the reason ofthe arrange
ment made in respect to these Hebrew
youths. ^ That he should bring certain
of the children of IsraeL Heb. ' of the
ton* of Israel.* Nothing can with cer-
tunty be determined respecting their
age by the use of this expression, for the
phrase means merely the descendants of
Jacob, or Israel, that is, Jetca, and it
would be applied to them at any time of
life. It would seem, however, from sub
sequent statements, that those who were
selected were young men. It is evident
that young men would be better qualified
for the object contemplated — to be trained
in the language and the sciences of the
Chaldeans (ver. 4) — than those who were
at a more advanced period of life. ^ And
of the king*8 seed, and of the princea.
That the most illustrious, and the most
promising of them were to be selected j
those who would be most adapted to ac
complish the objeot which he had in
view, Comp. the Analysis ofthe chapter.
It is probable that the kiiig presumed,
that among the royal youths who bad
been made captive, there would be found
thoso of most talent, and of course those
best qualified to Impart dignity and
nonor to his government, as well as those
who would be most likely to be quali-
£od to make, known future events by
the interpretation of dreams, and b^
8».

4 Children in whom was no blem
ish, but ¦well-favoured, and skilful m
all wisdoin, and cunning in knowl-

the prophetic intimations of the divine
will. 4. Children in whom was no hletniah.
The word rendered children in this place
— Q^"?!?? — is different from that which is
rendered cAi7drcft in ver, 3 — 3'*^^. That
word denotes merely that they wore «o»w,
or descendants, of Israel, without imply
ing anything in regard to tbeir age ; tho
word here used would be appropriate only
to those who were at an early period of
Ufe, and makes it certain that the king
meant that those wbo were selected should
be youths. Comp. Gen. iv. 23, where the
word is rendered " a young man." It is
sometimes, indeed, used to denote a son,
without reference to age, and is then
synonymous with T^, ben, a son. But it
properly means one born : that is, recently
bom; a child. Gen. xxi. 8; Ex. i. 17, ii,
3 ; and then one in early life. There can
be no doubt that tbe monarch meant to
designate ,7oufA.«, So the Vulgate, jjiteros,
and the Greek, veaviaKoni, and so the
Syriac. All these words would be ap
plicable to those who were in early Ufe,
or to young men. Gomp. Intro, to Danielj
g 1. The word blemish refers to bodily
defect or imperfection. The object wn*
to select those who were most perfect in
form, perhaps partly because it was 8up>-
posed that beautiful youth would most
grace the court, and partly because it.>
was supposed that such would be likely
to have the brightest inteUectual endow
ments. It was regarded as essential to
personal beauty to be without blemish*
2 Sam. xiv. 25: "But in all Israel ther«
was none to be so much praised as Absa
lom for beauty; from the sole ofhis feet,
even to the crown of his head there waa
no blemish in him." Cant. iv. 7 : " Thou
art all fair, my love ; thero is no spot in
thee." The word is sometimes used in a
moral sense, to denote corruption of
heart or Ufe (Dent, xxxii. 5 ; Job xi. 16,
xxxi. 7), bnt that is not the meaning
here. % But well-favoured. Heb. 'good
of appearance ;' that is, beautiful. ^ And
skilful in all wisdom. Intelligent^ wise,
that is, in aU that was esteemed wise in
their own country. The object was, to
bring forward the most taJerted and in-

90

DANIEL.

[B. c. m

edge, and understanding science,
and such as had ability in them to
stand in the king's palace, and

teUigent, as well as the most beautiful,
among the Hebrew captives. % And cun
ning in all knowledge. In all that could
be known. The distinction between the
word here rendered knowledge — rip7 —
and the word rendered science — JJ^P — is
not apparent. Both come from the word
yi;, to know, and would be applicable
to any kind of knowledge. The word
rendered cunning is also derived from the
same root, and means knowing, or skilled
in. We more commonly apply the word
to a particular kind of knowledge, mean
ing artful, shrewd, astute, sly, crafty, de
signing. But this was not the meaning
of the word when tbe translation of the
Bible was made, and it is not employed
in that sense in the Scriptures. It is
always used in a good sense, meaning
inteUigent, skilful, experienced, well-in
structed. Comp. Gen. xxv. 27; Ex. xxvi.
1, xxviii. 'i5, xxxviii. 23 ; 1 Sam. xvi. 16 ;
1 Chron. xxv. 7 ; Ps. cxxxvii. 5 ; Isa. iii. 3.
^ And understanding science. That is, the
scitfnces which prevailed among the He
brews. They were not a nation dis
tinguished for sciencCf in the sense in
which that term is now commonly un
derstood — embracing astronomy, chemis
try, geology, mathematics, electricity, Ac,
but their science extended chiefly to mu
sic, architecture, natural history, agricul
ture, morals, theology, war, and the
knowledge of future events; in aU which
they occupied an honourable distinction
among tbe nations. In many of these
respects they were, doubtless, far in
advance of the Chaldeans, and it was
probably the purf/oso of the Chaldean
monarch to avail himself of what they
knew. ^ And auch as had ability in them
to stand in the king's palace, Heb. * had
strength' — D^ . Properly meaning, who
had strength of body for the service
which would be required of them in at
tending on the court. "A firm consti
tution of body is required for those
protracted services of standing in the
haU of the royal presence." — Grotius,
The word palace here — /VD — is com
monly used to denote the temple. 2 Kings
xxlr. 13; 2 Chron. iii. 17; Jer. L 28;

whom they niight teach the learn
ing and the tongue of the Chal
deans.

Hag. ii. 15. Its proper and primitive sig
nification, however, is a large and magnifi
cent building — a palace — and it was givea
to the temple as the palace of Jehovab, the
abode where he dwelt as king of hia
people. ^ And whom they might teach.
That they might be better qualified for
the duties to which they might be called.
The purpose was, doubtless (see Analysis),
to bring forward their talent, that it might
contribute to the splendour of the Chal
dean court; but as they were, doubtiess, .
ignorant, to a great extent, of the lan
guage of the Chaldeans, and as there
were sciences in which the Chaldeans
were supposed to excel, it seemed de
sirable that they should have aU the
advautage which could be derived from a
careful training under the best masters.
^ The leaming. 1 P ? . LiteraUy, wri
ting, Isa. xxix. 11, 12, Gesenius sup
poses that this means the writing of the
Chaldeans ; or that they might be able to
read the language ofthe Chaldeans. But
it, doubtiess, included the knowledge of
what was written, as well as the abiUty to
read what was written ; that is, the pur
pose was to instruct them in the sciences
which were understood among the Chal
deans. They were distinguished chiefly
for such sciences as these: (1.) Astrono
my. This science is commonly supposed
to have had its origin on the plains' of
Babylon, and it was early carried there
to as bijgh a degree of perfection as it
attained in any of tbe ancient nations.
Their mild climate, and their employ
ments as shepherds, leading them to pass
much of their time at night under the
open heavens, gave them the opportunity
of observing the stars, and they amused
themselves in marking their positions
and their changes, and in mapping out
the heavens in a variety of fanciful
figures, now called consteUations. (2.) As
trology. This was at first a branch of
astronomy, or was almost identical with
it, for the stai's were studied principaUy
to endeavour to ascertain what influence
thoy exerted over the fates of men, and
especiaUy what might be predicted from
their position on the birth of an indi
vidual, as to ijis future life. Astrology
was then deemed a science whose lawl

B. C. 606.]

were to be ascertained in the same way
as the laws of any other science ; and the
world has been slow to disabuse itself of
tho notion that the stars exert an influonce
over the fates of men. Even Lord Bacon
he'ii that it. wag a science to be "re-
forr,ed," not wholly rejected. (3.) Ma
gio ; soothsaying : divination ; or whatever
would contribute to lay open the future,
or disclose the secrets of- the invisible
world. Hence they applied themselves
to the int«rpretatlon of dreams ; they mado
nse of magical arts, probably employing,
as magicians do, some of the ascertained
results of science in producing optical
iUusions, impressing the vulgar with the
belief that they were familiar with the
secrets of the invisible world ; and henoe
the name Chaldean and magician became
almost synonymous terms. Ch. ii. 2, iv.
7, v. 7. (4.) It is not improbable that
they had made advances in other sciences,
but of this we have little knowledge.
They Isnew little of the true laws of
astronomy, geology, chemistry, electri
city, mathematics ; and in these, and in
kindred departments of science, they may
be supposed to have been almost wholly
ignorant ^ And the tongue of the Ohal-
deana. In regard to the Chaldeans, see
Notes on Job i. 17, and Isa. xxiii. 13.
The kingdom of Babylon was composed
mainly of Chaldeans, and that kingdom
was called " the realm of the Chaldeans."
Ban. ix. 1. Of that realm, or kingdom,
Babylon was the capital. The origin of th e
Chaldeans has been- a subject of great
perplexity, on which there is still a con
siderable variety of opinions. According
to Heeren they camo from the North ; by
desenius they are supposed to have come
from the mountains of Kurdistan ; and
by Michselis from the Steppes of Scythia.
They seem to have been an extended
race, and probably occupied the whole of
the region adjacent to what became Bab
ylonia. Heeren expresses his opinion as
to their origin in the foUowing language :
"It cannot be doubted, that, at some
remote period, antecedent to the com
mencement of historical records, one
mighty race possessed these vast plains,
"arying in character according to the
i/ountry which they inhabited; in the
deserts of Arabia, pursuing a nomad life ;
in Syria, applying themselves to agricul
ture, and taking up settled abodes; in
Babylonia, erecting the most magnificent
cities ef ancient times ; and in Fhoenecia,

CHAPTEE I.

91

opening the earliest ports, and constract
ing fleets, which secured to them the
commerce of the knowr world." There
exists at tho present timo, in the vicinity
of the Bahreia Islands, and along the
Persian gulf, in the neighbourhonil of
the Astan river, an Arab tribe, of the
name of the Seni Khaled, who are pro-
bitbly the same people as the Gena Chaldei
of Pliny, and doubtless the descendants
of the ancient race of the Chaldeans. On
the question when they became a king
dom, or realm, making Babylon their
capital, see Notes on Isa. xxiii. 13. Com
pare, for an interesting discussion of the
subject, Forster's Historical Geography
of Arabia, vol. i. pp. 49-56. The lan
guage of the Chaldeans, in which a con
siderable part of the Book of Daniel is
written (see the Intro. | 4, III.), differed
from the Hebrew, though it was a branch
of the same Aramsen family of languages.
It was, indeed, very closely allied to the
Hebrew, but was so different that thoso
who were acquainted with only one of the
two languages could not understand the
other. Comp. Neh. viii. 8. Both were
the offspring of tho original Sbemitish
langnage. This original language may be
properly reduced to three groat branches :
(1.) The Aramaean, which prevailed in
Syria. Babylonia, and Mesopotamia; and
which may, therefore, be divided into the
Syriac or West-Aramajn, and the Chaldee
or Kast-Aramsen, called after the Babylon
ish Aramsen. (2.J The Hebrew, with which
the fragments of the Phoenician coincide.
(3.) The Arabic, under which belongs tho
Ethiopic as a dialect. The Aramsen,
which, after the return from the Bab
ylonish captivity, was introduced into
Palestine, and which prevailed in the
time of the Saviour, is commonly called
the Syro-Chaldaic, because it was a mix
ture of the Eastern and Western dialects.
The Chaldee, or Eaat Aramasn, and the
Hebrew, had, in general, the same stock of
original words, but they differed in several
respects, such as the following : (a) Many
words of the old primitive language which
had remained in one dialect had been
lost in the other. (6) The same word was
current in both dialects, but in different
significations, because in the one it re
tained the primitive signification, while
in the other it had acquired a difierent
meaning, (c) The Babylonian dialectrhacl
borrowed expressions from the Northem
Chaldeans, who had made Various irmp>

92

DANIEL.

[B.C. 6O0;

5 And the king appointed them
a daily provision of the king's meat,
and of fthe wine » which he drank:
- Ofhis drink.

tions inte tbe country. These expressions
were foreign to the Sbemitish dialects,
and belonged to the Japhetian language,
which prevailed among the Armenians,
the Medes, tbe Persians, and the Chal
deans, who were probably related to
these. Traces of these foreign words are
found in the names of the officers of state,
and in expressions having reference to the
government, {d) The Babylonian pro
nunciation was more easy and more
sonorous than the Hebrew. It exchanged
the frequent sibilants of the Hebrew, and
the other consonants which were bard to
pronounce, for others wbich were less dif
ficult ; it dropped the long vowels which
were not essential to the forms of words ;
it preferred the more sonorous A to the
long 0, and assumed at the end of nouns,
in order to Ughten the pronunciation, a
prolonged auxiliary vowel (the so Ciilled
emphatic n) ; it admitted contractions in
pronouncing many words, and must have
been, as the language of common life, far
better adapted to the sluggish Orientals
than the harsher Hebrew. See an article
" On the Prevalence of the Aramaean Lan
guage in Palestine in the age of Christ
and the Apostles," by Henry F. Pfann-
kuche, in the Biblical Repository, vol. i.
pp. 318, .319. On this verse, also, comp.
Notes on Isa. xxxix. 7.
5. And the king appointed them. Cal
vin supposes that this arrangement was
resorted to in order to render them ef
feminate, and, by a course of luxurious
living, to induce them gradually to forget
their own country, and that with the
same view their names were changed.
But there Is no evidence that this was the
object. The purpose was manifestly to
train them in the manner in which it was
supposed they would be best fitted, in
bodily health, in personal beauty, and in
intellectual attainments, to appear at
court, and it was presumed that the best
stylo of living which tho realm furnished
would conduce to this end. That the
design wjis not to make them efferainate,
is apparent from vor. 15. ^A daily pro
vision, Heb. ' Tho thing of a day in Ms
iay;' that is, he assigned to them each
day a portion of what had been prepared
for the royal meah It was not a per-

so nourishing them three year^
that at the end thereof they might
stand before the king.

manent provision, but one which was
made each day. The word rendered
"provision" — HS — path, means a hit,
crumb, morsel. Gen, xviii. 5; Judges.
xix. 5 ; Ps. cxlvii. 1-7. \ Of the king's
meat. The word vieat here means food,
as it does uniformly in the Bible, the old
English word having Ihis signification
when the translation was made, and not
being limited then, as it is now, to animal
food. The word in the orignal — J3— .
hag, is of Persian origin, meaning /oo£2.
The two words are frequently compound
ed— J3n9__j,afA-6a(7 (Dan. i, 5, 8, 13,
15, 16, xi. 26), and tbe compound means
delicate food, dainties; literaUy, *food of
the father;' i. e, the king; or, according
to Lorsbach, in Archiv f. Morgenl. Litt.
II. 313, food for idols, or the gods; — in
either case denoting delicate food; lux
urious living, Gesenius, Lex, ^ Andof
the wine which he drank, Marg., of his
drink. Such wine as the king was ac
customed to drink. It may be presumed
that this was the best kind of wine. From
anything that appears, this was fumished
to tbem in abundance; and with the
leisure which they had, they could hardly
be thrown into stronger temptation tj
excessive indulgence. ^ So nourishing
them three yeara. As long as was sup
posed to be necessary in order to develop
their physical beauty and strength, and
to make tbem weU acquainted with the
language and learning of the Chaldeans.
The object was to prepare tbem to give
as much dignity and ornament to the
court as possible. ^ Thnt at the end
thereof they might stand before the king.
Notes, ver. 4. On the arrangements made
to bring forward these youths, the editor
of the Pictorial Bible makes the foUow
ing reraarks, showing the correspondence
between these arrangements and what
usually occurs in the East: "There is not
a single intimation which may not be
illustrated from the customs of the Turk
ish seragUo, till some alterations wera
made in this, as in other matters, by tha
present Sultan [Mahmoud], The pagoi
of the seragUo, and oflBcers of the court,
as weU 9S the greater part of the publi*

B.C.60S.]

CHAPTER I.

93

6 Now among these were of the children of Judah, Daniel, Hana
niah, Mishael, and Azarlan ;

functionaries and governors of provinces,
were originally Christian boys, takeu cap
tive in war, or bougtit or stolen in time
of peaoe. The finest and most capable
of these were sent to the palace, and if
accepted, were placed under the charge of
the chief of the white eunuchs. The lada
did not themselves become eunuchs ; which
we notice because it has been erroneously
inferred, that Daniel and the other He
brew youths must bave been made eunuchs,
becauae they were committed to the care
of the chief eunuch. The accepted lads
were brought up in the religion of their
masters ; and there were schools in the
palace where they received such com
plete instruction in Turkish learning and
science as it was the lot of few others to
obtain. Among their accomplishments
we find it mentioned, that the greatest
pains were taken to teach them to speak
the Turkish language (a foreign one to
them) with the greatest purity, as spoKon
at court. Compare this with, 'Teach
them the learning and tongue of the Chal
deans.' The lads were clothed very
neatly, and well, but temperately, dieted.
They slept in large chambers, where
there were rows of beds. Every one slept
separately; and between every third or
fourth bed lay a white eunuoh, who served
as a sort of guard, and was bound to keep
a careful eye upon the lads near him, and
report his observations to his superior.
When any one ofthem arrived at a proper
age they were instructed in mUitary ex
ercises, and pains taken to make them
active, robust, and brave. Bvery one,
also, according to the custom of the
country, was taught some mechanical or
liberal art, to serve him as a resource in
adversity. When their education was
completed in alt its branches, those who
had displayed the most capacity and
valour, were employed about the person
of the king, and the rest given to the
sorvics of the treasury, and the other
ofiices of the extensive establishment to
which they belonged. In due time the
more talented or successful young men got
promoted to the various high court offices
which give them access to the private
apartments of the seiaglio, so that thoy
at alm-jst any time could see and speak to
their great master. This advantage soon
paved the way for their promotion to the

government of provinces and to miUtary
commands; and it has often happened
that favourite court ofiioers have stepped
at once into the post of grand vizier, or
chief minister, and other high offices
of state, without having previously been
abroad in the world as pashas and mili
tary commanders. How well this agrees
to and illustrates the usage of the Bab
ylonian court, will clearly appear to the
reader without particular indication. Seo
Habesci's ' Ottoman Empire ;' Tavernier'a
'Kelation de I'lnterieur du Sorail du
Grand Seigneur.' "
6. Now among theae were of the children
of Judah. That is, these were a part of
tbose who were selected. They are men
tioned because they became so prominent
in the transactions which are subsequent
ly recorded in this book, and because
they evinced such extraordinary virtue
in the development of the principles in
which they had been trained, and in the
remarkable trials through which they were
called to pass. It does not appear that
they are mentioned here particularly on
account of any distinction of birth, or
rank ; for though they were among the
noble and promising youth of the land,
yet it is clear that others of the same
rank and promise also were selected.
Ver. 3. The phrase " the chUdren of
Judah" is only another term to denote
that they were Hebrews. They belonged
to the tribe, or the kingdom of Judah.
% Daniel. This name — 'N'J'J — means
properly y«a!jre of God; that is, ona who
acts as judge in the name of God. Why
this name was given to him is not known.
We cannot, however, fail to be stmck with
its appropriateness, as the events of his
life showed. Nor is it known whether he
belonged to the royal family, or to the
nobles of the land, but as the selection
was made from that class it is probable.
Those who were at first carried into cap
tivity were selected exclusively from the
more elevated classes of society, and
there is every reason to believe *hat
Daniel belonged to a family of rank and
consequence. Tho Jews say that he was
of the royal family, and was descended
from Hezekiah, and cite his history in
confirmation of the prophecy addressed
by Isaiah to that monarch, " Of thy eoni

94

DANIEL.

[B.C. 606.

7 Unto whom the prince of the
eunuchs gave names : for he gave
unto Daniel the name of » Belteshaz-

» c. 4. 8, 5.12.

which shall issue from thee, which thou
shalt beget, shall they take away; and
they shall be eunuchs in the palace of
the king of Babylon." Isa. xxxix. 7.
Comp. Lotro. §1. ^ Hananiah^ Mishael,
and Azariah. Of the rank, and early
Mstory of these young men, nothing is
known. They became celebrated for their
refusal to worship tbe golden image set
up by Nebuchadnezzar. Ch. iii, 12, seq.
7. Unto whom the prince of the eunucha
gave namea. This practice is common in
Oriental courts. " The captive youths
referred to in the Notes on ver. 5, in the
Turkish court also receive new names,
that is, Mohammedan names, their former
names being Christian." Pict. Bible. It
is posaible that this changing of their
names may have been designed to make
them forget their counti-y, and their re
ligion, and to lead th*m more entirely to
identify themselves with the people in
whose service they are now to be em
ployed, though nothing of this is inti
mated in the history. Such a change, it
is easy to conceive, might do much to
make them feel that they were identified
with the people among whom they were
adopted, and t« make them forget the
customs and opinions of their own coun
try. It is a circumstance which may give
some additional probabUity to this sup
position, that it is quite a common thing
uow at missionary stations to give new
names to the children who are taken into
the boarding-schools, and especially the
names of the Christian benefactors at
whose expense they are supported. Comp.
also Gen. xli. 45. Another reason, of the
same general character, for this change
of names may have been, that the name
of the true God constituted a part of
their own names, and that thus they
were constantiy reminded of bim and his
worship. In the new names given them,
the appeUation of some of the idols wor
shipped in Babylon was incorporated, and
thiy might serve as remembrancers ofthe
divii.. ties to whose service itwas doubt-
loss the intention to win them. % For he
gave tmto Daniel the name Belteahazzar,
The name Bolteshazzar — IXNE'ipVl — is
compounded of two words, and means.

zar, and to Hananiah, of Shadrach ;
and to Mishael, of Meshach ; and to
Azariah, of Abed-nego.

according to Gesenius, Bel's prince j that
is, he whom Bel favoure. Bel was tho
principal divinity worshipped at Babylon
(Notes, Isa. xlvi. 1), and this name would,
tberefore, be Ukely to impress the youth
ful Daniel with the idea that he was a
favourite of this divinity, and to attract
him to his service. It was a flattering
distinction that he was one of the favour
ites of the principal god worshipped in
Babylon, and this was not improbably
designed to turn his attention from the
God whose name had been incorporated
in his own. The giving of tbis name
seemed to imply, in the apprehension of
Nebuchadnezzar, that the spirit of the
gods was in him on whom itwas conferred.
See ch. iv. S, 9. % And to Hananiah,
of Shadrach, The name Hananiah —
nj^3n — means, " Whom Jehovah h&a
graciously given," and is the same with
Ananias (Gr., Avai/iaj), and would serve
to remind its possessor of the name of
Jehovah, and of his mercy. The name
Shadrach — "^yy? — according to Lors
bach, means young friend of the king; ac
cording to Bohlen, it means rejoicing in the
way, and this last signification is the one
which Gesenius prefers. In either signifi
cation it would contribute to a forgetfulness
ofthe interesting significancy ofthe former
name, and tend to obliterate the remem
brance of the early training in the ser
vice of Jehovah. ^ A7id to Mishael, of
Meshach. The name Mishael — -^'f^O
— meaus who is what God iat — from
^P, who, ^, icJiat, and Sn , God, It would
thus be a remembrance of the greatness
of God; of his supremacy over aU hia
creatures, and of his incomparahl-e ex
altation over the universe. The significa
tion of the name Meshach — "HF^? — "
less known. The Persian word meam
ovicula, a littie sheep (Gesenius), but
why this name was given we are not
informed. Might it have been on ac
count of bis beauty, his gentieness, bis
lamb-Uke disposition? If so, nothing
perhaps would be better fitted to turn
away the thoughts from tbe Great Ood,

B. C. 606.]

CHAPTER I.

95

8 fBut Daniol purposed in his
heart that ho would not deflle him
self with the portion » of tho king's
» Duut. 32. 38 ; Hze. 4. 13; Uoa. 9, 3.

and his sel'vico, to himself. % And to
Amriah, of Abed-nego. The namovliun'aA
— '^Jl!? — moans, whom Jehovah helpa,
from llj; to hei}}, and i^J, the samo as
Jehooah. This n.ime, therefore, had a
striking significancy, and would be a con^
stant remembrancer of the true God, and
of the value of his favour and protection.
Tho namo Ab'ed-nego — 1 J J 1 3 J — moans,
a seroaiit of Nego, or perhaps of Nebo —
1 2 J . This word {Nebo), among tho Chal
deans, probably denoted the planet Mer
cury. This planet was worsliipped by
them, and by the Arabs, as the celestial
scribo, or writer. See Notes on Isa.
xlvi. 1. Tho divine worship paid to this
planet by the Chaldeans is attested, says
G-esenius, by the many compound proper
names of which this name forms a part ;
as Nobuchadnezzar, Nebushasban, and
others mentioned in classic writers ; as
Nabonodus, Nabonassar, Nabonabus, Ac.
This change of name, therefore, was de
signed to denote a consecration to the
service of this idol-god, and the change
waa eminently adapted to make him tu
whom it was given "forget the true God to
whom, in earlier days, ho had been
devoted. It was ouly extraordinary grace
whioh oould have kept thoso youths in
the paths of their early training, and in
tho faithful service of that God to whom
they had beon early consecrated, amidst
tho temptations by which thoy wore now
surrounded in a foreign land, and the
infiuences which wore employed to alien
ate them from the God of thoir fathers.
8. But Daniel purposed iu hia heart.
Evidently in concurrence with the youths
who had boen selected with him. Soe
vs. 11-13. Daniel, it seems, formed this
j)^ a decided purpose, and meant to carry
It into eff'ect as a matter of principio,
though he designed to secure his object,
if possible, by making a request that he
might bo allowed to pursue that course
(ver. 11), nnd wished not to give offence,
Dr to provoke opposition. What would
have beon tho result if ho had not ob
tained permission, wo know not, but the
probability is, that he would have thrown

raeat, nor with the wine which he
drank : therefore he requested of the
prince of the eunuchs that hc might
not deflle himself.

himself upon the protection of God, as he
afterwards did (ch. vi.), and would havo
done what ho considered to ba duty, re
gardless of consequences. The oourso
which ho took saved him from the trial,
for tho prince of the eunuchs was willing
to allow him to make the experiment
ver. 14. It is always better, oven whoro
there is decided principio, and a settled
purpose in a matter, to obtain an objeot
by a peaceful request, than to attempt to
secure it by violence. If That he would
not defile himself with the portion of the
king'a meat. Notes, ver. S. Tho word
which is rendered defile himaelf — '? « ^ T ;
— from 7*<^ — is commonly used in con-
DOctioQ with Tedem2Hion, its first and
usual meaning being to redeem, to ran
som. In later Hebrew, however, it means,
to be defiled ; to be polluted ; to be un
clean. The connection between these sig
nifications of tho word is not apparent,
unless, as redemption was accomplished
with the shedding of blood, rendering the
placo whero it was shed defiled, the idea
came to be permanently attached to the
word. The defilement here referred to
in tho case of Daniol, probably Wiis, that
by partaking of this food ho might, in
some way, be regarded as countenancing
idolatry, or as lending his sanction to a
mode of living which was inconsistent
with his principles, and which was peril
ous to his health and morals. The Syriao
renders this simply, that he vrould not eat,
without implying that thoro would b-
defilement. If Nar wilh the wine which
he drank. As being contrary to his prin
ciples, and perilous to his morals and
happiness. \ Therefore he requceted of
the prince ofthe ennucha that he might not
defile himself. That ho might be per
mitted to abstain from the luxuries set
before him. It would seem from this, that
he represented to tho prince of the
eunuchs the real danger which he appre
hended, or tho real cause why he wished
to abstain — that he would regard the use
of thoso viands as contrary to tho habits
which he had formed; as a violation of
tho principles of his religion ; and as, iu
his circumstances, wrong as well as peril.
ous. This he presented as a requeat. H«

96

DANIEL.

[B. 0. 606,

asked it, therefore, as a favour, prefer-
ing to use mild and gentle means for
securing the object, rather than to put
himself in the attitude of open resistance
to the wishes of tho monarch. What
reasona influenced him to choose this
course, .and to ask to be permitted to live
on a more temperate and abstemious diet,
we arc not informed. Assuming, how
ever, what is apparent from the whole
niirrative, that he had been educated in
the doctrines of the true religion, and in
the principles of temperance, it is not
diflicult to conceive what reasons would
infiuence a virtuous youth in such circum
stances, and we cannot bo in much dan
ger of error in suggesting the following :
(1.) It is not improbiible that the food
which was ofl'ered him had been, in some
way, connected with idolatry, and that
his participation in it would 1)0 construed
as countenancing the worship of idols.
Cahin. It is known that a p.irl of the
animals ofl'ered in sacrifice was sold in
the market; and known, also, that splendid
entertainments were often made in honour
of particular idols, and on the sacrifices
which had been offered to them. Comp.
1 Cor. viii. Doubtless, also, a. considerable
part of the food whieh was served up at
the royal table consisted of articles whieh,
by the Jewish law, were prohibited as
unclean. It was represented by the pro
phets, as one part of tho evils of a cap
tivity in a foreign land, that tho people
would be under a necessity of eating that
which was regarded as unclean. Thus, in
Ezekiel iv. I'd : '* And the Lord said. Even
thus shall the children of Israel eat their
defiled bread among the Gentiles, whither
I will drive them." Hosea ix. 3: " They
shall not dwell in the Lord's land, but
Ephraim shall return to Egypt ; and shall
eat unclean things in Assyria," Rosen-
miiUer remarks on this passage (Alte u.
neue Morgenland, 1076), "It was cus
tomary among the ancients to bring a
portion of that which was eaten and
Irank as an offering to the gods, as a
eign of thankful recognition that all which
men enjoy is their gift-. Among the Eo
mans these gifts were called llbamina, so
that with each meal there was connected
an act of offering. Hence Daniel and his
friends regarded that which was brought
from the royal table as food which had
been offered to the gods, and therefore as
impure." (2.) Daniel and his friends
were, doubtless, restrained from partaking

of the food and drink oflbred to them by
a regard to the principles of temperance
in which they had been educated, jind by
a fear of the consequences which would
follow from indulgence. They had evi
dently been trained in the ways of strict
temperance. But now new scenes open
ed to them, and new temptations were
before them. They were among strangers.
They were noticed and flattered. They
had an opportunity of indulging in the
pleasures of the table, such as captive
youth rarely enjoyed. This opportunity,
there can be no doubt, they regarded as a
temptation to their virtue, and as in the
higliest degree perilous to tbeir principles,
and they, therefore, sought to resist tbe
temptation. They were'captives — exiles
from their country — in circumstances of
great depression and humiliation, and
they did not wish to forget that circum
stance. Call-in. Their land was in ruins;
the temple where they .ind their fathers
had worshipped had been desecrated and
plundered; their kindred and country
men were pining in exile ; everything
caUcd them to a mode of life which would
be in accordance with these melancholy
facts, and they, doubtless, felt that it
would be in every way inappropriate for
them to indulge in luxurious living, and
revel in tho pleasures of a banquet. But
they were also, doubtless, restrained from
theso indulgences by a reference to the
dangers whieh would follow. It required
not great penetration or experience, in
deed, to perceive, that in their circum
stances — young men as they were sud
denly noticed and honoured — compliance
would bo perilous to their virtue ; but it
did require uncommon strength of prin
ciple to meet the temptation. Rare has
been the stern virtue among young men
which could resist so strong allurements;
seldom, comparatively, have those who
have been unexpectedly thrown, in the
course of events, into the temptations of
a great city, in a foreign land, and flatter
ed by the attention of those in the higher
walks of life, been sufficiently firm in prin
ciple to assert the early principles of tem
perance and virtue in which they may have
been trained. Rare has it been that a
youth in sueh circumstances would form
the steady purpose not to ' defile himself'
by the tempting allurements set bifore
him, and that, at all hazards, he would
adhere to the principles in which he had
been educated.

B.C,606.J

CHAPTER 1,

97

9 Now God had brought Daniel
into » favour and tender love wiih
the prince of tlie eunuchs.
10 And the prince ofthe eunuchs
eaid unto Daniel, I fear my lord
the king, who hath appointed your
* Q«n. 39.21; ProT.16.7.
9. A'orp God had brought Daniel into
fatx>tir, Comp. Gen. sxxix. 21; Prov.
xvi. 7, By what means this had been
done Is not mentioned. It may be pre
sumed, howfever, that it wjis by the
attractiveness of his person and manners,
and by the evidence of promising talent
which he had evinced. Whatever were
ihe means, however, two things are
worthy of notice: (1.) The effect of this
on tbe subsequent fortunes of Dauiel. It
was to him a great advantage, that by the
friendship of this man he was enabled to
tarry out tbe purposes of temperance and
religion which ho had formed, without
eoming in confiict with those who were in
(tower. (S.) God was the author of the
bvour whioh was thus sh^^wn to Daniel.
It was by a coatroUiug intluence which
hc exerted, that this result bad been
secured, and Daniel traced it directly to
him. We may hence le;ira that the favour
of others towards us is to be traced to the
hand of God, and if we are prospered in
fte world, and are permitted to eigoy the
firiendship of those who have it iu their
power to benefit us, tbitigh it may be ou
account of our persoual qualihca tions, we
should lejiru to attribute it all to God.
There would have been grout reasou to
apprehend beforehand, that the refusal of
Daniel and his companions to partake of
the food prepared for them would have
boen construed as an afiront offered to thd
king, especially if it was uuderstood to be
on the ground tbat they regarded it ns
dtjiUmeni or poll*Uio» to partake of it ;
but God overruled it all so as to secure the
favour of tbose in power.
10. And the prince of the etmneXs staid
«Hto Daniel, Ifear my lord the king. He
was apprehensive that if Daniel appeared
less healthful, or cheerful, or beautiful,
thsn it was supposed he would under the
pi t^cribed mode of life, it would be con-
Btruod as disobedience of the commands
3f the king on his part, and that it would
be inferred tliat tlie wan and emaoiated
appearance of Daniel was caused hy the
fiict that the food which had been ordered
9

meat and your drink: for why
should he see your faoo3 *» worse
liking thau the children which
are of your e sort ? then shall ye
make me endanger my head to the
king. b Sadder, ^ Or, terni, or, continuance.

had not been furnished, but bad been
embesKled by the officer who hnd it in
xjharge. We have only to remember the
strict and arbitrary nature of Oriental
monarchies to see that there was just
grounds for the apprehensions here ex
pressed. ^ .For why should he see your
faces icorse liking, Marg., sadder, Tbo
Hebrew word — D'^DjT? — means properly,
sngryj and then morose, gloomy, sad.
The primary idea seems to be, that
of any painful, or unpleasant emotion
of the mind wbich depicts itself on
the countenance — whether anger, sorrow,
envy, lowness of spirits, Ac Greek,
oKv^pfotrd — s-tern, gloomy, sad* Matt. vi.
16; Luke xxiv. 17. Here the reference
is not to the expression of angry feelings
in the eouDtenance, but to Uie counte-
n:ince as fallen away by fasting, or poor
living. ^ Than the children. The youths,
or young men. The same word Is hero
used which occurs in ver. -4. Comp. !Xotes
on that verse, ^ HTitcA are of your sort.
Marg., terjii, or contiiii«JHC<. The Hebrew
word here used — ^"*i — means properly,
a circle, or circuit; hence au age, and then
the men of an age, a generation. Ge
senius. Tbe word is not used, however,
in the Scriptures elsewhere in this sense.
Elsewhere it is rendered joy, or rejoicing.
Job. iii. 22 ; Ps, xliii. 4, xlv. 15, lxv. 12 ;
Prov. xxiii. 24; Isa. xvi. 10, xxxv. 2. lxv,
IS , Jer. xlviii. 33 ; Hos. ix. 1 ; Joel i. IC.
This meaning it has from the usual sense
ot the verb — S^l — to exult, or rejoice.
The verb jffoperly means to move in a
circle ; then to dance in a circle ; and then
to exidt or rhoice. The word "circle,"
as often used now to denote those of a
certain class, rank, or character, would
accurately express the sense here. Thus
we speak of those in the religious circles,
in the social circles, 4;c, The reference
here is t*) those of the same class with
Daniel ; to wit, in tbe arrangements made
for presenting them before the king. 6r.,
*oi qXica ifiuv — of yow age, f 3%mk «Aafl

98

DANIEL.

[B, C. o06

] 1 Then said Daniel to » Melzar,
vrlwm the prince of the eunuchs
bad set over Daniel, Hananiah,
Mishael, and Azariah,
12 Prove thy servants, I beseech
a Or, the steward.

we make me endanger my head to the king.
As if he had disregarded the orders given
him, or had embezzled what had beeli
provided for these youths, and had fur
nished them with inferior fare. In the
arbitrary courts ofthe East, nothing would
be more natural than that such an appa
rent failure in the performance of what
was enjoined would peril his life. The
word here used, and rendered make me
endanger — 3in — occurs nowhere else
in the Bible. It means, in Piel, to
make guilty j to cause to forfeit. Greek,
KaTadiKiioaTS — you will condemn, or cause
me to be condemned.
11. Then aaid Daniel to Melzar, whom
the prince of the eunucha had tet over
Daniel, &c. Marg. or, the ateward. It is
not easy to determine whether the word
here used — ^S79 — Melzar, is to be re
garded as a proper name, or the name of
an oiHce. It occurs nowhere else, except
inver. 10 of this chapter, applied to the
same person. Gesenius regards it as
denoting th© name of an office in the
Babylonian court — raaster of the wine,
chief butler. Others regard it as moaning
a treasurer. The word is still in use in
Persia. The Vulgato renders it as a
proper name — Malaaar ; and so the Syriac
— Mcahitzar ; and so tho Greek — '.A^xcXuad
-^Amelaad. The uso of the article, in the
word — "*J . P^} — would seem to iraply that
it denoted the name of an o^ee, and
nothing would be more probable than
that the actual furnishing of tbo daily
portion of food would be entrusted to a
steward, or to somo incumbent of an office
inferior to that sustained by Ashpenaz.
Ver. 3.
. 12. Prove thy aervanta, I beaeech thee,
ten daya. A period which would indicate
tho probable result of the entire experi
ment. If during that period thero wero
no indications of diminished health,
beauty, or vigour, it would not be unfair
to presume that the experiment in beh.alf
of temforunee would be successful, and it
would not be improper then to ask that it
might be continued longer. \ And Ut

thee, ten days ; and let them giva
us ^ pulse ' to eat, and water to
drink. 13 Then let our countenances be
loolsed upon before thee, and tbe
b Of pulse thai we may eat. * Thai we may.

them give ua pulae to eat, Marg. cf
pulse that we may eat. Ileb. ' Let them ,
give us of pulse, and we will eat' Tho
word pulae with us means leguminous,
plants with thin seeds; that is, fiants
with a pericarp, or seed-vessel, of two
valves, having the seeds fixed to ono
suture only. In popular langnage the
legume is called a pod; as a. pea-pod, or
bean-pod, and the word is commonly ap
plied to peas or beane. Tbe Hebrew
word — D'pi — would properly have re
ference to seeds of any kind — from J^!
zara, to disperse, to scatter seed, to sow.
Then it would refer to plants that bear
seed, of all kinds, and would bo by no
means limited to pulse — as peas or beans.
It is rendered by Gesenius, " aeed-herba,;
greens, vegctablea ; i. e. vegetable food,;
such 03 was eaten in a half-fast, opposed'
tomcats and the more delicate kinds of .
food." The word occurs only here and in
ver. 16. It is rendered in the Vulgato,
legumina; and in the Greek, dird twc
oiripfiiiTav — 'from seeds.' It is not u
proper construction t(f limit this to pulae,
or to suppose that Daniel desired to live
solely on peaa or beans, but the fair inter
pretation is to apply it to that which
grows up from eecda ; such, probably, as
would be sown in a garden, or, as we
would now express it, vegetable diet. It
was designed a.s au experiment — and was
a. very interesting one — to show tbe le^ti-
male effect of such a diet in promoting
beauty and health, and the result is
worthy of special notice as contrasted
with a more luxurious mode oflife. f And
water to drink. This, also, was a most
interesting and important experiment, to
show that wine was not necessary to pro
duce healthfulness of appearance, or
manly, strength and beauty. It was an
experiment to illuEtrate the effect of cold
waier as a beverage, made by an interest
ing group of young men, when sur.
rounded by great temptations, and is,
therefore, wortby of particular attention.
13. Then let our oountenaneea be looked
upon. One of the objecta to be secured by

B.C. 606.]

CHAPTER L

9S

countenance of the children that eat
of the portion of the king's meat :
and as thou seeat, deal -with thy
servants. 14 So he consented to them in this
matter, and proved them ten days.

15 Aild at ihe end of ten days
their countenances appeared fairer
and fatter in fiesh than all the child
ren which did eat the portion of the
king's meat.

this whole trial was to promote their per
eonal beauty, and their h'ealthful appear
ance (vs. 4, 5), and Daniel was willing
that the trial should he made with re
ference to that, and that a judgment
should be formed from the observed efifect
of their temperate mode of life. The
Hebrew word rendered countenance —
Hftfjo — is not limited to the face, as the
word countenance is with us. It refers to
the whole appearance, the form, the
' looks ;' and the expression here is equiva
lent to, * Then look on ua, and see what
the result has been, and deal with us aC'
eordingly.' The Greek is, at i&eai i,fiajv —
our appearance. ^ Of the children.
Youths ; young men. Notes, ver. 4. The
reference is, probably, to the Chaldean
youths who were trained up amidst the
luxuries of the court. It is possible, how
ever, that the reference is to Hebrew
youths who were less scrupulous than
Daniel and his companions. ^ And aa
thou aeeat, deal with thy aervanta. As the
result shall be. That is, let us be pre
sented at court, and promoted or not, as
the result of our mode of living shall be.
What the effect would have been if there
had been a failure, we are not informed.
"Whether it would have endangered their
lives, or whether it would have been
merely a forfeiture of the proffered hon
ours and advantages, we have no means
of determining. It is evident that Daniel
had no apprehension as to the issue.
14, So he consented to them in thia mat
ter. Heb., ' he heard them in this thing.'
The experiment was sueh, since it was to
be fur so short a time, that he ran Uttle
risk in the matter, aa it the end of the
ten days he supposed that it would be
easy to change their mode of diet if the
ti'ial was unsuccessful.
15. And at the end of ten days their
countenances appeared fairer. Heb.,
'good;' that is, they appeared more beau
tiful and healthful. The experiment was
Buccessfal. There was no diminution of
beauty, of vigour, or of the usual indica
tions of health. One o^^ the results of a

course of temperance appears in the coun
tenance, and it is among the wise ap
pointments of God that it should be so.
He baa so made us, that while the other
parts of the body may be protected
from the gaze of men, it is necessary
that the face should be exposed. Hence
he has made the countenance the prin
cipal seat of expression, for the chief
muscles which indicate expression have
their location there. See the valuable
work of Sir Charles BeU on " The
Anatomy of Expression." London, 1844.
Hence there are eertain marks of guilt
and vice which always are indicated in
the countenance. God has so made us
that the drunkard and the glutton must
proclaim their own guilt and shame. Tho
bloated face, the haggard aspect, the look
of folly, the "heaviness of the eye, the
disposition to squint, and to see double,
and a forcible elevation of the eyebrow to
counteract the dropping of the upper eye
lid, and preserve the eyes from closing,"
are all marks which God has appointed
to betray and expose the life of indul
gence. Arrangements are made for theso
expressions in the very anatomy of the
face, and eo art of man can prevent it.
Bell, on the Anatomy of Expression, p.
106. God meaiit that if man woidd be
intemperate he should himself proclaim it
to th© world, and that his fellow-men
should be apprized of his guilt. This was
intended to be one of the safeguards of
virtue. The young man who will be in
temperate knowa what the result must be.
He is apprized of it in the loathsome
aspect of every drunkard whom he meets.
He knows that if he yields himself to in
dulgence in intoxicating drink, he must
soon proclaim it himself to the wide world-
No matter , how beautiful, or fresh, or
bloomings or healthful, he may nbw be ;
no matter how bright the eye, or ruddy
the cheek, or eloqueot the tongue, the
eye, and the cheek, and the tongue, will
soon become indices of his manner of
life, and the loathsomeness and offensive
ness of the ones beautiful and blooming

100

DANIEL.

[B. C. 606

16 Thus Melzar took away the
portion of their meat, and the wine

that they should drink; and gava
them pulse.

countenance must pay the penalty of his
folly. And VD like manner, and for the
eame reason, the countenance is an indi
cation of temperance and purity. The
bright and steady eye, the blooming
cheek, the lips that eloquently or grace
fully utter the sentiments of virtue, pro
claim the purity of the life, and are the
natural indices to our fellow men that we
live in accordance with the great and
benevolent laws of our nature, and aro
among the rewards of temperance and
virtue. 16. Thus Melzar took away the portion
of their meat, Sc, Doubtless perraanentiy.
The experiment had been satisfactory,
and it was inferred that if the course of
temperance could be practised for ten
days without unhappy results, there would
be safety in suffering it to be continued.
We may remark on this : I. That the ex
periment was a most important one, not
only for the object then immediately in
view, but for furnishing lessons of per
manent instruction adapted to future
times. It was worth one such trial, and
it was desirable to have one such illustra
tion of the effect of temperance recorded.
There are so strong propensities in our
nacure to indulgence ; there are so many
teinptations set before the young ; there
is so much that allures in a luxurious
mode oflife, and so much of conviviality
and happiness is supposed to be connected
with the social gla.<!s, that it was well to
have a fair trial made, and thnt the result
should be recorded for the instruction of
uture times. II. It was especially de-
^.^rable tbat the experiment should be
made of the effect of strict abstinence
from the use of wine. Distilled liquors
were indeed then unknown ; but alcohol,
the intoxicating principle in all ardent
spirits, then existed, as it does now, in
wine, and was then, as it is now, of the
same nature as when found in other sub
stances. It was in the use of wine that
tho principal danger of intemperance then
lay; and it may be added, that in refer
ence to a very large class of persons of
both sexes, it is in the use of wine that
the principal danger always lies. There
ara multitudes, especially of young men,
who are in little or no danger of becoming
Intemperate from the use of the stronger

kinds cf intoxicating drinks. They would
never begin with *hem. But the use of
wine is so respectable in the view of the
upper classes of society ; it is deemed so
essential to the banquet ; it constitutes so
much, apparently, a mark of distinction,
from the fact that ordinarily only the
rich can afford to indnlge in it; its use is
regarded extensively as so proper for even
refined and delicate females, and is so
often sanctioned by their participating in
it; it is so difficult to frame an argument
against it that will be decisive; tfaere is so
much that is plausible that may be said
in favour or in justification of its nse, and
it is so much sanctioned by the ministers of
religion, and by those of influence in the
churches, that one ofthe principal dangers
of the young arises from the temptation
to indulgence in wine, and it was well
that there should be a fair trial of the coni'
parative benefit of total abstinence. A
trial could scarcely have been made un
der better circumstances than in the case
before us. There was every inducement
to indulgence which is ever likely to
occur ; there was as much to make it a
mere matter of principle to abstain from
it as can be found now in any circum
stances, and the experiment was as tri
umphant and satisfactory as could be
desired. III. The result of the experi
ment, (a) It was complete and satisfac
tory. More was accomplished in the
matter of tbe trial by abstinence than by
indulgence. Those who abstained were
more healthful, more beautiful, more
vigorous than the others. And there was
nothing miraculous — nothing that occur
red in that case which doea not occur in
similar cases. Sir J. Chnrdin remarks,
respecting those whom he had seen in the
East, " that the countenances of the
kechicks [monks] are in fact more rosy
and smooth than those of others ; and that
those who fast much, I mean the Arme
nians and the Greeks, are, notwithstand
ing, very beautiful, sparkling with health,
with a clear and lively countenance."
He also takes notice of the very great
abstemiousness of the Brahmins in the
Indies, who lodge on the ground, abstain
from music, from all sorts of agreeable
smells, who go very meanly clothed, aw
almost always wet, either by going inte

B.C. 606.1

CHAPTER I.

101

water, or by rain, "yet," says he, " Ihave
seen also many of them very handsome
and healthful." Harmar's Observa. ii.
pp. U2, 113. (6) The experiment has
ofien been made, aud with equal success,
in modern times, and especially since the
commencement of the temperance re
formation, and an opportunity has been
given of furnishing the most decisive
proofs of the effects of temperance in con
trast with indulgence in the uso of wine,
and of other intoxicating drinks. This
experiment has been made on a wide
scalo,^ and with the same result. It is
demonstrated, as in the case of Daniel,
that *' more" will be secured of that which
men are so anxious usually to obtain, and
of that wbich it is desirable to obtain, than
can be by indulgence. (1.) There will be
"more" beauty of personal appearance.
Indulgence in intoxicating drinks leaves
its traces on the countenance — the skin,
the eye, the nose, the whole expression —
as God 7neant it should. See Notes on
ver. 15, No one can hope to retain beauty
of complexion or countenance who in
dulges freely in the use of intoxicating
drinks, (2.) ''More" clearness of mind
and intellectual vigour can be secured by
abstinence than by indulgence. It is true
that, as was often the case with Byron
and Burns, stimulating drinks may excite
the mind to briUiant temporary efforts;
but the effect soon ceases, and the mind
makes a oompensatron for Its over-worked
powers by sinking down below it* proper
level aa it had been excited above. It
will demand a penalty in the exhausted
energies, and in the incapacity for even its
usual efforts, and unless the exhausting
stimulus be again applied, it cannot rise
even to its usual level, and when often
appUed, the mind is divested of all its
elasticity and vigour : tbe physical frame
loses its power to endure the excitement;
and the light of genius is put out, and the
body sinks to the grave. He who wishes
to make the most of his mind in4he long
rnn, whatever genius ho may be endowed
with, wiU be a temperate man. His
powers wUl be retained uniformly at a
higher elevation, and they will maintain
their balance and their vigour longer.
(3.) The same is true in regard to every
thing wbich requires vigour of body.
The Roman soldier, wbo carried his eagle
around the world, and who braved the
dangers of every clime — equally bold and
rigorous, and hardy, and daring amidst
9*

polar snows, and the burning sands of the
equator, was a stranger to intoxicating
drinks. He was aUowed only vinegar
and water, and his extraordinary vigoui
was the resnlt of the most abstemious
fare. The wrestlers in the Olympiac and
Isthmian games, wbo did as much to give
suppleness, vigour, and beauty to the
body, as could be done by the most care
ful training, abstained from the use of
wine and all that would enervate, Sinoo
the temperance reformation commenced in
this land, tbe experiment has been made
in every way possible, and it has been
settled that a man wiU do more work, and
do it better; that he can bear more
fatigue, can travel farther, can better
endure the severity of cold in the winter,
and of toil in the heat of summer, by
strict temperance, than be can if he in
dulges in the use of Intoxicating drinks.
Never was the result of an experiment
more uniform than this has been ; never
has there been a case where the testimony
of those who bave had an opportunity of
witnessing it, was more decided and
harmonious; never was there a question
in regard to the effect of a certain course
on health in which the testimony of phy
sicians have been more uniform; and
never has there been a question in regard
to the amount of labour wbich a man
could do, on which the testimony of re
spectable farmers, and master mechanics,
and overseers of public works, could be
more decided, (4.) The fuU force of these
remarks about temperance in general,
applies to tbe use of wine. It was in
respect to loine that the experiment before
us was made, and it is this which givea it,
in a great degree, its value and import
ance. Distilled spirits were then un
known, but it was of importance that a
fair experiment should be made of tbe
effect of abstinence from wine. The great
danger of intemper-ance, taking the world
at large, has been, and is still, from tbe
use of wine. This danger affects par*
ticularly the upper classes in society, and
young men. It ia by the use of wine, in
a great majority of instances, tbat the
peril commences, and that the habit of
drinking is formed. Let it be remem
bered, also, that the intoxicating princi
ple is the same in wine as in any other
drink that produces intemperance. It ia
alcohol — the same substance precisely^
whether it be driven off by heat from
wine, beer, or cider, and condensed by

102

DANIEL.

[B, C. 603.

17 As for the«e four children,
God gave them knowledge and skill
in all learning aud wisdom : and
distillation, or whether it remain in these
liquids without being distilled. ' It is
neither more or less intoxicating in one
form than it is in the other. It is only
more condensed and concentrated in one
case than in the other; better capable of
preservation, and more convenient for
purposes of commerce. Every principle,
therefore, which applies to the temperance
cause at all applies to the use of wine ;
and every consideration derived from
health, beamy, vigour, length of days,
reputation, property, or salvation, which
should induce a young man to abstain
from ardent spirits at all should induce
him to abstain, as Daniel did, from the
use of wine,
17. As for these four children. Onthe
word children, see Notes on ver. 4. Comp.
ver. 6. ^ God gave them knowledge and
skill. See Notes on ver. 9. There ia no
reason to suppose that in the "knowledge
and skill" here referred to, it is meant to
be implied that there was anything
miraculous, or that there was any direct
inspiration. Inspiration was evidently
confined to Daniel, and pertained to what
is spoken of under the head of "visions
and dreams." The fact tbat all this waa
to be attributed to God as his gift, ia in
accordance with the common method of
speaking in the Scriptures; and it is also
in accordance with fact, that all know
ledge is to be traced to God. See Ex.
xxxi. 2, 3. God formed the intellect; he
preserves tbe exercise of reason; he fur
nishes us instructors; he gives us clear
ness of perception ; he enables us to take
advantage of bright thoughts and happy
suggestions which occur in our own
minds, as much as he sends rain, and
dew, and sunshine on the fields of the
husbandman, and endows him with skill.
¦ Comp. Isa. xxviii. 26, "For his God doth,
instruct him." The knowledge and skill
which we may acquire, therefore, should
bo as much attributed to God as the suc
cess of the farmer should. Comp. Job
xxxii. 8, " Fcr there is a spirit in man,
and the inspiration ofthe Almighty giveth
them understanding," In the case before
as, there is no reason to doubt that the
natural powers of these young men had
boen diligently applied during the three

a Daniel had understanding in all
visions and dreains.
» Or, he made Danid understand.

years of their trial (ver. 5), and under the
advantages of a strict course of tem
perance, and that the knowledge h«-io
spoken of was the result of such an appli
cation to their studies. On the meaning
of the words "knowledge" and "skUl"
here, see Notes on ver. 4, ^ In all learn
ing, and wiadom. See also Notes on ver, 4,
^ And Daniel had underatanding. Show
ing that in that- respect there was a
special endowment in his case; a kind of
knowledge imparted which could be com
municated only by special inspiration.
The margin is, he made Daniel under-
atand. The margin is in accordance with
the Hebrew, but the sense is the same,
finall visions. On the word rendered
visions — liTQ ¦ — see Notes on Isa. i. 1,
and Intro, to Isaiah, ^ 7, (4). It ia a
term frequently employed in reference to
prophecy, and designates the usual method
by which future events were made known.
The prophet was permitted to see those
eventa a^ if they were raade to pasa
before the eye, and to describe them as if
they were objects of sight Here the
word seems to be used to denote aU super
natural appearances; all tbat God per
mitted him to see that in any way
shadowed forth the future. It would
seem that men who were not inspired
were permitted occasionally to behold
such supernatural appearances, though
they were not able to interpret them.
Thus their attention would be particularly
caUed to them, and they would be pre
pared to admit the truth of what the
interpreter communicated to them. Comp.
ch. iv., ch. v. 5, 6; Gen. xl. 5, xli. 1-7.
Daniel was so endowed that he could in
terpret the meaning of these mysterious
appearances, and thus convey important
messages to men. The same endowment
had been conferred on Joseph when in
Egypt. See the passages referred to in
Genesis. % And dreams. One of the
ways by which the will of God was
anciently communicated to men. See
Intro, to Isaiah, ^ 7, (2), and Notfis on
Job xxxiii. 14-38. Daniel, like Joseph
before him, was supernaturally endowed
to explain these messages which Goi
sent to men, or to unfold these pr'ein'.hna.

B. C. 603.]

CHAPTER I.

103

IS Now at the end of the days that the
king had said he should bring them in,
then the prince of the eunuchs brought
them in before Nebuchadnezzar.
19 Anj the king communed with them;
and among them all was found none like
• 1 Kings 10. 1—3 ; Ps. 119, 99. b Of.
tions of earning events. This was a kind
of knowledge whioh the Chaldeans par
ticularly sought, and on which they espe
cially prided themselves, and it was im
portant, in order to " stain the pride of
all human glory," and to make " the wis
dom of the wise" in Babylon to be seen
to be comparative " folly," to endow one
man from the land of the prophets in the
most ample manner with this kiwvvledge,
as it was important to do the same thing
at the court of Pharaoh by the superior
endowments of Joseph. Gen. xli. 8.
18, Now at the end of the days, &g.
After three years. See ver. 5. % The
prince of the eunucha brought them in.
Daniel, Ma three friends, and the others
who had been selected and trained for the
same purpose.
19.' And the king communed with them.
Heb. 'spake with them.' Probably he
conversed with them on the points which
had constituted the principal subjects of
their studies j or he examined them. It
is easy to imagine that this 'must have
been to these young men a severe ordeal.
^ And among titem all waa found none
like Daniel, &e. Daniel and his throe
friends had pursued a course of strict
temperance ; they had come to their daily
task with clear heads and pure hearts —
free from the oppression and lethargy of
surfeit, and the excitement of wine ; they
had prosecuted their studies in the enjoy
ment of flne health, and with the buoy-
ousness and elasticity of spirit produced
by temperance, and they now showed th )
result of sueh a course of training. Toung
men of temperance, other things being
equal, will greatly surpass others in their
preparation for the duties of life iu any
profession or calling. If Therefore atood
they before the king. ' It is not said, indeed,
that the others were not permitted also
to stand before the monarch, but the
object of the historian is to trace the
moans by which these youths rose to suoh
eminence and virtue. It is clear, how
ever, that whatever may have been the
result on the others, the historian means
to say that these young meo rose to

Daniel, Hanat iah, Mishael, and Azariah :
therefore stood they before the king.
20 And ain all matters of wisdom bond
understanding, that tho king inquired of
thein, he found them ten times better than
all the magiciiins and astrologers that were
in all his realm.

higher eminence than they did, and were
permitted to stand nearer the throno.
The , phrase " stood before the kiug," ia
oue which denotes elevated rank. They
were employed in honourable offices at
the court, and received pecuUar marks of
the royal favour.
20. And in cdl viattera of wiadom and
underatanding. Marg. ' o/*.* The Hebrew
is, ' Everything of wisdom of understand
ing.' The Greek, ' In all things of wis
dom and knowledge.' Tho meaning is,
in everything which required peculiar
wisdom to understand and explain it. Tho
points submitted were such as would ap
propriately come before the minds of the
sages and magicians who were employed
as counsellors at court. ^ Hefound them
ten timea better. Better counsellors ; bet
ter informed. Heb. 'ten hands above
the magicians;* that is, ten times, or
many times. In this sense the word ten
is used in Gen. xxxi. 7. 41 ; Num. xiv,
22 ; Neh. iv. 12 ; Job xix. 3. They greatly
surpassed them. ^ Than all the magi
cians. Gr. rois IjraoiSavs, The Greek
word means thoae singing to; then those
who propose to heal the sick by singing;
then those who practice magical arts or
incantations — particularly with the idea of
charming with songs ; and then thoso who
accomplish anything surpassing human
power by mysterious and supernatural
means. Paaaow. The Hebrew word
aiKO"})! — hhartummim — occurs only in the
following places in the Scriptures, in all
of which it is rendered magiciana, Gen,
xli. 8, 24; Bx. vii. 11, 22, vii. 7 (3), 18 (14),
19 (15), ix. 11 ; Dan. i. 22, ii. 2. From
this it appears that it appUed only to the
magicians in Egypt "and in Babylon, and
doubtless substantially the same class of
persons is referred to. It is found only
in the plural number, perhapa implying
that they formed companies, or that they
were always associated together, so that
different persons performed different parta
in their incantations. The word is defined
by Gesenius to mean, "Sacied scribes,
skiUed in the sacred writings or hiero-

104

DANIEL.

[B.C. 60S

glyphics — UfoypniifLarets — a class of Egyp
tian priests." It is, according to him
iicx.), of Hebrew origin, and is derived
from <ni, hheret, stylus — an instrument
of writing, and D — formative. It is not
imprpbable, he suggests, that the He
brews with these letters imitated a simUar
Egyptian word. Prof. Stuart (tn loc.)
says that the word would be correctly
translated pen-men, and supposes that it
originaUy referred to thoso who were
"busied with books and writing, and
skiUed in them." It is evident that the
word is not of Persian origin, sinee it
was used in Egypt long before it occurs
in Daniel. A full and very interesting
account of the Magians and their , reli
gion may be found in Creuzer, Mythologie
und Symbolik, i. pp. 187-234. Herodotus
mentions the Magi as a distinct people.
i. 101. The word Mag or Mog (whence
the (iiiyoi — magoi. — of the Greeks, and
the magi of the Romans), means properly
a prieat; and at a very early period tte
names Chaldeana and Magi were inter
changeable, and both were regarded as of
the same class. Creuzer, i. 187, note.
They were doubtless, at first, a class of
priests among the Medes and Persians,
who were employed, among other things,
in the search for wisdom; who were con
nected with heathen oracles ; who claimed
acquaintance with the wUl of the gods,
and who professed to have the power,
therefore, of making known future events,
by explaining dreams, visions, preter
natural appearances, &c. The Magi form
ed one of the six tribes into which the
Medes were formerly divided (Herodotus,
i. 101), but on the downfall ofthe Median
empire, they continued to retain at the
court of the conqueror a great degree of
power and authority. " The learning of
the Magi was connected with astrology
and enchantment, in which they were so
celebrated that their name was applied
to all orders of magicians and enchanters."
Anthon, Claaa. Die. These remarks may
explain the reason why the word magician
comes to be applied to this class of men,
though we aro not to suppose that the
persons referred to in Genesis and Ex
odus, under the appellation of the Hebrew
name there given to them (s'BBVi), or
those found in Babylon, referred to in the
passage before us, to whom the same
name is applied, were of that class of
>riesta. The name magi, or magician.

was so extended as to embrace att wh«
made pretensions to the kind of know-
ledge forwhich the »nagi were distinguish.
ed, and hence camv also to be synonymous
with the Chaldeana, who were also cele
brated for this. Comp. Notes on ch. ii. 2,
In the passage before us, it cannot be
determined with certainty that the per-
sons were of Magian origin, though it is
possible, as in ch. ii. 2, they are dis.
tinguished from the Chaldeans, AU that
is certainly meant is, that they were per
sons who laid claim to the power of
diving into future events ; of explaining
mysteries ; of interpreting dreams ; of
working by enchantments, &c, 1[ And
aatrologera. D'pij'Kn. This word is ren
dered by the LXX, fiyovs — magians. So,
also, in the Vulgate — magoa. The English
word aatrologer denotes "one who pro
fesses to foretell future events by tha
aspects and situation of the stars." Web~
ater. Tho Hebrew word — D'BB'n — ac
cording to Gesenius, means enchantera,
magicians. It h derived, probably, from
the obsolete root 1^^ , to cover, to con
ceal, and refers to those who were de
voted to tbe practice of occult arts, aud to
the cultivation of recondite and cabalistic
sciences. It is supposed by some philo
logists to havo given rise, by dropping the
initial n, lo the Greek uo^oj, wiae, mise
man, and the Persian Sophi, an epithet
of equivalent import. See Gesenins on
the word, and comp. Bush on Dnn. ii. 2.
The word is found only in Daniel, ch. i.
20, ii. 2, 10, 27, iv. 7 (4), v. 7, 11, 15, in
every instauce rendered astrologer, and
aatrologera. There is no evidence, how
ever, that the science of astrology enters
into the meaning of the word, or that
the persons referred to attempted to
practice divination by the aid of tbe
stars. It is to be regretted that the term
astrologer should have been employed in
our translation, as it conveys an intima
tion which is not found in the original.
It is, indeed, in the highest degree pro
bable, that a part of their pretended wis
dom consisted in their abUity to cast tha
fates of men by the conjunctions and op
position 01 ihs stars, but this isnot neces
sarily impUed in tbe word. Prof. Stuart
renders it inchantera. ^ In M his realm.
Not only in the capital, but throughont
the kingdom. These arts were doubt
less practised extensively elsewhere, but
it is probable that the most skUful

B.C. 603.]

CHAPTEK 1.

105

21 And Danisl continued * even
* Ch. 6. 28, 10. 1. He lived to see that glo
rious tune of the return of his people from the

in them would be assembled at the
capital. 21. And Daniel continued even unto
the Jirst year of king Cyrus, . When tbe
proclamation was issued by him to re
build the temple at Jerusalem. Ezra. i. 1.
That is, he continued in influence and
authority, ac diflerent times, during that
period, and, of course, during the wbole
of tbe serenty year's captivity. It is not
necessarily implied that he did not live
longer, or even that he ceased theu to
have influence and authority at court, but
the object of the writer is to show that,

unto the first year of king Cyrus.
Babylonian captivity, though he did not dl«
then. So f'/J i.-. u^ed. Ps. 110. 1, 112. 8.

dnring that long and eventful period, ba
occupied a station of influence, unt'l ihfl
captivity was accomplished, and the royal
order was issued for rebuilding tbe tem
ple. He was among the first of the cap
tives that were taken to Babylon, and he
lived to see the end of the captivity — " the
joyful day of Jewish freedom." Prof,
Stuart. It is commonly belioTed that
when the captives returned, he remained
in Chaldea, probably detained by his high
employments in the Persian empire, And
that he died either at Babylon or at
Shusan. Comp. the Intro, g 1.

PRACTICAL REMARKS.
In viaw of tho exposition given of thia chapter, the following remarks may be made : —
(1.) There is in every period of the world, and in every place, much obscure and buried talent
that might be cultivated and brought to light, as there are many gems in earth and ocean
that are yet undiscovered. Notes on vn. 1-4. Amonj; these captive youths — prii=oner8 of war —
In a foreign land, and as yet unknown, there was most rich and varied talent — talent that waa
destined yet to shine at the court ofthe most magnificent monarchy of the ancient world, and
to be honoured as among the brightest that the world h.as seen. And fo iu all places, and at all
times, there is much rich and varied genius, which might shine with great brilliancy, and per
form important public services, if jt were cnltivated, aud allowed to develop itself on the great
theatre of human affairs. Thus in obscure rural retreats there may be bright gems of intellect ;
in the low haunts of vice there may be talent that would charm the world by the beauty of
song, or the power of eloquence; among slaves there may be mind which, if emancipated, would
take its place in the brightest constellations of genius. The great endowments of Moses as a
lawgiver, a prophet, a profound statesman, sprang from an enslaved people, ae those of Daniel
did ; aud it is not too much to say that the brightest talent of the earth has been found in plaoe'i
of great obscurity, and where, but for some remarkable dispensation of Providence, it might
bavo remained for ever unknown. This th'>ught bas been immortalized by Gray :—
"Full many a gem of; urest ray serene,
The dark unfathomed caves of ocean bear;
Full many a flower is boru to blush unseen,
And waste ita sweetness ou the desert air.
"Some village Hampden that with dauntless breast
The little tyrant ofthe fields withstood ;
Some mute inglorious Milton here may reat;
Some Cromwell guiltless of his country's blood."
There is at any time on the earth talent enough created for all that there is to be done in any
generation; and ther*- iB «Jways enough for talent to accomplish ifit were employed in the pur^
poses for which it wad oL^iinally adapted. There need be at no time any wasted or unoccupied
mind; and there need be no great and good plan that should fail for the want of talent fitted to
accomplish it if tha-t which actually exists ou the earth were called into action.
¦(2.) Ho does a great service to the world who seeks out such talent, and gives it an oppor
tunity to accomplish what it is fitted to, by furnishing it the means of an education. Ver. 3.
Nebuchadnezzar unconsciously, and doubtless undesignedly, did a great service to mankind by
hts purpose to seek out the talent of the Hebrew captives, and giving it an opportunity to ex
pand, and to ripen into usefulness. Daniel has taken his place among the prophets and states
men ofthe world aa a man of rare endowments, and of equally rare integrity of character. Ho
has, under the leading of the divine Spirit, dono more than most other prophets to lift the mys
terious veil which shrouds the future; more than could have beeu done by the penetrating
sagacity of all the Burkes, the Cannings, and tl e Metternichs of the world. So far as human
appearanojs go, all thia might have remained in obscurity, if it had not been for the pup-
Ewe ofthe Chaldean monarch to bring forward iato public notie* the obscure talent which lay
il among the Hebrew captives. He always does a good service to mankind who f (eks out
WigTat and promising genius, and who gives It the opportuuity of developing itself frith ad
Vmntage on tiie great theatre of human affairs.

106 DANIEL. [B.C. 603.
J'VI 74"'™^\trtf L%*S^,^S™tl\tC?r^^^^^^^^
ESSM'Lris^/^^htSn^/^'Te^^^^^^^^^^
S^^nTunknown m^irXch secured thi., riult; and t^* -'^jl-^''-^™ ^-Sj^^ J'^lTt^^
God was desiring to secure another. There was thus a double mfluence on his mmd. (1.) tnat
whirarosef^om^the purpose ofthe monarch himself originated b? "nB.derat>ons of pohcy^or
contemplating the aggrandizement and increased splendour of bis <»"'^'' .™J''-) '™ ^^r™'
3 silent influence of God, shaping the plans of the monarch to theends which He had in Ticw.
'^(4.)"As°'S°i^ retsonairio suppose that these yonng men had been trained up m the
strict principles of religion and temperance (vs. 8-12) the case hefore us furaishra an
interesting illustration of the temptations to which those who are early trained in lhe
ways of piety are often exposed. Every effort seems to have been made to induce tliem to
abandon the principles in which they had been educated, and there was a strong proba
bility that those efforts would be successful, (o) They were among strangers, Jaf away from
the homos of their youth, and surrounded by the allurements of a great city. (6) i-Tcrythmg
was done which could be done to induce them \o forget their own land, and the religion of their
fathers, (c) They were suddenly brought into distinguifhed notice; they attracted the atten
tion ofthe great, and had the prospect of associating with princes and nobles m the most mag
nificent court on earth. They had been selected on account of then- personal beauty and theii
intellectual promise, and were approached, therefore, in a form of temptation. to which youths
are commonly most sensitive, and to which they are commonly most liable to yield, (d) I'hey
were far away from the religious institutions of their country ; from the public services of the
sanctuary ; from the temple ; and from all those influences which had been made to bear npon
them in early life. It was a rare virtue which could, in these circumstances, withstand the
power of snch temptations.
(5.) Young men, trained in the ways of religion, and in the habits of temperance, are often
now exposed lo similar temptations. They visit the cities of a foreign country, or the cities in
their own land. They are surrounded by strangers. Tbey are far away from the sanctuary to
which in early life they were conducted by their parents, and in which they were taught tho
truths of religion. The eye of that nnslumhering vigilance which was upon them in their own
land, or in the country neighbourhood where their conduct was known to all, is now withdrawn.
Ml one will know it if they visit the theatro; no one will see them who will make report ifthey
are found in tbe gambling-room, or the place of dissipation. In those new sceneiJ, new temp
tations are around them. Tbey may be noticed, flattered, caressed. They may be invited to
places by the refined and the fa.ihionable, from which, when at home, they would have recoiled.
Or it may be, prospects of honour and affluence may open upon them, and in the whirl of
business or pleasure, they may be onder the strongest temptations to forget the lessons of eai-Iy
virtue, and to abandon the principles of the religion in which they were trained. Thonsands of
young men are ruined in circumstances similar to those in which these youths were placed in
Cabylon, and amidst temptations much less formidable than those which encompassed them ; and
it is a rare virtue which makes a young man safe amidst the temptations to which he is ex
posed in a great city, or in a distant land.
(6.) "W'e have in this chapter an instructive instance of the value of early training in the prin
ciples of religion and temperance. There can be no doubt tht ¦; these young men owed theii
safety and tbeir future success wholly to this. Parents, thei (fore, should be encouraged to
train tbeir sons In the strictest principles of religion and virtue. Seed thus sown will not he
lost. In a distant land; far away from home, from a parent's eye, from the sanctuary of God;
in the midst of temptations, when surrounded by flatterers, by the gay and by tbe irreligious,
such principles will be a safeguard to them which nothing else can secure, and will save them
when otherwise they would be engulphed iu the vortex of irreligion and dissipation. The best
service which a parent can render to a son, is to imbue hia mind thoroughly with the princi
ples of temperance and religion.
(7.) We may see th > value of a pnrpose of entire abstinence from the nse of wine. Ver. 8.
Dauiel resolved that he would not make use of it as a beverage. His purpose, it would seem,
W.IS decided, though hc meant to ax^compUsh it by mild and persuasive means if possible. There
were good reasons for the formation of such a purpose then, and those reasons are not less
weighty now. lie never bad occasion to regret tho formation of such a purpose; nor has any
one who has formed a similar resolution ever had occasion to regret it. Among the reasons for
the formation of such a resolution, the following may be suggested : (1.) A fixed resolution in
regard to the course which onc will pursue; to the kind of lhe which ho will live; to the prin
ciples on which he will act, is of inestimable value in a young man. Our confidence in a man is
iust in proportion as we have evidence that he has formed a steady purpose of virtue, and tbat
le has sufficient strength of resolution to keep it. (2.) The same reasons exist for adopting a
resolution of abstinence in regard to the use of wme. which exist for adopting it in relation to
tho use of ardent spirits ; for (a) The intoxicating principle in wine or other 1 jrmcnted liquors la
precisely the same as in ardent sph-its. It is the result ot fermentation, not of dSstiUatmn, aud
tmdorgoes no change by distillation. The only effect of that chemical process, is to drive it off
y heat, condense, and collect it m a form better adapted to commerce or to preservation, bn*

B.C. 603.] CHAPTER I. IOT
the alcoholic principle is precisely the aame ia wine as in distilled liquors, (5) InCnlcation
itaelf is the same thing, whether produced by fermented liquors or by distilled spiritfl. It pro
duces the same effect on the body, on the mind, on the affections. A man who becomes intoxi.
eated on wine — as he easily may — ^is in precisely tho aame condition, ao far as intoxication ij
produced, as he who becomes intoxicated on distilled liquors, (c) Thero is the aome kind of
danger of becoming intemperate in the use of the one as of tho other. The man who habitu
ally uses wine is as certainly in danger of becoming a drunkard, as he who indulges in the
use of distiUed liquors. The danger, too, arises from the same source. It arises from the fact,
that he who indulges once will feel induced to indulge again ; that a strong and peculiar
craving is produced for stimulating liquors; that the body i|i left in such a state that it
demands a repetition ofthe stimulus; that it is a law in rcgyrd to indulgence in this kind
of drinks, that an increased quantity is demanded to meet the exhausted state of the system;
and that the demand goes on in this increased ratio until there is no power of control, and
the man becomes a confirmed inebriate. AU these lawa operate in regard to the use of -wine
aa really aa to the use of any other intoxicating drinks ; and, therefore, there is the same reason
for the adoption of a resolution to abstain from all alike, id) The temptations ore often greater
kn relation to wine than to any other kind of intoxicating drinka. There is a large clasa of persona
In the community who are in comparatively little danger of becoming intemperate from any
other cause than this. This remark applies particularly to young men of wealth; to those who
move in the more elevated circles ; to those who are in college, and to those who" are preparing
for the leamed professions. They are in peculiar danger from this quarter, because it is re
garded as genteel to drink a glass of wine; because they are allured by the example of professed
Christians, of ministers of the gospel, and of ladies ; and because they are often in circumstances
In which it would not be regarded as respectable or respectful to decline it. (3.) A third
reason for adopting such a resolution is, that it ia the only SECuniTr that any one can have that
he will not become a drunkard. No one who indulges at all in the use of intoxicating liquors,
can have any certainty that he will not yet become a confirmed inebriate. Of the great mul
titudes who have heen, and who are drunkards, there are almost none who meant to sink
themselves to that wretched condition. They have become intemperate by indulging in tho
social glass when they thought themselves safe, and they continued the indulgence until
it waa too late to recover themaelves fi-om ruin. He who is in the habit of drinking at all
can have no security that he may not yet he all that the poor drunkard now is. But
he win be certainly safe from thia evU if he adopts the purpose of total abstinence, and stead
fastly adheres to it. Whatever other dangers await him, he will be secure against this;
whatever other calamities he may experience, he is sure that he wUl escape all those that
are caused by intemperance.
(8.) We have in this chapter a most interesting illustration of tho vcUue of temperance
in eating, va. 9-17. There are laws of our nature relating to the quantity and quality
of food, which can no more be violated with impunity than any other of the laws of God;
and yet those laws are probably more frequently violated than any other. There are more
persons intemperate in tbe use of food than in the use of drink, and probably more diseases
engendered, and more lives cut short, by improper indulgence in eating thau in drinking.
At the same time it is a more base, low, poaa, and beastly passion. A drankard is very
often the wreck of a generous and noble-minded nature. ¦ He was large-hearted, open, free
liberal, and others took advantage of his generosity of disposition, and led him on to habits
of intoxication. But there ia nothing noble or generoua in the gourmand. He approximates
more nearly to the lowest forms of the brutal creation than any other human being; and if
there is any man who should be looked on with feelings of unutterable loathing, it is he who
wastes hia vigour,, and destroys his health, hy gross indulgence in eating. There is olmost no
sin that God speaks of in tones of moro decided abhorrence than the sin of glvMmiy Comp
Deut. xxi. 20, 21; Ps. cxli.4; Prov. XiUi. 1, 2, 3, 20, 21; Luke xvi. 19, xxi. 34.
(9.) We have, in the close of the chapter before ua, a most interesting illuatration of the
effect of an early course of strict temperance on the future character and success in life,
vs. 17-21. The trial in the case of these young men waa fairly made. It was continued
through three years ; a period long enough for a fair trial ; a period long enough to make it
an interesting example td young men who are pursuing a course of Hterary studies, who are
preparing to enter one of the learned professions, or who are qualifying themselves for a life
of mechanical or agricultural pursuits. In the case of these young men, they were strictly
ouprobation, and the result of their probation was seeu in the success which attended them
when they passed the severe examination before the monarch (ver. 19), and in the honours
which they reached at his court, vs. 19-21. To make this case applicable to other young men,
and useful to them, we may notice two thinga: the fact that every young man ia on pro
bation; and the effect of an early course of temperance in securing the object of that pro
bation, o .p 2-
(a) Every young man iaon probation; that ia, his future character and succesa are to ba
determined by what he ia when a youth, (l.) All the great io terests of the world are soon to
pass into the handa ofthe young. They who now possesa the property, and fill the offices of
the land, will pass away. Whatever there is that ia valuable in liberty, science, art, or religion,
wiU pass into the hands of those who are now young. They wUl preside in the seminaries of
learnmg; will sit down on the benches of justice; will take the vacated seats of senators; wUl
occupy tha pulpits in the churches ; wUl be entrusted with all the offices of honour and emolu
ment; will be ambassadors to foreign courts; and will di^oeuse the charities of the land, and

108 DANIEL. [B.C 603
carry out and complete th* designs of Christian benevolence. There ianot an interest of libe^,
religion, or law, which wUl not aoon be committed to them. (2.) The world is favourably dis-
poaed towards young men, and they who are now entrusted with theso great int^i eats, ana
who are soon to leave them, are ready calmly to commit them to the guardianshii. of the nsmg
generation, aa soon aa they have the assurance that they are qualified to receive the trust.
They, therefore, watch with intense solicitude, the conduct of those to whom so great interests
are so soon to be committed. (3.) Early vh-tue is indiapeneable to a favourable result ofthe pro
bation of young men. A merchant demands evidence of integrity and industry in a young
man before he will admit him to share his business, or will give him credit; and the same thing
is true respecting a fai-mer, mechanic, physician, lawyer, or clergyman. Ko young man can
hope to have the confidence of others, or to succeed in his calling, who does not give ovideoce tbat he
is qualified for success by a fair probation or trial. (4.) Of no yonng man is it presumed tbat he ia
qualified to be entrusted with these great and momentous interests untU he haa had a fair trial.
There is no such confidence in the integrity of young men, or in their tendencies to virtue, or
in their native endowments, that the world is wUUng to commit great interests to them without
an appropriate probation. No advantage of birth or blood can secure thia; ond no young man
should presume that the world will be ready to confide in bun nntil he has shown that he is
qualifled for the station to which he aspires. (5.) Into this probation, through which every
young man ia passing, the question of temperance enters perhapa more deeply than anything
else respecting character. With reference to bis habita on thia point, every young man is
watched with an eagle eye, and his character is well » ndcrstood, when perhaps be least aus-
pects it. The public cannot be deceived on this point, and every young man may be assured
that there is an eye of unslumbering vigilance upon him.
(6) The effect of an early course of temperance on the issne of thia probation. This ia seen in
the avoidance ofa course of life which would certainly blast every hope; and Id its positive in
fluence on the future destiny.
1. The avoidance of certain things which would blast every hope which a young man could
cherish. There are certain evils which a young man will certainly avoid by a course of strict
temperance, which would otherwiae certainly come upon him. They are such aa these: (a) Po
verty, as arising from this source. He moy, indeed, be poor if be is temperate. He may lose
his health, or may meet with losses, or may be unsuccessful in business: but he is certain that.
he will never be made poor from intemperance. Nine-tentha of the poverty in the community
ia caused by this vice; nine-tenths of all who are in almshouses are sent there as the result of
it, but from all this he will bn certain that ke will be saved. There is a great difference, if a
man is poor, between being auch as the result of a loss of health, or other Providential
dispensations, and being such as tbe result of intemperance. (6) He will be saved from
committing crime from this cause. About nine-tenths of tbe crimes that are committed, are the
results of intoxicating drinks, and by a course of temperance a man is certain that he will be
saved from the commission of all those crimes. Yet if noi temperate, no man has any security
that he will not commit any one of them. There is nothing in himself to save him from the
very worst of them ; and every young man wbo indulges in the intoxicating cup, should refiect
that he has no security tbat he will not be led on to commit the most horrid crimes which ever
disgrace humanity, (c) He will certainly be saved from the drunkard's death. He will indeed
die. He may die young; for, though temperate, be may be cut down in the vigour ofhis days.
But there is all the difference imaginable between dying as a drunkard, nnd dying in Uie
ordinary course of nature. It would be a sufficient inducement for any one to sign a tem
perance pledge, and to adhere to it, if there were no other, tbat he might avoid the horrcrs of a
death by delirium tremens, and saved from the loathsomeness of a drunkard's grave. It ia
much for a young man to be able to say as he enters on life, and looks out on the future with
solicitude aa to what is to come, ' Whatever may await me in the unknown future, of this one.
thing I am certain; I shall never be poor, and haggard, and wretched, aa the drunkard is. I
ahall never commit the crimes to which drunkenness prompts. I shall never experience the un
utterable horrors of delirium tremens. I shall never die the death of unequalled wretchedness
caused by mania a potu. Come what may, I see, on the threshold of life, that I am to be free
from tho worst evils to which man is ever exposed. If I am poor, I will not be poor as tha
victim of intemperance is. If I die early, the world wiU not feel that it is benefitted by my
removal, and my friends will not go forth to my grave with the unutterable anguish wbich a
parent haa who follows a drunken son to the tomb.'
2. A course of temperance will have a direct and positive effect oo the isaue of such a proba
tion. So It had in the case ofthe young men in the chapter before us; and so it will have in
every case. Its effect will be seen in the beauty, and healthfulness, and vigour of the bodily
frame; in the cleamess of the mtcllect, and the purity of tbe heart; in habits of industry.
In general mtegrity of life, and in rendering it more probable th.it the soul will be saved In
no respect whatever, wiil a steadfast adherance to the principles of temperance injure any
young man ; in eveiy respect it may be the meana of promoting his interests in the present
life, and of securing his final happiness in the worid to come. Why, then, ahould anv vouna
man hesitate about forming such a resolution as Daniel did f rer. 8), and about exoressiniy in
•very proper way, in the most decided manner, his determine i purpose to adhere throuKh'llft
t* the strictest principles of temperance? -*«Mi»jj*fc um

B.O.603.t CHAPTER II. ,09

CHAPTER II.
g 1, AUTHENTICITY OF THE CHAPTER.
The olitiections to the authenticity and credibility of thia chapter aro not numerons or Ink
portant. 1. The first thatia alleged, by Bertholdt (Com. pp. 192, 193), is, substantially, this, 'that If
the account here is true, the records of ancient timea could not exhibit a more finished tyrnni
than Nebuchadnezzar waa, if he doomed so many persons to death oo ao Flight .*nd foolish an
occasion, ver. 5. Tbis cruelty, it ia said, is wholly contrary to the general charactei c f Nebuchad
nezzar as it ia reported to ua, and wholly incredible. It ia further said that, though it wai
common in the East to trust in dreams, and though the office of interpreting them was an
honourable office, yet no one was ao unreasonable, or could bc, as to require the interpreter to
reveal the dream itaelf when it was forgotten. The proper office of the interpreter, it is said|
was to interpret the dream, not to tell what the dream wo^.'
To this oliiection, which seems to have considerable plausibility, it may be replied : —
(1.) Much reliance was placed on drc^7?i5 in ancient times, alike among the Hebrews and in
the heathen world. The case of Pharaoh will at once occur to the mind; and it need not be
said that men everywhere relied ou dreams, and inquired earnestly respecting them, whether
they m^hi not be the appointed means of communication with the spiritual world, and of
disclosing what waa to occur in the future. There cai be no objection, therefore, to the
supposition that this heathen monarch. Nebuchadnezzar, felt all the solicitude wbich he is
reported to have done respecting the dream which he had. It may bc further added, that
in the dream itself there is nothing improbable as a dream, for it has all the charac-
teristics of those mysterious operations of the mind; and, if God ever communicated hls
will by a dream, or made known future eventa in this way, there ia no absurdity in supposing
that he would thus communicate what was to come, to him who was at that time at the head
of the empires of the earth, and who was the king over the first of those kingdoms which wero
to embrace the world's history for ao many ages.
' (2.) There is no improbabiUty in auppoaing that a dream would vaniah from the distinct re
collection, or that if it had vanished, the mind would tre troubled by some vague recollection
or impression in regard to it. This often occurs in our dreams now, as in the indistinct recol
lection that we have had a pleasant or a frightful dream, when we are wholly unable to rectjl
the dream itself. This often occurs, too, when we would be glad to recover the dream if we
could, but when no effort that we can make will recall its distinct features to our minds.
(3.) There was, really, nothing that was unreasonable, absurd, or tyrannical, in the demand
which Nebuchadnezzar mode on the astrologers, that they should recall the dream itself, and
thon interpret it. Doubtless he could recollect it if they would suggest it, or at least he could
80 far recollect it as to prevent their imposing on him; for something like this constantly occura
in the operation of our own minds. When we have forgotten a atory, or a piece of history,
though we could not ourselves recall it, yet when it is repeated to ua, wo can then distinctly
recollect it, and can perceive that that is the same narrative, for it agreea with all our impres
sions in regard to it. Furthermore, though it was not understood to be a part of the office of
an interpreter of dreams to recall the dream if it had vanished from the mind, yet Nebuchad
nezzar reasoned correctly, that ifthey could interpret the dream they ought to be presumed to
be able to tell what it was. The one required no more sagacity than the other; and if they
were, ae they pretended to be, under the inspiration of tbe gods in interpreting a dream, it was
fair to presume that, under the same in^i 'ration, they could tell what it was. Comp. Notes on
Ter. 6. No objection, then, can lie against the authenticity of this chapter from any supposed
absurdity in the demand of Nebuchadnezzar. It was not only strictly in accordance with all
ihe just principles of reasoning in the case, but woa in accordance with what might be expected
from an arbitrary monarch who was accustomed to exact obedience in all things.
(4.) What is here said of the threatening of Nebuchadnezzar (ver. 5.) accords with the gen
eral traits of hit character as history has preaerved them. He had in him the elementa of
cruelty and severity of the higheat order, especially when hia will was not immediately complied
with. In proof of this we need only refer to his cruel treatment of the king Zedekiah, when
Jerusalem was taken : " So they took the king, and hrought him to the king of Babylon, to
Biblah, and they gave judgment upou him. And they slew the sons of Zedekiah before his
eyes, and put out the eyes of Zedekiah, and bound him with fetters of brass, and brought him
to Babylon." 2 Kings xxv. 6, 7 ; comp. also, in vs. 18-21 of the same chapter, the account ofhis
flaying -the large number of persons that were taken by Nebuzar adan, captain of the guard,
and brought by him to the king in Babylon. These were slain in cold blcod by order of Nebuchad
nezzar himself. These facts make it every way probable that, in a fit of passibn, he would no^
heeitatu to threaten the astrologers with death if they did not comply at once with his will,
Comp. Jer. xxxix. 5, «eg., lii. 9-11. The truth was, that though Nebuchadnezzar had soma
good qualitiea, and was religious in hit vaay, yet he had all the. usual characteristics of u
10

no DANIEL. IB. C. 605,
Oriental despot. He was a man of strong passions; and was a man whe would never hesitate in
carrying out the purpoaes of an arbitrary, a determined, and a stubborn will.
ZI. A second objection made by Bertholdt, which may demand a moment's notice, ia, subatan-
tially, that the account bears the mark of a later hand, for the purpose of conferring a bighe*
honour on Daniel, and making wbat he did appear the more wonderful. Pp. 62, 63, 193-196.
The supposition of Bertholdt is, that the original account was merely that Nebuchadnezzar
required of the interpreter to explain the sense of the dream, but that, in order to show tha
greatness of Daniel, the author of this book, long after the affair occurred, added the circum
stance that Nebuchadnezzar required of them to make the dream known as well as the inter'
pretation, and tbat the great superiority of Daniel was shown by his being able at once to do
tbis. As this objection, however, is not based on any historic grounds, and as it is throughout
mere conjecture, it is not necessary to notice it further. Nothing is gained by the conjecture;
no difficulty is relieved by it; nor is there any real difficulty to be relieved by any such suppo
sition. The narrative, as we have it, has, oa we have seen, no intrinsic improbability, nor i3
there anything in it which is contrary to the weU-known character of Nebuchadnezzar.
III. A third objection to tbe authenticity of the chapter which deserves to be noticed, is
urged by LUderwald, pp. 40, seq., and Bleek, p. 280. that this whole narrative has a strong re
semblance to the account of the dreams of Pharaoh, and the promotion of Joseph at the
court of Egypt, and was apparently made up from that, or copied from it.
But tn this we may reply, (a) That, if either happened, there is no more improbability in
supposing that it should happen to Daniol in Babylon than to Joseph in Egypt ; and taken o»
separate and independent histories neither of them is improbable, (b) There is so much
diversity in the two cases as to show that the one is not copied from the other. They agree,
indeed, in several circumstances :— in the fact lhat the king of Egypt and the king of Babylon
had each a dream ; in the fact that Joseph and Daniel wert- enabled to interpret the dream ;
in the fact that they both ascribed the ability to do this not t» themselves but to God ; and in
the fact that they wero both raised to honour as a consequence of their being able to inter
pret the dream. But in nothing else do they agree. The dreams themselves; the occasion ;'
the explanation ; the result; the bearing on future events — in theae, and in numerous other
things, they differ entirely. It may be added, also, that if the ono had been copied from tho
other, it is probable that there would have been some undesigned aUusion by which it could
be known that the writer ofthe one had the other before him, and tbat he was framing hia
own narrative from that. But, as a matter of fact, there are no two records in history that
have more the marks of being independent and original narratives of real transactions thau the
account of Joseph in Egypt, and of Daniel in Babylon.
IV. A fourth objection to the account in thia chapter, arises from an alleged error in cJiro-
nology. MOT a consideration of this, sec Notes on ver, 1.

§ 2, ANALYSIS OP TUB CHAPTER,
The subjects of this chapter are the following : —
T. The dream of Nebuchadnezzar, Ver. 1. In accordance with the common belief amon-
the ancients, he regarded this as a divine message. The dream, too, was of such a ch^
racter as to make a deep impression on his mind, though its distinct features and details
naa gone irom nim.
n. The demand of Nebuchadnezzar that the Chaldeans should' recall the drciun to his recol
lection, and expound its meaning. Vs. 2-9. He ordered those whose business it 4as^
fessedly to give snoh interpretations, to come into his presence, and lo make knownX
eSn a dreaT^h?n if"' "j'™"* '""^. '^' their pretensions went no tother than to
^«l7st:te7he"dr"at^^X^hTthey°m&"explT^^^^^^^ened death if they did not flrst recall *Z drS,m\SXn make knfw;\SeTnieiS
tion, promisiuB atthe same time, ample rewards if they were able to do this As 'Stti^
nnder diTme direct on, was designed to communicate important LformSion of fntnro
thfa?t ofThM^aTd'e^.l ^"f '^''- ""^ ^^'^ *"= fc-'SOtL, thus eSly conf'nndtog
that were tho real dream, and thev the?S„ .„i IL^L .v^".'"!""""" ""^ "^i™' »« ^
tte demand ofthe kln^^^ ^ therefore acknowledged their ^ability to comply with

B. C. 603.]

CHAPTBB II.

ill

XV. The de'*'ee that thoy should die. Va. 12, 13. In this decree, Datlel and his throe friendi
who ha*^ Jeen tniined with him at court (ch. i.) were involved, not because they hod
&iled to -jmply with tbe demand of the king, for there is the fciUcst evidence that the
. subject h'ld not been laid before them, but because thoy came under the general cla.'^s of
wise men, or counsellors, to whom the monarch looked to explain the prognostics of
coming events.
V. Daniol, when apprised ofthe decree, and the cause of it, went to tho king and requested
a respite in the execution of the sentence. Vs. 14-16. It would seem that he had the privi
lege of access to the king at plejusure. We may presume that he stated that the thing
had not in fact been, laid before him, though he had become involved in the general
sentence, and it is no unreasonable supposition that the king was so much troubled with
the dream ; that he was so anxious to kuow its signification ; and that be saw so clearly thai
if the decree was executed, involving Daniel aud his friends, all hope of recalling nnd un
derstanding it would be lost, that he was ready to grasp at any hope, however slender, of
being made acquainted with the meaning of the vision. He was willing, therefore, that
Daniel should be spared, and that the execution of the decree should be suspended.
VI. In these interesting and solemn circumstances, Daniel and bis friends gave them
selves to prayer. . A'or. 17, 18. Their lives were in danger, and the ca.se was such that
they could not be rescued but by a direct divine interposition. Thero was no power whioh
they had of a.scertaining by any human meaus what was the dream of the monarch, and yet
it was indispensalle in order to save their lives that the dream should be made known.
God only, they knew, could commumcate it tc them, and bc only, therefore, could save
them from death, and in these circumstances ol perplexity they avaUed themselvea of the
privilege which all the friends of God have — ol carrying their cause at once before his
throne.
TII. The secret was revealed to Daniel in a night vision, and he gave utterance to an
appropriate song of praise. Vs. 19-23. The occasion was one which demanded auch an
expression of thanksgiving, and that which Daniel addressed to God was every way
worthy of the occasion.
VIII. ThS way was now prepared for Daniel to make known to the king the dream and the
iutyrpretation. Accordingly he wa.s brought before the king, and he distinctly di.<5c]aimod
any newer of himself to recall tho dream, or to make known its signification. Vs.
24-30.
IX. The statement of the dream and the interpretation. Vs. 31-45.
X. The effect on Nebuchadnezzar. Vs. 46-49. Ue recognised tho droom ; acknowledged
that it was only the true God who could have made it known ; and promoicd Daniel
to distinguished honour. In his own honours, Daniel did not forget the virtuous com
panions of his youth (ch. i.), and aought for them, now that he waa elevated, posts of
honourable employment also. Ver. 49.

1 And iil the second year of the reign of Nebuchadnezzar, Nebu-

1. And in the second year of the reign
ef Nebuchadnezzar. There is an appa,-
rent chronolbgical difficulty in this state
ment, which has given some perplexity to
expositors. It arises mainly from two
sources. (1.) That in Jeremiah xxv. i.,
it is said that the first year of the reign
of Nebuchadnezzar corresponded with the
fourth year of Jehoiakim, king of Judah,
and as the captivity was in the third
year of the reign of Jehoiakim (Dan. i. 1),
the time here vrould be the fourth year of
the reign of Nebuchadnezzar, instead of
the first. (2.) That we learn from ch. i.
5, IS, that Daniel and his three friends
had been in Babylon already three years,
under a process of training preparatory
to their being presented at court, and as
the whole narative leads us to suppose
that it was after tbis that Daniel was re
garded as enrolled araong the wise men
(comp. ch. ii. 13, 14), on the supposition
tbat the captivity occurred in the first

year of the reign of Nebuchadnezzar, this
would bring the time of the di-eam into
the fourth year of bis reign. This diffi
culty is somewhat increased from the
fact that when Nebuchadnezzar went
up to besiege Jerusalem he is called
" king," and it is evident that he did not
go as a lieutenant of the reigning mo
narch ; or as a general of the Chaldean
forces under the direction of a.nother. See
2 Kings xxiv. 1, 11. Various solutions
of tbis difficulty have been proposed, but
the true one probably is, that Nebuchad
nezzar reigned some time conjointly with
his father, Nabopolassar, and, though the
title king was given to him, yet the reck
oning here is dated from the time whea
he began to reign alone, and that this was
the year of his sole occupancy of the
throne. Berosus states that his father,
Nabr polasser, was aged and infirm, and
that he gave up a part of his army to his
son Nebuchadnezzar, who defeated the

112

DANIEL.

[B. 0. eoi

chadnezzar dreamed dreains, where-
« Go. 41. 8 ; Bs. 6. 1 ; Job 33. 15-17 ; c. 4. 5.

Egyptian host at Carchemish (Circessium)
»n the Euphrates, and drove Necho out of
Asia. 'The victorious prince then march
ed directly to Jerusalem, and Jehoiakim
surrendered to him, and this was the be
ginning of the seventy years' captivity.
See Jahn's History of the Hebrew Com
monwealth, p. 134, Nabopolassar pro
bably died about two years after that,
and Nebuchadnezzar succeeded to the
throne. The period of their reigning
together was two years, and of course the
second year of his single reign would be
the fourth of his entire reign; and a
reckoning from either would be proper,
and would not be misunderstood. Other
modes of solution have been adopted, but
as this meets the whole difficulty, and is
founded on truth, it is unnecessary to
refer to them. Comp. Prof. Stuart, on
Daniel, Excursus I. pp. 19-30, and Ex
cursus II. pp. 32, 33. ^ Nebuchadnezzar
dreamed dreams. The plural ia here
used, though tbere is but one dream men
tioned, and probably but one is referred
to, for Nebuchadnezzar, when speaking
of it himself, ver. 3, says, " I havo dream
ed a dream." In the Latin Vulgate, and
in the Greek, it is also in the singular.
It is probable that this is a popular use
of words, as if one should say, 'I had
strange dreams last night,' though per
haps bnt a single dreacc was intended.
Prof. Buah. Among the methoda by which
God made known future events in ancient
times, that by dreama was one of the
most common. See Notes on ch i. 17 ;
Intro, to Isaiah, J 7, (2) ; comp. Gen. xx.
3, 6, xxxi. 11, xxxvii. 4, 5, 6, xl. 5, xli. 7,
25 ; 1 Kings iii. 5 ; Numbers xii. 6 ; Joel
ii. 8; Job xxxiii. 14-16. The belief that
the will of he.aven was communicated to
men by means of dreams, was prevalent
throughout tho world in ancient times.
Hence the striking expression in Homer,
II. i. 63 — Kai yap r* §uap U iiios hrn, —
the dream ia of Jove. So in the com
mencement ofhis Second Iliad, he repre
sents tho will of Jupiter as conveyed to
Agamemnon by Onipns, or the dream.
Bo Diog. Laertins makes mention of a
dream of Socrates, by which he foretold
his death as to happen in three days.
This method of communicating the divine
« Ul was adopted not only in reference to
lhe prophets, but alao to those who were

with 'his spirit was trrubled, and
his sleep brake from him.

strangers to religion, and even to wicked
men, as in the case of Pharaoh, Abime
lech, Nebuchadnezzar, the butler and
baker in Egypt, &c. In every such
instance, however, it was necessary, ae in
the case before us, to call in the aid of a
true prophet to interpret the dream, and
it was only when thus interpreted, that it
took its place among the certain predic
tions of the future. One object of com
municating the divine will in this manner
seems to have been, to fix the attention
of the person who had the dream on
the subject, and to prepare him to re
ceive the communication which God had
chosen to make to him. Thus it cannot
be doubted that by the belief in dreams
entertained by Pharaoh and Nebuchad
nezzar, as disclosing future events, and
by the anxiety of mind which they ex
perienced in regard to the dreams, they
were better prepared to receive the com
munications of Joseph and Daniel in
reference to the future than they conld
have been by any other method of making
known the divine will. They had no
doubt that some important communica
tion had been made to them respecting
the future, and they were anxious to
know what it was. They were prepared,
therefore, to welcome any explanation
whioh commended itself to them as true,
and in this way the servants of the true
God had a means of access to their
hearts which they could have found in
no other way. By what laws it was so
regulated that a dream sbould be known
to be a preintimation of coming events,
we have now no means of ascertaining.
That it is poaaible for God to have
access to the mind in sleep, and to com
municate his will in this manner, no ons
can doubt. That it was, so far as em
ployed for that purpose, a safe and oertain
way, is demonstrated by the results of the
predictions thus made in the case of
Abimelech, Gen. xx. 3, 6 ; of Joseph and
his brethren. Gen. xxxvii. 4, 5, 6; of
Pharaoh, Gen xli. 7, 25 ; and of the but.
ler and baker. Gen. xl. 5. It is not, how
ever, to be inferred thatthe same reliance,
or that any reliance, is now to be placed
on dreams; for were there no other con
sideration against suoh reliance, it wonld
be sufficient that thero is no authorieed
interpreter of the wanderings of the mind

B.C. 603

CHAPTER II.

113

2 Then the king commanded to
call the magicians, and the astrolo-

in sleep. God now communicates his
truth to the souls of men in other ways.
^ Wherewith hia apirit was troubled.
Alike by the unusual nature of the
dream, and by the impression which he
undoubtedly had that it referred to some
important truths pertaining to his king
dom and to future times. See vs. 31-3tf.
The Hebrew word here rendered troubled
— Z-^Q — means properly to atrike, to beat^
to pound ; then in Niph., to be moved, or
agitated; and also in Hithpa., to be
agitated, or troubled. The proper signi
fication of the word is that of striking as
on an anvil, and then it refers to any
severe stroke, or anything which pro
duces agitation. The verb occurs only in
the following places : Judges xiii. 25,
where it is rendered move, and Ps. Ixxvii.
4, (5); Gen xli. 8; Dan. ii. 1,3, where it
is rendered troubled. The noun is of fre
quent occurrence. ^ And hia sleep brake
from him. Heb. I'V?, n,nirij inj-f. Lit
erally 'His sleep was upon him.' The
Greek is, his aleep waa from him; i. e.
left him. The -Vulgate, hia aleep fled
(fugit) from him. But it may be doubted
whether the Hebrew will bear this con-
etruction. Probably the literal construc
tion is the true one, by which the sense
of the Hebrew — 7V — upon, will be re
tained. The meaning tben would be,
that this remarkable representation oc
curred when he was in a profound sleep.
It was a dream, and not an of*in vision.
It was such a representation as passes
before the mind when the senses are
locked in repose, and not such as was
made to pass before the minds of the pro
phets when they were permitted to see
visions of the future, though awake.
Comp. Num. xxiv. 4, 16. There is no
thing in the words which conveys the
idea that there was anything preter
natural in the sleep that had come upon
Nebuchadnezzar, but the thought is, that
aJl this occurred when he waa sound
seleep. Prof. Stuart, however, rendera
thia, ' his sleep failed him,' and so does
also Gesenius. Winer renders it 'hia
¦leep went away from him.' But it seems
to me that the more natural idea is that
which occurs in the literal translation of
the words, that this occurred aa a dream,
b a 8tat« of profound repose.
10*

gers, and the sorcerers, and ths
Chaldeana, for to show the king hw

2. Then the king commanded. That is,
when he awoke. The particle rendered
then, does not imply that this occurred
immediately. When he awoke, his mind
was agitated ; he was impressed with the
belief that hc bad had an important
divine communication ; but he could not
oven recall the dream distinctly, and he
resolved to summon to his presence those
whose business it was to interpret what
were regarded as prognostics of tho
future. ^ The magicians and the astro
logers. These are the same words which
occur in ch. i. 20. See Notes on that
place, f And the sorcerers. Heb. 0 ^0^'?3 •
Vulg. malefici — sorcerers. Gr. ipapfiamvs,
Syriao, magician. The Hebrew word is
derived from T^'? — kaspSph — meaning
in Piel, to practise magic ; to uso magio
formulas, or incantations ; to mutter ; and
it refers to" the various arts by which
those who were addicted to magic prac
tised their deceptions. The particular
idea in this word would seem to be, that
on such occasions some forms of prayera
were used, for the word in Syriac meana
to off'er prayers, or to worship. Probably
the aid of idol-gods was invoked by such
persons when they practised incantations.
The word is found only in the following
places : once as o verb, 2 Chron. xxxiii. 6,
and rendered used witchcraft, and aa a
participle, rendered sorcerers, in Ex. vii.
11, Dan. ii. 2, Mal. iii. 5; and witch in
Ex. xxii. 18 (17), Deut. xviii. 10. The
noun IV'?, and O'SEis, is used in the fol
lowing places, alwaya with reference to
sorcery or witohcraft: Jer. xxvii. 9; 2
Kings ix. 22 ; Isa. xlvii. 9 ; Mic. v. 12
(11) ; Nah. iii. 4. It may not be easy to
specify the exact sense in which thia
word is used aa distinguished from the
others which relate to the same general
subject, but it would seem to be that some
form of prayer or invocation waa em
ployed. The persons referred to did not
profess to interpret the prognostics of
future events by any original skill of their
own, but by the aid of the gods, f And
the Chaldeana. See Notes on ch. i. 4.
The Chaldeans appear to have been but
one of the tribes or nations that made up
the community at Babylon (comp. Notea
cn Isa. zziii. 13), and it would seem that

114

DANIEL,

[B. C. 6oa.

dreams. So they came and stood
before the king.
3 And the king said unto them.

I have dreamed a dream, and my
spirit was troubled to know the
dream.

at this time they were particularly de
voted to the practice of occult arts, and
secret sciences. It is not probable that
the other persons referred to in this enu
meration were Chaldeans. The Magians,
if any of these were, employed, were Me
dians (Notes on ch. i. 20), and it is not
improbable that the other classes of
diviners might have been from other
nations. The purpose of Nebuchadnezzar
was to assemble at his court whatever
was remarkable tbroughout the world for
skill and knowledge (see Analysis of
ch i.), and the wise men of the Chaldeans
were employed in carrying out that de
sign. The Chaldeans were so much de
voted to these secret arts, and became so
celebrated for them, that the name came,
among the Greek and Eoman writers,
to be used to denote all those who laid
claim to extraordinary powers in this de
partment. Diodorus Siculus, L. ii., says
of the Chaldeans in Babylon, that " they
sustain the same office there that the
priests do in Egypt ; for being devoted to
the worship of God through their whole
lives, they give themselves to philosophy,
and seek from astrology their highest
glory." Cicero also remarks (De Divin.,
p. 3), that " the Chaldeans, so named, not
from their art, but their nation, are sup
posed by a prolonged observation of the
Rtars, to have wrought out a science by
which could be predicted what was to
happen to every individual, and to what
fate he was born." Juvenal, likewise
(Sat. vi. V. 552-4), has this passage :—
" Chaldaeis sed major erit fiducia; quid-
quid dixerit astrologus, cri dent a fonte
relatum Ammonis." — " But their chief
dependence is upon the Chaldeans ; what
ever an astrologer declares, they will re
ceive as a response of [.Jupiter] Ammon."
Horace refers to the Babyloniana as dis
tinguished in his time for the arts of
magic, or divination :
" nec Babylonios,
Teutaris numeros." Car. Lib. 1, xl.
It is not probable that the whole nation
of Chaldeans was devoted to these arts,
but as a people they became so cele
brated in this kind of knowledge that
it was their best-known characteristic
abroad. ^ For to show the kitig hia
ireama. To ahow him what the dream

was, and to explain its import. Comp.
Gen. xli. 24; Judges xiv. 12; 1 Kings
X. 3. That it was common for kings to
call in the aid of interpreters to explain
the import of dreams, appears from Hero.
dotus. When Astyages ascended the
throne, he had a daughter, whose name
was Mandane. She had a dream, which
seemed to bim so remarkable, that he
called in the " Magi," whose interpreta
tion, Herodotus remarks, was of such a
nature that it " terrified him exceed
ingly." He was so much influenced by
the dream and the interpretation, that it
produced an entire change in his determi
nation respecting the marriage of hia
daughter. Book 1, cvii. So again, after
the marriage of his daughter, Herodotus
says (B. 1, cviii.): "Astyages had an
other vision. A vine appeared to spring
from his daughter which overspread all
Asia. On this occasion, also, he con
sulted his interpreters: the result was,
that he sent for bis daughter from Persia,
when the time of her delivery approaclied.
On her arrival, he kept a strict wateh
over her, intending to destroy her child.
The magi had declared the vision to inti
mate that the child of his daughter shonld
supplant him on the throne." Astyages,
to guard against this, as soon as Cyrua
was born, sent for Harpagus, a person in
whom he had confidence, and command
ed him to take the child to bis own house,
and put him to death. These passages
in Herodotus show that what is here re
lated of the king of Babylon, demanding
the aid of magicians and astrologers ta
interpret his dreams, was by no means an
uncommon occurrence.
3. And the king said wjito them, Ihave
dreamed a dream, and my spirit was
troubled to know ihe dream.. That is,
clearly, to know all about it; to recollect
distinctly what it was, and to understand
what it meant. He was agitated by so
remarkable a dream ; he probably had, as
Jerome remarks, a shadowy and floating
impression of what the dream was — such
as we often have of a dream that haa
agitated our minds, but of wbich we
cannot recall the distinct and full image;
and ho desired to recall that distinotiy,
and to know exactly what it meant. Set
ver. 1.

B. C. 603.]

CHAPTER II.

115

4 Then spake the Chaldeans to
the king in Syriac, 0 king, live " for
1 1 Kings i. 31.
4. Then spake the Chaldeans . to the
king. The meaning is, either that the
Chaldeans spoke in the name of the entire
company of the soothsayers and magi
cians (Notes, ch. i. 20, ii. 2), because they
were the most prominent among them, or
the name is used to denote the collective
body of soothsayers, meaning that this
request was made by the ej^tire company.
If /ll Syriae. In the original — n 'V^H —
in Aramean. Gr. YvpiurX — in Syriac. So
the Vulgate. The Syriac retains the
original word. The word means Ara
mean, and the reference is to that lan
guage which is known as East Aramean
— a general term embracing the Chaldee,
the Syriac, and the language which
were spoken in Mesopotamia. See Notes
on ch. i. 4. This was the vernacular
tongue of the king and of his subjects,
and was that in which the Chaldeans
would naturally address him. It is re-
ferree^ to here by the author of this
book, perhaps to explain the reason why
he bimself makes use of this language
in explaining the dream. The use ol this,
however, is not confined to the statement
of what the magicians said, but is con
tinued to the close of the seventh chapter.
Comp. the Intro, g 4, III. The language
nsed is that which is commonly called
Chaldee. It is written in the same cha
racter as the Hebrew, and differs from
that as one dialect differs from another.
It was, doubtless, well understood by the
Jews in their captivity, and was probably
spoken by them after their return to their
own land. ^ 0 king, live for ever. This
is a' form of speech quite common in ad
dressing monarchs. See 1 Sam. x. 24;
1 Kings i. 25 {margin) ; ch. iii. 9, v. 10.
The expression is prevalent still, as in the
phrases 'Long live the king,' ' Fine
I'emperoar,' ' Vive I'roi,' <to. It is found
ed on the idea that long life is to be re-
gjtrded as a blessing, and that we can in
no way express our good wishes for any
Cine better than to wish him length of
days. In this place, it was merely the
nsual expression of respect and homage,
snowing their earnest wish for tho welfare
of the monarch. They were willing to
do anything to promote his happiness,

ever: tell thy servants the dreatti,
and we will show the interpre
tation.

and the continuance of his life and reign.
It was especially proper for them to use
this language, as they were about to
make a rather unusual request, wbich
might he construed as an act of disre
spect, implying that the king had not
given them all the means which it waa
equitable for them to have in explaining
the matter, by requiring thera to interpret
the dream when he had not told them
what it was. ^ Tell thy seroanta the
dream, and wc will show the interpreta-
tion. The claim which they set up in
regard tr the future was evidently only
that of exjlaitiing what were regarded ai
tie prognostics of future events. It waa
not that of being able to recall what is
forgotten, op even to originate what might
be regarded as pre-intimations of what is
to h :ppcn. This waa substantially the
cl.iim which was asserted by all the
astrologers, augurs, and soothsayers of
ancient times. Dreams, the flight of
birds, the aspect of the entrails of ani
mals slain for sacrifice, the positions of
the stars, meteors, and uncommon ap
pearances in the heavens, were supposed
to be intimations made by the gods, of
what was to occur in future times, and
the business of those who claimed the
power of divining the future, was merely
to interpret these things. When the king,
therefore, required that they should re
call che dream itself to his own mind, it
was a claim to something which was not
involved in their profession, and which
they regarded as unjust. To that power
they made no pretensions. If it be asked
why, as they were mere jugglers and pre
tenders, they did not invent something
and state that as his dream, since he had
forgotten what his dream aotually was,
we may reply, (1.) that there is no cer
tain evidence that they were not sincere
in what they professed themselves able tfl-
do — for we are not to suppose that all
who claimed to be soothsayers and
astrologers were hypocrites and inten
tional deceivers. It was not at that
period of the world certainly determined
that nothing could be ascertained respect
ing the future by dreams, and by the
positions of the stars, &e. Dreams tcere
among the methods by which the future
waa made known, and whether the know-

116

DANIEL.

[B. C. 003

6 The king answered and said to

the Chaldeans, The thing is gone

ledge of what is to come could be obtain
ed from the positions of the stars, ic,
was a question which was at that time
settled. Even Lord Bacon maintained
that the science of astrology was not to
be reiected, but to be reformed. (2.) K
the astrologers had been disposed to
attempt to deceive the king, there is no
probability thai they could have succeed
ed in palming an invention of their own
on him as his own dream. We may not
be able distinctly to recollect a dream,
but we have a sufficient impression of it
 of its outlines — or of some striking,
though disconnected, things in it, to know
what it is not. We might instantly wcog-
nise it if stated to us ; we should see at
once, if any one should attempt to deceive
us by palming an invented dream on us,
that that was not what we had dre.amed.
6. The king anawered and aaid to the
Chaldeana, The thing ia gone from me.
The Vulgate renders this, Sermo reeeaait
a me — ' The word is departed from me.'
So the Greek, 'O X6yoj an Ijiov meartj.
Luther, Ea iat mir eutfallen — 'It bas
fallen away from me,' or has departed
from me. Coverdale, " It is gone from
me." The Chaldee word rendered " the
thing" — ^^'Q — means properly a word,
saying, discourse — something which is
spoken; then, like "(J?, and the Greek
'prtfia — a thing. The reference here
is to the matter under consideration,
to wit, the dream and its meaning.
The fair interpretation is, that he bad for
gotten the dream, and that if he retained
any recollection of it, it was only sucb an
imperfect outline as to alarm him. The
word rendered "is gone" — N^IN — which
occurs only here and in ver. 8, is sup
posed to be the same as ^TK, — to go away,
to depart. Gesenius renders the whole
phrase, " The word has gone out from
me ; i. e. what I have said is ratified, and
cannot be recalled ;" and Prof. Bush {in
loc.) contends that this is the true inter
pretation, and this also is the interpreta
tion preferred by J. D. Michaelis, and
Dathe. A construction somewhat similar
is adopted by Aben. Ezra, C. B. Miohaelis,
Winer, Hengstenberg, and Prof. Stuart,
that it means, " My decree is firm, or
steadfast;" to wit, that if they did not

furnish an interpretotion of the dream,
they should be cut off. The question
as to the true interpretation, tlien, la
between two constructions — whether it
means, as in our versioi that the dream
had departed from him, .hat is, that he
had forgotten it; or, that a decree or com
mand had gone from him, that if they
conld not interpret the dream, they
should be destroyed. That the former is
the correct interpretation, seems to me to
be evident. (1.) It is the natural con
struction, and accords best with the mean
ing of the original words. Thus no one
can doubt that the word ^'7P, and the
worda "^^^ and 'phiio, are used in the sense
of thing, and that the natural and proper
meaning of the Chaldee verb ^l^ is to go
away, depart. Comp. the Heb. '!<}, in
Dent, xxxii. 36, " He seeth that their
power is gone ;" 1 Sam. ix. 7, " The bread
ia spent in our vessels ;" Job xiv. 11,
"The waters fail from the sea;" and the
Chaldee Sin, in Ezra iv. 23, " They went
up in haste to Jerusalem," v. 8, 4' We
went into the province of Judea;" and
Dan. ii. 17, 24, vi. 18 (19), 19 (20).
(2.) This interpretation is sustoined by
the Vulgate of Jerome, and by the Greek.
(3.) It doea not appear that any such
command had at th.at time gone forth
from the king, and it was only when they
came before him that he promulgated
such an order. Even though the word, as
Gesenius and Zickler {Chaldniamus Dan,.
Proph.), maintain, is a feminine participle.
present, instead of a verb in the pre
terite, still it would then as well apply to
the dream departing from him, as the
command or edict. We may suppose the
king to say, ' The thing leaves me ; I
cannot recall it.' (4.) It was so under
stood by the magicians, and the king did
not attempt to correct their apprehension
of what he meant. Thus, in ver. 7, they
aay, " Let the king tell his servants the
dream, and we will show the interpreta-.
tion thereof." This shows that they un
derstood that the dream had gone from
him, and that they could not be expected
to interpret its meaning until they were
apprised whnt it was. (5.) It is not
necessary to suppose that the king re
tained the memory of the dream himself,
and that he meant merely to try them ;

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CHAPTER II.

117

from me: if ye will not make
knowu unto me the dream, with
the interpretation thereof, ye shall

that is, that he told them a deliberate
falsehood, iu order to put their ability to
the test. Nebuchadnezzar was a cruel
and severe monarch, and such a thing
would not have been entirely inconsistent
with his character; hut we sbould not
needlessly charge cruelty and tyranny on
any man, nor sbould we do it unless the
evidence is ao clear that we cannot avoid
it. Besides, that such a test sbould be
proposed, is in the highest degree impro
bable. "There was no need of it ; and it
was contrary to the established belief in
auch matters. The.'ie men were retained
at court, among other reasons, for the
very purpose of explaining the prognos
tics of the future. There was confidence
in them ; and they were retained becauae
there was confidence in them. It does
not appear that the Babylonian monarch
had had any reason to distrust their
ability as to what they professed; and
why should he, therefore, on this occasion
resolve to put them to so unusual, and
obviously so unjust a trial? For these
reasons, it seems clear to me that our
common version has given the correct
aense of this passage, and that the meaning
is, that the dream had actually so far
departed from him that he could not re
peat it, though he retained such an im
pression of ita portentous nature, and of
ita appalling outline, as to fill his mind
with alarm. As to the objection derived
from this view of lhe passage by Bertholdt
to theiiulhenticity of this chapter, that it
is wholly improbable tbat any man would
be so unreasonable as to doom others to
punishme nt because they could not recall
hia dream, since it entered not into their
profoonion to be able to do it (Comm. i. p.
p. 1 92), it may be remarked, tbat the cha-
rar.ter of Nebuchadnezzar was such as to
make what is stated here by Daniel by no
means improbable, Thns it is said re
specting him (2 Kings xxv. 7), "And they
slew the sons of Zedekiah before hia eyea,
aud put out the eyes of Zedekiah, and
bound him with fetters of brass, and
carried him to Babylon." Comp. 2 Kings
xxv. 18-21; Jer. xxxix. 5, aeq. lii. 9-11.
See also Dan. iv. 17, where he ia called
" the basest of men." Comp. Hengsten.
berg. Die Authentie des Daniel, pp. 79-81.
On this objection, see Intfo. to the chap-

bo » cut in ' pieces, and your « house*
shall be made a dunghill.
Made. b c. 3. 29. ' Ezr. 6. 11.

ter, § 1, I. ^ ^f ye will not make known
unto me the dream, with the interpretati^^
thereof. Whatever may be thought as to
the question whether he had actually for
gotten the dream, there can be no doubt
that he demanded that they should stato
what it was, and then explain it. Thia
demand was probably as unusual as it
was in one sense unreasonable, since it
did not fall fairly within their profession.
Yet it was not unreasonable iu thia aense,
tbat if they really had communication
with the gods, and were qualified to ex
plain future eventa, it might be sup
posed that they would be enabled to
recall this forgotten dream. If the goda
gave them power to explain what was to
eome, they could as easily enable them to
recall the paat. ^ Ye ahall be cut in
piecea. Marg. made. The Chaldee is,
' Ye shall bc made into pieces ;' referring
to a mode of punishment that was com
mon to many ancient nations. Comp.
1 Sam. XV. 33 : " And Samuel hewed Agag
in pieces before the Lord in Gilgal."
Thus Orpheus is aaid to have been torn
in pieces by the Thraeian women ; and
Bessus was cut iu pieces by order of
Alexander the GreaL \ And your houses
shall be made a dunghill. Comp. 2 Kings
X. 27. This is an expression denoting
that their houses, instead of being ele
gant, or comfortable mansions, should be
devoted to the vilest of uses, and sub
jected to all kinds of dishonour and de
filement. The language here used is in
accordance with that which ' ia commonly
employed by Orientals. They imprecate
all sorts of indignities and abominations
on the objects of their dislike, and it ia
not uncommon for them to smear over
with filth wbat is the object of their con-
ten'pt or abhorrence. Thus when the
caliph Omar took Jerusalem, at the head
of the Saracen army, after ravaging the
greater part of the city, he caused dung
to be spread over the site of the sanctu
ary, in token of the abhorrence of all
Musselmans, and of its being henceforth
regarded as the refuse and offscouring of
all things. Prof. Bush. The Greek ren-
ders this, "And your houses shall bo
plundered ;" the Vulgate, " And your
houses shall be confiscated." But thesa
renderings are edtitely arbitzary. Thia

118

DANIEL.

[B. C. 603.

6 But * if ye show the dream, and
the interpretation thereof, ye shall
receive of me gifts and t rewards
and great honour: therefore show
me the dream, and the interpreta
tion thereof.
7 They answered again and said,
a c. 5. 16. b Or, fee ; ver. 48, c. 5. 17.
may seem to be a hai*sh punishment which
was threatened, and some may, perhaps,
be disposed to say that it is improbable
thut a monarch would allow himself to
use such . intemperate language, and to
make use of, so severe a threatening,
eapecially when the magicians had as yet
shown no inability to interpret the dream,
and had given no reasons to apprehend
that they would be unable to do it. But
we are to remember, (1.) the cruel and
arbitrary character of the king (see the
references above) ; (2.) the nature of an
Oriental despotisra, in which a monarch
is accustomed to require all his commands
to be obeyed, and his wishes gratified
promptly, on pain of death; (3.) the fact
lhat his mind was greatly excited by the
dream; and (4.) that he was certain that
something portentous to h'.s kingdom had
been prefigured by the dream, and that
this was a case in which all the force of
threatening, and all the prospect of
splendid reward, should be used, that they
might be induced to tax their powers to
the utmost, and allay the tumults of his
mind. 6. But if ye ahow the dream. If you
show what the dream was. ^ And the
interpretation thereof. What it signifies.
That is, they were so to state the dream
that Nebuchadnezzar would recognise it;
and they were to give such an explana
tion of H as would commend itself to his
mind as me true one. On this last point
he would doubtless rely much on their
supposed wiadom in performing this duty,
but it would seem clear, also, that it was
necessary that the interpretation should
be seen to be a/atV interpretation, or such
as would he fairly implied in the dream.
Thus, when Daniel made known the in
terpretation, he saw at once that it metall
the features of the dream, and he admitted
it to be correct. So a^o when Daniel ex
plained the hand-writing on the wall to
Belshazzar, he admitted the justness of
it, and loaded him with honours. Daniol
r, 29. So when Joseph explained the

Let the king tell his servants thh
dream, and we will show the inter
pretation of it.
8 The king answered and said, I
know of certainty that ye would
c gain tha time, because ye see tha
thing i& gone from me.
c Or, huy; Ep. 5. 16.

dreams of Pharaoh, he at once saw thb
appropriateness of the explanation, and
admitted it to be correct (Gen xli. 39-45),
and so in the case above referred to (Notea
ou ver. 2), of Astyages respeoting the
dreams of his daughter (Herodo. 1, cvii.
cviii.}, he at once saw that the interpreta
tion of the dreams proposed by the Magi
accorded with the dreams, and took hia
measures accordingly* T[ Ye shall receive
ofmegiftjs, and rewards, and great honour.
Intending to appeal to their highest hopes
to induce them, if possible, to disclose the
meaning of the dream. He specifies no
particular rewards, but makes the promise
general, and the evident meaning is, that,
in such a case, he would bestow what it be
came a monarch like him to give. Tbat
the usual rewards in such a case were such
as were adapted to stimulate to the most
vigorous exertions of their powers, may
be seen from the honour which he con
ferred on Daniel when he made known
the dream (ver. 48), and from the re
wards which Belshazzar conferred on
Daniel for making known the interpreta
tion of the writing on the wall ( eh. v. 29) :
"Then commanded Belshazzar, and they
clothed Daniel with scarlet, and put a
chain of gold about his neck, and made a
proclamation concerning him, that he
should be the thu'd ruler in the kingdom."
Comp. Esther v. 11. vi. 7-9.
7. They answered again and aaid, Lei
the king tell his servants the dream, and
we will show the interpretation of it.
Certainly not an unreasonable request, in
any circumstances, and especially in
theirs. They did not profess, evidently,
to be able to recall a dream that was for
gotten, but the extent of their profession
on this subject appears to have been, that
they were able to explain what was com.
monly regarded as a progno.<=tic of a futuro
event. 8. The hing answered and aaid, 1
know of certainty that ye would gain
the time, Marg. buy. The Chaldee word^

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CHAPTER II.

119

_ 9 But if ye will not make known
unto me the dream, th& e is but one

decree for you ; for ye have prepared
lying and corrupt words to speik

I'ja; ( from t?l ), means to get for one's
self, huy, gain, procure. Greek, iJayopd^Ers
--'that ye redeem time; and so the Vul
gato — quod lempua redimitia. The idea
is, that they saw that they could not com
ply with his requisition, and that their
s.sking him (ver. 1) to state the dream
was only a pretext for delay, in the hope
that in the interval some device might be
hit on by them to appease him, or to
avert his threatened indignation. It would
be natural to suppose that they might
hope that on reflection he would become
more calm, and that, although they
might not be able to recall the dream and
explain it, ye\, it would be seen to be un
reasonable to dxpect or demand it. The
king seems to have supposed that some
such thoughts were passing through their
minds, and he charges on them such a
project. The argument of the king seems
to have been something like thia: 'They
who can explain a dream correctly, can as
well tell what it is as what its interpreta
tion is, for the one is as much the result
l f divine infiuence as the other j and if
men can hope for divine help in the one
case why not in the other 1 As you can
not, therefore, recall the dream, it is
'plain that you cannot interpret it, and
your only objeot in dema^nding to know
it, is that you may ward off as long as
passible tbe execution of the threatened
sentence, and, if practicable, escape it
aitogether.' It is not improbable that
what they said was more than the simple
request recorded in ver. 7. They would
naturally enlarge on it, by attempting to
show how_ unreasonable was the demand
of the king in the case, and their argu
ments would give a fair pretex for what
he here charges on them, f Becauae ye
Lte the thing ia gone from me. According
to the interpretation proposed in ver. 5,
the dream. The meaning is, ' Tou see
that I have forgotten it. I have made a
positive statement on that point. There
can be no hope, therefore, that it oaii be
recalled, and it is clear that your only
object mils* be to gain time. Nothing can
be gained by delay, and the matter may
therefore be determined at once, and your
conduct be construed as a confession that
you cannot perform what is required, and
the sentence proceed without delay.' This

makes better sense, it seems to me, ihan
to suppose that he means that n sentence
had gone forth from him that if they
could not recall and interpret it they
should be put to death.
9. But if ye -will not make known iXt
dream, there is but one decree for you.
That is, yon shall share the same fate.
You shall all be cut to pieces, and your
houses reduced to ruin. ver. 5. There
shall be no favour shown to any class of
you, or to any individual among you. It
seems to have been supposed that the
responsibility rested on them individually
as well as collectively, and that it would
be right, to hold, each and every one of
them bound to explain the matter. As
no difference of obligation was recognised,
there would be no difference of criminality.
It should be said, however, that there is
a difference of interpretation here. Gese
nius, aud some others, render the word
translated decree — ^^ — counael, plan, pur,
pose, and snppose that it means, * this only
is your counsel, or plan ;' that is, to pre
pare lying words, and to gain time. So
Prof. Stuart renders the verse, " If ye will
not make known to me the dream, one
thing is your purpose, both a false and
deceitful word have ye agreed to utter
before me, until the time shall have
changed; therefore tell me the dream,
and then I shall know that y^u can show
me the interpretation therei/f." The
original word, however, is most com
monly used in the sense of law or decree.
See Deut. xxxiii. 2; Es. i. 8, 13, 15, 19,
ii. 8, iii. 8, 14, 15, iv. 3, 8, 11, 16, viii. 13,
14, 17, ix. 1, 13, 14, and there seems to
be no necessity for departing from the
common translation. It contains a sense
according to the truth in the case, and is
in accordance with the Greek, Latin, and
Syriac versions. ^ For ye have prepared
lying and corrupt worda to apeak before
me. That is, ' You have done this in asking
me to state the dream (vs. 4, 7), and in
the demand that the dream should be
made known to you, in order thnt you
may interpret it. I shall know by your
inability to recall the dream that you have
been acting a false and deceitful part, and
that your pretensions were all false. Your
wish, therefore, to have me state the
dream will bo shown to be a mere pre-

120

DANIEL.

[B. C. 603.

before me, till the time be changed :
therefore tell me the dream, and
I > shall know that ye can show me
the interpretation thereof.
10 H The Chaldeans answered be
fore the king, and said. There is not
a man upon the earth that can show
the king's matter : therefore there is
» II. 41. 23.

tenee, an artifice for delay, that you might
put off the execution of the sentence witb
the hope of escaping altogether.' If Till
the time be changed. That is, till a new
state of things shall occur ; either until his
purpose might change, and his anger
should subside, or till there should be a
change of government. It was natural
for such thoughts to pass througb the
mind of the king, since as matters could
be no worse for them if the subject was
delayed, there was a possibility that they
might be better — for any change would
be likely to be an advantage. Thero
does not appear to have been any great
confidence or affection on either side.
The king suspected that they were in
fluenced by bad motives, and they cer
tainly had no strong reasons for attach
ment to him. Comp. Notes on ver. 21,
and ch. vii. 25.
10. The Chaldeana anawered before the
king, and aaid. Perhaps the Chaldeana
answered because they were tbe highest
in favour, and were those in whom most
confidence was usually reposed in such
matters. See Notes on ver 2. On such
an occasion those would be likely to be
put forward to announce their inability to
do this, who would be supposed to be able
to interpret the dream, if any could, and on
whom most reliance was usually placed.
U There ia not a man upon the earth
that oan ahow the king'a matter. Chald.
KJIS'll ~ ^y — • upon the dry ground.' Comp.
Gen. i. 10. The meaning is, that the
thing was utterly beyond the power of man.
It was what none who practised the arts
of divining laid claim to. Tbey doubt
less supposed that as great proficients in
that art as the world could produce might
be found among the wise men assembled
at the court of Babylon, and if they failed
they inferred that all others would fail.
This was, therefore, a decided confession
of their inability in the matter, but they I
meant to break tbe force of that mortify- {

no king, lord, nor ruler, thai asked
such things at any magician, or
astrologer, or Chaldean.
11 And it is a rare thing that the
king requireth, and there is none
other that can show it before the
king, except *> the gods, whose dwel
ling ' is not with flesh.
' ver. 28. b Is. 66. 1, 2.

ing confession, and perhaps to appease
tbe wrath of the king, by affirming that
the thing was wholly beyond the human
powers, and that no one could be expect
ed to do what was demanded, f There
fore there is no king, lord,_ nor ruler.
No one has ever made a similar demand.
The matter is so clear, the incompe
tency of man to make such a disclosure
is so manifest, that no potentate of any
rank ever made such a request They
designed, .undoubtedly, to convince the
king that the request was so unreasonable
that he would not insist on it. They
were urgent, for their life depended on itj
and they apprehended that they had jus
tice on their side.
11. And it is a rare thing that the king
requireth. Chald. fi'jijpi — meaning choice,
valuable, costly ; then /leauy, hard, diffi
cult. Gr. Papvs, Vulg. gravis — heavy,
weighty. The idea is not so much that
the thing demanded by the king was un
common or rarely made — though that was
true, as that it was so difficult as to be
beyond the human powers. They would
not have been likely on such an occasion
to say that the requirement was abso
lutely unjust or unreasonable. The term
which they used was respectful, and yet
it implied that no man eould have any
hope of solving the question as it was
proposed by him. f And there is none
other that can show it before the king ex
cept the gods, whose dwelling is not with
flesh. This was clearly true that a matter
of that kind could not be disclosed ex
cept by divine assistance. It would seem
from this that these persons did not claim
to be inspired, or to have communication
with the gods ; or, at least, tbat tbey did
not claim to be inspired by the supreme
God, but that they relied on their own
natural sagacity, and their careful and
long study of the meaning of those oo-
currenoes which prefigured future eventa
and perhaps ou the mysUo arU derir^

•B. C. 803.

CHAPTER II.

121

12 For thia cause the king was
angry and very furious, ana oom-

from their acquaintance with science as
then understood. The word goda here —
I'OJX — Elahin [the same as the Heb.
Elohini], is in tho plural number, but
might be applied to the true God, as ths
Heb.-ew Elohim often is. It is by no
means certain that they meant to use this
in tho plural, or to say that it was an ad
mitted truth that the gods worshipped in
Babylon did not dwell with men. It was,
undoubtedly, the common opinion that
they did; that the temples were their
abode ; and that they frequently appeared
among men, and took part in human
Kffairs. But it was a very early opinion
that the Supremd God was withdrawn from
human affairs, and had committed the
government of the world to intermediate
beings — internuncii — demons, or aeons :
beings of power far superior to that of
men, who constantly mingled in human
affairs. Their power, however, though
great, was limited ; and may not the Chal
deans here by the word TOVS — Elahin —
have meant to refer to the Supreme God,
and to say that this was a case which
pertained to him alone ; that no inferior
divinity could be competent to do such a
thing as he demanded ^ and that as the
Supreme God did nnt cjwell among men
it was hopeless to attem'pt to explain the
matter ? Thus understood the result will
convey a higher truth, and will show
more impressively the honour put on
Daniel. The phrase, whose dweUing ia
not with fleah, means icith men — in human
bodies. On the supposition that this refers
to the Supreme God, this undoubtedly
accords with the prevailing sentiment of
those times, that however often the infe
rior divinities might appear to men, and
assume human forms, yet the Supreme
God was far removed, and never thus
took up his abode on the earth. They
oould hope, therefore, for no communica
tion from Him who alone would be com
petent to the solution of such a secret as
this. This maybe regarded, therefore, as
a frank confession of their entire failure
in the matter under consideration. They
a.cknuwledged that tkey themselves were
Dot corapetent to the solution of the
question, and they expressed the opinion
Uiat the ability to do ii could not be ob-
11

manded to destroy ^ all the wise men
of Babylon. » Matt. 2. 16.

tained from the help which the inferior
gods rendered to men, and that it was
hopeless to expect the Supreme God — far
withdrawn from human affairs — to inter
pose. It was a public acknowledgment
that their art failed on a most important
trial, and thus the way was prepared to
show that Daniel, under the teaching of
the true God, was able to accomplish what
was wholly beyond all human power.
The trial had been fairly made. The
wisest mon of the Chaldean realm had
beeu applied to. They on whom reliance
had been placed in such emergencies ;
they who professed to be able to explain
the prognostics of future events ; they who
had been assembled at the most import
ant and magnificent court of the world —
the vory centre of Pagan power; they
who had devoted their lives to investiga
tions of this nature, and who might be
supposed to be competent to such a work,
if any on earth could, now openly ac
knowledged thattheir art failed them, and
expressed the conviction that there was no
resource in the case.
12. For this cause the king was angry.
Because they fiiiled in explaining the
subject which had been referred to them.
It is true that his anger was unjust : for
their prafession did not imply that they
would undertake to explain what he de
manded, but his wrath was not unnatural.
His mind was alarmed, and he was
troubled. He believed that what he had
seen in his dream foreboded some im
portant events, and, as an arbitrary sove
reign, unaccustomed to restrain his anger,
or to inquire into the exact justice of mat
ters which excited his indignation, it was
not unnatural that he should resolve to
wreak his vengeance *n all who made any
pretensions to the arts of divining. ^ And
very furioua. Wrought up to the highest
degree of passion. Chai. ' Much enraged.
It was not a calm and settled purpose
to execute his threat, but a purpose at
tended with a high degree of excitement.
^ And commanded to deatroy all the wiae
men of Babylon. That is, all who mado
pretensions to this kind of wisdom ; all
who came under the well-known denomi
nation of wiae men, or aagea. He had
called that class before him (ver. 2) ; he
had demanded of them an explanation of

122

DANIEL.

[B. C. 603

13 And the decree went forth
that the wise men should be slain ;
and they sought Daniel and his fel
lows to be slain. * Jictwn£d.

bis dream ; he had been assured by tho
Isading men among them, the Chaldeans
(vs. 10, II), that they could not recall his
dream, and, as he supposed that all who
could bo relied on in such a case had
failed, he resolved to cut them off as im
postors. Where Daniel was at this time is
not known. It would seom, however,
that, from somo reason, he had not been
summoned before the king with the others,
probably because, although he had shown
himself' to be eminently endowed with
wisdom (ch. i. 20), he had not yet made
any pretensions to this kind of knowledge,
aud was not numbered with tho Magi, or
Chaldeans. When, however, the decree
went forth that all the ^ wise men of
Babylon' should be slain, tho exhibition
of wisdom and knowledge made by him
(ch. i. 18-20) was rccoUcotod, and the
executioners of the sentence supposed that
ho and his companions were included in
the general instructions. Whether the
word Babylon here relates to the city of
Babylon, or to the whole realm, there is
no certain way of determining. Consider
ing, however, the character of Oriental
despotisms, and the cruelty to whioh ab
solute sovereigns have usually boon trans
ported in their passion, there would be no
improbability in supposing that the com
mand included tho whole realm, though it
is probable that most of this class would
be found in the capital.
13. And the decree went forth that the
wiae men ahould be alain. The original
horo will bear a somewhat different trans
lation, me.ining 'the decree went forth
ond the wise meu wore slain ;' that is, the
execution of tho sentence was actually
commenced. So the Vulg. Et cgressa
aententia, sapientes interflciebantur. So also
the Greek version, sa't ol ao^ui dirtcrefvoiro
. — ' and the wise men wero slain.' This
seems to me to bo the more ^^robable in-
terpretauon, and better to suit tho con
nection. Then it would mean that thoy
had aotually begun to execute the decree,
and tbat in the prosecution of their bloody
work they sought out Daniel and his com
pauions, and that by his influence with
Arioch, tbo execution of tho sentence was
arrested, ^ Atid tliey aought Daniel and

14 f Then Daniel * answered with
counsel and wisdom to Arioch the
i" captain ofthe king's guard, which
b Chief of the exccutionei-s, or stavffliter^men,
or chief marshal ; Ge. 37. 36; Jo 62. 1^, 14.

his fellows to be slain. His three com-
panions (ch. i. 6), who probably had not
been among those who were summone:! to
court to explain the matter. Had they
been consulted at first the issuing of the
decree would have been prevented, ^ut it
seems to have beon tho design of Provi
dence to give the fairest trial of the ability
of these sages, and to allow matters to
come to a crisis, in order to show that
what was done was wholly beyond human
power. 14. Then Daniel anawered. Marg. re-
turned. The original literally is, 're
turned counsel and wisdom,' meaning
that he returned an answer whioh was
replete with wisdom. It wonld seem pro- ¦
bable that Arioch had communicated to
Daniel the decree of the king, and bad
stated to him that he was involved in that
decree, and must prepare to die. % Coun
ael and wisdom. That is, wise counsel.
He evinced great prudence and discretion
in what he said. He made such a sug
gestion to Arioch as, if acted on, would
stay the execution of the sentence against
all the wise men, and would secure the
object which the king had in view. What
was the exact nature of this answer is
not mentioned. It is probable, however,
that it was that he might be enabled to
disoloso the dream, and thnt he made this
so plausible to Arioch, that he was dis
posed to allow him to make the trial. It
is evident that Arioch would not havo
consented to arrest the execution of tho
sentence, unless it had appeored to him
to he in the highest degree probable that
he would be able to relieve the an.xiety
of the king. Knowing that the matii ob
ject of the king was to obtain the int«r.
pretation of his dream, and seeing tha
this objeot was aot any the more likely to
be secured by the e,\ccution of this stern
decree, and knowing the high favour with
which Daniel had been received at court
(ch. i. 19-21), he seems to have beon
willing to assume somo measure of re
sponsibility, nnd to allow Daniel to make
his own representation to the king, f To
Arioch, the captain of the king's guard.
Marg. ' chiif of the ex'^'-iUion'ra, o'
slaughter-men, or chief nuirnhal.' Greek,

B.C. 603.]

CHAPTER II.

123

was gone forth to elay the wise
men of Babylon :
15 He answered and said to
Arioch the king's captain, Why is

ttpX^IAayUpoi TOU tiaaL\si,Ji — chief cook of the
king. The Vulgate renders this, 'Then
Daniel inquired respecting the law and
the sentence of Arioch, the commander
of the royal army.' The Chaldee word
rendered guard, is ''in??. It is derived
from n3'J — tdbahh, to slaughter; to kill
animals ; and then to kill or slay men. The
noun then means a slaughterer or slayer ;
a cook; an executioner, or one who kills
men at the will of a sovereign, or by due
sentence of law. There can be no doubt
that the word here refers to Arioch as sent
out to execute this sentence ; yet we are
not to regard him as a mere executioner,
or as we would a hangman, for undoubt
edly the king would entrust this sentence
to onO who was of respectable, if not of
high rank. It is probable tbat one of the
principal officers of his body-guard would
bo entrusted with the execution of .«uch a
sentence. In 1 Sam. viii. 13, the word is
rendered cooles. It does not elsewhere
occur. That he was not a mere execu
tioner, is apparent from the title given
him in the next verse, where he is called
' the king's captain.' ^ Which waa gone
forth to alay, Ac. He had gone to exe
cute the decree, and its execution had
already commenced.
15. He answered and said to Arioch, the
king's captain. The word captain — a dif
ferent word from that which occurs in ver.
14 — f^f'i^ — denotes ono who has rule or
dominion ; one who is powerful or mighty ;
and it would be applied only to one who
sustained a post of honour and respon
sibility. See the nse of the word '372', as
meaning to rule, in Neh. v. 15 ; Eccl. ii.
19, vi. 2, viii. 9 ; Est ix. 1 ; Ps. cxix. 133.
The word here used is the same which
occurs in ver. 10, where it is rendered
ntler. It doubtless denotes here an officer
of rank, and designates one of more
honourable employment than would be
denoted by the word executionei: It
should be said on these verses (14, 15),
however, that the office of executioner in
the East was by no means regarded as a
dishonourable office. It was entrusted to
those high in rank, and even nobles con-
lidered it an honour, and often boasted

the decree so hasty from the kingT
Then Arioch made the thing known
to Daniel.
16 Then Daniel went in, and do-

of it as snch, that among their ancestors
there were those who had in this way
been entrusted with executing the com
mands of their sovereign. Hanway and
Abdul-Kerim both say that this office
conferred honour and rank. Tourne
fort says, that in Georgia "the execu
tioners are very rich, and men of standing
undertake this employment; far different
from what occurs in other parts of the
world, in that country this gives to a
family a title of honour. They boast that
among their ancestors there were many
who were executioners; and this they
base on the sentiment, that nothing ia
more desirable than justice, and that no
thing can be more honourable than to be
engaged in administering the laws." See
Kosenmiiller, Morgenland, 1079. If Why
is the decree so hasty from the king ? Im
plying that all the effort had not been
made which it was possible to make tc
solve the mystery. The idea is, that a
decree of such a nature, involving so
many in ruin, onght not to have pro
ceeded from tbe king without having
taken all possible precautions, and made
all possible efforts to find those who
might be able to disclose what the king
desired. It was to Daniel a- just matter
of surprise that, after the favour and
hononr with which he had been received
at court (ch. i. 19, 20), and the confidence
which had been reposed in him, a com
mand like this should have been issued,
so comprehensive as to embrace him and
his friends, when they had done nothing
to deserve the displeasure of the king.
^ Then Arioch made the thing known to
Daniel. The statement respecting the
dream ; the trouble of the king ; the con
sultation of the magicians ; their inability
to explain the dream, and the positive
command to put all the pretenders to wis
dom 'to death. It is clear that Daniel had
not before been informed of these things.
16. Then Daniel went in, &c. Either by
himself, or through the medium of some
friend. Perhaps all that is meant is, not
that he actually went into the presence
of the monarch, but that he went into
the palace, and through the int.erposition
of some high officer of court who had
access to tbe sovereign, desired of him

124

DANIEL

sired of the king that he would give
him time, and that be would show
the king the interpretation.
17 Then Daniel went to his house,
and made the thing known to Ilana-
« 1 Sam. 17. 37 ; c. 3. 17 ; 2 Tim. 4. 17, 18.
b From b^ore.
that he would give him time, and that he
wonld make it known. It would rather
appear, from vs. 24, 25, that the first
direct audience which he had with the
king was after the thing was made known
to him in a night vision, and it would
scarcely accord with established Oriental
usages that he should go immediately and
unceremoniously into the royal presence.
A petition presented through some one who
had access to the king, would meet allthe
circumstances of the case. ^ That he
would give him time. He did not specify
why he desired time, though the reason
why he did it is plain enough. He wished
to lay the matter before God, and to
engage his friends in earnest prayer that
the dream and the interpretation might
be made known to him. This request
was granted to him. It may seem re
markable, as no time was allowed to the
Chaldeans tha.t they might make inquiry
(ver. 8), that such a favour should bave
been granted to Daniel, especially after
the execution of the sentence had been
commenced ; but we are to remember
(1.) That the king would recollect the
favour which he had already shown
Daniel on good grounds, and the fact tbat
he regarded him as endowed with groat
wisdom, ch. i, 19, 20 ; (2.) Daniel did not
ask, as the Chaldeans did, that the king
should tell the dream before he undertook
to explain it, but be proposed evidently to
unfold the wbole matter; (3.) it could not
but occur to the king that Daniel had not
yet been consulted, and that it was but
reasonable that he should have a fair
trial now, since it appeared that he was
involved in the general sentence; (4^) the
anxiety of the king to understand the
dream was so great that he was willing to
grasp at any hope in order that his per
plexities might be relieved ; and (5.) it is
not improper to suppose that there may
have boen a divine influence on the mind
of this monarch, making him willing to
do so simple an act of justice as this, in
vrdcr tbat it might be seen and acknow-

[B. C. 603. hii

niah, Mishael, and Azariah,
companions: 18 That a they would desire mer
cies '' of the God of heaven concern
ing this secret; « that Daniel and
his fellows should not perish with
* Or, ihey sliould not destroy DanieL

ledged that the hand of God was in the
whole matter.
17. Then Daniel went to his houae. It
is quite evident that he had obtained the
object of his request, though this is not
expressly mentioned. The king was un
doubtedly, for the reasons above stated,
willing that he should have a fair oppor
tunity to try his skill in disclosing the
mysterious secret. ^ And made the thing
known to Hananiah, &c. Made the whole
matter known — the perplexity respecting
the dream ; the failure of the Chaldeana
to interpret it ; the decree ; and his own
petition to the king. They had a com
mon interest in knowing it, as their livea
were all endangered.
18. That they would desire merciea of
the God of heaven concerning thia secret
That they would implore of God that he
would show his mercy to them in reveal
ing this secret, that their lives might be
spared. In tbo raargin, as in the Chaldee,
this is 'from before the God of heaven.'
All depended now on God. It was clear
that human skill was exhausted, and that
no, reliance could he placed on any ability
which man possessed. The art of the
Chaldeans had failed, and Daniel, as well
by this failure as by the proraptings of
bis own feelings, must now have perceived
that the only hope was in God, and that
his favour in the case was to be obtained
only by prayer. As his three frienda
were equally interested in the issue, and
as it was an early principle of religion,
and one found in all dispensations (comp.
Matt xviii. 19), that united prayer haa
special power with God, it was natural and
proper to call on his friends to join with
him in asking this favour from Him who
alone oould grant it It was the natural,
and the last resource of piety, furnishing
an example of what all may do, and
should do, in tiines of perplexity and
danger. If That Daniel and hia fellowa
ahould not periah. Marg., ' or, they ahould
not deatroy Daniel..' The reading in the
margin is most in accordance with the
Chaldee, though the sense is substantially

B. C. 603.]

CHAPTER II.

125

the rest of the wise men of Baby
lon. 19 Then was the secret revealed
unto Daniel in a night 'vision.
Then Daniel blessed the God of
heaven. 1 Num. 12. 6. I) Ps. 60. 23.
the sarae. The word fellowa is the same
which is before rendered companions.
^ With the reat ofthe wiae men of Babylon.
It seems to have been certain that the
decree would be executed on the Chal
deans, soothsayers, &o. And, indeed,
there was no reason why the decree should
not be executed. They had confessed
their inability to comply with the king's
command, and whatever Daniel could now
do could not be construed in their favour
as furnishing any reason why the decree
should not be executed on them. It was
presumed, therefore, that the law, severe
as it seemed to be, would be carried into
effect on them, and we may suppose that
this was probably done. The only hope
of their escaping from the common lot was
in the belief that the God whom they
served would now interpose in their
behalf. 19. Then waa the secret revealed, Ac.
To wit, the dream and the interpretation.
The thing which had been hidden was
disclosed. We may suppose that this oc
curred after a suitable time had been
given to prayer. ^ In a night vision.
A representation made to him at night,
but whether when he was asleep or awake
dues not appear. Comp. Notes on ch. i.
17 ; Isa. i. 1 ; Job iv. 13, xxxiii, 15.
^ Then' Daniel blessed the God of heaven.
Nothing would be more natural than that
he should burst forth in a song of grateful
praise for disclosing a secret, by means of
which his life, and tha lives of his com
panions, would be preaerved, and by which
such signal honour would redound to God
himself, as alone able to reveal coming
events.' 20. Daniel answered and aaid. The
word 'answer,' in the Scriptures, often
occurs substantially in the sense of apeak
or aay. It does not always denote a reply
to something that has been said by an
other, as it does with us, but is often used
wben a speech is commenced, as if one
were replying to something that might be
said in the case, or as meaning that the
lircumstances in the case gave rise to tho
11*

20 Daniel answered and said,
'Blessed be the name of God for
ever and ever : for ' wisdom and
might are his :
. 21 And he changeth the ^ times
and the seasons : he « removeth
¦=.70^32.19. d Ps. 31. 14, 15. «P8.7o.6,7.

remark. Here the meaning is, that Daniol
responded, as it were, to the goodness
which God had manifested, and gave
utterance to his feelings in appropriate
expressions of praise. ^ Blesaed be the
name of God for ever and ever. That
is, blessed be God — the name, in the
Scriptures, being often used to denote
the person himself. It is common in
the Bible to utter ascriptions of praise
to God in view of important revelations,
or in view of great mercies. Comp. tho
eong of Moses after the passage of the
Red Sea, Ex. xv. ; the song of Deborah
after the overthrow of Siserti, Judg. v. and
xii. ^ For wiadom and might are hia.
Both these were manifested in a remark
able manner in the circumstances of i?nis
case, and therefore these were the begin
nings of the song of praise : wiadom, aa
now imparted to Daniel, enabling him to
disclose this secret, when all human skill
had failed; and might, as about to be
evinced in the changes of empire indicated
by the dream and the interprotation.
Comp. Jer. xxxii. 19, " Great in counsel,
and mighty in work."
21. And he changeth the times and the
seaaona. The object of this is to assert
the general control of God in reference to
all changes which occur. The assertion
is made, undoubtedly, in view of the re
volutions in empire which Daniel now
s.aw, from the signiflcation of the dream,
were to take place under the divine hand.
Foreseeing now these vast changes de
noted by different parts of the image (vs.
36-45), stretching into far-distant times,
Daniel was led to ascribe to God the con
trol over all the revolutions which occur
on earth. There is no essential difierence
between the words timea and seasons.
The words in Chaldee denote stated or
appointed seasons ; and the idea of times
appointed, set, determiricd, enters into
both. Times and seasons are not under
the control of chance, but are bounded by
established laws ; and yet Qod, who ap
pointed these laws, has power to change
them, aud all the changes which occur

126

DANIEL.

[B. C. 003.

kings, and setteth up kings: he
• giveth wisdom unto tho wise, and
» Prov. 2. 6, 7.

nnder those laws are produced by his
agency. Thus the changes which occur
in regard to doy and night, spring and
summer, autumn and winter, clouds and
sunshine, health and sickness, childhood
ond youth, manhood and ago, are under
his control. Suoh changes, being in ao
oordance with certain laws, may be re
garded as appointed, or set, and yet the
laws and the revolutions consequent on
them are all under his control. So in
regard to the revolutions of erapire.
By the arrangements of his providence
ho secures such revolutions as he shall
see it to be best should occur, and in all
of them his high hand should bo regarded.
The words seasons ^nd times are of fre
quent oceurrence in Daniel, and are
sometimes used in a peculiar sense (see
Notes on ch. vii. 12, 25), but they seera
hero to be employed in their usual and
general signification, to denote that all
the revolutions which occur on earth are
under his control. ^ He removeth kings,
and setteth up kinga. He has absolute
control over all the sovereigns of the
earth, to place on the throne whom ho
will, and to remove thera when he pleases.
This was doubtless suggested to Daniel,
and was made the foundation of this por
tion of his hymn of praise, from what he
was permitted to see in the disclosures
made to him in the intorpretation of tho
dreara. He then saw (comp. vs. 37-45),
that there would be most important revo
lutions of kingdoms under the band of
God, and being deeply impressed with
these great prospective changes, ho makes
this general statement, that it was the
prerogative of God to do this at pleasure.
Nebuchadnezzar was brought to feel this,
and to recognize it, when he said (ch. iv.
17), " The Most High ruleth in the king
dom of men and giveth it to whomsoever
he will ;" " he doeth according to his will in
the army of heaven, and among tho inha
bitants of the earth ; nono cnn stay his
hand, or say nnto him, What doest thou ?"
ch. iv. 32, 35. This claim is often nssertcd
for Q 3d in tho Scriptures aa a proof of his
Bupn aaey and greatness. " For promo
tion jsmeth neither from the east, nor
from the west, nor from tho south : but
God is the judge; he putteth down one,
tad setteth up another.'' Ps. Ixxv. 6, 7,

knowledge to them that know un
derstanding :

Corap. 1 Sam. ii. 7, 8. Thus he claimed
absolute control over Sennacherib to
employ him at his pleasure in executing
his purposes of punishment on the He
brew nation (Isa. x. 6-7), and thus over
Cyrus to execute his purposes on Baby
lon, and to restore his people to thsir
land. Isa. xlv. 1, seq. See also Isn. xlvi.
10, 11. In this manner, all the kings of
tho earth may bo regarded as under his
control; and if the divine plan was fully
understood it would bo found that each
ono has received his appointment, under
tho divine direction, to accomplish some
important part in carrying forward the
divine plans to their fulfillment. A his
tory of human affairs, showing the exact
purpose of God in regard to each ruler
who has occupied a throne, and tho exact
object which God designed to accomplish
by placing him ou tlie throno at the timo
when ho did, would bo a far more im
portant and valuable history than any
which has been written. Of many such
rulers, liko Cyrus, Sennacherib, Pilate,
Henry VIII., Edward VI., and tho Elec
tor of Saxony, wo can see the reason why
they lived and reigned when they did;
and doubtless God has bad some im
portant end to accomplish in the develop
ment of his great plans iu tho case of
every ono who has ever occupied a throne.
^ He giveth wiadom unto the wiae, Ac. Ho
is tho sourco of all true wisdom and know
ledge. This is often claimed for God in
tho Scriptures. Comp. Prov. ii. 6, 7 :
" For the Lord giveth wisdom ;
Out of hia mouth comulh knowledge and
understanding.
Ho layoth up sound wiadom for tho righteous;
lie is a buckler to thom thut walk uprightly."
See olso 1 Kings iii. 9-12 ; Ex. xxxi. 3.
God claims to be the source of aU wisdom
and knowledge. He originally formed
each human intellect, and made it wbat
it is ; he opens before it the paths of
knowledge; hc gives to it clearness of
perception ; he preserves its powers so
that they do not become deranged ; ho
has power to make suggestions, to direct
tho lawe of ossociation, to fix the mind on
important thoughts, and to open before it
new and interesting views of truth. And
ns it would be found, if the history could
bo written, that God has placed esoh

B. C. 603.]

CHAPTER II.

127

22 He revealeth 'the deep and
secret things : he knoweth ^ what is
in the darkness, and the liaht" dwel
leth with him.

monarch on tho throno with a distinct
reference to somo important purpose in
the development of his great plans, so
probably it would be soon that each im
portant work of genius which has been
written; each invention in the arts; and
each discovery in science, has been, for a
sirailar purpose, under his control. He
has created tho great intellect just at the
time when it was needful that such a dis
covery or invention should be made, and
having prepared tho world for it by the
course of events, the discovery or inven
tion has occurred just at the time when,
on the whole, it was most desirable that
il should.22. He revealeth the deep and eecret
thinga. Things which aro too profound
fur man to fathom by his own power, and
which are concealed or hidden until he
makes them known. What is said hore
is an advance on what was af&rmed in the
previous verse, and relates to another
kind of knowledge. Tliat related to such
knowledge as was not properly beyond
the grasp of the human intellect when un
aided in any supernatural manner, and
affirmed that even then all discoveries and
inventions aro to be traced to God ; thia
refers to a species of knowledge which
lies beyond any natural compass of tho
human powers, and in which a super
natural influence is needed — such things
as the Chaldeans and astrologers claimed
the power of disclosing. The assertion
here is, that when the highest human
wisdom showed itself insufficient for the
exigency, God was able to disclose those
deep truths which it was desirable for man
to understand. Applied generally, this
refers to the truths made known by revela
tion — truths which man oould never have
discovered by his unaided powera. If He
knoweth tohat is in the darkneaa. What
appears to man to be involved in dark
ness, and on which no light seems to
ehine. This may refer not only to what
is concealed from man in the literal dai'k-
ness of night, but to all that is mysterious;
all that Ues beyond tho range of human
inquiry; all that pertains to unseen
worlds. An immonsoly large portion of
the universe lies wholly beyond the range

23 I thank thee, and praise thoo,
0 thou God of my fathers, who hast
given me wisdom and might, and
« Ps. 25. 14. b Ps. 139. 11, 12; Ileb. 4. 13.
c ITim. 6.16; 1 .Tohn 1.6.
of human investigation at present, and ia,
of course, dark to man. IT And the light
dwelleth with him. The word rendered
dwelleth — "!!'!' — means properly to loose,
to unbind, to solve, os e. g., hard ques
tions, Dan. V. 16 ; and is then applied to
travellers who unbind the loads of their
beasts to put up for the night, and then
it comes to mean to put np for the night,
to lodge, to dwell. Hence tho raeaning
is, that the light abides with God; it is
there as in its appropriate dwelling-place ;
he is in the midst of it ; all is light about
him ; light when it is sent out goes from
hiiu ; when it is gathered together its ap
propriate place is with him. Comp. Job
xxxviii. 19, 20 :
" Where is tbo way where lig:bt dwelleth?
And DS for darkness where is the place
thereof?
That tbou shouldest take it to tho bound
thereof.
And that tbou shouldest know the paths to
the bouse thereof?"
See Notes on that passage. Oomp. also,
1 Tim. i. 16: "Dwelling in the light
which no man can approach unto."
1 John i. 5 : " God is light, and in bim is
no darkness at all."
23. / thank thee, and praiae thee, 0
thou God of my fatliera. By his " fathers"
here, Daniel refers doubtless to the Jew>
ish people in general, and not to his own
particular ancestors. Tho meaning of
the phrase "God of my fathers," is, that
he had been their protector; had regarded
them as his people; had conferred on
them great favours. Tho particular
ground of thanksgiving heria is, that the
same God who had so often revealed him
self to the Hebrew people by the prophets
in their own land, bad now condescended
to do tbe same thing to one of their
nation, though' a captive in a strange
country. The favour thus bestowed bad
an increased value from the fact that it
showed that the Hebrew people wore not
forgotten, though far from tho land of
thoir birth, and tbat though in captivity
they might still hope for the benign inter.
position of God. ^ Who haat given ma
wiadom, and might. The word ' wisdom'

128

DANIEL.

[B. C. 60a

hast made known unto me now
what we desired of thee : for thou
flast now made known unto us the
king's matter.
24 1[ Therefore Daniel went in
nnto Arioch, whom the king had
ordained to destroy the wise men
of Babylon; he went and said

here undoubtedly refers to the ability
which had now been given him to declare
the nature and purport of the dreara, im
parting to him a degree of wisdom far
superior to those pretenders to whom the
matter had been at flrst submitted. The
word 'might' (Chald. atrength — N-i-)13J) —
does not probably differ materially from
'wisdom.' It raeans ability to interpret
the dream — implying that it was a task be
yond natural human ability. % For thou
haat now made known unto ua the king'a
matter. That is, it had been made known
tn him and his friends. He joins himself
with them ; for although it was particu
larly made known to him., yet, as they had
nnited with him in prayer that the secret
might be disclosed, and as they shared
common dangers, he regarded it as in
fact made known to them all.
24. Therefore Daniel went in unto
Arioch. In view of the fact that the
matter was now disclosed to him, he pro
posed to lay it before the king. This, of
course, he did not do directly, but through
Arioch, who was entrusted with the exe
cution of the decree to -slay tbe wise men
of Babylon. That officer would natur
ally have access to the king, nnd it was
proper that a proposal to arrest tbe exe
cution of the sentence should be made
through his instrumentality. The Chaldee
— n;1S3|"!"'?3 — is properly ' on this whole
account' — or, 'on this whole account be
cause' — in accordance with the usually
full and pleonastic mode of writing par
ticles, similar to the German alldieweil,
or the compound English foraamuch aa.
Tbe meaning is, that in view of the whole
matter, h B sought to lay the case before
the king. If Deatroy not the wiae men of
Babylon. That is, 'Stay the execution
of the sentence on them. Though they
have failed to furnish the interpretation
demanded, yet as it can now be given,
theie is no occasion for the exercise of
ttiis severity.' The ground of the sentence I

thus unto him : Destroy not th«
wiae men of Babylon : bring me in
before the king, and I will show
unto the king the interpretation.
25 Then Arioch brought in Daniel
before the king in haste, and said
thus unto him, » I have found aman
» Tluit I.

was that tbey could not interpret ths
dream. As the execution of the sentencg
involved Daniel and his friends, and as
the reason why it was passed at all would
now cease by bis being able to furnish
the required explanation, Daniel felt tbat
it was a matter of mere justice that tbe
execution of the sentence should cease
altogether. ^ Bring me in before the
king. It would seem from this that
Daniel did not regard himself as having
free access to the king, and he would not
unceremoniously intrude himself into his
presence. This verse confirms the inter
pretation given of ver. 16, and makes it
in the highest degree probable that this
was the first occasion on whieh hc waa
personally before the king in reference to
this matter.
25. Then Arioch brought in Daniel before
the king in haste. The Chaldee word used
here implies in tumultuoua haate, as of one
who was violently excited, or in a state of
trepidation, from vna — to tremble, to be
in trepidation. The trepidation in this
case may have arisen from one or both of
two causes: (1.) exultation, or joy, that
the great secret was discovered ; or
(2.) joy that the effusion of blood might
be stayed, and that there might be now
no necessity to continue the execution of
tbe sentence against the wise men. ^ 1
have found a man. Marg. as in Chaldee,
' That I have found a man.' It is not to
be supposed that Arioch had known any
thing of the application whioh Daniel had
made to the king to delay the execution
of the sentence (ver. 16), and for any
thing that appears he had suspended that
execution on his own responsibility. Ig
norant as he was, therefore, of any such
arrangement, and viewing only his own
agency in the matter, it was natural for
him to go in and announce this as some
thing entirely new to the king, and with
out suggesting that the execution of the
sentence had been at all delayed. It wai
a most remarkable circumstance, and ont

B. C. 603.]

CHAPTER II.

129

of the • captives of Judah, that will
tnake known unto the king the in
terpretation. 26 The king answered and said
to Daniel, whose name was Belte-
shazzar. Art thou able to make
known unto me the dream whioh I
have seen, and the interpretation
thereof? ^ Children of the captivity.

whioh looks like a divine interposition,
that he shonld have been disposed to
delay the execution of the sentence at all,
so that Daniel could have an opportunity
of showing whether he could not divulge
the secret. All the circumstances of the
case seem to imply that Arioch was not a
man of a cruel disposition, but was dis
posed, as far as possible, to prevent the
effusion of blood. % Of the captivea of
Judah. Marg. as in Chald. ' of the child
ren of the captivity,* The word Judah
here probably refers to the country rather
than to the people, and means that he was
among those who had been brought from
the land of Judah. f That will make
known unto the king the interpretation.
It is clear, from the whole narrative, that
Arioch had great confldence in Daniel.
All tbe evidence which he could have that
he would be able to make this known,
must have been from the fact that Daniel
profeaaed to be able to do it ; but such was
-his confidence in him that be had no
doubt that he would be able to do it.
26. The king anawered, and aaid to
Daniel, whoae name waa Belteahazzar.
Notes, ch. i. 7. The king may have ad
dressed him by this name, and probably
did during this interview. This was the
name, it would seem, by which he was
^nown in Babylon — a name which implied
honour and respectability, as being con
ferred on one whom it was supposed the
principal Babylonian divinity favoured.
f Art thou able to make known unto me the
dream ? One of the flrst points in the
difficulty was to recall the dream itaelf,
and hence this was the flrst inquiry which
the king presented. If he could not re
call that, of course the matter was at an
end, and the law would be suffered to
take its conrse.
27. Daniel anawered in the preaence of
ihe king, and said. The secret whieh th.e
king hath demanded, cannot the wiae men,
ko., ahow unto ike king t Daniel regarded

27 Daniel answered in the pre
sence of the king, and said. The
secret which the king hath de
manded cannot ^ the wise men, the
astrologers, the magicians, the sooth
sayers, show unto the king ;
28 But ' there ia a God in heaven
that revealeth secrets, and ¦• maketh
b Is. 47.13, 14. e Gen. 40. 8, 41. 16.
d nath made.

it as a settled and indisputable point that
the solution could not be hoped for from
the Ohaldean sages. The highest talent
which the realm could furnish had been
applied to, and had failed. It was clear,
therefore, that there was no hope that tbe
difficulty would be removed by huraan
skill. Besides this, Daniel would seem
also to intimate that the thing, from the
necessity of the case, w.is beyond the
compass of the human powers. Alike in
reference to the question whether a for
gotten dream could be recalled, and to the
actual aignificatian of a dream so remark
able as this, the whole matter was beyond
the ability of man. ^ The wise men, the
aatrologera, &Q. On these words seo Notes
on ch. i. 20. All these words occur in
that verse, except T*^! . — Gozrin — rendered
aootltaayers. This is derived from ITJ.,
to cut, to cut off ; and then to decide, to
determine; and it is thus applied to those
who decide or determine the fates or
destiny of men; that is, those who "by
casting nativities from the place of the
stars at one's birth, and by various arts
of computing and divining, foretold the
fortunes and destinies of individuals."
See Gesenius, Com. z. Isai. ii. 349-366,
J 4, Von den Chaldern nnd deren Astro
logie. On p.' 555, he has given a figure,
showing how the heavens were cu^ up, or
divided, by astrologers in the practice of
their art. Comp. the phrase numeri Baby-
lonii, in Hor. Carm. I. ii. 2. The Greek is
\aC,apni'tjii' — the Chaldee word in Greok
letters. This is one of the words — not
very few in number — which tho authors
of the Greek version did not attempt to
translate. Suoh words, however, are not
useless, as they serve to throw light on
the question how the Hebrew and Chaldee
were pronounced before the vowel pointr
were affixed to those languages.
28. But there is a God in heaven thai
, reveahth 'Arrets, One of the princilial

130

DANIEL.

[B.C. 603i

known to the king Nebuchadnezzar
what shall be in the latter days.
Thy dream, and the visions of thy
head upon thy bed, are these ;
29 As for thee, O king, thy
a Qime up.

thoughts came » into thy mind upori
thy bed, what should come to pasa
hereafter : and " he that revealeth
secrets maketh known to thee what
shall come to pass.
b Amos 4. 13.

ihbjects contemplated in all that occurred
respecting 'Uis dream and its interpreta
tion, was, tl- direct tbe mind of the mo
narch to the true God, and to secure the
acknowledgment of his supremacy. Henoe
it was so ordered that those who were most
eminent for wisdom, and who were re
garded as the favourites of heaven, wero
constrained to confess their entire in
ability to explain the mystery. The way
was thns prepared to show that he who
could do this must be the true God, and
must. be worthy of adoration and praise.
Thus prepared, the mind of the monarch
was now directed by this pious .Hebrew
youth, though a captive, to a truth so
momentous and important. His whole
training; -hii modesty, and his piety, all
were combii.ed to lead him to attribute
whatever skill he might evince in so diffi
cult a matter to the true God alone : and
we can scarcely conceive of a more sub
lime object of contemplation than this
young man, in the raost magnificent
court of the world, directing the thoughts
of the most mighty monarch that then
occupied a throne, to the existence and
the perfections of the true God. ^ And
maketh known to the king Nebuchadnezzar.
Marg. hath made. The transla-tion in the
text is more correct, for it was not true
that he had as yet actually made these
things known to the king. He had fur
nished intimations of what was to occur,
but he had not yet been permitted to un
derstand their signification. ^ What shall
be in the latter days. Gr. nr' lax^royv twi*
illieptSi, — ' in the last da.ys.' Vulg. in novis
simis temporibus — 'in the last times.'
Chald. »«',D1i nnns;3_< in the after days;'
or, as Faber expresses it, in the afterhood
of days. The phrase means what we
would express by saying, hereafter; in
future times ; in time to come. This
phrase often has special reference to the
times of the Messiah, as the last dispen-
6a.tiun of things on the earth, or as that
under which the affairs of the world will
DO wound up. Comp. Notes on Isa. ii. 2.
tt does not appear, however, to be used

in that sense here, but it denotes merely
future tiraes. The phrase ' the latter
days,' tberefore, does not exactly convey
tbe sense of the original. It is futura
daya rather than latter days. ^ Thy
dream and the viaions of ihy head upon
thy bed. The phrase 'visions of thy
head,' means conceptions or notions
formed by the brain. It would seem from
this that, even in the time of Daniel, the
brain was regarded as, in some sense, tho
organ of thinking, or that thought had its
seat in the head. We are not to suppose
that by the use pf these different expres
sions Daniel meant to describe two things,
or to intimate that Nebuchadnezzar had
had visions which were distinct. What
he saw raight be described as a dream or
a vision. It, in fact, had the nature of
both. ^ Are theae. ' These which I now
proceed to describe.*
29. Aa for thee, 0 king, thy thoughts
came into tby mind upon thy bed. Marg.
up ; that is, thy thoughts ascended. The
Chaldee is, ' thy thoughts ascended' — P??-
So the Greek : ' Thy thoughts ascended —
ai/effnsaif — upon thy couch.' There is, evi
dently, some allusion to the thoughts
aacending, or going up, and perhaps the
idea is that they were employed on im
portant subjects — an idea which we now
express by saying that one's thoughts are
elevated, as contrasted with those which
are low and grovelling. ^ What sliould
come to pasa hereafter. It would seem
most probable from tbis that the thoughta
of Nebuchadnezzar were occupied with
this subject in his waking moments on his
bed, and that the dream was grafted on
this train of thought wben he fell asleep.
Nothing is more probable than that his
thoughts might be thus occupied. The
question respecting his successor; the
changes wbich might occur; tbe possi
bility of revolutions in other kingdoms,
or in the provinces of bis own vast em
pire, all were topics on whioh his mind
would probably be employed. As God
designed, too, to fix his thoughts par
ticularly on that general snlyect— ^the

B. C. 603.1

CHAPTER II.

131

" 30 But as for me, this secret is
not revealed to me for any wisdom
that I have more than any living,
but for ^ their sakes that shall make

> Acts 3.12.

changes which were to occur in his em
pire — such on occasion, when his atten
tion was greatly engrossed with the
subject, woiUd be very suitable to impart
the knowledge whioh he did by this
vision. Daniel refers to this, probably,
because it would do much to confirm the
monarch in the belief of his inspiration if
he referred to the train of thought which
had preceded the dream ; as it is n >t im-
probablo that the king would remember
his waking thoughts on the subject,
though his dream was forgotten.
30. But a.afor me. So far as I am con
eerned in this matter, or whatever skill
or wisdom I may evince in the interpre
tation, it is not to be traced to myself.
The previous verse commences with the
expression ' as for thee,' and in this verse
by the phrase ' as for me,' Daniel puts
himself in strong contrast with the king.
The way iu whioh this was done was not
such as to flatter the vanity of the king,
and cannot be regarded as the art of the
courtier, and yet it was such as would be
universally adopted to conciliate his fa
vour, and to give him an elevated idea of
the modesty and piety of the youthful
Daniel. In the previous verse he says,
that, as to what pertained to tbe king,
God had greatly honoured him by giving
him important intimations of what was
yet to occur. Occupying the position
which he did, it might be supposed that it
would not bo wholly unnatural that he
should be thus favoured, and Daniel does
not say, as in his own case, that it was
not on account of anything in the cha
racter and rank of the king that this had
been communicated to him. But when
he comes to speak of himself — a youth ; a
captive ; a stranger in Babylon ; a native
of another land, nothing was more natu
ral or proper than that he should state
distinctly that it was not on account of
anything in him that tbis was done.
If Thia aearet ia not revealed to me for any
teifdom tluU I have more than any living.
That is, ' it is not by any wisdom which I
have above others, nor is it on account of
my previous wisdom which I have pos-
lessed or manifested.' There is an rbso-

known the interpretat'on to the
king, and that thou mightest know
the thoughts of thy heart.
b Or, tite intent that tlie interpretation may bt
made known.

lute and total disclaimer of the idea tbat it
was iu any sense, or in any way, on account
of his own superiority in wisdom. All the
knowledge which he had in the case was to
be traced entirely to God. ^f But for theit
takea that ahaU make know-n the interpreta
tion to the king. Marg., ' or, the intent thai
the interpretation may be made knoton,'
The margin isthe more correct rendering,
and should have been admitted into the
text. The literal translation is, 'but (in?)
on account of the thing that they might
make known the interpretation to the
king.* The word rendered ' make known*
is indeed in the plural, but it is evidently
nsed in an impersonal sense, meaning that
the interpretation would be made known.
' It was to the intent that they might
make it known ;* that is, that somebody
might do it, or that it might be done.
Would not modesty and delicacy lead to
the choice of suoh au expression here,
inclining Daniel to avoid, as far as pos
sible, all mention of himself? The main
thought is, that the grand objeot to be
secured was not to glorify Daniel, or any
other human being, but to communicato
to this heathen monarch important truths
respecting coming events, and through
him to the world. If And that thou might-
eat know the thoughta of thy heart. In
reference to this matter. That is, that he
might be able to recall the thoughts wbich
passed through his mind in the dream.
This_ (vs. 27-30) is the introduction to
the important disclosure which Daniel
was about to make to the king. This
entire disclaimer of the honour of liaving
originated the interpretation by his own
wisdom, and ascribing it to God, is worthy
here of special attention. It is probable
that the magicians were accustomed to
ascribe to their own skill and sagacity the
ability to interpret dreams and the other
prognostics of the future, and to claim
special bonour on that account. In oppo
sition to tbis, Daniel utterly 'disclaims any
such wisdom himself, and attributes ths
skill which he has entirely to God. This
is a beautiful illustration of the nature of
modesty and piety. It places before ns a

132

DANIEL.

IB 0. 603.

31 1[ Thou, 0 king, » sawest, and
behold a great image. This great
yonng man, having now the prospect of
being elevated to great honours; under
every temptation to arrogate the pos-
gession of extraordinary wisdom to him
self; suddenly exalted above all the sages
of the most splendid court on earth, dis
claiming all merit, and declaring, in the
most solemn manner, that whatever pro
found wisdom there might be in the com
munication whicb be was about to make,
it was not in the slightest degree to be
traced to himself. See the remarks at the
end of the chapter (6.)
31. Thou, 0 Icing, aaweat. Marg. wast
teeing. . The margin is in accordance with
the Chaldee. The language is properly
tbat which denotes a prolonged or atten
tive observation. He was in an attitude
favourable to vision, or was looking witb
intensity, and there appeared before
him this remarkable iraage. Comp. ch.
vii. 1, 2, 4, 6. It was not a thing which
appeared for a moment, and then van
ished, but which remained so long that
he could contemplate it with accuracy.
^ And, behold, a great image. Chald.
one image that was grand — N'Jfe' in D^S.
Bo the Vulgate — statua una grandis. So
tbe Greek — ciVaii' ^tia. The object seems
to be to fix the attention on the fact that
there was but one image, though composed
of so different materials, and of raaterials
that seemed to be so little fitted to be
worked together into the same statue.
The idea, by its being represented as one,
is, tbat it wan, in some respects, the aame
kingdom that he saw symbolized : that is,
that it would extend over the sarae conn-
tries, and could be, in sorae sense, re
garded as a prolongation of the same
empire. There was so much ot-identity,
though different in many respects, that it
could be represented as one. The word
rendered image — 07? — denotes properly a
shade, or shadow, and then anything that
ahadowa forth, or that represents any
thing. It is applied to man (Gen. i. 27),
OS shadowing forth, or representing God ;
that is, there was something in man when
he was created, which had so far a re
semblance to God that he might be re
garded as an image of him. The word is
often used to denote iduls — as supposed to
be a repreaentation of the gods, either in
Vheir forms, or as shadowing forth their

image, whose brightness -woi oxce'
• -Wast seeing.

character, as majestic, stern, mild, severe^
merciful, Ac. Num. xxxiii. 52 ; 1 Sam.
vi. 5; 2 Kings xi. 18; 2. Chron. xxiii. 17;
Ezek. vii. 20, xvi. 17, xxiii. 14; Amos v.
26. This image is not represented as an
idol to be worshipped, nor in the use of
the word is it to be supposed tbat there is
an allusion, as Prof. Bush supposes, to
the fact that these kingdoms would be
idolatrous, but the word is used in 'i\a
proper and primitive sense, to denote
something which would repreaent, or
ahadow forth the kingdoms which would
exist. The exact size of the image is
not mentioned. It is only suggested that
it was great — a proper characteristic to
represent tbe greatneaa of the kingdoms
to which it referred. \ This great image.
The word here rendered great — 3^ is dif
ferent from that used in the previoua
clause, though it is not easy to deterraine
the exact difference between the words.
Both denote that the image was of
gigantic dimensions. It is well remarked
by Prof. Bush, that "the monuments of
antiquity sufficiently evince tbat tho
humour prevailed tlironghout the East,
and still more in Egypt, of constructing
enormous statues, which were usually
dedicated to some of their deities, and
connected with their worship. The ob
ject, therefore, now presented in the
monarch's dream, was not, probably, en
tirely new to his thoughts." If 'WTiosa
brightneaa waa excellent. ' Whose bright
ness excelled, or was unusual and re:
morkable.' The word rendered brightneaa
— IV — is found only in Daniel. It is ren
dered brightneaa in ch. ii. 31, iv. 36, and
in the margin in ch. v. 6, and counte
nance in ch. V, 6 {text), and in vs. 9, 10
ch. vii. 28. From the places where it is
found, particularly ch. iv. 36, it is clear
that it is used to denote a certain beauty,
or majesty, shining forth in the counte
nance, which was fitted to impress the
beholder with awe. Tbe term here is to
be understood not merely of the faoe of
the image, but of its entire aspect, as
having something in it signally splendid
and imposing. We have only to conceive
of a colossal itatoe whose head waa bur
nished gold, and a large part of whose
frame was polished silver, to see the
force of this language. ^ Stood be/on

B.O. 603.]

CHAPTEE II.

133

lent, stood before thee ; and the form
thereof was terrible.
32 This image's head was of fine

ihee. It stood over against him in full
view. He had an opportunity of sur
veying it clearly and distinctly. ^ And
the form thereof was terrible. Vast, im
posing, grand, fearful. The sudden ap
pearance of such on objeot as this could
not but fill tho mind with terror. The
design for which this representation was
made to Nebuchadnezzar, is clearly un
folded in the explanation which Daniel
gives. It may be remarked here, in
general, that such on appeoronce of a
gigantic image was well adapted to re
present successive kingdoms, and that the
representation was in accordance with the
spirit of ancient times. " In ancient coins
ond medals," says the editor of the Pic
torial Bible, " nothing is more common
than to see cities and nations represented
by human figures, male and female. Ac
cording to the ideas which suggest-ed
such symbols, a v.ist image in the human
figure was, therefore, a very fit emblem
of sovereign power and dominion, while
the materials of which it was composed
did most significantly typify the character
of the various empires, the succession of
which wa.s foreshown by this vision.
This lost idea, of expressing the condition
of things by metallic symbols, was pre
valent before the timo of Daniel. Hesiod,
who lived about two centuries before
Daniel, characterises the succession of
oges (four) by the very same metals — gold,
silver, brass, and iron."
32. This image's head was offine gold.
Chali. good gold — 3? aij^ — that is, fine,
pure, unalloyed. The whole head of the
figure, colossal as it was, appeared to be
composed wholly of this. Had the whole
image been made of gold, it would not
have been so striking — for it was not un
coramon to construct vast statues of this
metal. Oomp. ch. iii. 1. But the remark-
oble peculiarity of this image was, that it
was composed of different materials, some
of which were seldom or never used in
such a structure, and all of which had a
peculiar significancy. On the significancy
of this port of the figure, and the resem
blance between this bead of gild and
Nebuchadnezzar himself, see Notes on vs.
S7, 38. ^ Hit breast and his anna of
ittoer. The word rendered breaat — riQ
12

gold, his breast and his arms of sil
ver, his bellyand his 'thighs of brasji,
* Or, tidst.

is in the plural number, in accordanoa
with a common usage in the Hebrew, b;7
which several members of tbe human
body are often expressed in the plural — at
o^^^— faces, Ac. Thero is a foundation
for snch a usage in nature, in the two
fold form of many of the portions of tho
human body. The portion of the body
which is here represented is obviously tho
upper portion of the front part — that which
is prominently visible when we look at
thehuman frame. Next to the head it is
tbe most important part, as it em
braces most of the vital organs. Some
degree of inferiority, as well as the idea
of succession, would be naturally re
presented by this. " The inferior value
of silver as compared with gold, will
naturally suggest some degree of de
cline or degeneracy in the character of
the subject represented by the metal ; and
so in other members, os we proceed down
ward, as the material becomes contin
ually baser, we naturally infer that tho
subject deteriorates, in some sense, in the
like manner." Prof. Bush, in loc. On
the kingdora represented by this, and the
propriety of this representation, see Notes
ou ver. 39. If His belly and his thighs of
braaa. Marg. aidea. It is not necessary
to enter minutely into an examinotion of
the words here used. The word belly
denotes, unquestionably, the regions ofthe
abdomen as externally visible. The word
rendered thighs in the text, is rendered
aidea in the morgin. It is, like the word
breast in the previous verse, in the plural
number, and for tbe same reason. The
Hebrew word — 'm! — is commonly ren
dered thigh in the Scriptures (Gen. xxiv,
2, 9, xxxii. 25, 31, 32, et al.), though it is
also frequently rendered side, Ex. xxxii.
27, xl. 22, 24 ; Lev. i. 4 ; Num. iii. 29, et
al. According to Gesenius, it denotes
" the thick and double fleshy member
which commences at the bottom of tho
spine, and extends to the lower legs." I*
is that part on which the sword was
formerly worn. Ex. xxxii. 27, Judg. iii.
16, 21; Ps. xlv. 4. It is also that part
which was smitten, as an expression of
mourning, or of indignation. Jer. xxxi.
19; Ezek. xxi. 17. Comp. Hora. II. xii.
lAJt 2^v. 397; Od. zUL 198; Cic. cL Crab

IS4

DANIEL.

[B. C. 603.

33 His legs of iron, his feet part
of iron and part of clay.
* Or. which waa not in hands.

80; Quine. xi. 3. It is not improperly
bere rendered thigha, and the portion of the
figure that was of brass was that between
the breast and the lower legs, or extended
from the breast to the knees. The word
is elsewhere employed to denote the shaft
or main trunk of the gv^lden candlestick
of the tabernacle. Ex. xxv. 31, xxxvi.
17, Num. viii. 4. ^ Of brass. An infe
rior metal, and denoting a kingdom of
inferior power or excellence. On the
kingdom represented by this, see Notes
on ver. 39.
33. Hia lege of iron. The portion of
the lower limbs, from the knees to tbe
ancles. This is undoubtedly the usual
meaning of the English word lega, ond it
as clearly appears to be the sense of the
original word bere. Iron was regarded
as inferior to either of tbe other metals
specified, and yet was well adapted to
denote a kingdom of a particular kind —
less noble in some respects, and yet hardy,
powerful, and adapted to tread down the
world by conquest. On the application
of this, see Notes on ver. 40. ^f Hia feet
part of iron and part of clay. As to his
feet; or in respect to his feet, they were
partly of iron, and partly of clay — a mix
ture denoting great strength, united with
that which is fragile and weak. The
word rendered clay in this place — npH — is
fonnd nowhere else except in this chapter,
and is always rendered clay. Ch. ii. 33,
34, 35, 41 (twice), 42, 43 (twice), 45. In
some instances (vs. 41, 43) tbe epithet
miry is applied to it. Tbis would seera to
imply that it was not 'burnt or baked
clay,' or ' earthenware,' as Prof. Bush
supposes, but clay in its natural state.
The idea would seem to be, tbat the
framework, so to speak, was iron, with
clay worked in, or filling np the inter
stices, so as to fumish an image of
strength combined with that which is
weak. That it would be well adapted
to represent a kingdom tbat had many
elements of permanency in it, yet that
Was combined witb things that raade it
weak — a mixture of that which was pow
erful with that which was liable to be
crushed; capable of putting forth great
efforte, and of sustaining great shocks,
»nd yet having such elements of feeble-

34 Thou sawest till that a stone
was cut out » without i" hands, which
b Zee. 4. 6; John 1. 13.

ness and decay as to make it liable to be
overthrown. For the application of this,
see Notes on vs. 41-43.
34. Thou saweat. Chald. ' Thou wast
seeing ;' that is, thou didst continue to
behold, implying tbat the vision was of
somewhat long continuance. It did not
appear, and then suddenly vanish, but it
remained so long that he had an oppor
tunity of careful observation. ^ Till
that a atone waa cut without hande. That
is, from a mountain or hill. ver. 45.
This idea is expreased in the Latin and
the Greek version. The vision appears
to have been that of a colossal iraage
atanding on a plain, in the vicinity of a
mountain, standing firm, until, by sorae
unseen agency, and in an unaccountable
manner, a stone becarae detached from
the mountain, and' was mode to impinge
against it. The margin here is, which
was not in his hands. The more correct
rendering of the Chaldee, however, is that
in the text : literally, ' a stone was cut out
which was not by bands' — IH'? : — or per
haps still more accurately, 'a stone was
cut out which was not in bands,' so that
the fact that it was not in or by handa
refers rather to its not being projected by
hands than to the manner of its being
detached from the mountain. The essen
tial idea is, that the agency of hands did
not oppear at all in the case. The stone
seemed to be self-moved. It became
detached from the mountain, and, as if
instinct with life, struck the image and
demolished it. The word rendered stone—
P** — determines' nothing as to theswe of
the stone, but tbe whole statement would
seem to imply that it was not of large
dimensions. It struck npon the feet
of the image (ver. 35), and it became
itself a great mountain — all which would
seem to imply that it was at first not
large. What increased tbe astonishment
of the monarch was, that a stone of such
dimensions shonld have been adequate to
overthrow so gigantic a statue, and to
have ground it to powder. The points on
which It was clearly intended to fix the
attention of the monarch, and which
made the vision so significant and remark
able were these : (a) the colossal size ard
firmness of the ima^e; (6) the faot that ¦

B. C. 603.]

smote the image upon his feet that
were of iron and clay, and brake
them to pieces.
35 Then was the iron, the clay,

CHAPTER II.

135

stone, not of large size, should be seen to
be self-detached from the mountain, and
to move against the image; (c) the foot
that it should completely demolish and
pulverise the colossal figure; and {d) the
fact that then this stone of inconsiderable
size should be itself mysteriously augment
ed until it filled the world. It shonld be
added, that the vision appears not to have
been that of a stone detached from the side
of a hill, and rolling doion the mountain
by the force of gravitation, but that of a
stone detached, and then moving off
toward the image as if it had been thrown
from a hand, though the hand was un
seen. This would very strikingly and
appropriately express the idea of some
thing apparently small in its origin, that
was impelled by a cause that was unseen,
and that bore with mighty force upon
on object of colossal magnitude, by an
agency tbat could not be explained by
the causes tbat usually operate. For the
application and pertinency of this, see
Notes on vs. .44, 45. ^ Which smote the
image upon hia feet. Tbe word here used —
NOP — means to atrike, to smite; without
reference to the question whether it is a
single blow, or whether tho blow is often
repeated. The Hebrew word — Npp — ^is
uniformly used as referring to the clapping
of the hands ; that is, smiting them to
gether. Ps. xcviii. 8 ; Isa. lv. 12 ; Ezek.
xxv. 6. The Chaldee word is used only
here and in ver. 35, referring to the
smiting of the image, and in ch. iv. 35,
where it is rendered 'stay' — 'none can
itay his hand.* The connection here, and
the whole statement, would seem to
demand tbe sense of a continued or pro
longed smiting, or of repeated blows,
rather than a single concussion. The
great image was not only thrown down,
but there was a subsequent process of
comminution independent of what would
have been produced by the fall. A fall
would only bave broken it into large
blocks or fragments ; bnt this continued
smiting reduced it to powder. This would
imply, therefore, not a single shock, or
violent blow, but some cause continuing
to operate until that which had been

the brass, the silver, and the gold,
broken to pieces together, and bo-
came like » the chaflf of the summer
threshing-floors ; and the wind car-
« Ps. 1. 4; Uos. 13. 3.

overthrown was effectuoUy destroyed, lika
a vast image reduced to impalpable pow
der. The first cnncuasion on tho feet
made it certain that the colossal frame
wonld fall; but there was a longer pro
cess necessary before the whole effect
should be accomplished. Comp. Notes on
vs. 44, 45. ^ And braJce them to pieces.
In ver. 35, the idea is, " they became like
the chaff of the summer threshing-floors."
The meaning is not that the image waj
broken to fragmenta, but that it woa
beaten fine— reduced to powder — so thai
it raight be scattered by tbe wind. This
is tbe sense of the Chaldee word — Pi^T—
and of the Hebrew word also — PP'J. See
Ex. xxxii. 20: "And he took the calf
wbich they had made, and burned it in
the fire, and ground it to powder." Deut.
ix. 21: "And I took your sin, the calf
which ye had made, and burnt it with fire,
and staraped it, and ground it very smallf
even until it was aa amall as dust." Isa.
xli. 15 ; " Thou shalt thresh the mountains,
and beat them amall, and shalt make
the bills as chaff." 2 Kings xxiii. 15 : "He
bumt the high places, and atamped it amaU
to powder." 2 Chron. xxxiv. 4 : " And they
brake down the altars, Ac, and made
dust of them, and strewed them upon the
graves of them that had sacrificed unto
them." Comp. Ex. xxx. 36; 2 Chron.
xxxiv. 7 ; 2 Kings xxiii. 6. From these
passages it is clear that the general mean
ing of tho word is that of reducing any
thing to fine dust or powder, so that it
may be easily blown about by the wind.
35. Then waa the iron, the clay, tha
brass, the silver, and the gold broken in
pieces together, and became like the chaff
ofthe aummer threshing-fioor. The word
rendered together — nnriD — our translatori
would seem to have understood as refer
ring to time; to its being done simul
taneously. The more literal interpreta
tion, however, is ' aa one ;' that is, ' they
were beaten small js one,' referring to
identity of condition. They were ail re
duced to one indiscriminate mass ; to such
a mass that the original materials OGula
no longer be distinguished, and would all

136

DANIEL.

[B. C. 603

ried them away, that » no place was
found for them : and the stone that
smote the image became a great
>> mountain, and filled ' the whole
earth.

» Ps. 37. S6.

c 1 Cor. 15. 25.

be blown away together. The literal
meaning of the word used — in — and nin
— is one, or first. Ezra iv. 8, " wrote a
letter;" v.l3, "in the ^irsi year of Cyrus;**
vi. 2, "a roll;" Dan. ii. 9, "there is but
one decree for you;" iii. 19, "heat the
furnace one seven times hotter,** Ac.
Vnited with the conjunction (d) it means
as one, like tbe Heb. tn^D, Eccl. xi. 6;
2 Chron. v. 13 ; Ezra ii. 6, iii. 9 ; Isa. lxv.
25. The phrase " chaff of the summer
threshing-floors," refers to the mode of
winnowing grain in tbe East This was
done in the open air, usually on an ele
vated place, by throwing the grain when
threshed into the air with a shovel, and
the wind thus drovo away the chaff. Such
chaff, therefore, naturally became an em
blem of anything that was light, and that
would be easily dissipated. See Notes
on Isa. xxx. 24. Matt. iii. 12. ^ And the
wind carried them away, that no place waa
found for them. They were entirely dis
sipated, like chaff. As that seems to
have no longer any place, but is carried
we know not where, so the figure here
would denote an entire annihilation of
the power to which it refers, ^j And the
atone that smote the image became a great
mountain, and filled the whole earth. The
vision which was before the mind of the
king as here represented was, that the
stone wbich was cut out of the mountain
was at first small, and that while he con
templated it, it swelled to larger dimen
sions, until it became an immense moun
tain ^ a mountain that filled the whole
land. It was this which, perhaps, more
than anything else, excited his wonder,
that a stono, at first of so small dimen
sions, shoul 1 of itself so increase as to
surpass the size of the mountain from
which it was cut, until it occupied every
pkce in view. Everything about it was
so remarkable and unusual that it was no
wonder that he could not explain it We
have now gone over a description of the
literal vision as it appeared to the mind
of the monarch. Hod it been left here, it
b clear that it would have been of diffi-

36 This is the dream ; and wt
will tell the interpretation thereof
before the king.
37 Thou, 0 king, ari a king ^ of
kings : for « the God of heaven hath
d Ezr. 7. 12 ; Is. 4". 5 ; Eze. 26. 7 ; Hos. 8. 10.
« Ezr. 1. 2.

cult interpretation, and possibly tbe true
explanation raight never have been sug
gested. We have, however, an exposition
by Daniel, which leaves no donbt as to
its design, and whicb waa intended to
carry the raind forward into some of the
most important and remarkable events of
history. A portion of his statement has
been fulfilled; a part remains still unac
complished, and a careful exposition of
his account of the meaning of the vision
will lead our thoughts to some of the
most important historical events which
have occurred in introducing the Chris
tian dispensation, and to events still more
important in the statement of what is yet
to come.
36. This is the dream; and we will tell
the interpretation, thereof before the king.
Daniel bere speaks in his own name, and
in the name of his companions. Hence
he says 'we will tell the interpretation.'
It was in answer to their united supplica
tions (ver. 18), that this meaning of the
vision had been made known to him, and
it would not only have been a violation
of the rules of raodesty, but an unjust
ossumption, if Daniel had claimed the
whole credit of the revelation to himself.
Though he was the only one who ad
dressed the king, yet he seems to have
desired that it might be understood
that he was not alone in the honour
which God had conferred, and that he
wished tbatbis corapanions should be had
in just remerabrance. Comp. ver. 49.
37. Thou, 0 king, art o king of kinga.
The phrase ' king of kings* is a Hebraism,
to denote a supreme monarch, or onc whc
has other kings under him as tributarv
Ezra vii. 12 ; Ezek. xxvi. 7. As such it
IS applied by way of eminence to tbe Son
of God in Rev. xvii. 14, xix. 16. As here
used. It means that Nebuchadnezzoj- ruled
over tributary kings and princes, or tbat
he was the raost erainent of tho kings of
the earth. The sceptre wbich he swayed
was, m fact, extended over raany nations
that were once independent kingdoms,
and the tiUe here conferred on him wa«

B. C. 603.]

CHAPTER II.

137

given thee a kingdom, power, and
strength, and glory.
38 And wiheresoever the children
of men dwell, the beasts of the field

not one that was designed to flatter the
monarch, but was a simple statement of
what was an undoubted truth. Daniel
would not withhold any title that was in
accordance with reality, as he did not
withhold any communication in accord
ance with reaUty that was adapted to
humble the monarch. IT For the God of
heaven hath given thee a kingdom, Ac. At
the same time that Daniel gave him a
title whicb might in itself have ministered
to the pride of the raonarch, he is careful
to remind him that he held this title in
virtue of no wisdom or power • f his own.
It was the true God who had conferred on
him the sovereignty of these extensive
realms, and it was one of the designs of
tbis vision to show him that he held his
power at his will, and that at his pleasure
he could cause it to pass away. It was
the forgetfulness of this, and the pride
resulting from that forgetfulness, which
led to the melancholy calamity which
befel this haughty monarch, as recorded
in ch. iv.
38. And wheresoever the children of
men dwell, the beaata of the field, and the
fowls of the heaven, hath he given into thy
hand. This is evidently general lan
guage, and is not to be pressed literally.
It is designed to say that he ruled over
the whole world; that is, the world as
then known. This is common language
opplied in the Scriptures to the Baby
lonian, Persian, Grecian and Roman
kingdoms. Thus in ver. 39, the third of
these kingdom, the Grecian, was to " bear
rule over all the earth." Comp. ch. viii. 5 :
"And, OS I was considering, behold, an
he-goat came from the west on the face
of the whole earth." So of the Roman
empire, in ch. vii. 23 : " The fourth beast
shall devour the whole earth." The de
claration that his kingdom embraced tbe
beasts of tbe field and the fowls of the air,
is a strong expression, meaning that he
reigned over the whole world. A some
what similor description of the extent
of the empire of the king of Babylon
occurs in Jer. xxvii. 4-8 : " And com
mand them to say unto their masters,
SIhus saith the Lord of hosts, the fied of
12*

and the fowls ofthe heaven hath h»
given » into thy hand, and hata
made thee ruler over them all.
Thou art this head of gold.
a Jer. 27. 6.

Israel, Thus shall ye say unto your mas
ters ; I have made the earth, the m.in and
the beast that are upon the ground, by
my great power, and by my out-stretche.i
arm, and have given it unto whom it
seemed meet nnto me. And now I have
given all these lands into the hands of
Nebuchadnezzar, the king of Babylon, my
servant ; and the beast of tbe field I have
given him also to serve him. And all
nations shall serve him, and his son, and
his son*s son, until the very time of bis
land come ; and then many nations and
great kings shall serve themselves of bim.
And it shall corae to pass, tbat the nation
and kingdom which will not serve the same
Nebuchadnezzar, the king of Babylon,
and. that will not put their neck under
the yoke of the king of Babylon, that
nation will I punish, saith the Lord,
with the sword, and with the famine,
and with the pestilence, until I have
consumed them by his hand." At the
time referred to by Daniel, tbe sceptre
of Nebuchadnezzar extended over all
these realms, and the world was, in
fact, placed substantially under one head.
" All the ancient Eastern histories," says
Bishop Newton, ," almost are lost; but
there are some fragraents even of heathen
historians yet preserved, which speak of
this raighty conqueror and his extended
empire. Berosus, in Josephus (Contra
Apion, 1. i. g 19), says thathe held in sub
jection Egypt, Syria, Phenicia, Arabia,
and by his exploits surpassed all the Chal
deans and Babylonians who reigned before
him. Stro-bo asserts that this king araong
the Chaldeans was more celebrated than
Hercules ; that he proceeded as far as to
the pillars of Hercules, and led his army
out of Spain into Thrace and Pontus.
But his empire, though of great extent,
was yet of no long duration ; for it ended
in his grandson Belshazzar, not seventy
years after the delivery of this prophecy,
nor above twenty-three years after the
death of Nebuchadnezzar." Newton on
the Prophecies, pp. 186, 187. If Thon art
thia head of gold. The head of gold seen
in the image represents thee as the sove
reign of a vast empire. Compaied with

138

DANIEL.

[B. C. 60a

the otber monarchs who are to succeed
thee, thou art like gold compared with
silver, and brass, and iron ; or, compared
with thy kingdom, theirs shall be as
silver, brass, and iron compared with
gold. It was coramon, at an early period,
to speak of different ages of the world as
resembling different metals. Corap. Notes
on ver. 31. In reference to the expres
sion before us, " Thou art this bead of
gold," it should be observed, that it is not
probably to be confined to tbe monarch
himself, but is rather spoken of him as the
head of the empire; as representing the
state ; as an impersonation of tbat dynasty.
The meaning is, that the B.'tbylonian em
pire, as it existed under him, in its rela
tion to the kingdoms which should sue-
ceed, was like the head of gold seen in
the image as compared with the inferior
metals that mode up the reraaining por
tions of the image. Daniel, as an inter
preter, did not state in what tbo resem
blance consisted, nor in what respects his
empire could be likeiied to gold as com
pared with those wbich should follow.
In the scanty details which we now have
of the life of that raonarch, and of the
events of his reign, it raay not be possible
to see as clearly as would be desirable, in
what that resemblance consisted, or the
full propriety of the appellation given to
him. So far as may now be seen, the
res-emblance appears to have been in the
following things : (I.) In respect to the
empire itself of which he was tbe sove
reign, as standing at the head of tbe
others — the first in the line. This was
not indeed the first kingdora, but the de
sign here was not to give an account of
all the empires on earth, but to take the
world aa it waa then, and to trace the suc
cessive changes which would occur pre
paratory to the establishment of the
kingdom which should finally spread over
the earth. Viewed in reference to this
design, it was undoubtedly proper to
designate the erapire of Babylon as the
head. It not only stood before them in
the order of timo, bnt in suoh a relation
tbat the others might be regarded as in
some sort its successors ; that is, they
would succeed it in swaying a general
acepire over the world. In this respect
tbey would resemble also the Babylonian.
At the time bere referred to, tbe dominion
over which Nebuchadnezzar swayed his
sceptre was at the head of the nations;
Iras the central power of the Pagan |

world; was the only empire that conM
claim to be universal. For a long perod
tbe kingdom of Babylon bad been de
pendent on that of Assyria, and while
Nineveh was the capital of the Assyrian
empire, Babylon was the head of a king
dom, in general subordinate to that cf
Assyria, until Nabopolassar, the imme
diate predecessor of Nebuchadnezzar, ren
dered tho kingdom of Babylon inde
pendent of the Assyrians, and tiansferred
the seat of empire to Babylon. Tbis was
about tbe year 626 before the Christian
era. See Universal History, vol. iii. pp.
412—415. Nebuchadnezzar, receiving this
mighty kingdom, had carried his own
arms to distant lands; had conquered
India, Tyre, and Egypt; and, as would
appear, oil Northern Africa, as far as the
pillars of Hercules, and, with quite unim
portant exceptions, all tbe known world
was subject to him. (IL) The a-ppel-
lation ' bead of gold* may have been given
bim on accountof tbe splendor of his capi
tal, and the magnificence ofhis court In
Isa. xiv. 4, Babylon is called "the golden
city." See Notes on that place. In Isa.
xiii. 19, it is called " the glory of king-
( oras, the beauty of the Chaldees' excel
lency." In Isa. xlvii. 5, it is called " the
lady of kingdoras."- In Jer. 11. 13, it is
spoken of as "abundant in treasures,"
and in ver. 41, as "the praise of the
whole earth." So in profane vpriters,
Babylon has similar appellations. Thus
in .^sch. Per. 51, mention is made of
Baiiukoiv ^ noXvxpvoos — Babylon abounding
in gold. Tbe conquests of Nebuchadnezzar
enabled him to bring to his capital the
spoils of nations, and to enrich his capital
above any other city on the earth. Ac
cordingly, he gave himself to the work of
adorning a city that sbould be worthy to
be the head of universal empire, and suc
ceeded in making it so splendid as to be
regarded as one of tho wonders of the
world. His great work in adorning and
strengthening bis capital consisted, firstj
of the building of the immense walls of
the city ; second, of the tower of Belus ;
and third, of the hanging gardens. For
a full description of these, see Prideaux*s
Connection, vol. i. p. 232. aeq. (III.) The
appellation may bave been given him by
eompariaon with the kingdoms which wera
to succeed him. In aome respects — in ex-
tent and power — some one or more of
them, as the Roman, might surpass his ;
but tho appellation whioh was appropriate

B.C. 603.]

CHAPTEE II.

139

to thom was not gold, but they would
be best denoted by tho inferior metals.
Ihus the Medo-Persian kingdom was less
splendid than that of Babylon, and would
be better represented by silver; the Mace
donian, though more distinguished by its
conquests, was less magnificent, and would
be better repriJBented by brass; andthe
Roman, thougK ultimately still more ex
tensive in its conquests, and still more
mighty in power, was less remarkable for
splendor than strength, and would be
better represented by iron. In magnifi
cence, if not in power, the Babylonian
surpassed them all; and hence the pro
priety of the appellation, ' head of gold.'
(IV.) It is possible that in this o-ppel-
lation thero then may have been some
reference to the character of the monarch
himself. In Jer. xxvii. 6, be is spoken
of as the ' servant of God,* and it is clear
that it was designed that a splendid mis
sion was to be accomplished by him os
under tho divine control, and in the pre
paration of the world for the coming of
the Messiah. Though he was proud and
haughty as a monarch, yet his own per
sonal character would compare favourably
with that of many who succeeded him in
these advancing kingdoms. Though bis
conquests were numerous, yet his career
as a conqueror was not marked with cru
elty, like that of many other warriors.
He was not a mere conqueror. He loved
also the arts of peace. He sought to em
bellish his capital, and to make it in out
ward magnificence, and in the talent
whieh be concentrated there, truly the
capital of the world. Even Jerusalem he
did not utterly destroy, but having se
cured a conquest over it, and removed
from it whot he desired to embellish his
own capital, he still intended that it should
be the subordinate bead of an important
province of his dominions, and placed on
tbe throne one who was closely allied to the
king who reigned then when he took tbe
eity. But the appellation here, and the
reign of Nebuehadnezzar, are to be con
templated chiefly, like the kingdoms that
succeeded, in their relation to redemption.
It is in this aspect tbat tbe study of his
tory becomes most interesting to a mind
that regararf all events as embraced in the
eteraal counsels of God, and it is undoubt
edly with reference to this that the his
tory of these kingdoms becomes in any
woy introduced into the inspired writings.
All history may be contemplated under

two aspects: in its secular bearing; and
in its relation to the redomptior. )i the
world. In the. former aspect, it has great
and important uses. As furnishing les
sons to statesmen ; as showing the pro
gress of society ; as illustrating the effects
of vice and immorality, and the evils of
anarchy, ambition, and war ; as recording
and preserving tbe inventions in the arts,
and as showing what are the best methods
of civil government, and what conduces
most to the happiness of a people, its
value cannot well be over-estimated. But
it is in its relations to the work of re
deeming man that it acquires its chief
value, and hence tbe sacred volume is so
much occupied with the histories of early
nations. The rise and fall of every na
tion; the conquests and defeats which
have occurred in past times, may all have
had, and perhaps may yet be seen to bave
had, an important connection with the
redemption of man — as being designed to
put the world in a proper position for tho
coraing of the Prince of Peace, or in some
way to prepare the wo.y for the final
triumph of the gospel. This view gives
a new and important aspect to history.
It becomes an object in which all on
earth who love the race and desire its re
demption, and all in beaven, feel a deep
concern. Every monarch ; every war
rior ; every statesman ; every man who by
his eloquence, bravery, or virtue, has con
tributed anything to the progress of the
race, or who has in any way played an
important part in progress of the world*s
affairs, becomes a being on whom we can
look with intense emotion ; and in refo-
rence to every man of this character, it
would be an intoresting inquiry what he
has done that has contributed to prepare
the way for the introduction of tho
Mediatorial scherae, or to facilitate its
progress throngh the world. In reference
to this point, the raonarch whose charac
ter is now before us seems to have been
raised up, under an overruling Provi
dence, to accomplish the following things :
(1.) To 'inB.\ct, punishment on the revolted
people of God for their numerous idol
atries. See the Book of Jeremiah, ^a«s7»».
Hence, he led bis armies to tho land of
Palestine ; he swept away the people, and
bore them into captivity; he burnt the
temple, destroyed the capital, and laid the
land waste. (2.) He was th« instrument
in the hand of God of effectually puri
fying the JewisJi nation from the sui of

140

DANIEL.

[B. C. COi

39 And aftei thee shall arise an-

idolotry. It was for that sin eminently
t^^at they were carried away ; and never
ip this world have the ends of punish
ment been better secured than in this
instance. The chastisement was effectual.
The Jewish nation has never since sunk
into idolatry. If there have been indi
viduals of that nation — of which, however,
tbere is no certain evidence — wbo have
become idolaters, yet as a people they
have been preserved from it. More than
two thousand five hundred years have
since passed away ; they have been wan
derers and exiles in all lands ; they have
been persecuted, ridiculed, and oppressed
on account of their religion ; they have
been placed under every possible induce-
mept to conform to the religion around
them, and yet, os professed worshippers
of Jehovah, the God of their fathers, they
ha-ve maintained their integrity, and
neither promises nor threatenings, neither
hopes nor fears, neither life nor death,
have been sufficient to constrain the He
brew people to bow the knee to au idol
god. (3.) Another object that seems to
have been designed to be accomplished by
Nebuchadnezzar in relation to Redemp
tion, was, to gather the nations under one
bead preparatory to the coming of the
Messiah. It will be seen in the remarks
which will be made on the relation of the
Roman empire to this work (Notes on vs.
40-43), that there were important reasons
why this sbould be done. Preparatory to
that, a succession of such kingdoms each
swayed the sceptre over the whole world,
and when the Messiah came, the way
was prepared for the easy and rapid pro
pagation of the new religiou to the re
motest parts of tbe earth.
39. And after thee. This must mean
subsequently to the reign, but it does not
mean that the kingdom here referred to
would immediately succeed his own reign,
for that would not be true. The Medo-
Persian empire did not come into the
ascendency until many years after the
death of Nebuchadnezzar. This occurred
during the reign of Belshazzar, a grand
son of Nebuchadnezzar, between whose
reign and that of his grandfather there
had intervened the reigns of Evil-mero-
ilach ond Neriglassar besides, as the re
mainder of the prophecy relating to
rfio image refers to kingdome, and not

other kingdom inferior » to thee,
» c. 6. 28.
to individual mon.irchs, it is clear thai
this also relates not piimarily to Nebu
chadnezzar as an individual, but as the
head of a kingdom. The meaning is, that
a kingdora would succeed that over ivhich
he reigned, so far inferior that it might be
represented by silver as compared with
gold. ^ Shall ariae another kingdom.
Chald. ' shall stand up — Olpfi — another
kingdom.* This is language whicb would
denote something different from a succes
sion in the same dynasty; for that would
be a mere continuance of the aame ki'ig-
dom. The reference is evidently to a
change of empire; and the language im.
plies tbat there would be sorae revolution
or conquest by which tbe existing king
dom would pass away, and another would
succeed. Still, there would be so rauch
of sameness in respect to its occupying
essentially the same territory, that it
would be symbolized in the same imago
that appeared to Nebuehadnezzar. The
kingdom here referred to was undoubt
edly the Medo-Persian, established by
Cyrus in the conquest of Babylon, which
continued through the reigns of his suc
cessors until itwas conquered by Alex
ander the Great This kingdom succeeded
thot of Assyria, or Babylon, 538 years
B. C, to the overthrow of Darius Codo-
manns, 333 years B. C. It extended, of
course, through the reigns of tbe Persian
kings, whicb acted so iraportant a part
in the invasion of Greece, and whose
defeats have given immortality to tho
names of Leonidas, Aristides, Miltisdes,
and Themistocles, and made the names
of Salamis, Thermopylae, Marathon, and
Leuctra so celebrated. For a general
account of Cyrus, and tbe founding of
the Medo-Persian empire, the reader is
referred to the Notes on Isa. xli. 2.
If Inferior to Ihee. And therefore repre
sented by silver as compared witb gold.
In what respects it would be inferior,
Daniel does not specify, and this can only
be learned from the fads wbich occurred
in relation to that kingiom. All that is
necessary to confirm tbe truth of the pro
phetic description, is, that it was to bo
so far inferior as to make tbe appellation
etfoer applicable to it in comparison with
the kingdom of Babylon, represcntod by
gold. The expression would denote thai

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CHAPTER II.

141

and another third kingdom of brass,
» 0. 7. 7, 23.

there was a general decline or degene
racy in the charactor of the monarchs,
and the general condition of the empire.
There have been different opinions as to
the inferiority of this kingdom to the
Babylonian. Calvin supposes that it re
fers to degeneracy ; Geir supposes that it
relates to the duration of the kingdom —
this continuing not more than two hun
dred and forty years, while the other,
including the Assyrian, embraced a period
of one thousand five hundred years;
Polanns supposes that the raeaning is,
that tho Babylonian had more rest and
tranquillity; while Junius, Willett, and
others understand it of a milder and
moro buifaone treatraent of tho Jews on
the Babylonians than the Persians. Per
haps, however, none of these opinions
meet the circumstances of the cose, for
they du not furnish as full an account of
the reasons of this inferiority as is de
sirable. In regard to this, it may be ob
served, (a) that it is not to be supposed
tbat this kingdom was to be in all reepecta
inferior to tho Babylonian, but only that
it would have certain characteristics which
would make it more appropriate to des
cribe it as ailver than as gold. In certain
other respects, it might be far superior, as
tbe Roman, though in the same general
line of succession, was in extent and
power, superior to oither, though there
was still a reason why that should be re
presented by iron rather than by gold, by
silirer, or by brass. (A) Tho inferiority
did not relate to the power, the riohes, or
the territorial extent of the Medo-Persian
empire, for it embraced, so far as appears,
oil that was comprehended in tbe Baby
lonian empire, and all in addition whicb
wos added by the conquests of Cyrus. In
his proclamation to rebuild the teraple
(Ezra i. 2), Cyrus speaks of the extent of
his empire in language strongly resem
bling that which is applied to the kingdom
of Nebuchadnezzar. " Thus saith Cyrus,
king of Persia, The Lord God of heaven
hath given me all tho kingdoms of the
earth." Thns also it is said of Ahasuerus,
or Astyages, king of Media — a kingdom
that constituted a part of the Medo-
Persian empire under Cyrus and his
Bueeessors, that ho "reigned from India
even unfo Ethiopia, over an hundred and
twenty and seven provinces." To the

whioh ' shall bear rule over all tha
earth.

kingdom of Babylon, as he found it when
he conquered it, Cyrus of course added
the kingdoms of Media and Persia, to the
crown of which he wos tho heir (see Notes
on Iss xli. 2), and also the various pro
vinces which he had conquered before he
came to the throne ; that is, Capadocia,
the kingdom of Lydia, and almost tho
whole of Asia Minor, (c) Nor can it be
supposed that the kingdom was inferior
in regard to wealth, for in addition to all
the wealth that Cyrus found in Babylon,
he brought the spoils of his victories ; the
treasures in the possession of tbe crowns
of Persia and Media, and all the wealth of
Croesus, the rich king of Lydia, of wbich
he had become possessor by conquest.
In considering the inferiority of thia
kingdom, which made it proper that it
should be represented by 'silver rather
than by gold, it is to be borne in mind
that the representation should embrace
tlie whole kingdom in all the successive
reigns, and not merely the kingdom as it
was under the administration of Cyrus.
Thus regarded, it will comprehend the
succession of Persian monarchs nntil the
time of the invasion and conquest of the
East by Alexander the Great The reign
of Cyrus was indeed splendid, and if he
alone, or if the kingdom during his ad
ministration, were conteraplated, it would
be difficult to assign a reason why an
appellation should bave been given to it
iraplying any inferiority to that of Ne
buchadnezzar. The inferiority of the
kingdora, or that which made it proper to
represent it by silver rather than by gold,
as compared with the kingdom of Baby
lon, may have consisted in the following
particulars : (1.) In reference to the suc
cession of kings who occupied the Persian
throne. It is true that the character of
Cyrus is worthy of tho highest commen
dation, and that he was distinguished not
only as a brave and successful conqueror,
but as a mild, able, and upright civil
ruler. Xenophon, who wished to draw
the character of a model prince, made
choice of Cyrus as the example; and'
though he has not improbably embellished
his character by ascribing to him virtues
drawn frora his own fancy in some degree,
yet there can be no doubt that in th*
main his description was drawn from the
life. " The true reasou," says JVideaux,

142

DANIEL.

[B. C. C03

(Conn'sxions, vol. i. p. 252, Ed. Charles
town, 1815), "why he chose the life of
Cyrus before all others frtr the purpose
above mentioned" [that of giring a
description of what a worthy and just
prince onght to be] "seemeth to be no
other but that he found the true history
of that excellent and gallant prince to be,
abov4 all others, the fittest for those
maxims of right policy and true princely
virtue to correspond with, which he
grafted upon it." But he was succeeded
by a madman, Cambyses, and by a race
of kings eminent among princes for folly
and crime. " The kings of Persia," says
Prideaux, "were the worst race of men
.that ever governed an empire." (2.) The
kingdom was inferior in reference to the
remarkable defeats in the military cam
paigns which were undertaken. The
Assyrian, or Babylonian empire was dis
tinguished for the victories by which it
earried its arms around the then known
world. The Medo-Persian empire, after
the reign of Cyrus, was almost as remark
able for the succession of defeats which
have made the period of the world during
which the empire continued, so well-
known in history. It is probalale that no
kingdom ever undertook so many foolish
projects in reference to the conquests of
other nations; projects so unwisely plan
ned, and that resulted in so signal failures.
The successor of Cyrus, Cambyses, in
vaded Egypt, and his conduct there in
carrying on the war was such as to make
hira be regarded as a madman. Enraged
against the Ethiopians for an .answer
which they gave him when, under pre
tence of friendship, he sent spies to ex
amine their country, he resolved to
invade their country. Having come to
Thebes, in Upper Egypt, he detached
from his army fifty thousand men to go
against the Hammonians, with orders to
destroy their country, and to burn the
temple of Jupiter Hammon that stood in
it. After marching a few days in the
desert, they were overwhelmed in the
sands by a strong south wind, and all
perished. Meantime Cambyses marched
with the rest of his army against the
'Ethiopians, though he wanted all the
means of subsistence for his army, until,
haviug devoured all their beasts of bur
den, they were constrained to designate
•very tenth man of the army to be killed
and eaten. In these deplorable circum-
jtances, Cambyses returned to Thebes,

having lost a great port of his army in
this wild expedition. Prideaux's Con. i,
328. It was also during the continuance
of this kingdom, that the ill-starred eii-
peditions to Greece occurred, when Mar-
donius and Xerxes poured the millions of
Asia on the countries of Greece, h,nd met
such signal overthrows at Platea, Mara
thon, and Salamis. Such a series of
disasters never before had occurred to in
vading armies, or made those who re
pelled invasion so illustrious. In this
respect there was an evident propriety in
speaking of this as an inferior, or de
generate kingdom. (8.) It was inferior
in respect to the growing degeneracy and
effeminacy of character and morals.
Erom the time of Xerxes (B. C. 479)
" symptoms of decay and corruption were
manifest in the empire ; tbe national cba
racter gradually degenerated; the citizens
were corrupted and enfeebled by luxury j
and confided more iu mercenary troops
than in native valour and fidelity. The
kings submitted to the control of their
wives, or the creatures whom they raised
to posts of distinction; and the satraps,
from being civil functionaries, began to
usurp military authority." Lyman, Bisi,
Chart, (4.) The kingdom was inferior by
the gradual weakening of its power from
internal causes. It was not only de
feated in its attempts to invade others,
and weakened by the degeneracy of the
court and people, but, as a natural con
sequence, by the gradual lessening of the
power of the central government, and the
growing independence of the provinces.
From the time of Darius Nothus (B. C.
423) — a weak, effeminate, and indolent
prince — "the satraps of the distant pro
vinces paid only a nominal obedience to
the king. Many of them were, in fact,
sovereigns over the countries over which
they presided, and carried on wars against
each other." Lyman. It was from causes
such as these that the power of the king
dom became gradually weakened, and
lhat the way was prepared for the easy
conquests of Alexander the Great Their
successive defeats^ and this gradual
degeneracy and weakening of the king
dom, show the propriety of the descrip
tion given of the kingdom in the vision
and the interpretation — that it would be
an " inferior kingdom," a kingdom whieh,
in comparison with that of Babylon,
might be compared with silver as com.
pared with gold. Still, it sustained oq

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CHAPTER IL

143

important relation to the progress of
events in regard to the history of religion
in me world, and had an important bear
ing on the redemption of man. As this
is the most important bearing of history,
and as it was doubtless with reference to
this that the mention of It is introduced
into the sacred Scriptures, and as it is, in
fact, often aUuded to by Isaiah, and in
.the Books of Ezra, Nehemiah, Esther,
and some of the minor prophets, it
may be proper, in the moat summary
way, to allude to some of these things
which pertain to the bearing of this
kingdom on the great events connected
with redemption, or to what was done
during the continuance of this king
dom for the promotion of the true reU
gion. A full account may be found in
Prideaux's Connections, part 1, book iii.-
vii. Compare Edward's History of Re
demption, Period I. part vi. The par
ticular things which occurred in connec
tion with this kingdom bearing on tho
progress of religion, and favourable to its
advancement, were these : (a) the over
throw of Babylon, so long the formidable
enemy of th© ancient people of God;
(6) The restoration of the exiles to their
own land under tho auspices of Cyrus
(Ezra i. 1) j (c) The re-building of the
temple under the same auspices, and with
the favour of the successors of Cyrus ;
{d) The preparation of the world for the
coming of the Messiah, in the agitations
that took place during the continuance of
the Persian monarchy; the invasion of
Greece; the defeats there; the pre
paration by these defeats for the coming
of him who was so long promised as
tho " desire of all nations." Compare
Hag. ii. 7: "And I will shake all na
tions, and the desire of all nations shall
come; and I will fill this house" [the
temple erected under the auspices of
Cyrus and his successors] "wiUi glory,
saith the' Lord of hosts." There was a
propriety, therefore, that this kingdom
should receive a distinct notice in the
sacred Scriptures, for some of the. most
important events connected with the his
tory of true religion in the world occurred
under the auspices of Cyrus and his suc
cessors, and perhaps at no period has
there been more occasion to recognize the
hand of God than in the influences ex
erted on the minds of those heathen
princes disposing them to be favourable
to the long-oppressed ohUdren of God.

^And another third kingdom of hrasa.
See Notes on ver. 32. Tbe parts of the
image which were of brasd wer** the belly
and thighs, denoting inferiori'y not only
to the head, but to the part which im
mediately preceded it — the breast and the
arms of silver. It is not indeed speci
fied, as in the former case, that this king
dom would be inferior to the former, and
it is ouly from the position assigned to it
in the image, and the inferior quality or
the metnl by which it is represented,
that it is implied that there would be any
inferiority. There can be no reasonable
doubt that by this third kingdom is de
noted the empire founded by Alexander
the Great — the Macedonian empire. It
ia known to all that he overthrew the
Persian empire, and established a king
dom in the East embracing substantially
the same territory which had been occu
pied by the Medo-Persian and the Baby
lonian empire. While there can be no
doubt that that kingdom is referred to,
there can be aa little that the reference is
not merely to the empire during the reign
of Alexander himself, but that it em
braced the whole empire as founded and
arranged by him, until it was succeeded
by another universal empire — here de
nominated the fourth kingdom. The rea
sons for supposing that the Macedonian
empire is referred to here are almost too
obvious to require that they should be
specified. They are such as these :
(1.) This kingdom actually succeeded
that of Medo-Persia, covering the samo
territory, and, like that, was then un
derstood to be a universal monarchy,
(2) The empire of Alexander is elsewhere
more than once referred to by Daniel in
the same order, and in such a manner
that tbe sense caunot be mistaken. Thus
in ch. viii. 21: "And the rough goat is
the kin^g of Grecia : and the great horn
that is between his eyes is the first king.
Now that being broken, wheraas four
stood up for it, four kingdoms shall stand
up out of his nation, but not in his
power." Ch. x. 20: "And now," said
the man that appeared in vision to Daniol
(ver. 5,) "will I retum to fight with the
prince of Persia ; and when I am gone
forth, lo, the prince of Grecia shall come,"
Cb. xi. 2—4: " And now will I show theo
tho truth. Behold there shall stand up
yet three kings in Persia; and the fourth
shall be far richer than they all : and by
his strength through his riches he shall

144

DANIEL.

[B.C. 60S.

stir up all against th9 realm of Grecia.
And a mighty king shall stand up, that
Hhall rule with great dominion, and do
according to his will. And when he shall
stand up, his kingdom shall be broken,
and shall be divided toward the four winds
of heaven, and not to his posterity, nor
according to the kingdom that he ruled;
for his kingdom shall be plucked up, even
for others besides those." Since this
kingdom is thus referred to elsewhere by
Daniel in the same order, and as destined
to act an important part in the affairs of
the world, it is reasonable to suppose that
there is a reference to it here. (3.) It is
^ circumstance of some importance that
the emblem here by which this kingdom
is represented, brass, is one that is pecu
liarly appropriate to the Greeks, and one
that could not be applied to any uther
nation with equal propriety. The Greeks
were distinguished for their brazen ar
mor, and the appellation the brazen coated
Greekji — xuAvoxirwi'Cf 'Axaf-oi — is that by
which they were designated most com
monly by the Ancients. H. i. 371, ii. 47 ;
Od. i. 286. In accordance with this,
Josephus says, (Ant. B. x. c. 10, ^4)
rr\v &i tKe'iviiiv 'irepoiTH eind ^utreoi; xa^atpijaEi
XnA«V TfifAtpiEtTiihos — * their empire another
shall come from the West, CLOTHED WITH
BRASS, ahall deatroy.* These considera
tions leave no doubt that the kingdom
bere referred to was that Grecian or
Macedonian, which, under Alexander,
obtained dominion over all the East.
% Which shall bear rule over all the earth.
In a sense similar to that of the Assyrian,
the Babylonian, and the Medo-Persian
empire. This is the common description
of the empire of Alexander, He, him
self, commanded that he should be called
the king of all the world : — Accepto deinde
imperio, regem se terrarum omnium ac
mundi appeUari jussit (Justin. L. 12, c.
16 §9) — 'Having received the empire,
he ordered himself to be called the king
of all lands, an d of the world.' Diodorus
Siculus says that he received ambassadors
from all countries. Kara 61 tovtov t6v
Xp6vDv, il dmaris uv^dv rtii oiKOVfiEvris ?ikov
TTpwjfffif, «¦, r. X. *At which time, legates
came tc him from almost tho whole habit
able world.* L, 17, c. 113. So Arrian
(Expedi. Alex. L. 7, c. 15,) remarks that
'Aiesander then appeared to himself and
to those around him, to be lord of all the
earth and of the sea — y^f rt hitaai]q koI
^oKAoarii K^piov, The author of the Book

of Maccabees gives a similar account of
the extent of this kingdom : — " And it
came to pass, after that Alexander, the
son of Philip, the Macedonian, who first
reigned in Greece, had overthrown Darius,
the king of the Persian and Medes, he
fought many battles, and took the strong
holds of all, and slew the kings of the
earth; and he went through even to the
ends of the earth ; and took the spoil of
many nations; and the earth was quiet
before bim." 1 Mac. i. 1 — 3. The pro
priety of saying that this "kingdom bore
rule over all the earth," is, therefore, ap
parent. It embraced, of course, aU that
was anciently included in the Assyrian
and Babylonian empires ; all tbat had
been added to that empire by the con
quest's of Cyrus, and also all that Alex
ander had added to it by his hereditary
dominions, and by his conquests in other
places. Nearly or quite all the known
world, except that which was then sub
ject to the Komans, then just a rising
power, was under the sway of Alexander.
A question has been started whether this
refers merely to the kingdom of Alex
ander, during his own life, or whether it
embraced also the succession of dynasties
until the conquests of the Komans. That
the latter is the correct opinion seema
clear from the following considerations :
(1.) It was true, as we have seen, of the
two previous kingdoms specified — the
Babylonian, and the Medo-Persian —
that they embraced not merely the king
dom under any one reigning monarcfa,
but during' its entire continuance untU it
was overthrown by one that had also
pretensions to a universal empire — the
former by the Medo-Persian, and the lat
ter by the Macedonian. It is to be pre
sumed tbat the same principles of inter
pretation are to be applied also to the
Macedonian kingdom itself- —especiaUy
as that was also actually succeeded by
one that in a still higher sense laid claim
to universal empire. (2.) This was in
fact one kingdom. It is trae that on the
death of Alexander, the empire which he
founded was divided among four of his
generals, and also that from that sprung
tbe two reigns the Seleucidae in Syria,
and of the Lagidae who reigned in Egypt,
but, as Newton has remarked, "their
kingdom was no more a different kingdom
from that of Alexander, than the paru
differ from the whole. It was the same
government stiU continued. Those who

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CHAPTER [I.

145

governed were still Macedonians. All
ancients authors spoke of tbe kingdom
of Alexander and of his successors as one
and the same kingdom. Tbe thing is
implied in the very name by which they
are usually called, the succeaaora of Alex
ander. 'Alexander being dead,' says
Josephus, (Ant. B. xi. ch. 8, §7,) 'the
empire was divided among his successors.'
After the death of Alexander,' says Jus-.'
tin, (Lib. xli. c. 4, § 1,) ' the kingdoms
of the East were divided among his suc
cessors;' and he still denominates them
Macedonians, and their empire the Mace
donian." Newton on the Prophecies,
pp. 189, 190. In regard to the point
before adverted to in reference to the
kingdoms of Babylon and of Medo-Persia
— the relation which they sustained to
religion, or the methods in which they
were made to contribute to its progress in
tbe world, making it proper that they
should be noticed in the volume of in
spiration, it ma,y be remarked that the
Macedonian kingdom was also designed,
undoubtedly, under an overruling Provi
dence, to contribute to the progroia of
the great work of human redemption,
nnd to prepare the way for the coming
of the Messiah. A full statement of
what was done under this reign in re
spect to religion — the most interesting
Aspect of history — may be seen in Ed
ward's History of Bedemption, pp. 271 —
i75, and in Prideaux's Connexion, vol.
2, page 279, seq. The kingdom here re
ferred to— the Macedonian, represented
hero by the portion of the image that was
of brajs, and in the vision of the four
beast;, (oh. vii.) by a leopard that had on
ils back the wings of a fowl, and in ch.
viii. 21, by thorough goat, continued from
the overthrow of Darius Codomanus by
Alexander, (B. C. 333,) to the conquest
of Syria, and the E.ast by the Komans
nnder Pompey, about sixty-six years be
fore the birth of the Saviour. The prin
cipal events during this period affecting
the interests of religion, and preparing
the way for the coming of the Messiah,
were the following: — I. The extensive
diffusion of the knowledge of the Greek
language. The army of AlexaAder was
mainly coraposed of Greeks. The Greek
language was, of course, that which was
spoken by the court, and iu the cities
which he founded ,* the d'ispatches were
in Greek ; that language would bo exten-
livcly cultivated to gratify those in power ;
13

and the successors of Alexander wers
those who used the Greek tongue. The
consequence was, that the Greek language
was extensively spread over the coun
tries which were subdued by Alexander,
and which wore governed by his succes
sors. That language became the popular
tongue; a sort of universal language
understood by the great mass of the peo
ple, iu a manner not unlike the French
in Europe at the present day. The effect
of this, in preparing for the introduction
of the gospel, was seen in two respects :
(a) in facilitating the preaching of tho
gospel. It is true that the apostles had
tbe gift of tongues, and that there was,
notwithstanding the prevalence of the
Greek language, occasion for this. Eut
tbere is no evidence that this was con
ferred on all the early preachers of the
gospel, nor is it certain that those on
whom it loaa conferred were able to mako
use of it on all occasions. It is not im
probable that in their ordinary labors the
apostles and others were left to rely on
their natur.al endowments, and to use the
language to which they had been mos.
accustomed. As there was, tberefore, a
common language in most of the countries
in which the gospel would be proclaimed,
it is evident that the propagation of reli
gion would be greatly facilitated by this,
and there can be no doubt that it was one
of the designs of Providence in permitting
the Macedonian conquest thus to prepare
the way for the more easy and rapid dif
fusion of the new religion. (6) In liko
'manner, this conquest prepared the way
for the permanent record ofthe history of
the Saviour's life, and the doctrines of
religion in the writings of tho New Tes
tament It was evidently desirable, on
many accounts, that the records should
be made in one language rather than in
many, and of all the languages then
spoken on the earth, the Greek was ths
best adapted to such a purpose. It was
not only the most polished and culti
vated, but it was the most copious ,• and'
it was the best Utted to express abstract
ideas, and accurate distinctions. Pro
bably with all the improvements since
made in tbe copious Arabic language,
and in the languages of modern times,
there never has been One that was so well
fitted for the purposes of a divine revela
tion as the Greek. It may have been one
design of Providence in the extensive
and accurate cultivation of that language

146

DANIEL.

[B. C. 603

In Greece itself, as well as in its diffusion
3vor the world, that there should be at
the time of the introduction ofthe Chris
tian revelation a medium of permanent
record, that should be as free from imper
fection as language could be; a medium
dJtso in which there should be so much
permanent and valuable literature that
evan after it should cease to be a spoken
Language, would be cultivated by the
whole literary world, thus furnishing tbe
m&ans of an accurate knowledge "of the
meaning of the sacred writings. II. The
translation of the Old Testament into
the samo language, was another impor
tant event which took place during the
continuance of tbis kingdom which gi'eatly
facilitated the introduction and spread
of Christianity. The Hebrew language
was understood by comparatively few.
It ceased to be spoken in its purity after
the time of the captivity. In that lan
guage the Scriptures of the Old Testa
ment would have been but little diffused
in tbe world. By their being translated,
however, into Greek, they became exten
sively known, and furnished a ready and
an intelligible ground of appeal to the
preachers of the new religion when they
referred to the prophecies of the Old Tes
tament, and the recorded predictions of
the Messiah. Eor a full account of the
history of this version, the reader may
consult Prideaux's Connexion, vol. iii.
p. 53, seq. It was made, according to
Archbishop Usher, abont 277 B. C . The
probability is, that it was made at dif
ferent periods, and by different hands,
as it is executed with very various degrees
of ability. See Intro, to Isaiah, g viii. I.
(1), for a more extended account of this
version and its value. There can be no
doubt that it contributed much to tbe dif
fusion of the knowledge of the Holy
Scriptures, and was an important instru
ment in preparing the world for the recep
tion of the revelation that should be made
by the Messiah. III. Kvents of great
importance occurred during the continu-
p,nce of this kingdom in preserving the
Jewish people in times of persecution, and
saving their city and temple frora ruin,
and their nation from extinction, (a) The
destruction of Jerusalem and the tem
ple was threatened by Alex.ander himself.
After the siege and capture of Tyre, be
became enraged at the Jews for refusing
to furnish supplies for his army during
tho siege, under the plea that they were

bound to show allegianct to Darius, and
he marched to Jerusalem with an inten
tion to take and destroy it In, order to
appease him, it is said tbat Jaddua, the
high priest, went ont to meet him in his
pontifical robes, at thfi head of a proces.
sion of priests, and accompanied with the
people in white garments. Alexander
was so impressed with the scene, that, to
the surprise of all, he spared the city
and temple, and on being asked by Par-
menio the reason of this clemency, said
that he had seen this person in rision,
who had directed him to lay aside all
anxiety about his contemplated expedition
to Asia, and that be had promised that
God would give him the empire of the
Persians. According to the story, Jaddua
showed him the prophecies of Daniel, and
confirmed him by those prophecies in the
confident expectation of conquering tbe
East, and in view of this Alexander
offered sacrifices in the temple, and
granted to the Hebrews the freedom of
their country, and the exercise of their
laws and religion. See Prideaux, vol. ii.
p. 302, seq. ; Josephus, Ant B. ii. ch. 8.
Whatever of fable there may be in this
account, it is certain that the city and
temple were not destroyed by Alexander,
but that in his ravages in the East he was
led, by some cause, to deal with the
capital of the Hebrew nation in a manner
different frora what he did with others.
(6) A remarkable preservation of the Jew
ish people, of a somewhat similar cha
racter, and evincing the protection of God,
occurred during the great persecution
nnder Antiochus Epiphanes, one of the
successors of Alexander, in the time of the
Maocabees. See Prideaux, vol. iii. p.
230, and 2 Maccabees, v. 11-27. In the
times of that celebrated persecution, mul
titudes of the Jews were slain by Antio
chus himself, the city was taken, and the
temple defiled. Three years after it was
taken by Antiochus (B.C. 168), Apollo
nius was directed by him to march
against tho city to vent his wrath on the
Jews, and when the people were assem
bled in their synagogues for worship, bo
lot loose his forces on them, with a com
mand to' slay all the men, and to take all
the women and cfaildren captives to be
sold as slaves. After tbis, he plundered
the city, demolished the houses, and pulled
down the walls, .and then with the ruins
of the demolished city built a strong for
tress on the top of an eminence in the

B.C. 603.] CHAPTER IL 147
40 And tbe fourth kingdom shall be strong as iron : forasmuch aa

oity of David, in a, place whioh • over
looked the temple, and placed a strong
garrison within. From this place, attacks
were made on all who went up to the tem
ple to worship, and the temple was defiled
with all manner of pollutions, until it was
deserted, and the daily sacrifices ceased.
From these calamities and persecutions,
the oity and the Jewish nation were
delivered by the valour of Judas Macca
beus, in the manner detailed in the First
Book of Maccabees.
40. And the fourth kingdom. Repre
sented in the image by the legs of iron,
and the feet " part of iron, and part of
clay." ver. 33. The flrst question wbich
arises here is, what kingdom is referred to
by this ? In regard to tbis, there bave
been two leading opinions; one, that it
refers to the Boman empire; the other,
that it refers to the kingdoms or dynasties
that immediately succeeded the reign of
Alexander tho Great; embracing tho king
doms of the Seleucidfe and Lagidse,
Syria and Egypt — in the language of
Prof. Stuart, who adopts this opinion,
" that the legs and feet were symbols of
that intermingled and confused empire,
which sprung up under the Grecian chiefs
who finally succeeded him," [Alexander
the Great]. Com. on Daniel, p. 173. For
the reasoning by wbich tbis opinion is
supported, seo Prof. Stuart, pp. 173-193.
The cominon opinion bas been, that the
reference is to the Eoman empire, and in
support of this opinion the following con
ditions may be suggested: (1.) The obvious
design of the image was to symbolize the
succession of great monarchies, which
would precede the setting up of the
kingdom of the Bedeemer, and which
would have an important agency in pre
paring the world for that. Tbe Boman
empire was in itself too important, and
performed too Important an agency in
{.'Tcparing the world for that, to be omitted
in snch an enumeration. (2.) The king
dom here , referred to was to be in exist-
once at the time symbolized by the cut
ting of the stone out of the mountain;
for during the continuance of that king
dom, or nnder it, " the God of heaven was
to set np a kingdom which should never
be destrpyed." ver. 44. But the king
doms of the Seleucidae and the Lagidse —
the 'intermingled and confused empires
that sprang up' after Alexander tho Great

— had ceased before that time, being su
perseded by the Roman. (3.) Unless tho
Roman power be represented, the sym
metry of the image is destroyed; for it
would make whiit was in fact one king
dom, represented by two different metall
— brass and iron. We have seen above
that the Babylonian empire w^ repre
sented appropriately by gold ; tho Medo-
Persian by silver; and tbe Macedonian
by brass.' We have seen also, that in fact
the empire founded by Alexander, and
continued througb his successors in Syria
and Egypt, was in fact one kingdom, so
spoken of by the ancients, and being iu
fact a Greek dynasty. If the appellation
of brass belonged to that kingdom aa a
Greek kingdom, there is an^ obvious in-
congruitj', and a departure from the
method of interpreting the other portions
of the image, in applying the term iron
to any portion of that kingdom. (4.) By
the application of the term iron, it is evi
dently implied that the kingdom thus
referred to would be distinguished fur
atrength — strengtb greater than its pre
decessors — as iron surpasses brass, and
silver, and gold, in that quality. But
this was 7wt true of the confused reigns
that immediately followed Alexander.
They were unitedly weaker than tho
Babylonian and the Medo-Persian, and
weaker than the empire of Alexander, out
of which they arose. Comp. ch. viii. 21,
22. It mas true, however, of the Roman
power, tbat it was so much superior to all
its predecessors in power, that it might
well be represented by iron in comparison
with brass, silver, and gold. (5.) The
fourth monarchy represented in Nebu.
ehadnezzar's dream is evidently the same
which is represented by the fourth beast
in Dan. vii. 7, 8, 23, 25. But it will
appear, from the exposition of that chap
ter, that the reference there is to tho
Roman empire. See Not«s on these pas
sages. Thero can be no well-founded
objection I ^ this view on the ground that
this kingdom was not properly a succea
aion of the kingdom of Alexander, and
did not occupy precisely the same terri
tory. The same was true of each of the
other kingdoms— the Medo-Persian, and
Macedonian. Yet while tbey were not,
in the usual sense of the term, in tbe aue-
ceeaion, they did in fact follow one after
the other, and with such accessions as

148

DANIEL.

[B. C. 603,

iron breaketh in pieces and sub
dueth all things : and as iron that
breaketh all those, shall it break in
pieces and bruise.
were derived from conquest, and from the
hereditary dominions of the conquerors,
they did occupy the same territory. The
design seems to bave been to give a re-
prcsenti^ion of a series of great mo
narchies, which would be, in an important
sense, universal monarchies, and which
sbould follow each otber before the advent
cf the Saviour. The Roman, in addition
to wbat it possessed in tbe West, actually
occupied in tbe East, substantially tbe
same territory as the Babylonian, the
Medo-Persian, and the Macedonian, and
like them it had all the claims whicii any
ancient sovereignty had to the title of an
universal monarchy. Indeed no kingdom
'has ever existed to whieh this title could
witb more justice be applied. \ Shall be
strong aa iron. It is scarcely necessary
to observe that this description is ap
plicable to the Roman power. In nothing
was it more remarkable than its atrength;
for that irresistible power before which
all other nations were perfectly weak.
This characteristic of tbe Roman power is
thus noticed by Mr. Gibbon : — " Tbe arms
of the RepubUc, sometimes vanquished in
battle, always victorious in war, advanced
with rapid steps to the Euphrates, the
Danube, the Rhine, and the ocean ; and
the images of gold, or silver, or iDrass,
that might serve to represent the nations
and their kings, were successively broken
by the iron monarchy of Rome." Dec.
and Fall, p. 642, Lond. ed. 1830, as
quoted by Prof. E;sh. ^Foraamuch as
iron breaketh in piecea and subdueth all
things. Iron is the metal which is used,
and always has been used, for the purpose
here suggested. In the form of hammers,
sledges, and cannon-balls, and in general
in reference to the accomplishment of any
purpose, by beating or battering, this has
been found to be the most valuable of the
metals. It is heavy ; is capable of being
easily wrought into desired shapes; is
abundant; is susceptible of being made
hard so as not to be itself bruised, and
has, therefore, all the properties which
could be desired for purposes like this.
^ And aa iron that breaiceth all theae.
That is, all these things ; to wit, every
thing. Nothing is able to stand before it;
xhei« is nothing which it cannot reduce to

41 And whereas thou sawest th<!
feet and toes, part of potter's clay,
and part of iron, the kingdom
shall be divided ; but there shall
powder. There is some repetition here,
but it is for the sake of emphasis, f .S7io/l
it break in piecea and bruiae. Nothing
could better characterise the Roman power
than this. Everything was crushed be
fore it The nations which they con
quered ceased to be kingdoms, nnd were
reduced to provinces, and as kingdoms
they were blotted out from the list of
nations. This has been well described by
Mr. Irving : " The Roman erapire did
beat down the constitution and establish
ment of all other kingdoms; abolishing
their independence, and bringing them
into the most entire subjection ; humbling
the pride, subjecting the will, using the
property, and trampling upon the power
and dignity of all other states. For by
this was the Roman dominion distin
guished from all the rest, that it was the
work of almost as many centuries as those
were of years ; the fruit of a thousand
battles, in wbich millions of men were
slain. It made room for itself as doth a
battering-ram, by continual successive
blows ; and it censed not to beat and
bruise all nations, so long as they con
tinued to offer any resistance. Diac. on
Dan. Viaiona, p. 180.
41. And whereaa thou saweat ihe feet
and toea part of poller' a ^.ay, and part of
iron. Ver. 33. The Chaldee is, ' of them
clay of the potter, and of them iron ;' that
is, part was composed of one material, and
part of the other. Tho sense is not that
the feet were composed entirely of one,
and the toes of the other, but that they
were intermingled. There was no homo-
goneousness of material; nothing in one
that would coalesce with the other, or that
could be permanently united to it. Us two
metals might be fused or welded together,
and form one solid compound. Iron and
clay cannot be welded ; and the idea bere
clearly is, tbat in the empire hero referred
to there would be two main elements
which could never be made to blend.
f The kingdom shall be divided. That is,
divided as the iron and clay were in the
image. It does not necessarily mean that
there would be an open rupture; an actual
separation into two parts, but that thero
would be such a diversity in Ihe internal
constitution that, while there wculd bo tho

B.C. 603.]

CHAPTER II.

149

bo in it of the strength of the iron,
forasmuch as thou sawest the iron
mixed with miry elay.
42 And as the toes of the feet

clement of great power, there would be
also an element of weakness : there would
be aomething which could never be
blended with the elenlent of strength, so
as to produce one harmonious and homo
geneous whole. ^ But there shall be in it
of the atrength of the iron, forasmuch aa
thou aaweat the iron mixed with miry clay.
The principal idea in this part of the
description, is, that there would be great
^yower ; that whatever elements of weak
ness there might be, yet the power of the
empire would be apparent No one can
fail to perceive bow this applies to the
Boman empire; a migbty power which,
throngh all its long history, was dis
tinguished for the vigour with which it
carried forward its plans, and pressed on
to universal dominion. As to the ele
ment of weakneas symbolized too by the
clay, it may not be possible to determine,
with absolute certainty, what is referred
to. Any internal source of weakness ;
anything in the constitution of the state,
whether originally existing and consti
tuting heterogeneous material ; or whether
springing up in the empire itself, or
whether arising from the intermingling
of foreign elements that never amalga
mated themselves with the state, any one
of these suppositions would meet all that
is fairly implied in this language. From
ver. 43, " they shall mingle themselves
with the seed of men," it would seem,
however, that tbe reference is to some
foreign admixture — like the interming
ling of nations of other languages, laws
and customs which were never truly
amalgamated with the original materials,
and which constantly tended to weaken
and divide the kingdom. It is to be re
marked, in the exposition of the passage,
that in the previous three kingdoms there
was comparative homogeneousness. In
the fourth kingdom, there was to be
something of a peculiar character in this
respect by which it should be distinguish
ed from the others. As a matter of fact,
the other three kingdoms were com
paratively homogeneous in their cha
racter. The predominant feature was
Oriental; and though there were dif
ferent nations and people intermingled in
tha Babylonian, the Medo-Fersian, and
13*

were part of iron, »nd part of clav,
.so the kingdom shall be partly
strong, and partly » broken.
» BriUle.

tho Macedonian kingdoms, yet there was
the same general prevailing cbaracter in
each; there was not such an intermin
gling of foreign nations as to produce
disturbing elements, or to mar the sym
metry and strength of the wbole. It was
not thus with Rome. In that empire
there was the intermingling of all nations
and tongues, and though the essential
element of the empire remained always—
the Roman, — yet there was an intermin
gling of other influences under tho same
general government, which could be ap
propriately compared with clay united
with iron, and which ultimately con
tributed to its fall. See Notes on ver. 43.
42. Anda& the toea of the feet were pari
of iron and part of clay, so the kingdom
shall be partly strong and partly broken.
Marg. brittle. The margin is tbe more
correct rendering of the Chaldee word —
¦^r'^O . It meams frail, fragile, — easily
broken, but not necessarily that it was
actually broken. That did not occur
until the stone cut out of the mountain
impinged on it. It has been commonly
supposed (comp. Newton on tbe Prophe
cies), tbat the ten toes on the feet refer to
the ten kingdoms into which the Roman
empire was ultimately broken up, cor
responding with tbe ten horns seen in the
vision of Daniel, in ch. vii. 10. In regard
to the fact that the Roman empire waa
ultimately broken up into, ten such king
doms, see the extended Notes on ch. vii.
24. The thing which struck tbe monarch
in the vision, and Daniel in interprota
tion, as remarkable, was that the feet and
toes loere composed partly of iron and
partly of clay. In the upper portion of
the image there had been uniformity in
the different parts, and had been no inter
mingling of metals. Here a new feature
was seen — -not only that a new metal was
employed, but that there was inter
mingled with that, in the same portion of
the image, a different substance, and one
that had no afllnity with the iron, and!
that could never be made to blend with
it In the latter part of this verse, the
original word for 'partly' is not the same
in each clause. In the former it is
r^i5""(p — properly /ram the end, so. of

150

DANIEL. [B.C. 603

43 And whereas thou sawest iron
mixed with miry clay, they shall
mingle themselves with the seed of
the kingdom. Comp. Dan. iv; 31, "At
the end of the days ;" i. 15, " At the end of
ten days;" and vs. 5, 18. The word
might be employed to denote the end or
extremity of anything, e. g. in respect to
time, and some have supposed tbat there
is a reference here to the later periods of
the Roman empire. Sec Pool's Synopsis.
But tbe word is also used to denote the
eum, or the whole number, and then the
phrase is equivalent to a part — as e. g. in
the phrase O^nSKn n^a^^p r.-Sp'O , from, the
aum of the veaaela of the house of God
(Dan. i. 2) ; that is, aportion of the whole
number, or a part Comp. Neh. vii. 70,
' from the sum of the heads ofthe fathers ;'
that is, a part of them. In the latter part
of the clause it is, njp— /rom it; that is, a
part of it; partly. The entire phrase
means that one part of the whole would
be strong ; and one part would be fragile.
The reference is not to the (ime when this
would occur, but to the /ac« that it would
be so. The idea in tbis verse does not
vary materially from that in the former,
except that in tbat, the prominent thought
is, that there would be atrength in the
kingdom ; in this, tho idea is, that while
there would be strength in the kingdom,
there would be also the elements of weak
ness. 43. And whereaa thou sawest iron mixed
with clay, they shall mingle themselvea with
the aeed of men. Various explanations
have been given of this verse, and it
certainly is not of easy interpretation.
The phrase ' seed of men' would properly
denote something different from the ori
ginal stock that was represented by iron ;
some foreign admixture that would be so
unlike that, and that would so little amal
gamate with it, as to be properly repre
sented by clay as compared with iron.
Prof. Stuart interprets this of matrimo
nial alliances, and supposes that the idea
expressed is, that, "while the object of
such alliances was nnion, or at least a
design to bring about a peaceable state of
things, tbat object was, in a peculiar
manner, defeated." The word rendered
men — X^JN — is employed, in Hebrew and
in Chaldee, to denote men of an Inferior
class — the lower orders, the common
herd, — ^in contradistinction from the more

men : but they shall not cleave • ons
to another, even as iron is not mixed
with elay. » This with this.
elevated and noble classes, represented by
the word >!'¦'»< . See Isa. ii. 9, v. 15 ; Prov.
viii. 4. The word here used, also (from
^1^, to be sick, ill at ease, incurable),
would properly denote feebleness, cr infe
riority, and wonld be aptly represented by
clay as contrasted with iron. The ex
pression 'seed of men' as bere nsed,
would therefore denote some interming
ling of an inferior race with the origin^
stock; some union, or alliance, under tfae
one sovereignty, which ¦would greatly
weaken it as a whole, though the originsd
strength still was great The langnage
wonld represent a race of mighty and
powerful men, constituting the stamina —
the bone and the sinew of the empire-
mixed up with another race, or other
races, with whom, though tbey were asso
ciated in the government, they could
never be blended ; could never assimilate.
This foreign admixture in the empire
would be a constant source of weakness,
and would constantly tend to division
and faction, for such elements could
never harmonize. It is furtber to be
remarked tbat this would exist to a degree
which would not be found in either of the
three previous kingdoms. In fact, in
these kingdoms tbere was no such inter
mingling with foreign nations as to
destroy the homogeneousness of the em
pire. They were, in the main. Orientals;
with the language, the manners, the
cnstoms, the habits of Orientals, and in
respect to energy and power — the point
here under consideration — there was no
marked distinction between the subjected
provinces and the original materials of
the monarchy. By tbe act of subjection,
they became substantially one people, and
readily blended together. Tbis remark
will certainly apply to tbe two first of
these monarchies — tbe Babylonian and
tbe Medo-Persian ; and though with less
force to the Macedonian, yet it was not
true of that thatit became so intermingled
with foreign people as to constitute hete
rogeneous elements as it was of the Ro
man. In that monarchy, the element of
atrength was infused by Alexander and
his Greeks ; all the elements of weaknes*
were in the original materials of tho
empire. In the Komaju, tho element of

B. C. 603.J

CHAPTER IL

strength — ihe iron — ^was in the original
material of the empire; the weak, the
heterogeneous element — the clay — was
that whioh was introduced from the
foreign nations. This consideration may
perhaps do something to show that the
opinion of Grotius, Prof. Stuart, and
others, that this fourth monarchy was thnt
which immediately succeeded Alexander,
is not well founded. The only question
then is, whether in the constitution of
the Roman empire, at the time when it
became the successor ofthe other three as
a universal monarchy, there was snch an
intermingling of -a, foreign element, as to
bo properly represented by clay as con
trasted with the original and stronger
material, iron. I say, ' at the time when
it became the successor of the other three
as a universal monarchy,' because the
only point of view in which Daniel con
templated it was that. He looked at this,
as he did at the others, as already such a
universal dominion, and not at what it
was before, or at the steps by which it
rose to power. Now, on looking at the
Roman empire at that period, and during
the time wben it occupied the position of
the universal monarchy, and during which
the ' stone cut out of the mountain' grew
and fllled the world, tbere is no difficulty
in flnding such an intermingling with
other nations — ' the seed of men' — as to
be properly described by ' iron and clay'
in the same image that could never be
blended. The allusion is, probably, to
that intermingling with other nations
which so remarkably characterised the
Koman empire, and which arose partly
from its conquests, and partly from the
inroads of other people in the latter days
of the empire, and in reference to both of
which .there was no proper amalgamation,
leaving the original vigour of the empire
substantially in its strength, but intro
ducing other elements which never amal
gamated with it, and which were like
clay intermingled with iron. (1.) From
their conquests. Tacitus says, " Domi
nandi cupido cunctia affectibus fiagrantior
es("^-the lust of ruling is more ardent
than all other desires, — and this was
eminently true of the Romans. They
aspired at the dominion of the world ; and,
in their strides at universal conquest, they
brought nations under their subjection,
and admitted them to the rights of citizen-
ihip, which had no afSnity with the
orig'iiial material which composed the

151

Koman powt;r, and which never really
amalgamated with it, any more than clay
does with iron. (2.) This waa true, also,
in respect to the hordes that poured into
the empire from other countries, and par
ticularly from the Scandinavian regions,
in the latter periods of the empire, and
with which the Komans were compeL'ed
to form alliances, while, at the same time,
they could not amalgamate with them,
" In tbe reign of the Emperor Caracalla,"
says Mr, Gibtion, " an innumerable
swarm of Suevi appeared on the banks
of the Mein, and in the neighbourhood of
the Roman provinces, in quest of food, or
plunder, or gUry. The hasty army of
volunteers gradually coalesced into a
great and permanent nation, and, as it
was composed of so many different tribes,
assumed the name of AUemanni, or all-
men, to denote their various lineage, and
their common bravery." No reader of
the Roman history can be ignorant of the
invasions of the G-oths, the Huns, and
the Vandals, or of the eflfects of theso in
vasions on the empire. No one can be
ignorant of the manner in which they be
came intermingled with the ancient Ro
man people, or of the attempts to form
aUiances with them, by intermarriages
and otherwise, which were always like
attempts to unite iron and clay, " Placidia^
daughter of Theodosius the Great, was
given in marriage to Adolphus, king of
tbe Goths j the two daughters of Stilicho,
the Vandal, were successively married to
Honorius ; and Genseric, another Vandal,
gave Eudocia, a captive imperial prin
cess, to his son to wife," The effects
of the intermingling of foreign people
on the character and destiny of the em
pire, cannot be stated perhaps in a moro
graphic manner than is done by Mr.
Gibbon, in the suramary review of the
Koman History, with which he concludes
his seventh chapter, and at the same
time there could scarcely be a more clear
or expressive commentary on this pro
phecy of Daniel. " During the four first
ages," says he, " the Romans, in the labo
rious school of poverty, had acquired the
virtues of war and government: by tho
vigorous exertion of those virtues, and
bythe assistance of fortune, they had ob
tained, iu the course of the three succeed
ing centuries, an absolute empire over
many countries of Europe, Asia, and
Africa. The last three hundi-ed years had
been consumed in apparent prosperity

152

DANIEL.

[B. C. 603,

ftnd intemal decline. The nation of sol
diers, magistrates, and legislators, who
composed the thirty-five tribes ofthe Ro
man people was dissolved into tbe com
mon mass of mankind, and confounded
with the millions of servile provincials,
who had received the name, without
adopting the spirit, of Romans. A mer
cenary army, levied among the subjects
and barbarians of the frontier, was the
only orJer of men who preserved and
abused their independence. By their
tumultuary election, a Syrian, a Goth, or
an Arab, was exalted to the throne of
Rome, and invested with despotic power
over the conquests and over the country
ofthe Scipios. The limits of the Roman
empire still extended from the Western
Ocean to the Tigris, and from Mount
Atlas to the Rhine and the Danube. To
the undiscerning eye of the vulgar, Philip
appreared a monarch no less powerful
than Hadrian or Augustus had formerly
been. Tbe form was still the same, but
the animating health and vigour were fled.
The industry of the people was discou
raged and exhausted by a long scries of
oppression. The discipline of the legions,
which alone, after the extinction of every
otber virtue, had propped the greatness
of the state, was corrupted by the am
bition, or relaxed by the weakness ofthe
emperors. The strength of the frontiers,
which had always consisted in arms
rather than in fortifications, was insen
sibly undermined j and tho fairest pro
vinces were left exposed to the rapacious-
ness cr ambition of tbe ba.rbarians, who
soon discovered the decline of the Roraan
empire." Vol. i. pp. 110, 111. Harper's
Edi. N. Y. 1829. Comp. Notes on Rev. vi.
1-8. The agency of the Roman empire
was so important in preparing the world
for the advent of the Son of God, and in
reference to the establishraent of his king
dom, that there was au obvious propriety
that it should be made a distinct subject
of prophecy. "We have seen that each of
tho other three kingdoms had an im
portant influence in preparing the world
for the introduction of Christianity, and
was designed to accomplish an importaJit
part in the " History of Redemption."
The agency of the Roman empire was
more direct and important than any one
or all cf these,* for (a) that was the em
pire which had the supremacy when the
Bon of God appeared ; (fe) that kingdom
had performed u more direct and im

portant work in preparing the world foi
his coming j (c) it was under authority
derived from that sovereignty that the
Pon of God was put to death ; and (rf) it
was by that that the ancient dispensation
was brought to an end; and (e) it was
under that that the new religion was
spread through the world. It may be of
use, therefore, in an exposition of thif
prophecy, to refer with some particularity
to the things that were accomplished by
this * fourth kingdom' in furthering the
work of redemption, or in introducing
and establishing the kingdom that waa
to be *set up, and which was never to be
destroyed,' That agency related to tho
following points: (1.) The establishment
of a universal dominion ; tbe fact tbat the
world was brought under one sceptre,
greatly favoured the propagation of the
Christian religion. We have seen, under
the previous dynasties — the Babylonian,
Persian, and Macedonian, — that such an
universal empire was important in earlier
ages to prepare the world for the advent
of the Messiah. This was still more im
portant when he was about actually to
appear, and his religion was to be spread
over the world. It greatly favoured the
diffusion of the new system that there waa
one empire; that the means of commu
nication from one part of the world to
another had been so extended by the
Komans ; and that one who was entitled
to the privileges of citizenship could
claim protection in nearly every part of
the world. (2.) The prevalence of uni
versal peace. The world had become
subject to the Roman power, and con
quest was at an end. The world at lasl^
after so long agitations and strifes, was at
peace. The distant provinces quietly
submitted to the Roman control j the civil
dissensions which had reigned so long at
the capital, were hushed; Augustus, hav
ing triumphed over all his rivals quietly
occupied tho imperial throne, and, as a
symbol of the universal peace, the temple
of Janus was closed. Rarely in their his
tory had that temple been closed before ;*
and yet there was au obvious propriety
* This temple wus built, or finished at least,
by Numa. It waa closed, Hret, in his reign;
secondly, at tho close of tbe first Punic war,
B. C. 241 ; three times in the reign of Augustus
the last time near the epoch of tbe birth of tb«
Saviour; aud three times afterwards, ono*
under Nero, once under Vespasian, and onca
under ConstanUus, A. X>. 350. Eschenburl
Class. Lit p. 18. \ "

B. C. 603.]

CHAPrEK II.

153

that when tho ' Prince of Peace'--should
come, the world should be at rest, and
tbat the clangor of arms should cease. It
•was a beautiful emblem of the nature of
his reign. A world that had been always
in conflict before rested on its arms ; the
tumult of battle had died away ; tbe ban
ners of war were furled ; the legions of
Home paused in their career of conquest,
and the world tranquilly waited for the
cowing of the Son of God. (3.) Tbe Ro
man power accomplished an important
agency in the great transaction which the
Son of God came to perform in his
making an atonement for the sins of the
world. It was so arranged, in the divine
counsels, that be should be put to death,
not by the bands of his own kindred and
countrymen, bnt by the hands of foreign
ers, and under their authority. The ne
cessity and the certainty of this was early
predicted by the Saviour (Matt. xxix. 19 ;
Mark x. 33 ; Luke xviii. 32), and it is
clear that there were important reasons
why it should be thus done, and doubtless
one designof bringing Judea and the rest
of the world under the Koman yoke was
that it might be accomplished in this way.
Among tbe reasona for this, may be sug
gested such aa the following: (a) The
heathen world, as well as the Jewish
community, thus had a part in the great
transaction. He died for tbe whole
world — Jews and Gentiles — and it was
important tbat that fact should be referred
to in the manner of his death, and that
the two great divisions of the human
family should be united in the groat
transaction. It thns became not a Jewish
affair only j not an event in which Judea
alone waj? interested, but an affair of the
world ; a transaction in which the repre
sentatives of the world took their part.
(6) It was thus made a matter of pub
licity. The account of the death of the
Saviour would thus, of course, be trans
mitted to the capital, and would de
mand the attention of those who were in
power. When the gospel was preached
at Kome, it would be proper to allege that
it waa a thing in which Bome itself had
had an important agency, the fact that
under tho Boman authority the Messiah
had been put to death, (o) The agency
of the Romans, therefore, Established
the certainty of the death of Jesns, and
consequently the certainty of his having
risen from the dead. In order to demon-
itrate the latter, it was indispensable that

the former should be made certain, and
that all questions in regard to the real-tv
of his death should be placed beyond a
doubt. This was done by the agency of
Pilate, a Boman governor. His death
was certified to him, and he was satisfied
of it. It became a matter of record ; a
point about which there could be no dis
pute. Accordingly, in all the questions
that came up in reference to the religion
of Christ, it was never made a matter of
doubt that he had been really put to
death under Pilate, the Bonian governor,
whatever question may have arisen .about
the fact of his resurrection, (rf) Equally
important was the agency of the Romans
in establishing the innocence of the Sa
viour. After patient and repeated trials
before himself, Pilate was constrained to
say that he was innocent of the charges
alleged against bim, and that no fault
could be found in him. In proclaiming
the gospel, it was of immense importance
to be able to aflirm thia throughout tho
world. It oould never be alleged against
the gospel that its author had violated
the laws j that he deserved to be put to
death as a malefactor, for the records of
the Roman governor himself showed tbe
contrary. The agency of tbe Romans,
therefore, in the great work of the atone
ment, though undesigned on their part,
was of inestimable importance in the
establishment of tbe Christian religion -,
and it may be presumed that it was for
this, in part at least, that the world was
placed under their control, and that it
was so ordered tbat the Messiah suffered
under authority derived from them.
(4.) There was another important agency
of the Romans in reference to the religion
that was to fill the earth. It was in
destroying the city of Jerusalem, and
bringing to a final end the whole system
of Hebrew rites and ceremonies. The
ancient sacrifices lost their eflicacy really
when the atonement was made on the
cross. Then there was no need of the
temple and the altar, and the ancient
priesthood. It was necessary that the
ancient rites shonld cease, and, that
having now lost their efficacy, there
should be no possibility of perpetuating
them. AcconUngly, within the space of
about thirty years after the death of the
Saviour, when there had been time to
perceive the bearing of the atonement
made on their temple rites ; wben it waa
plain that they were no longer efficacious,

154

DANIEL.

[B.C. 6J3

44 And in » the days of these
kings shall the God *> of heaven set
a Tlteir, b Micah 4. 7 ; Luke 1. 32, 33.

significant, or necessary, the Romans
were suffered to destroy the city, the
altar, and the temf?le, and to bring the
whole system to a perpetual end. The
place where the ancient worship had
been celebrated was made a beap of
ruins j the altar was overturned, never to
be ^uilt again; and the pomp and
splendor of the ancient ritual passed
away for ever. It was the design of God
that that system should come to a per
petual end J and hence, by his provi
dence, it was so arranged that ruin should
spread over the city where the Lord was
crucified, and that the Jewish people
sbould never build an altar or a temple
there again. To this day it has never
been in their power to kindle the fire of
sacrifice there, or to cause the smoke of
incense to ascend iu a temple consecrated
to the worship of the God of their fathers.
The agency of this fourth kingdom,
tberefore, was exceedingly important in
the introduction and estiiblishment of that
kingdom wbich was to be perpetual, and
which was to fill the earth, and hence the
reference to it here, and the more ex
tended reference in ch. vii.
44. And in the days of tiiese kings.
Marg. their. The reading in the text —
*(Acse kings' — is tbe more correct. The
Vulgate renders this, *in the days of
these kingdoms.' The natural and ob
vious sense of the passage is, that during
the continuance of the kingdoms above
mentioned, or before they should finally
pass away, that is, before the last one
should become extinct, another kingdom
would be estabUshed on the earth which
which would be perpetual. Before the
succession of universal monarchies should
have passed away, the new kingdom
would be set up that would never be
destroyed. Such language Is not uncom
mon. " Thus, if we were to speak of any
thing taking place in the days of British
kings, we should not of course understand
it as running through all their reigns, but
merely as occurring in some one ofthem,"
Prof. Bush. So it is"said iu Ruth i. 1:
" It came to pass in the daya when the
judges ruled, that there was a famine in
fco land;" that is, the famine occurred
sometime ujider that general administra
tion, or before it had passed away, evi-

up a kingdom which shall never b«
destroyed: and the ^ kingdom shaU
^ Kingdom tiiereof.

dently not meaning that there was a
famine in the reign of each one. So it ia
said of Jepbtha, thathe was buried in tht
citiea of Gilead ; that is, someone ofthem,
Josiah was buried in the aepulchrea of his
fathers; that is, in some one of them.
^ Shall the God of heaven. Tho God who
rules in heaven ; the true God. This is
designed to show tbe divino origin of this
kingdom, and to distinguish it from
all others. Though the others here re
ferred to were under the divine control,
and were designed to act an important
part in preparing the world for this, yet
tbey are not represented as deriving theit
origin directly from heaven. They were
founded in the usual manner of earthly
monarchies, but this was to have a hea
venly origin. In accordance with this,
the kingdom which the Mea^iah came
to establish is often called iu the New
Testament, Uhe kingdom of heaven,'
' the kingdom of God,' <fcc. Comp. Micah
iv. 7 ; Luke i. 32, 33. ^ Set up a king
dom. * Shall cause to arise or stand up' —
O^?!. It shall not owe its origin to the
usual causes by which empires are consti
tuted on the earth — by conquests; by
human policy; by powerful alliances; by
transmitted hereditary possessions, but
shall exist because God shall appoint and
constitute it. Tbere can be no reasonable
doubt as to what kingdom is here in
tended, and nearly all expositors have
supposed that it refers to the kingdom of
the Messiah. Grotius, indeed, who made
the fourth kingdom refer to the Seleucidae
and Lagidfe, was constrained by consis
tency to make tbis refer to the Roman. ,
power ; but in tliis interpretation he
stands almost, if not entirely alone. Yet
even he supposes it to refer not to heathen
Rome only, but to Rome as the perpetual.
seat of power — the permanent kingdom—
the seat ofthe church: Imperium Roma-.
num perpetub mansurum, quod sedes erit
ecclesise. And although he maintain?
thatit refers to Rome primarily, yet he ia
constrained to acknowledge that what if
here said is true in a higher sense of
the kingdom of Christ: Sensus sublimin,
Christum finem impositurum omnibus im
periis teiTcstribus. But there can be no
real doubt cs to what kingdom is in-

B. C. 603.]

CHAPTER II.

155

not be left to other people, btd it
shall break » in pieces and.oonsume
tended. Its distinctly declared divine
origin ; tho declaration that i*. shall never
be destroyed ; tho assurance ihat it would
absorb all other kingdoms, and that it
would stand fcr ever j and the entire ac
cordance of these declarations with the
account of the kingdom of the Messiah in
the New Testament, show beyond a doubt
that the kingdom of the Redeemer is
intended. ^ W'hich shall never be destroy
ed. Tho others would pass away. The
Babylonian would be succeeded by the
Medo-Persian, that by the Macedonian,
that by the Roman, and that in its turn
by the one whioh the God of heaven
would set up. This would be perpetual.
Nothing would have power to overthrow
it. It would live in the revolutions of
all other kingdoms, and would survive
them all. Comp. Notes on ch. vii. li;
and the summary of the doctrines taught
here at the close of the Notes on ver 45.
^ And the kingdom ahall not be left to
other people. Marg. their. Literally,
'Ita kingdom shall not be left to other
people ;' that is; tbe ruling power appro
priate to this kingdom or dominion shall
never pass away from its rightful pos
sessor, and be transferred to other hands.
In respect to other kingdoms, it often
happens that their sovereigns are deposed,
and that their power passes into the
hands of usurpers. But this can never
occur'in this kingdom. The government
will never change hands. The adminis
tration will be perpetual. No foreign
power shall sway the sceptre of this king
dom. There may be an allusion here to
the fact that, in respect to each of the
other kingdoms mentioned, the power
over the same territory did pass into the
hands of other people. Thus, on the
same territory, the dominion passed from
the hands of the Babylonian princes to
the hands of Cyrus the Persian, and then
to the hands of Alexander the Macedonian,
and then to the hands of the Romans.
But thia would never occur in regard to
the kingdom which the God of heaven
would set up. In the region of empire
appropriate to it, it would never change
hands; and this promise of perpetuity
made this kingdom wholly unlike all its
predecessors. If But it ahall break ti,
piecea and consume all these kingdoms.
Aa represented by the stone cut out cf

all these kingdoms, and it Lfaall
stand for ever. » ps. 2. 9.

the mountains without hands, impinging
on the image. See Notes on vs. 34, 35.
Two inquiries at once meet us here,
of fomewhat difficult solution. The firet
is, how, if this is designed to apply to
the kingdom of the Messiah, cau the
description be true ? The language here
would seem to imply some violent action ;
some positive crushing force ; something
like that which occurs in conquests wheu
nations are subdued. Would it not ap.
pear from this that the kingdom here
represented was to make its way by con
quests in the same manner as the other
kingdoms, rather than by a silent ond
peaceful influence? Is this language, in
fact, applicable to the method iu whicii
the kingdom of Christ is to supplant all
others? In reply to these questions, it
may be remarked, (1.) That the leading
idea, as apparent in the prophecy, is not
so much that of violence as that the king
doms referred to would be utterly brought
to an end; that there would be, under thia
new kingdom, ultimately an entire cessa
tion of the others ; or that they would be
removed or supplanted by this. This ia
represented (ver. 35) by the fact that tho
materials composing the other kingdoms
are represented before this as becoming
like " the chiiff iu the summer threshing-
floors ;" and as " being carried away,
so that no place was found for them."
The stone cut out of the mountain,
small at first, was mysteriously en
larged, so that it occupied the place which
they did, and ultimately filled the earth.
A process of gradual demolition, acting
on them by constant attrition, removing
portions of them, and occupying their
place until they should disappear, and
until there should be a complete substitu
tion of the new kingdom in their place,
would seem to correspond with all that is
essential in the prophetio description.
See Notes on ver. ii, on the expression,
" which smote the image upon his feet."
But (2.) this language is in accordance
with that which is commonly used in the
predictions respecting the kingdom of the
Messiah — language which is descriptive
of the ezistence of power in subduing the
nations, and bringing the opposing king
doms of the world to an end. Thus in
Psilm ii. 9, " Thon shalt break them with
a vod of iron ; thon shalt dash them ia

150

DANIEL.

[B.C. 604.

pieces like a potter's vessel." Isa. Ix. 12,
** For the nation and kingdom that will
not serve thee shaU perish; yea, those
nations shall be utterly wasted." So 1 Cor.
XV. 24, 25, " When he shall have put down
all rule, and all authority, and power.
For he must reign till he hath put all
enemies under his feet." These expres
sions denote that there will be an entire
Bubjoction of other kingdoms to that of
the Messiah, called in the New Testa
ment, " the kingdom of God." They un
doubtedly imply that tbere will be some
kind of force employed — for this great
work cannot be accomplished without
tho existence of power ; but it may be
remarked {a) that it does not necessarily
mean that there will be physical force, or
power like that by wbich kingdoms have
been usually overturned. The kingdom
of the Redeemer is a kingdom of p'rin-
dples, and those principles will subdue
the nations, and bring them into subjec
tion, (fc) It does not necessarily mean
that the eflect bere described will be ac
complished at onee. It may be by a
. gradual process, like a continual beating
on the image, reducing it ultimately to
powder. The other question which arises here
is, How can it be said that the new king
dom which was to be set up would *'break
in picr^s and consume all these king
doms?" How could the destruction of
the image in the Roman period be in fact
the destruction of tho three previous king
doms, represented by gold, and silver, and
brass ? Would tbey not in fact have
passed away before the Roman power
came into existence? And yet, is not
the representation in ver. 35, that tbe
iron, the clay, tbe brass, the silver, and
the gold were broken in pieces together,
and were all scattered like the chafif of
the summer threshing-floor? Is it sup
posed that these kingdoms would be all
in .existence at the same time, and that
the action of the symbolical 'stone' was
to be alike on all of them? To these
questions, we may answer, (1.) That the
meaning is, undoubtedly, that tbree of
these kingdoms would have passed away
at the time of the action of the ' stone'
referred tn. They were to be a succession
of kingdoms, occupying to a great extent,
the same territory, and not contemporary
monarchies occupying distinct territories.
(2.) The action of tho ' stone' was in fait,
ta a most important sense, to be on theu

all ; that is, it was to be on what consti
tuted these successive kingdims of gold,
silver, brass, and iron. Each was in ita
turn a universal monarchy. The same
territory was substantially occupied by
them all. The Medo-Persian sceptre ex
tended over the region under the Baby
lonian; the Macedonian over that; the
Roman over that. These were indeed
accessions in each successive monarchy,
but still any thing whicb afi'ected the Ro
man empire affected what had in fad
been the Babylonian, the Medo-Persian,
and the Macedonian. A demolition of
the image in tbe time bf the Roman em.
pire would be, therefore, in fact, a de
molition of the whole. (3.) This inter
pretation is necessary from the nature of
lhe symbolicil representation. The eye
of the monarch in the dream was directed
to the image as a splendid whole. It waR
necessary to the object in view that he
should see it all at a time, that he might
bave a distinct conception of it. This
purpose made it impossible to exhibit the
kingdoms in auccession, but they all stood
np before him at once. No one can doubt
that there might have been a difi'erent
representation, and that the kingdoms
might have been made to pass before him
in their order, but the representjition
would have been less grand and impos
ing. But this design made it necessary
that the im.age should be kept entire be
fore tbe mind until its demolition. It
would have been unseemly to have re
presented the head as remove i, and then
the shoulders and breast, ani tben tbe
belly and thighs, until nothing remained
but the feet and toes. It was necessary
to keep up the representation of the image
of coloaaal majeaty and atrength, until a
new power sbould arise which would de-
moliah it all. Nebuchadnezzar is not re
presented as seeing the parts of the image
successively appear or disappear. He
does not at first see the golden head rising
above the earth and then tho otber parts
in succession; nor tho golden head dis
appearing, and then the other parts, until
nothing was left but the feet and tho toes.
Such a representation would have de
stroyed the decorum and beauty of tbe
whole figure; and as it cannot be argued
that because Nebuchadnezzar saw the
whole image at the outset standing in its
complete form that therefore all thesa
kingdoms must have been simultaneously
in existence, so it canuot be argued be<

B.C. 603.]

CHAPTEE II.

157

45 Forasmuch as thon sa-westthat
the stone ¦was cut out of the moun
tain » without hand.s, and that it
brake in pieces the iron, the brass,
the clay, the silver, and the gold ;

cause he saw the whole image standing
when the stone smote upon if't that there
fore all these kingdoms must have bad
an existence then. It may be added
(4.) tbat tbe destruction of the last was in
fact the destruction of all the three pre
decessors. The whole power had become
embodied in that^ and the demolition
afi'ected this whole series.
45. Forasmuch aa ihou aawest that the
stone, to. On the meaning of the lan
gnage employed here, see Notes on vs.
34, 35. The word forasmuch may be
taken either in connection with what pre
cedes, or with wbat follows. In tbe
former method, there should be a period
at tbe word gold in this verse, and then
the sense is, * In those days shall the God
of heaven set up a kingdom, &c, foras
much, or frecaiiM thou sawest a stone,' &.O.,
tbat is, that was a certain indication of
it. According to the other method, tbe
meaning is, ' Forasmuch as tbou sawest
the stone cut ont and demolish the image,
the great God has made known the cer
tainty of it;' that is, that is a certain
indication that it will be done. Tbe 'Vul
gate is, ' According to what tbou sawest,
that the stone was cut out without bands,
and reduced the clay, ic, the great God
has shown to the king what wiU be here
after.' The difiiBrence in tbe interpreta
tion ia not very material, f Cat out of
the mountain. This is not inserted in the
statement in yer. 34. It seems, however,
to be implied there, as there is mention
of the stone as * cut out.' The representa
tion ia evidently thatof astone disengaged
from its native bed, the side of a moun
tiin, without any human agency, and
tben rolling down the side of it and im
pinging on the image. ^ The great God
hath made known to the king what shall
come to paas hereafter. Marg. the same
as the Chaldee, afier thia. The meaning
is simply, in time to come ; in some fu
ture period. Daniel claims none of the
merit of this discovery to himself, bnt
ascribes it all to God. % And Ihe dream
is certatH, and the interpretation thereof
aure. T).^t is, it Lj .110 vain and airy
phantom : no mere worUng >f the imagi-
U

the great God hath made known t«
the sing what shall come to pasj
'hereafter: and the dream ts certain,
and the interpretation thereof sure.
• Wliich was not in hands, b .Afier t'lis.

nation. Tbe dream was all that tho
monarch had supposed it t-o be — a repre
sentation of coming events, and his soli
citude in regard to it was well-founded.
Daniel speaks with the utmost assnra uce
also as to its fulfilment. He knew that
he bad been led to this interpretation hy
no skill of his own ; and bis representa
tion of it was such as to satisfy the mon
arch of its correctness. Two circum
stances probably made it appear certain
to the monarch, as we Icam from tbe next
verse it did: — one, tbat Daniel had re
called the dream to his own recollection,
showing that he was under a divine guid
ance ; and tbe other, tbe plausibility —
the verisimilitude — the evident truthful
ness of tbe representation. It was such
a manifest explanation of tbe dream that
Nebuchadnezzar, in tbe same manner as
Pharaoh had done before him wbqn bis
dreams were explained by Joseph, at onco
admitted the correctness of the represen
tation. Having now gone through witb the
exposition of this imporuint passage re
specting the stone cut from the mountain,
it seems proper to make a few remarks
in regard to the nature of tbe kingdom
that would be set up, as represented by
the stone which demolished Che image,
and which so marvellously increased aa
to fill tbe earth. That there is reference
to the kingdom of the Messiah cannot bs
reaaonably doubted. The points which
are established in respect to that kingdom
by the passage now under consideration,
are the following :
I. Its superhuman origin. This is in
dicated in tbe representation of the stone
cut out of the mountain 'without hands;'
that is, clearly not by human agency, or
in tbe ordinary course of events. There
was to be a superhuman power exerted in
detaching it from the mountain, os well
as in its future growth. Wbat appeared
so marvellous was, that it was cut from
its original resting-place by some invisible
power, and meved forward to the con
summation of its work withont any hn
man agency. That tbis was designed to
be significant of aomething there can bc

158

DANIEL.

[B.C, 603,

no reafonable doubt, fcr the result is
made to tnm on this. I do not see that
any special significancy is to be attached
to the idea of its being cut from * a moun
tain,' nor that it is required of us to
attempt to refine on that expression,
and to ascertain whether the mountain
means lhe Roman kingdom, out of which
the gospel church was taken, as many
suppose ; or the Jewish nation, as Angus-
tine supposed J or that *' the origin of
Christ was sublime and superior to the
whole world," as Calvin supposes ; or to
the mountainous country of Judea in
which the Messiah was bom, as many
others hare maintained; or to the tomb
of Joseph, as a rock from which the Mes-
viah sprang to life and victory, as others
have imagined. All tbis belongs to a
system of interpretation that is trifling in
the extreme. The representation of the
mountain here is merely for the sake of
verisimilitude — Uke the circumstances in
% parable. If a stone was 'cut out with
out hands,* it would be natural to speak
of it as cut from the mountain or parent
fock to which it was attached. The eye
Is not here directed to the mountain as
having any thing significant or marvel-
ions about it, but to the atone that so mys
teriously left its bed, and rolled onward
toward the image. The point of interest
and of marvel, the mysterious thing that
attracted the eye, was that there was no
human agency employed ; that no hands
were seen at work; that none of the or
dinary instrumentalities were seen by
which great effects are accomplished
among m^n. Now this would properly
represent the idea that the kingdom of
the Messiah would have a supernatural
origin. Its beginniugs would be unlike
what is usually seen among men. How
appropriately this applies to the kingdom
of the Messiah, as having its origin not in
hamnn power, need not here be stated.
Noftbing is more apparent; nothing is
more frequently dwelt on in the New
Testament, than that it had a heavenly
origin. It did not owe its beginning to
human plans, connsels, or power.
II. Its feebleness in ita beginning com
pared with its ultimate growth and power.
At first it was a stone comparatively
small, and that seemed utterly inadequate
to the work of demolishing and pulver
izing a colossal statue of gold, silver,
brass, nnd iron. Ultimately it grew to
be itself ow mcoataiu-size, and to fill the

land. -- Now this representation would
undoubt^edly convey the fair impression
that this new power, represented by the
stone, would at first be comparative!*
small and feeble; that there would bp
comparative weakness in its origin aa
contrasted with wbat it wonld ultimately
attain to ; and that it would seem to be
utterly inadequate to the performance of
what it finally accomplished. It is hardly
necessary to say that this corresponds
entirely with the origin of the Messiah's
kingdom. Every where it is represented
as of feeble beginnings, and as a system,
to human view, entirely inadequate to so
great a work as that of bringing other
kingdoms to an end, and subduing it to
itself. The complete fulfilment of the
prophetic statement would be found in
such circumstances as the following:
(1.) The humble origin of the bead of
this new power himself — the Messiah —
the king of Zion. He was in fact of a
decayed and dilapidated family; waa
ranked among the poor; was without
powerful friends or political connections;
possessed no uncommon advantages of
learning, and was regarded with contempt
and scom by the great mass of his coun
trymen. K^o one wonld have supposed
that the religion ori^nated by one of so
hnmble an origin would have power to
change the destiny of the kingdoms of
the earth. (2.) The feebleness of the
beginning of his kingdom. His few fol
lowers ; the little band of fishermen ;
the slow progress at first made — these
were circumstances strikingly in accord
ance with the representation in Daniel.
(3.) The absence in that band of all that
seemed requisite to accomplish so great a
work. They had no arms, no wealth, no
political power- They had nothing of
that which has commonly been employed
to overthrow kingdoms, and the band
of fishermen sent forth to this work
seemed as little adequate to the under
taking as the stone cut from the moun
tain did to demolish the colossal imago.
(4.) AJl this feebleness in the beginning
was wonderfully contrasted with the ulti
mate results — like the stone, when cut
from the monntiun, contrasted with its
magnitude wben it filled the earth. The
Saviour himself often referred to the con.
trast between the feeble ori^n of his reli
gion, and what it would grow to be. At
first it was like a grain of mustard seed,
smallest among seeds; then it grew to be

B. C. 605.1

CHAPTER II.

159

a tree bo largo that the fowls of the air
lodged in the branches. At flrst it wns
like leaven, hidden in meal ; ultimately,
It would diit'use itself through the mass,
BO tbat tho whole would be leavened.
Matt. xiii. 31— 3a,
III. It would supplant all other king
doms. This was clearly indicated by the
fact that the ' stone' demolished tho
image, reducing it to powder, and fllled
the plaoe which that occupied, and all the
land. This has boen explained (Notes
on vs. 34, 35,) as meaning that it would
not bo by sudden violence, but by a con
tinued process of comminution. There
would be Buoh an action on the kingdoms
of the earth represented by gold, and
silver, and brass, and irun, that they
would disappear, and tho new power re
presented by the ' stone' would flnally
take their placo. As this new power was
to be humble in its origin, and feeble to
huraan view; as it had nothing which, to
outward appearance, would soein adequate
to the result, the reference would seem to
be to the principlea whieh would charac
terize it, and which, as elements of power,
would gradually but ultimately secure
the changes represented by the demoli
tion of tho colossal statue. The only
question then would be, whether the
principles in the kingdom of tbe Messiah
had such originality and power ns would
gradually but certainly change the modes
of government that existed in the world,
and substitute another kind' of reign; or,
what is tbe infiuence which it will exert
on tbo nations, causing new methods of
government, iu accordance with its prin
ciples, to prevail on the earth. Though
apparently feeble, without arms, orwealth,
or civil alliances, it has elements ol power
about it whieh will ultimately subdue all
other principles of government, and take
thoir place. Its work was indeed to be a
gradual work, and it is by no means ao-
complisheil, yet its effect has been mighty
already on the principles that rule among
the nations, and will slill be more mighty
until the laws of the kingdom of the Mes
aiah ahall prevail in all the earth. This
seems to be tho idea whioh it is designed
to express by this prophetic image. If
one were asked in what respects it is to be
anticipated that these changos will be
wrought, and in what respects we can
discern the evidences of such changes
already, we might say in such points
as the following: — (1.) In regard to

the methods in which governments aro
founded, (lovernments wore formerly
mostly the result of civil or foreign wnrs.
Nearly all tho governmonta of antiquity
wero originally founded in the power of
some military lender, nnd then hold by
power. Christianity originated new views
about wars and conquests — views that will
ultimately prevail. In nothing are tha
opinions of mankind destined more en
tirely to be reversed than in regard to
,(,nr — to its glory, its achievements, and
tho fame of those who have beon most
celebrated for bloody triumphs. (2.) In
regard to tho rights of the people. A
mighty principio was originated by Chris
tianity in respect to the righta of men
the right of conscience ; tho right to tho
avails of their own labour; the right to
life and liberty. (3.) In regard to op-
preHsion. The history of the world bas
been to a great extent a history of op
pression. But all this is to bo changed
by the principles of the true religion;
and wben the period shall arrive that
there shall be no more occasion to uso
the word oppression, os'descriptive of any
thing that shall have an actual existonce
on earth, this will be a different world.
Then tho time will havo como appropri
ately designated by tbe demolition of tho
colos.sttl stotue — symbolic of all govern
ments of oppression, and the substitution
inits plooeof thatwhich was at flrst insig
nificant, but which bad vital energy to
supplant all that went before it.
I'V. This kingdom will be perpetual.
This is asserted in the unequivocal state
ments that it " shall never be destroyed,"
and that "it shall not be left to other
people;" that is, shall never pass into
other bands. There oould not bo a more
positive declaration that tho kingdom
here referred to will continue through all
coming time. Other kingdoms pass awny,
but this will not; and amidst all the revo.
lutions of otber empires this will remain
The lapse of eighteen hundred years since
this kingdom was set up, has done not n
little to conflrm the truth of this prediction
Many other kingdoms during that timo
have disappeared trom the earth, but tbis
remains in its full vigour, and with ex
tending power. It has, at this day, an
extent of dominion which it never hod
before, and tbere are clearer indicationa
that it will spread over all tho earth than
ever existed at any previous time. That
this kingdom will be perpetual, may be

16a

Urgued from the following considerations :
(1.) From the promises of God. These
are absolute; and they are attested by
Him who has all power, and who can,
with infinite ease, accomplish all that he
has spoken. So in Dan. vii. 14, " His do
minion is an everlasting dominion, which
shall not pass away, and his kingdom that
which shall not be destroyed." Luke i.
33, " And he shall reign over the house
of Jacob for ever: and of his kingdom
there shall be no end." Ps. xlv. 6,
(comp. Notes on Heb. i. 8), "Thy throne,
0 God, is for ever and ever." In Hebrews
i. 8, it is, "But unto the Son he saith,
Thy throne, 0 God, is for ever and ever."
Isa. ix. 7, " Ofthe increase ofhis govern
ment and power, there shall be no end,
upon the throne of David, and upon his
kingdom, to order it, and to establish it
with judgment and with justice, from
henceforth even for ever." (2.) It may
be argued, from the fact tbat the efforts
which have been made to destroy it have
shown that this cannot be done by any hu
man power. Eighteen hundred years have
now passed away — a period sufficiently
long to test the question whether it can
be destroyed by force and violence ; by
argument and ridicule. The experiment
has been fairly made, and if it were pos
sible that it should be destroyed by ex
ternal force, it would have been done. It
cannot be imagined that more favourable
circumstances for such apurpose will ever
occur. The church of Christ has met
every form of opposition that we can
conceive could be made against it, and
has survived them all. Particularly it
has survived the trial which has been
made in the following respects: (a)' The
Koman power, the whole might of the
Koman arms, that had subdued and
crushed the world, was brought to bear
npon the kingdom of Christ to crush and
destroy it, but wholly failed. It cannot be
supposed that a new power will ever arise
that will be more formidable to Chris
tianity than the Koman was. (6) The
power of persecution. That has been
tried in every way, and has failed. The
most ingenious forms of torture havebeen
devised to extinguish this religion, and
have all failed. It has always been found
that persecution haa only contributed
nltimately to the triumph of the cause
IFhich it was hoped to crush, (c) The
bower of philosophy. Tbe ancient phi
losophers opposed it, and attempted, to

DANIEL. [.B.C. GOS

destroy it by argument. This was early
done by Celsus and Porphyry ; but it sooa
became apparent that the ancient philoso
phy had nothing that could extinguish tha
rising religion, and not a few of the pro
minent philosophers themselves were con
verted, and became the advocates of tho
faith, {d) The power of science. Chris
tianity had its origin in an age wheu
science had made comparatively little pro
gress, and in a country where it waa
almost unknown. The sciences since have
made vast advances ; and each one in its
turn has been appealed to by the enemies
of religion, to furnish an argument
against Christianity. Astronomy, history,
the discoveries in Egypt, the asserted
antiquity of the Hindoos, and geology,
have all been employed to overthrow the
claims of tbe Christian religion, and have
all been compelled to abandon the field.
See this admirably demonstrated in Dr.
Wiseman's lectures on tbe connection
between science and revealed religion.
(e) The power of ridicule. At onetime it
was held that * ridicule is the test of
truth,' and this has been applied un
sparingly to the Christian religion. But
the religion still lives, and it cannot be
supposed that there will be men endued
with the power of sarcasm and wit supe
rior to those who, with these weapons,
have made war on Christianity, or that in
fidelity has any hope from that quarter.
It may be inferred, therefore, that there ia
no extemal source of corruption and decay
which will prevent its being perpetual.
Other kingdoms usually have ; and after
a few centuries at most the internal cor
ruption — the defect of the organization-
develops itself, and the kingdom falls.
But nothing of this kind occurs in the
kingdom of Christ It has lived now
through eighteen hundred years, through
periods of the world in which there have
been constant changes in the arts, in the
sciences, in manners, in philosophy, in
forms of government. During that time
many a system of philosophy has been
superseded, and many a kingdom has
fallen, but Christianity is as fresh and
vigorous as it meets each coming genera
tion as it ever was; and the past haa
demonstrated that tbe enemies of the gos
pel have no reason to hope that it will
become weak by age, and will fall by its
own decrepitude.
V. A fifth characteristic of this king-.
dom is, that it wiU univei'sally prevailt

B. 0. 603.]

CHAPTER II.

161

46 f Then the king Nebuohnd- nezzar fell upon his face, and 'wor-

This was symbolized by tbe stone that
" became a great mountain, and that fllled
the whole earth." ver. 35. It is also im
plied, in the statement in ver. 44, that it
" shall break in pieces, and consume all
these kingdoms." They will cease, and
this will occupy their places. Tbe prin
ciplea of tbe kingdom of tbe Messiah,
whatever may be the external forms of
government that shall exist on the earth,
will everywhere prevail. That this will
occur, may be argued from tbe following
considerations : (l.).The promises recorded
in the Bible. 'The passage before us is
one. Of the same nature are the follow
inj; : Ps. ii. 8, " Ask of me, and I shall
give thee the heathen for thine inherit
ance, and the uttermost parts of the earth
for thy possession." Mal. i. 11, '• For
from the rising of the sun unto the going
down of the same, my name shall be great
among the Gentiles, and in every place
incense shall be ofl'ered to my name, and
a pure offering." Isa. xi. 9, " The earth
shall be full of the knowledge of the
Lord, as tho waters cover the sea." Comp.
Hab. ii. 14; Isa. xlv. 22, and Isa. Ix.
(2.) The world in its progress loses nothing
that is of value. Truth is eternal, and
when once discovered, society will not let
it go. It seizes upon great elements in
human nature, and the world will not let
it die. Thus it is with discoveries in
science, in inventions in the arts, and
principles in morals. There is no evi
dence that anything that was known to
the ancients which was bf permanent value
to mankind has been lost ; and the few
things tbat were lost have been succeeded
by that wbich is better. All that was
tmly valuable in their science, their phi
losophy, tbeir arts, their jurisprudence,
their literature, we possess still, and the
world will always retain it. And wbat
can ever obliterate from the memory of
man the printing-press, the steam-engine,
the cotton-gin, the telescope, the blow
pipe, the magnetio telegraph? Society
ACCUMDLATBS from age to age all that is
truly valuable in inventions, morals, and
the arts, and travels with them down to
the period when the world shall bave
reached the highest point of perfecta-
bility. This remark is true also of Chris
tianity — the kingdom of Christ. There
are principles in regard to the happi
ness and rights of man in that system,
14*

which cannot be detnched from society,
but which go into its permnnent struc
ture, and which ' the world will nun
let die.' (3.) Society is thus making con
stant advances. A position gained in hu
man progress is never ultimately lost.
"The principles thus accumulated and
incorporated into society becoine perma
nent. Each age adds something in tbis
respect to the treasures accumulated by
all preceding ages, and each one is, in
some respects, an advance on its prede
cessors, and makes the final triumph of
the principles of truth, and liberty, and
pure religion more sure. (4.) Christianity,
or the kingdom of Christ, is aggreaaive.
It makes a steady war on the evil cus
toms, habits, and laws of the world. It
is in acc(jrdance with its nature to diffuse
itself. Nothing can prevent its propaga
tion ; and, according to the laws of society,
nothing is so certain philosophically in
regard to the future, as tbe final preva
lence of the religion of the Redeemer.
It may meet with temporary and formi
dable obstructions. It mny be retarded,
or extinguished, in certain places. But
its general course is onward — like tbe
current of the mighty river towards the
ocean. The only thing certain in the
future is, that the Christian religion will
yet spread all over the world; and there
is enough in this to gratify the highest
wishes of philanthropy, and enough to
stimulate to the highest effort to secure so
desirable an end.
46. Then th^ king Nebuchadnezzar fell
upon hia face. This was the common
method of signifying profound respect
among the Orientals. Comp. Gen. xviL
3, 1. 18; Lev. ix. 24; Num. xiv. 5; Josh.
V. 14; judges xii, 20; Rov. xi. 16. ^.4nrf
worahipped Daniel, Th© word rendered
worahipped bere — l-!? — in the Chaldee
portions of the Bible is uniformly ren
dered worahip. Van. ii. 26 ; iii. 5, 6, 7,
10, 11, 12, 14, 15, 18, 28. It occurs no
where else, and in every insti noe, exc<^pt in
tbe one before us, is employed with refer
ence to the homage paid to an idol, all the
otber cases occuring in the third chapter
respecting the image tbat was set up by
Nebuchadnezzar. The corresponding He
brew word — IJO — occurs only in Isa. xliv.
15, 17, 19, xlvi. 6, and is, in every in-

16*2

DANIEL.

[B. 0. coa

¦hipped Danici, and commanded
that they should offer nn oblation
and s'wcot odours unto him.

stanoe, rendered fall down, also with
reference to idols. Tho proper idcii, there
fore, of the word horo in, Unit the monarch
meant to render religions homage to
Daniol, or such adoration as was uaually
paid to idols. This is confinned by wbat
is immediately added, that ho commanded
that an oblation should bo made to him.
It is not, however, necessary to suppose
that Daniel received or approved this re
ligious homage of tho king, or thathe left
the impression on his mind that ho was
willing to bo honoured as a god. The
prostration of the king before bim, of
course, ho oould not prevent. The views
ond feelings which tho monarch had in
doing it, he could not prevent. Tho com
mand to present an 'oblation and sweet
odours to biin,' he could not prevent.
But it is not a fair inference that IJaniol
approved this, or that he did anytljing to
countenance it, or oven that ho did not, in
a proper manner, rebuke it: for (I.) wo
Ere not to suppose that nil that was said
was recorded, and no one can prove that
Daniel did not express his disapprobation
of this religious bonour shown to hini.
(2.) Daniel had, in fact, expressed his
views, in the clearest manner, on this very
point before tho monarch, lie had, again
and again, disclairaed all power to beable
to reveal suoh secrets. Ho had directod
his mind to tho true Qod, as ho who alone
could disclose eoming events, vs. 28, 30,
45. Ho bad taken all possible precaution
to prevent any such result, by declaring,
in the moat emphntio terms (ver. 30), that
this secret was not revealed to him ' on
account of any wisdom which he had moro
than any living.' If now, after all this
precaution, and these disclaimers, the
kiug should prostrate himself before him,
and, for the moment, fool that ho was in
the presence of a Qod, Daniel was not
responsible for it, nnd it should not be
inferred that ho encouraged or approved
it. (3.) It would soem, from tho naniitivo
itself, more than probable that Daniel
did refuse the homage, and direct the
thoughts of the monarch to the true Ood.
In tho very next verso it is said, " Tho
king anawered unto Daniel, and saiil, of a
truth it is, tbat your Qod is a Ood of
gods, and a Lord of kings, and a re-

47 Tho king answered unto Da>
niol, and eaid, Of a truin it is, thnt
your Ood is a Ood of gods, and a

voalor of secrcl.s." Answered^ whnt?
Perhaps somolhing lhat was said by
Daniel. At all events, it Is cKiir from
this that whatever wero tho momentary
expressions of wonder, gratitude, and
adoration, on tho part of the king, hia
thoughts soon pnssed to tho proper ob
ject of worship — tho true Ood. \l And
commanded, Ac. 'I'he fact thnt this was
commaniird does not prove that it was
done, Tho command wns probably given
under tho oxcilcinont of his admiration
and wonder. But it docs not follow that
Daniel roooivod it, or that tbo command
was not recalled on reflection, or that the
oblation and odors may not have been
presented to tho true Qod. '| That they
should offer an oblation. That ie, hi)
attendants, or perhaps tho priests to whom
pertained the duty uf making oflorings to
tho gods. The word rendered oblation—
nipjp — does not refer to a bloody saorifloe,
but moans a gift or present of any kind.
It is njiiilied in the Scriptures to denote
(1.) a gift, or preaent (Gon. xxxii. 11,
19, 21, xliii. 11, 16, 25, 26) ; (2.) tribute,
such as was oxaotoit from a subject na
tion, under the notion ofa present (2 Sam.
viii. 2, Oj 1 Kings v. 1); (3.) an ofl'ering,
or sacriflce to/jlod, especially a bloodless
olToring, In opposition to nai — a bloody
sacrifice. Lev. ii. 1, 4, 5, 6, vl. 7, vii. 9;
l's. xl. 1 j Jer. xvii. 26. Seo tho word
fully oxpluined in tho Notos on Isa. i. 13.
Tlicro can bo no doubt that Nobuchiid-
nezznr meant that sucli an ofl'ering should
be prcsentod as was UKUnlly innde in idol
worsliip. ^ And sweet odora. Incense
wns commonly used in worship (see Notos
on Isa. i. 13), and it is not iinpi'obublo
that in tho worship of tho gods it wn« ao.
companied with other friigront odors.
Swoot odors, or ¦ savors,' oxpronBod by tho
samo word which is used hore, wero a
part of the prescribed worMliip in tho He-
brow ritual. Lev. i. 9, 13, 17, ii. 2, 9, ili.
0, vi. 14; Num. xv. 7.
47. The king onawnred Danici. An.
Hworod either what he hnd snid in the
iiilorprotittion of the drenm, or pniiiblg
something that ho had said in regard to
tho impropriety of ofl'ering thia homiigo
to him. Comp. Notes on ver. 46. It ia

B, C. 603.1

CHAPTER II.

163

Lord of kings, and a revealer of
secrets, seeing thou couldest reveal
thia secret.
48 Then the king made Daniel a
great man, and gave him many

certain that, for some cause, whatever
might have been the homage which he
was disposed to render to Daniel, hia
thoughts were soon turned from bim to the
true Qod, and to an acknowledgment of
him as superior to all otber beings. He
seems, at least, instantly to have reflected
on what Daniel bad himself said (ver. 30),
and to have remembered that religious
homage was due, not to Daniel, but to
the God who had communicated tho secret
tohim. ^ 0/a(r«lA itis. It is truly so.
This had been shown by tbe manner in
whioh this secret was disclosed. If That
your God is a God of gods. Is superior
to all other gods; is supreme over all.
Com^. Rev. xvii. 14; 1 Tim. vi. 15. The
Idea is, that whatever subordinate beings
thero may be, lie is supreme. % And a
Lord of kings. Supreme over kings.
They are-all inferior to him, and subject
to his control. ^ Anda revealer of secreta.
Ono of the attributes of divinity. Seo
Notes on ver. 28. ^ Seeing thou couldest
reveal thia aecret. A secret which the
wisest mon of tho realm had sought
in vain to disclose. The fact that a pro
fessed servant of God had been able to do
this, showed that God was bimself su
premo, and worthy of adoration. 'We
bave here, then, an instance in which a
proud and haughty heathen monarch was
brought to an acknowledgment of the true
God, and was constrained to render him
homage. This was a, result which it was
evidenlly intended to reach in the whole
transaction: in the dream itself; in the
faot that the wise men of Babylon could
not interpret it ; and in the fact that an
acknowledged servant of the Most High
had been enabled to make the dis
closure. The instance is instructive, as
showing to what extent a mind clearly
not under the influence of any genuine
piety— for subsequent events showed that
no permanent effects were produced on
him, ' and that he was still an idolater
(ch. iii.), and a most proud and haughty
man (ch. iv.), — maybe brought to ao-
knjwledge God. See the remarks at the
end of tbe chapter (7.)
45. Then the king made Daniel a great

great 'gifts, and made him rules
over the whole province of Babylon,
and chief of the >> governors over all
the wise men of Babylon.
* ver. 6. b c. 4. 0, 6. 11.

moil. That is, ho gave him an honournble
appointment; ho so honoured him that he
was regarded as a great man. He was
really made great by the grace of God,
and the extraordinary favour whioh God
had bestowed upon him, but the estimate
which the king bad of his greatness was
sbown by the tokens of the royal favour.
^ And gave him many great gifta. This is
a common way of showing esteem in tho
East. The estimate in which one holds
another is evinced by the variety and
richness of the presents conferred on him.
Hence every person of distinction expects
gifts of those who approach them as ex
pressive of tbeir regard for them, and of
the esteem in which they are held. Comp.
ver. 6. of this chapter. % And made him
ruler over the tohole province of Babylon.
Chald. rtaVlf'n — caused him to preside over,
or to rule over, from the verb arV-^shelat,
to rule, and commonly applied to one wliQ
rules as a prince, or in an elevated of&ce.
From this word the terms sultan, and
aultana are derived. % And chief of the
governora over all the wiae men o/' Babylon.
This would seem to be an appointment
wbich did not pertain to him as governor
of the province of Babylon, or as presid
ing in the capital, but was a separate ap
pointment, and, tberefore, an additional
mark of favour. The phrase 'chief of
tho governors,' would seem to imply that
tbo mngi of Babylon were disposed ia
oertain orders or classes, each of which
had its appropriate head, like tbe head
of a college or university. Daniel was
placed over tho whole as tho president,
principal, or chancellor. It bad been the
policy of Nebuchadnezzar to assemble at
tho capital the principal talent and learn
ing of tho realm. Comp. Notes ch. i. 18-
20, ii. 2. Daniel thus, in both these
stations of bonour at an early period of
life, though recently an unknown stranger,
and a captive, was exalted to the highest
honours which oould be conferred on a
subject, and raised' to posts of distinction
wbich would usually be regarded as the
highest rewards which could be obtained

164

DANIEL.

[B. C. 603

49 Then Daniel requested of the
king, and » he set Shadr.tch, Me
shach, and Abed-nego, over the
» c. 3. 12.

by a long lifo of devotedness to the wel
fare of the country.
49. TJien Daniel requeated of the king.
In his own remarkable prosperity, and in
the extraordinary honours conferred on
him, be did not forget the companions of
his humbler days. They were his coun
trymen ; th^y had been captives with
him ; they had been selected with a view
to stand with him before the king (cb. i.
3, 4) ; they had shared with bim in bis
roles of abstinence (ch. i. 1 1-17) ; they had
all passed an honourable examiuation
before the king (ch. i. 18, 19); they had
united with him in supplication to God
tbat be would disclose the meaning of the
vision (ch. ii. 17, 18), and now it was
proper that they should be remembered
by him who had been so signally hon
oured. ^ Over the affaire of Ihe province
of Babylon. In what particular depart
ments of business tbey were employed is
not mentioned; but it would seem tbat
all that specially pertained to this pro
vince wns intrusted to them. Daniel had
the general superintendence, but the
subordinate duties growing out of the
oflice were intrusted to them. Tbe fact
that the king granted the request, shows
the influence that Daniel had at the
court. The reasons which influenced the

affairs of the province of Babylon;
but Daniel sai "> in the gato of thi
king. b Esther 2. 19, 3. 2.

king in gra.nting the request, may hava
been not only the favour with which he re
garded Daniel, but the fact that tbe dutiea
of the oflice conferred on him now were
such as to require assistance, and the re
membrance of the virtues of these youths
when they stood before him. ^ But
Daniel sat in the gate of the king. The
post of cbief honour and dignity as a
counsellor of the king. The gate of a eity
in the East, being a cbief place of con
course, was tbe place where courts were
held, and public business was usually
transacted. See Notes on Job xxix. 7.
To say, therefore, that he ' sat in the gate
of the king,' is merely to say tbat he oc
cupied a place witb tbe chief counsellors
and dignitaries of the realm. Tho phrase
' Sublime Porte,' that is, ' tho Sublime
Gate,', is still employed at Constantinople
to denote tbe government of the Sultan ;
for in the earlier days of Ottoman rule,
the reigning sovereign, as is still the cnso
in some parts of the East, held courts of
justice and levees at the entrance of hia
residence. See Harper's Magazine, vol.
iv. p. 333. The office of Daniel was,
perhops, not far different from that of
the Grand 'Vizier of the Turkish govern
ment. See Murray's Ency. Geog. vol. ii.
p. 202.

REHAnKS.

Amon£the lessons of practical value sugfcsted by this chapter, wo may liotico the fcl.
(1.) Wo have nn instance (vs. 1-S) ofthe methods whicb were resoitcd to in the early pcriodj
of the world to ascertain what tho future would be. This great m..naroh relied on a dream
which greatly disturbed him, and on the power which he supposed was intrusted to men to
interpret dreams. In common with the prevailing spirit of his times, and of all ancient tiniM
(Jotes, ver. 1), he believed that dreams might be regarded as prognostics of future cventsi'^at
they wore under divino direction ; nnd that all that wns necessary to make tbem safe guides in
reference to what is to occur, was that thoy should be properly interpreted. In common, too,
with all the people of anoient times, and with most of modern times, the king here referred to
had an earnest desire to look into the futuro. Ihere has been no desire In the human bosom
stronger than this. Wo aro so made that we wish to lift the mysterious veU which shrouds tho
futuro ; to Penetrnto the deep darkness which rests on tho unseen world. Our urcat interests
arc there, lhe past is fixed, and cannot now aflToct us, except by tho consequents of what wb
have done, and by teaching us lessons of value derived from our own observation, and that of
others. But the future is not yet flxed. Man, so anxious to know what thia is to bc. finda
himself in rispeet to it peculiarly endowed. In relalloil to the past, ho is endowed witb the
faculty of memory bot with nothing corresponding to thia pertaining to the future. Uo ran
treasure up what lias occurred, but ho cannot in like manner make the future pass before his
Sn SL J?n H?,^M iL^"?" "^fSu^ knowing what will take plaoe in fiir distant times. There
can bo no doubt that God mdd havo endowed the mind witb one faculty as well ns the other—
ior ho has it himsolf— but there were obvious reasons why it should not be done. Uestituto then
W mau was of this power, one great object of human inquiry bas beea to see whothsr tiw

B.0. 603.] CHAPTER II. 165
defidency could be supplied, and whether something might not be found which would 1)o to tho
future substantially what the memory la to the past. Tbe efiForts and results on this subject —
one of which we have in the chapter betbre nn — constitute one of the most instructive cbapterji
of the history of our race, and show how effectually God has bounded tho limits of human ip-
ventilation ia this respect. Among those methods of attempting to penetrate tne future, and
of liyinj: open its deep mysteries, may be noticed the following : —
(o> Astrology. It waa supposed that the stars might exert an influence over the fates of
men, and that by observing their positioo^, conjunctions, aud oppositions, it might be ascer
tained what would b** the destiny of individu Us and nations. The belief of this haa manifested
itself more or less in every age ; and in such instances as in the word lunacy, and iu the common
apprehensions about the Infiuence of tho moon on health, and on vegetation, may be stitl seen
traudsof that belief. Even Lord Bacon held that * astrology was a science not to be rejeci-.d,
tout reformed;' and in the early periods of tho world it was a. fair subject of investigation
whether the heavenly bodies actually exerted such an influence, aud whether, if it were so, it
was possible to uscertBin the laws by which thia was done. This was tho sc called science of
astrology. {b) Necromancy. Tho belief of this also prevailed in nearly all ancient nations, and we find
frequent reference to it in the Scriptures. Tbis consisted in the belief that the dead must bo
acquainted witb the world where they now dwell, so dark to tbe living, and that it might be
possible to make a covenant or compact with them by which they would be induc»i to dis-
close what they knew. It was extensively, if not universally, believed that they re-appeared
to men, and that it was not an uncommon occurrence fur them to le.ave their abodes, and to
visit tlie earth again. It was, tberefore, not uu unnatural, and not an unfair subject of
inquiry, whether they would not disclose to the more favoured among mortals what they
knew of the secrets of the invisible world, and what they knew of events wliich were to come.
Comp. Notes on Isa, viii. 19.
(c) The arts of divination. These were founded mainly on the investigations of science. It
was at first a fair question whether, amidst tho wonders wbich science was unfolding to the
view, it might not contribute to lift the veil from the future, and reveal what was yet to come.
It took long to ascertain what were the legitimate nims of science, and what might be hoped
for from it. Hence it was directed to the inquiry whether some substance might not be found
which would transmute all things to gold; whether some elixer might not be discovered which
would arrest all disease, and give immortality to man; and whetiier science would not disclose
some means by which the futuro could be penetrated, and the mysteries of the invisible world
be laid open to the view. It required centuries of investijiation, a thousand failures, and the
results of long and patient thoujrht, to ascertain what were the true objects of science, and to
wnvince the world that it was not its legitimate purpose to reveal the future to man.
(d) Heathen oracles. It was an early inquiry whether God would not, in some way, lift the
reil from the future, and disclose its secrets to man. The belief that this would be done seems
to be natural to the mind of man ; and in all ages, and in all countries, he has supposed that
the future would thus be disclosed. Uence, among the heathen, certain persons claimed to
.be divinely inspired ; hence such shrines as that at Delphi became celebrated; hence ambiguous
responses were uttered, so expressed as to support the credit of the oracle, whatever might bo
the rasult; hence men were appointed to observe the flights of birds, to inspect the entrails of
animals ofiTerud in sacrifice, to interpret any'unusual phenomena in the clouds, to mark the
direction of meteors, and, in general, to examine any unusual appearances in the heavens or
the earth, which would seem to furnish auy clew by which tbe future might be known.
Much of all this undoubtedly became mere imposture, and justified the remark of Cicero that
he wondered tbat ono Augur could meet another without laughing; but there can be no doubt
that by many these inquiries were honestly pursued, and that at first all this seemed to bo a
legitimate subject of inquiry. What forbade man to pursue it? Aud who could tell but tbat
in some such ways the secrets of tbe mysterious future could be found out? It demanded
long and patient inquiry and observation to show that tills could not be so, and that whatever
mig/U be indicated by any of these things, it was never designed that they should be the
means by which man could be made acquainted with the mysteries of the invisible world.
(e) Dreams, We have seen (Notes, ver. 1) that it was an early article of belief that through
the medium of dreams the divine will might be made known, and the secrets of the future
disclosed. The theory on this subject seems to have been, that duriug sleep the ordinary laws
of tbe mind are suspended ; that the soul is abstracted from the visible world ; that the thoughts
which it has then must be originated by higher beings; and that in this state it has converse
with an invisible world, and may be permitted to see much of what is yet to occur. Comp.
Inlro. to Isaiah, g 7, (2).
(/} Visions. Men supposed that these might be representations made to certain favoured
{ierq<)nB rpspecting the future, their senses being closed to surrounding objects, and that while
D un ecstjLcy, or trance, tbe mind might have a view of future events. Such were the visinni
of Balaam; such, in a remarkable manner, were the visions of the true prophets, and so
deeply was the conviction that tbis migJd occur engrafted in the human mind, that the
\te\\x'. of it seems to have had a place among the heathen nations. Comp. Intro, to Isaiah,
IT, (4).
ouch were some of the ways by which it was supposed that the future might 1)0 penetrated
\>y man, and its secreta disclosed. By allowing man to make trial of these methods, and to
pursue them througli ft period of several thoiwand years, until he himself saw that they wen

166 DANIEL. [B.C.60a
fruitless, God was preparing the race to feel tho necessity of direct commumcations from hhnseH
and to welcome the true revelations which be would make respecting things to come.
(2.) We have in the chapter before us (vs. 4^11) an instance of ihe acknowlMged failure of t
class of tbe wisest of men. whose lives were devoted to thia employment, in their attempts to
disclose tho future. This is a fair illustration of all the attempts of the heathen, imd it was
doubtless permitted in order that it might be seen that all such attempts must. fad. lhe
mafficions, justrologers, and Chaldeans were foiled in a case which fairly came within the pro
vince oftheir art, and when pretenders to this kind of knowledge ought to have hwrn able to
solve the diflaculties of thr monarch. Regarding this as a fair illustration of ail the attempt*
of tho heathen to peuetra'^e the future, ond to discover the gi-eat truths whicli it is desu-able
for man to know, there arc three observations which may be made in regard to it:—!. The
trial has been a fair ono. (a) There was time enough allowed for it. It was about four thou^
sand years from the creation of man to the time when the canon of Scripture waa completed,
and promulgated to tbe whole world, aud it could not be said that man required a longer
timo to test the question whether he needed a revelation. (6) The trial was a fair one. because
it was one which men were at liberty to pursue to any extent, and which was conducted unocr
the best advantages. It was confined to no country or favoured class of men. In all lands,
and >'ith every advantage of climate, government, and laws, man has been engaged in the
great inquiry, and if it be remembered wbat immense numbers of minds have been employed
Jn these investigations, it cannot be pretended that the utmost desirable freedom has not been
allowed to man to test the question whether ' by searching he can find out God,' and disclose
tho future, (c) The same thing is true in respect to the talent which has been employed in
this investigation. It is not too much to say that the higliest talent that the world has pro.
duced has been engaged in these inquiries, and that the rqec-tors of revelation cannot hope
that higher powers can be brought to bear on it, or tbat tho unaided human intellect can hope
to accomplish more in this respect than has been done. The profoundest minds in Egypt and
Chaldea were engaged in inquiries of this sort. The very highest- talent which C^reece pro
duced in its best days was employed on questions of religion; in attempts to find out God, to
ascertain the relations of man to him, and to determine what man was to be hereafter.
What was true, also, of the ancient heathen, nnd of the modern heathen, tbat the best talent
has been employed on these questions, is true also of the rejectors of revelation in Christian
lands. Men of high powers of intellect have refused to acknowledge tbe Bible as a revelation,
and have chosen to fall back on the unaided resources of their own minds. Aided with all
that science and learning can do, they have inquired after a system of religion that would
commend itself to man aa true, and as adapted to his wants; and it cannot be pretended that
man in this reapect has not bad a fair opportunity to show what tbe human powers can do.
(d) The trial has been a fair one in regard tothe fleld of investigation. Astrology, necromancy,
abstruse natural science, oracles, dreams, visions, the observation of tbe course of events-^all
these have been open before man, and in oue and all of them he has been allowed to pursue
his investigations at pleasure. II. Thertv has been an entire failure in tbo attempt. The
Chaldeans failed in Babylon, as the magicians had done in Egypt, to explain what was regarded
as a prognostic ofthe future, and in both cases it was necessary to call in the aid of one who
had a direct communicatiou from heaven. The same has been tbe case in all attempts to ex
plain the future, and to disclose wbat man was so desirous of knowing about the invisible
world, (a) All reliance on astrology, necromancy, oracles, dreams, and the revelations of tbe
abstruscr sciences, has failed. Astrology has ceased to be a science, and tbe stars are studied
for other purposes than to'disclose future eventa; necromancy bas ceased to be a science — for
no one now hopes to bo able to make a compact with the dead, in virtue of which tbey will
disclose the secrets ofthe invisible world; no one now would consult a heathen oracle vritli the
hope of receiving a response to hia inquiries that might be relied on; tlie abstruser sciences are
pursued for other purposes, and no one would repose on di-eams to furnish a system of truth
which would meet the wants of man. (6) The same thing haa been true in regard to the
various systems of religion on which men have relied. /( is ti-ue of the systems of Uie heatheau
They have been tried in tbe moat ample manner, and have shown that they do not meet tiie
wants of man. The experiment haa been fairly made, and the system is becoming worse and
worse. It is not adapted to elevate man in tbe scale of being jn regard to the present life; it
doea not remove the evils which press uow upon the race; it doe* not discloae n certain way by
which a sinner may be prepared for the life to come. /( is truein i 'gard to an atonementfor sin.
Tho attempt has been made now for nearly six thousand years, t > find some way in wbich an
eflicacious sacrifice may be made for sin. Blood has been poured on thousands of altars; ani
mals bave been offered, and thousands of human beings have betn devoted to the gods, but
still there has been no evidence that these bloody oflFerings have been accepted, or that they
have availed to expiate transgression. Tbe experiment haa failed. Thero is no new sacrifice
that cau be offered now, and it is hopeless for man to attempt to make expiation for his own
Bios. The same thing is ti-ue of the syst,ems of rdigion proposed by infidelity. They are all
failures. One system after another is abandoned, and no one is such as tbe race needs. The
best talent tbat infidelity can hope to produce haa been exhausted in thia undertaking; for
how can it hope to produce meu better fitted to propose a system of religion to mankind thau
Shaftesbury, or Hobbes, or Tindal, or Herbert, or Voltaire, or Hume! Yet, after all that has
been done by infidelity in modern times, an intelligent man would prefer trusting his eternal
Interests to such a system as Socrates would propose to one proposed by Hume; he would feel
%sfw under the guidance of Cicero or Seneca than under tho direction of Voltairo or Gibbon.

B.C. 603.] CHAPTER II. 167
HL Tho reasons why God haa permitted this trial to be mode, in suoh a mannor, and with
such rosultst arc obvious. In thu oases which occurred In tho time of Pharaoh in Egypt, and
of Mcbuohadnezzar in Babylon, the reason evidently waa, that when there was an acknow
ledged failure of the power of tho magicians, God might himself, through Jcsopb and Daniel,
get honour to bis owu name. So tho reasons why ho has permitted thia trial to bo made on a
largo scale, and haa sufforod it everywhere to fail, aro probably thoRO two: (1.) To ahow to man,
In Hucli a way as to admit of no doubt, hia need of revelation ; and (2.) To induce htm to prizo
tho volume of revealed truth. We should valuo it the moro, and adhere to it the more firmly.
In view of the experiment which has been madoln all lands. If ^taf revelation be r^ected, man
hoa no rutiource; he is wholly unable to penetrate tho future; ho can doviso no way nf making
atonomuut for sin ; ho can originate no system that shall alleviate tho sorrows under whicJi wa
t;roan, or disclose tho prospect of happiness beyond tho tomb, for if the Biblo ia taken away,
6n what shall wo foil back to guide us? On astrology; on necromancy; on heathen oracles and
Bocriflces ; on dreams ; on tho ravings of priostosses at heathen shrines, or the spooulations of
Infidelity in Christian lands? AU theso have boon tried in vain. Tho Bible is tho only guide
on which man can roly to conduct him to heaven. If that falls^ all falls, and man is in the
midst of impenetrable night.
(3.) Wo may learn ftom this chapter (vs. 12-19), that In tho perplexities and trials which
arise in life, a good man may appeal to God for guidance and help. So Daniel felt, when all
human power had failed, in complying with tho demands of a stern and arbitrary monarch,
and when ho and bis ft*iends, though Innocent, wero about to be involved in tho swooping sen
tence which had beon issued against tho wise mou of Babylon. Then it was clear tbat nothing
could aave them but divino interposition; nothing could avert the atroko but such a heavenly
iufluence aa would disclose tlic secret, and thua avert the wrath of the king. In this emergency,
Daniel felt that ho m/ight call upon God, and to this service ho summoned also his three
ft'ionds, who were equally intoreated with him in the issue. In view of tbis we may observe:
I. That aU good mou are liable to moot with similar perplexities and embarrassments; to be
placed in ciroumstaucea whero nothing but the interposition of God can help them. This is
true in such respects aa tho following: (a) In reference to tlie knowledge of tlio truth. Tbe
mind ia often perplexed on tbo suhject ofreligion; reason faila to disclose those truths which it
is desirable to know; darkness and obscurity seem to envelop tho wbolo sul^oct; tho soul, op
pressed with a aenae of conscious guilt, seeks to find somo way of peace; tho heart, ontanglod
In the meahos of unboliof, atrugglos and pants to bo true, and there is no human hb!p — nothing
thia aide the eternal throne on which reliance can be placed to impart tho light which is needed.
(6) In reference to duty. The mind is ofteu perplexed to know what should be done. Though
desirous of doing what is right, yet there may bo so many conflicting views; there may be such
doubt as to what is best and right, that nono but God can direct in auch au emergency, (c) In
oases of peril. Daniel and hia frienda were in danger; aud mon aro often now in such danger
that thoy fuel that none but God can save them. On a bed of pain; in a stranded vessel; in a
burning houso, men ofton feel that human help is powerleaa, aud that aid can be found in none
but God. Thus the church, in tbo dark days of persecution, has ofteii been so encompassed with
dangors, that it could not but feel that noue but Qod could avort the impending deatruction.
lc) In times whon religion declines, and when iniquity abounds. Then the church ofton is led
to feel that there is need of the aid of God, and that nono but he can rouse it from ita death
like slumbers, and put back tho swelling waves of iniquity. II. In such circumstancea it ia the
privilege of a good man to appeal to God, with tbe liopo tiiat he will interpose. (1.) Thia was
¦folt by Daniel, and it ia an undoubted truth, aa revealed iu the Bible, that in sucb circum
stancea, if wo will look to God, wo may hope for hia guidance and help. Comp, 2 Kings six.
14, 15; Job xvi. 19-21 ; Ps. xxv. 9, xlvi. 1, seq., lv. 22; James i. 5, 6. But (2,) what kind of intei^
position and dii'ootiou mny we hopo for in such perplexities? I answer: (a) We may expect the
divine dirootiou by a careful atudy of the principles laid down in the Scriptures. The Bible
indeed doea not, for it could not, mention the namea of individuala, or specify evory case which
would occur iu which divine direction would be needed, but it lays down great principtes of
trutb, applicable to all the circumstancos which will over arise. In this rcspoct there is a won
derful richooaa and fullneas in the Woi-d of God. Thero ia many a rich vein of truth wbich seems
never to have beon worked until wo ore placed in somo now and untried situation. Whon one is
thrown into perplexing cireumstances; when ho is called to paas through trials; whon ho m& ts
some powerful ibrm of temptation, he is surprised to find how much there is iu tho Biblo adapted
to such oircumstancus that he never saw thero before. It seems to be a uew book, written to
meet just such cases; nor in such circumntances doos ho ever consult its pages in vain, {b) We
may expect direction by his providence. Tho sparrow falls not to tbo ground without his direo-
tioii, aud all events aro under his control, aud as theso events occur they may bo regarded as
so many indications ofhis will. Ono of tho most interesting and profitable employments in a
man's lifo i.s to atudy the indications of Providence in regard to himaelf, and to endeavour to
learn, IVom what is dally occurring to him, what is the will ofGod in regard to Mm. A careful
and prayerful observer of tho intimations of the divino will is not io serious danger of error.
(c) God guides thoso who are in perplexity by his Spirit. Thero is a secret and ailent influ-
encp on the miud ol" him who is desiraua of being lod iu the way of duty, suggesting what ia
true, delivering tho mind f^-om prcyudice, overcoming opposition to tho truth, diaposing tho
wart to charity, pouco, and 16ve, prompting to the porlormanco oi duty, and graduaUy olovaUnjj
the nul to God. if a nian would pray when ho feels au inward prompting to pray ; would read
tho Blbl9 whou a:)mu Inward voioe seems to call hhn to do it ; would do good when the inward

168 DANIEL. [B.C. 603.
monitor utges him to do It; would fix the eye and the heart on heaven when something within
seems to ead him toward the skiea, he would not he in much danger of error. Such are
* Bprin-'-ti Jies of piety in the soul'— timea when tbe soul may make rapid pi-ogress in the know
ledge ofthe truth, and it is not enthusiaBm to say that such states of mind are produced by
an iufluence from above. .
(4 ) In view of tbis chapter (vs. 17, 18), we may observe tbat it is a privilege to have praying
friends— friends on whom we can call to unite with us in prayer in the time of trouble. So
Daniel found it when he called on hia frienda to pray ; so Eather fonnd it when her whole people
were In danger, and when all depended on her successful application to the sovereign (Esther
Iv. 16), and so tbe friends of God have found it in all ages. If prayor is heard at all, there are
special reasona why it should prevail wben many are united in the request. Comp. Matt.
xviii. 19. Hence the propriety of worship in the family ; hence tbe fitness of prayer-meetings ;
•nd hence the appropriateness of prayer offered in the great congregation.
(5.) God should be praised and acknowledged as having supremacy over all things, vs. 20-23.
Particularly he should be acknowledged (a) in tbe changes that occur on earth; in tbe changes
from childhood to youth, and from youth to manhood, and to old age ; in the beautiful changes
of the seasons, and in all tbe variety which the seasons bring with them; in the changes from
sickneaa to health, from poverty to fd99uence, from oppression and slavery to freedom, from an
humble to an exalted conditiou; in oil the revolutions of empire, and the changes of dynasties.
(6) He should be acknowledged in bis supremacy over the kings and rulers of the earth. Every
mot/arch reigns by his permission, and every one is designed to accomplish some great purpose iu
the development of his plans. If a full and correct history ofthe world could be written, it would
be found that God had some object to accomplish by the instrumentality of every one whom he has
called to a throne, and that aa we can now see a distinct design to be accomplished by the reign
of Pharaoh, Sennacherib, Cyrus, and Augustus, so we oould find some distinct design in re-
ference to every one who has ever reigned, (c) He should be recognized as the source of all
knowledge. Particularly (1.) he originally endowed every mind, ond gave it the capacity which
It haa for acquiring knowledge ; (2.) he preserves the faculties of the mind, and givea them their
just balance; (3.) he makes the intellect clear and bright, and when it applies itself to the
investigation of truth he only can preserve it unclouded ; (4) he makes, under the operation
of the regular lawa of intellect, important suggestions to the mind — those pregnant hints con
taining so much *' the seeda of things" on which all true progress in knowledge depends — tbose
bright thoughts, those happy conceptiona, which come into the soul, and which result in such
happy inventions, and such advances in science, art, literature, aud law; and (5.) he should
be regarded as tbe original source of thoae inventioTis which contribute so much to the progrttss
of the race. At the proper time, and the best time, when some new and wonderful discovery
is to burst upon the world, he raises up the individual who is to make it, and the discovery
takes its place aa one of the fixed points of progress, and aociety, with that es a treasure never
to be los^ moves forward on a higher elevation, with greatly accelerated progress. ,So it was
with the invention of alphabetical writing ; the art of printing ; the application of ateam to pur
poses of manufactory and navigation ; tbe telescope, and the telegraph ;' and, in general, in re
spect to all those great inventions which have contributed to the progress of society. If the
whole trutb were known, it would be aeen that tbe hand of God was in these things as really as
in the ' revelation of the deei> and secret things to Daniel.'
(6.) We may leam from this chapter, as was remarked in tbe Notes on ver. 20, that for all
'^ur attainments in knowledge and wisdom we sbould ascribe the praise to God alone. In illus
tration of thia we may remark (I.), That there ia a atrong native tendency in man to ascribe
tbe bonour of such attainment^ to himself. It is one of tbe most difficult of all thinga to
Induce man to attribute the praiae of whatever excellence he may have, or whatever atlain
ments he may make, to hia Creator. Thia cxiats univeraally in regard to talent, rank, and scientific
attainmenta; and it ia even hard for a heart that is endowed with true religion to free
Itself altogetber from self glorying, aa if it were all to be traced to ourselves. Yet (Il.)t i^ our
case, as in tbe caae of Daniel, all the honour should be ascribed to God. For (1.) it ia to him we
owe all our original endowments of mind and of body, whatever they may be. In this respect
we are as he chope to make ua. We have no natural endowment — whether of beauty, strength,
genius, aptneaa for learnintr, or advantagea for distinction in science which he did not confer
on ua, and which be could not as easily have withheld from us aa he did ftom tiioae less
favoured. And why should we be proud of these things ? Shall the oak of Bashan be proud
of its far-spreading arms, or its strength ? Shall the cedar of Lebanon be proud of its height,
aud ita vaatnesa, and ite beauty ? Shall the roae be proud of its beauty or ita sweetness, or shall
the magnolia boaat of ita fragrance ? (2.) Qod haa conferred on ua all the means of education
wbich we have enjoyed, and all to which the development of our natural powers can be traced.
Ho has preserved our reason ; he has furnished ua instructora ; he has provided the books which
we have read; he haa contiuued to us the possession ofthe health which we have enjoyed. At
any moment he could have driven reason fi-om the throne; he could have deprived us of
health ; he could have aummoned us away. (3.) It is equally owing to him that we have beeu
favoured with any success in the prosecution of our calling in life. Let tbe mercbant who
has accumulated great property, apparently by hia own industry, suppose that all diviue
agency and influence in hia c^se had boen withheld, and whatever labour he might have
expc'nded, or with whatever skill he might be endowed, he could have met with no such
Bucueee. Let him reflect how much he owes to favouring gales On the ocean ; to the seascus
pr&Iucing abundant harvests, and to what seems almost to be chance or forUtne, aud hs

B.C. 603.] CHAPTER II. 161
will see at once that whatever success he may have been favoured with is to be ...ik^I, In in
emiuent senae, to 6rod. The same thing is true of all the other successful departments of
human effort. (4.) This is equally true in all the "knowledge which wo have ot th<i way of sal
vation, and all our hopes of eternal life. It is a great principle of religion that ' we have nothing
which we have not received, and that if we bave received it, we should not glor^ as if we had
not received it, for it is God who makes us to differ.' 1 Cor. iv. 7. It ia God who originally gave
us the volume of revealed truth — making ua differ from the whole pagan world. It is God who
awakened us to see our guilt and danger, making us to differ from the gay aui coi-eless world
aiound ua. It is God alone who has pardoned our sina, making ua to differ from the multitudo
who are unpardoned in the world. It is God who has given us every hope that we cherish that
is well-founded, and all the peace and joy wbich we bave had in communion with himaelf Por
these things, therefore, we should give all the praise to God, and in our case, as in that of Daniol,
it is one ofthe evidences ofour piety when we are disposed to do so.
(7.) We have in this chapter (vs. 46, 47,) an instructive instance of the extent to which an
irreligious man may go in showing respect for God. It cannot be supposed that Nebuchadnezzar
was a truly pious man. His characteristics and actiona, both before and after this, wero those
Dfa heathen, and there is no evidence that he was truly converted to God. Yet he evinced the
Iti'glieat respect for one who was a servant and prophet of the Most High (ver. 46), and even for
Utid himself (ver. 47). This waa evinced in a still more remarkable manner at a subsequent
period, ch. iv. In this he showed how far it is possible for one to go who has no real piety, and
aa such cases are not uncommon, it may uot be improper to consider them for a moment.
I. Tbis respect for God extends to the following things : (1.) An admiration of him, as great,
and wise, and powerful. Tbe evidences of his power and wisdom are traced in his works. The
mind may I* impressed with thatwhichis wise, or overpowered with thatwhich is vast, without
there being any real religion, and all tbis admiration may terminate on God, and be expressed
in language of respect for him, or for bis ministers. (2.) This admiration of Ood may be ex
tended to whatever ia beautiful in religion. The beauty of the works of nature, of the sky, of a
landscape, ofthe ocean, of \he setting sun, of the changing clouds, of the flowers of the field,
may lead the thoughts up to God, and produce a certain admiration of a Being who has clothed
tbe world witb so much loveliness. There ia a religion of aentiment as weU as of principle;
a religion that terminates on the heautifvl aa well as a religion tbat terminates on the holy.
Tho Greeks, natural admirers of beauty, carried this kind of religion to the higheat possible
degree; for their religion was, in all its forma, characterized by the love of the beautiful. So
also there is much that ia beautiful in Christianity, as well as in the works ofGod, aud it is pos
sible to be charmed with that without ever having felt any compunction for ain, or any love for
pure religion itself. It is posaible for one who has a natural admiration for that which ia lovely
in character, to aee a high degree of moral beauty in the character ofthe Redeemer; for one
whoae heart ia easily moved by aympathy to be affected in view of tbe aufferiuga of the injured
Saviour. The same eyes that would weep over a well-told tale, or over a tragic representation
f on the stage, or over a scene of real diatreas, might weep over the wronga and woea of Him who
waa crucified, and yet there might be nothing more than the religion of aentiment — ^the reUgion
springing from mere natural feeling. (3.) There is much poetic religion in the world. It is
possible for the imagination to form such a view of the divine character that it shall seem, to be
lovely, while perhaps there may be scarcely a feature of tbat character that shall be correct
Not a little of the religion of the world is of this description — where such a God is conceived
of as the mind chooses, aud the affections are fixed on that imaginary being, while there is not
a particle of love to the true God in the aoul. So there is a poetic view of man, of hia character,
of his destiny, while the real charactei if the heart haa never been seen. So tbere is a poetic
Tiew of heaven — strongly resembUng tue views which the ancients had of the Elyaian fields.
But heaven as a place of holiness, has never been thought of, and would not be loved. Men
look forward to a place where the refined and the intelligent; the amiable and tho lovely; tha
accompUshed and the upright ; wher& poets, orators, warriora, and philosophers will be assem-
bled together. This is the kind ofreligion which is often manifested in eulogies, and epitaphs,
and in conversation, where those who never had any better religion, and never pretended to anj
serious piety, are represented as having gone to heaven when they die. There are few whc
under the influence of such a religiou, are not looking forward to some kind of a heaven ; and
frw persons die, whatever may be their character, unless they are openly and grossly abandoned,
for whom the hope ia not expressed that they have gone safe to a better world. If we may
credit epitaphs, and obituary notices, aud funeral eulogiums, and biographies, there are few
poets, warriors, stateamen,or philosophers, about whose happiness in the future world we sbould
have any apprehension. II. But in all Uiis there may be uo real reUgion. There ia no evi
dence that there was auy in the case of Nebuchadnezzar, and aa little is there iu the instances
now referred to. Such persons may have a kind of reverence for God as great, and powerful, aud
wise; they may have even a kind of pleasure in looking on the evidence of hia existence and
I erfections in his works; they may have a glow of pleasurable emotion in the merepvetry
ff religion; they may be restrained from doing mauy things by their conscieneea; they may
erect temples, and build altars, and contribute to the support of reUgion, and even be Eealous
foi -^Ugion, as they understand it, and still have no just views ofGod. and no true piety what-
evar, (1.) The mind that is truly religious is not insensible to all this, and may have as
exalted notions of God aa a great and glorious being, and be aa much impressed with the
beauty evinced in his works as in the cases supposed. True religion does not destroy tha
lease of the subUme and beautifnl, but rather cultivates this in ahigher degree. But (2.) thert

170 DANIEL. .[B.C. 580.
k muc^ besides this that enters into true religion, and without which all these things are vain.
(a) True religion alwaya arisCiS froni just views of God aa he is ; not from him as an imaginary
being, (b) True religion must regard God aa having moral attributes; as benevolent, and just,
and true, and holy, and not merely as powerful and great, (c) In all these things referred to,
there is necessarily no moral excellence on the part of those who thus admire God and hii
worka. The mere admiration of power implies in us no moral excellence. The admiration
ofthe wiadom which made the worlda and keepa them in their place ; of the beautiea of poetry,
or ofa flower, or landscape, though made by God, impliea no moral exceUence in us, and, there
fore, no true reUgion. There is no more religion in admiring God as an architect or painter
than i bere is iu admiriug Sir Christopher Wren, or Michael Angelo ; and the mere admiration
of the works of God as such, impUes no more moral excellency in us than it doea to admire St:.
Paul's or St. Peter's. In religion, the heart does not merely admire the beautiful and the
grand; it lovea tbat which ia pure, and just, and good, and holy. It deUghts in God as a holy
being rather than as a powerful being; it finds pleasure in his moral character, and not merely
in his greatneaa.
(8.) We may learn from this chapter (ver. 49), that when we are favoured with prosperity and
honour we should not neglect, or be ashamed of, the companions of our earlier days, and the
partakers of our fortune when we were poor and unknown. Joseph, when exalted to the pre
miership of Egypt, was uot ashamed of his aged father, but, though he bad heen an humble
shepherd, presented bim, witb the deepest feelings of respect towards an aged parent, to
Pharaoh ; nor was he ashamed of hia brethren, though tbey had done him so much wrong.
Danici, when in a similar manner advanced to the most honourable post which one could
reach, in the most magnificent monarchy of the world, was not ashamed of the youthful
friends with whom he had shared the humble and severe lot of bondage. So we, if we a«
made rich ; if we are raiped to honour ; if we become diatinguished for learning or talent; if
our names are known abroad, or we aro entrusted with a high and honourable oflBce, should
not forget the friends and companions of our earlier yeara.

CHAPTER III.
g 1. ATJTHEKTIClTr OF THE CHAPTER.
The objcctioDSi -whicli have been urged agamst the authenticity of this chapter, are much
more numerous than those which have been alleged asrainst the two previous chapters.
I. The flrst which desorvea to be noticed is stated by De Wette (p. 383, under the general head
sit improbabilities in the chapter), and Bleek, p. 268, as quoted by Hengstenberg, die Authentie
des Daniel, p. 83. The ohjection is, Kubstontially, that if the account in ttiis chapter is true, il
would prove that the Chaldeans were inclined to persecution on account of religious opinions,
•which, it is said, is contrary to their whole oiiaracter as elsewhere shown. So far as we have
any information in regard to them, it is alleged, they were far from having this character, and
Jt is not probable, therefore, that Nebuchadnezzar would mako a law which would compel tho
¦worship of an idol under severe pains and penalties.
To this ohjection the following reply may be made : —
(1.) Little is known, on any supposition, of the Chaldeans in general, and little of the
character of Nebuchadnezzar in particular, beyond what we flnd in tho Book of Daniel So
far, however, as we havo any knowledge of either from any source, there is no inconsiateney
between that and what is said in this chapter to have occurred. It is probable that no one
ever perceived any incongruity of this kind in the book itself, nor, if this were all, should
we snppose that there was any improbability in the account in tliis chapter.
i.-^?''.,^?'"'? '' P''''P«''ly no account of persecution in this narrative, nor any reason to suppose
that Nebuchadnezzar designed any such thing. This is admitted by Bertholdt himself (p. 261),
and IS manifest on the face of the whole narrative. It is indeed stated that Nebuchadneraai
demanded, on severe penalties, o recognition of the god that ho worshipped, and required
that the reverence should be shown to that god which he thought to be his due. It is troe,
also, that the monarch intended to be obeyed in what seems to ua to bo avery arbitrary and
unreasonable command, that they should assemble and fall down and worship the image
which he had set up. But this docs not imply any disposition to persecute on account of
religion, or to prevent m olhers (he free exercise of their own religious opinions, or tho wor
ship of their own gods. It is well known that it was a doctrine of all ancient idolaters, that
respect might be shown to foreign gods— to the gods of other people— without in the least
degree implying a want of respect for thoir own gods, or violating any oftheir oblications tc
ttiem. The umversal maxim was, that the gods of all nations wero to bu respected, and
boueo foreign gods might bo introduced for worship, and respect paid to them without 'n

B.C.580.J CHAPTER III. 171
any degree detracting from ihe honour which, waa due to their own. Nebuchadnezzar, ther*
foro, simply demanded that homage should be shown to the idol that he had erected; that the
god whom he worshipped should be acknowledged as a god; and that respect ahould thus be
shown to himself, and to the laws of his empire, by acknowledging his god, and rendering to
tbat god the degree of homage which was his duo. But it ia nowhere intimated that he re-
garded his idol as the only true god, or that ho demanded that he should be recognized as
such, or that he was not willing that all other gods, in their place, ahould be honoured.
There is no intimation, therefore, that be meant to persecute any other ono for worshipping
their o\?n goda, nor is there any reason to suppose that he apprehended that there would be
any scruples on religioua grounds about acknowledging the image that he set up to be worthy
of adoration and praise,
(3.) There is no reason to think that he was ao well acquainted with the peculiar character
of tbe Hebrew religion as to suppose that its votaries would have any difflculty on this sub
ject, or would hesitato to unite with othera in adoring his imago. He knew, indeed, tbat
they wore worshippers of Jehovah ; that they had reared a magnificent temple to his honour
iu Jerusalem, and that they professed to keep his laws. But tbere is no reason to believe that
he was very intimately acquainted with the laws and inatitutiona of the Hebrews, or that be
supposed that they would have any difficulty in doing what was univeraally understood to be
proper — to show due respect to the gods of other nations. Certainly, if he had intimately
known tbe history of a considerable portion of the Hebrew people, and boon acquainted with
their proneness to fall into idolatry, he would have seen little to make him doubt that they
would readily comply with a command to ahow respect to the gods worshipped in other landa.
There is no reason, therefore, to auppoae that he anticipated that the Hebrew exilea, any
more than any other people, would hesitate to ahow to his image the homage which he
required. (4.) The wbole account agrees well with the character of Nebuchadnezzar. He was an
arbitrary monarch. He was accustomed to implicit obedience. He was determined in his
character, and resolute in his purpoaes. Having once formed the resolution to erect auch a
magnificent image of his god — one that would correspond with the greatness of his capital,
and, at the same time, show his respect for the god that he worshipped, — nothing was more
natural than that he ahould iasue auch a proclamation that homage should be shown to it by
all hia aubjects, and tbat, in order to secure tbis, be should issue thia decree, that whoever did
not do it ahould be punished in the severest manner. There ia no reason to suppoae that he
had any particular clasa of persons in his eye, or, indeed, that he anticipated that tbe order
would be disobeyed by any class of persons. In fkct wo see in this whole transaction just one
illustration of what uaually occurred under the arbitrary despotisms of the Kast, whero,
whatever is the order that ia iasued from the throne, universal and absolute submission is
demanded, uuder tbe threatening of a apeedy and fearful punishment. Tbe order of Nebu>
chadnezzar was not more arbitrary and unreasonable than those which have been frequently
iasued by the Turkish Sultan.
II. A second objection to the chapter, ia the account of the muaical instmments in ver. 5.
The objection ia, that to aome of these inatruments Grecian names are given, and that this
provea that the transaction must have a later date than is attributed to it, or tbat tbe account
must have been written by one of later times. The objection is, that the whole statement
seems to have been derived from the account of some Greek procession in honour of the gods
of Greece. See Bleek, p. 259.
To this objection, it may be replied, (a) that such processions in honour of tho gods, or such
assemblages, accompanied with musical instruments, were, and are, common among all people.
Tbey occur constantly at the East, and it cannot, with any propriety, be said that one is bor
rowed from another. (6) A* large part of theae instruments have undoubtedly Chaldee names
given to them, and the names are such aa we may suppose that one living in the times of
Nebuchadnezzar would give them. See Notes ou ver, 5. (c) As to those which are alleged to
indicate a Greek origin, it may he observed, that it ia quite uncertain whether the origin of
the name was Greek or Chaldee. That such names are found given to instrumenta of music
by the Greeks, ia certain; but it ia not certain whence they obtained the name. For anything
that can be proved to the contrary, the name may havo had an Eaatem origin. It is altogether
probable that many of the names of things among the Greeka had auch an origin ; and if the
Instrument of music itself— as no one can prove it did not — came in from the East, the name
came also from the East, (d) It may be further stated, that, even on the supposition that
the name had its origin in Greece, there is no absolute certainty that the name and the instru
ment were unknown to the Chaldeans. Who can prove that aome Chaldean may not havo
been in Greece, and may not have borne bock to hia own country some instrument of musio
that he found there different from thoae which he bad been accustomed to at home, or that he
may not have constructed an instrument resembling one which he had aeen there, and given
It tho same name? Or who can prove that aome atrolUng Greek mnalciau may not havo
travelled as far as Babylon — for the Greeka travelled everywhere — and carried with him some
mstrument of music before unknown to the Chaldeans, and imparted to them at the aame time
the knowledge of the inatrument and the name! But until thia is shown the objection has
no force.
Ill, A third objection is, that tho statement in ver. 22, that the persona appointed to execute
the ordera of the king died from the heat of the furnace, or that the king issued an order

i72 DANIEL. L^.C. 580..
to execute which perilled the lives of the innocent who were intrusted with its execution, ifl
improbable. To thia it may be said (a), tbat there ia no evidence or affirmation that the king contemplated
iheir danger, or deaigned to peril their lives ; but it is undoubtedly a fact that he was intent on
tbe execution ofhis own order, and that he little regarded the peril of those who executed it.
And nothing is more probable than this; and, indeed, nothing more common. A general who
orders a company of men to silence or take a battery, haa no malice against tbem, and no
design on their lives; but he is intent on the accomplishment of the object, wbatever may be
the peril afthe men, or however large a portion of them may fall. In fact, the objection which
is here made to the credibility of this narrative ia an objection which would be with egiial force
against most of tbe orders issued in battle, and not a few of the commands issued by arbitrary
monarchs in time of peace. The fact in this case was, the king was intent on the execution of
his purpose — the punishment of the refractory and stubborn men wbo had resisted his com
mands, and there is no probability that, in the excitements of wrath, he would pause to inquire
whether tbe execution of his purpose would endanger the lives of those who were entrusted
with the execution of the order or not. (b) There ia every probability that tbe heat would be
GO great as to peril the Uvea of those who ahould approach it. It ia said to have been made
seven timea hotter than usual (ver. 19) ; that is, as hot as it could be made, and, if tbis were so,
it is by no meana an unreasonable aupposition that those who were compelled to approach it so
near as to cast others in should be in danger.
IV. A fourth objection, urged by Grieainger, p. 41, aa quoted by Hengstenberg, Authentic des
Daniel, p. 92, is, that ' aa Nebuchadnezzar had the furnace already prepared ready to throw
these men in, be must bave known beforehand that they would not comply with hia demand,
jnd so must have designed to punish them : or that this representation is a mere fiction of the
writer, to make the delivery of these men appear more marvellous.'
To tbis it may be replied (a), tbat tbere ia not tbe slightest evidence, from the account in
Daniel, that Nebuchadnezzar bad the fumace prepared beforehand, as if it were expected that
!ome would disobey, and aa if he meant to ahow his wrath. He indeed (ver. 6) threatens this
punishment, but it ia clear, from ver. 19, that tbe furnace waa not yet heated up, and tbat the
jccasion of its being heated in such a manner waa the unexpected refusal ofthese three men to
obey him. (6) But if it should be admitted that there waa a fumace thua glowing— heated
with a view to punish offenders — it would not be contrary to what sometimes occurs in the
East under a despotism. Sir John Chardin (Voy. en Perse, iv. p. 276), mentions in his time {iu
the seventeenth century), a case similar to this. He says that during a whole month, in a
time of great scarcity, an oven waa kept heated to throw in all persona who bad failed to comply
with the lawa in regard to taxation, and had thus defrauded the government. This was, in
fact, strictly in accordance with the character of Oriental despotism. We know, moreover, from
Jer. xxix. 22, that this mode of punishment was not unknown in Babylon, and it would seem
probable that it was not uncommon in the time of Nebuchadnezzar. Thus Jeremiah saya,
" And ofthem ahall be taken up a curse by all tbe captivity of Judah which are in Babylon,
saying, The Lord make thee like Zedekiah and Uke Ahab, whom the king of Babylon roasted
in the fire."
v. A fifth objection is stated thus by Bertholdt : ' Why did the wonders recorded in thia
chapter take place? It was only for this purpose tbat Nebuchadnezzar might be made to
appear to give praise to God, that he ia repreaented aa giving commandment that no one should
reproach him. But this object Is too small to juatify such an array of means.' To this it Liay
be replied (a) that it does not appear from the chapter that thia was the ol^ect aimed at.
(b) There wore other designa in the narrative beside thia. They were to ahow the firmnesa of
the meu who refuaed to worship an idol-god; to illustrate their conscientioua adherence to
their religion; to show their confidence in the divine protection; to pi-ove that God wiU defend
those who put their trust in bim, and that he can deUver them even in the midst of tho
flames. These things were worthy of record.
^I'.,^^^^^ ^^^^ objected that 'the expression in which Nebuchadnezzar (ver. 28), is repre
sented as breaking out, after the rescue ofthe three men, is altogether contrary to his dignity.
and to the respect for the religion of his fathers and of his country, which be was bound to
defend. Bertholdt, p. 253 But to thia it may be repUed (a) that if this scene actually oc
curred before the eyes of the kmg— if God had thus miraculously interpoaed in delivering his
servants m this wonderful manner from tbe heated fumace, nothing would be more natuwd
than this. It waa a manifest miracle, a direct interposition of Qod, a deliverance of the pro-
fessed friends of Jehovah by a power that was above all that was human, and an expression
of aurpnse and admiration was in every way proper on such an occasion, (b) It accorded with
all the prevailing notiona of religion, and of the respect due to the gods, to aay thia. As above
remarked, it wta a principle recognized among the heathen to honour tiie gods of otiier nationa,
and if they had interposed to defend their own votaries, it was no more than was admitted
in aU the nationa of idolatry. If, therefore, Jehovah had interposed to save his own friends
and worshippers, every principle which Nebuchadnezzar held on the subject would make it
proper for him to acknowledge the fact, and to say tbat honour was due to him for his inter-
position. In this, morMver, Nebuchadnezzar would be underatood as sayine notiiing derog-
atory to the gods that be himself worshipped, or to those adored in hia own landAU tiiS
^necessary to be auppoaed in what he said ia, tiiat he now felt ttiat Jehovah, tbe God whom
the Hebrews adored, had shown that he was worthy to be ranked among the gods, and that
In common with otiiers, he had power to protect his own frienda. To this it may be added

B C. 580.1 CHAPTER III. 173
(c) that. In his way, Nebuchadnezzar everywhere showed that he was a rdigious man: that is,
that he recognized the gods, and waa ever ready to acknowledge thejp interference in human
afFaira, and to render them the honour which waa their due. Indeed, thia whole affair grew
out of bia respect for religion, and what here occurred waa only in accordance with bia general
principle, that when any God had shown that he had power to deliver his people, he should bo
acknowledged, and that uo worda of reproach should be uttered against him, ver. 29.
VII. A more plauaible objection than thoae wbich have just been noticed is urged by Luder-
wald, Jahn, and Dereser, in regard to tbe account which ia given of tbe image which Nebuchad
nezzar is said to have erecled. This objection has reference to tbe sizi \f the image, to its
proportions, and to the material of which it is said to have been compose^. This objection, as
stated by Bertholdt (p. 250), is substantially the following : * that the imago had probably a humau
term, and yet that the proportions of the human figure are by no means observed — the height
being represented to have been sixty cubita, and its breadth six cubits — or ita heighth being to
its breadth aa teu to one, whereas the proportion of a man is only six to one ; that the amount
of gold in such an imago is incredible, being beyond any means which the king of Babylon
could have possessed ; and that probably the image here referred to waa one that Herodotus
says he saw in the temple of Belus of Babylon {I. 183), and which Diodorus Siculus describee
(II. 9), aud which was only forty feet in height.' See Kotea on ver. 1. In regard to this
objection, we may observe, then.
(a) That there is no certainty that this was the same image which is referred to by Herodotus
and Diodorus Siculus. That image was in the temple; this was erected on the * plain of Dura.'
See Notea on ver. I. But so far as appears, thia may have been erected for a temporary pur
pose, and the materials may then have beeu employed for other purposes ; that in the temple
was permanent.
(/>) As to the amount of gold in the image — it is not aaid or implied that it waa of solid gold.
It IS well known that the imagea ofthe gods were made of wood or clay, and overlaid with gold
or silver, aud this is all that is necessarily implied bere. See Notes on ver. 1.
(c) The height of tfae alleged image can be no real objection to the statement. It is not neces
sary to assume that it had the human form — though that is probable — but if that be admitted,
there can be no objection to tbe supposition that, either atanding by itself, or raised on a
pedestal, it may have been as lofty as the statement here implies. The colossal figure at Rhodes
was an hundred and five Grecian feet in height, and, being made to stride tbe mouth of tho
harbour, waa a work of much more difficult constructiois than this figure would have been.
(d) As to the alleged disproportion in the figure of the image, see Notes on ver. 1. To what
is there said may be added: (1) It is not necessary to auppose that it had the human form.
Nothing of this kind ia affirmed, though it may be regarded aa probable. But if it had not, of
course the objection would have uo force, (2) If it had the human form, it is by no meana
clear whether it had a sitting or a atanding poature. Nothing is said on this point in regard to
the image or statue, and until this is determined, nothing can be aaid properly respecting the
proportions. (3) It is not said whether it stood by itself, or whether it rested on a basia or
pediment— and until tJiis is determined, no objections can be valid aa to the proportion of the
statue. It is every way probable that the image was reared on a lofty pedestal, and for any
thing that appeara, the j)roportiona of the image itsdf, whether sitting or standing, may have
been well preaerved. But (4) in addition to this it should be said, that if the account here is to
he ^ken literally as stating that the image waa ten timea as high as it waa broad — thus faiUng
to observe the proper human proportions — the account would not be incredible. It is admitted
by Gesenius (Ency. von Ersch. und Gruber, art. Babylon, Th. vii. p. 24), that the Babylonians
had no correct taste in these matters, * The ruins,' saya he, ' are imposing by their coloaaal
greatness, not by their beauty ; all the ornaments are rough and barbarian.' The Babylonians,
indeed, possessed a taste for the colossal, the grand, the imposing, but they alao had a taste for
the monstroua aud the prodigious, and a mere want of preportion is not a sufficient argument
to prove tbat what is stated here did not occur.
,VIIT. But one other objection remaina to be noticed. It is one which ia noticed by Bertholdt
(pp. 251, 252), that, if thia is a true account, it is strange that Daniel himself ia not referred to ;
that if he waa, according to the representation in the last chapter, a high officer at court, it is
unaccountable that he is not mentioned as concerned in these affairs, and especially that he did
not interpose in behalf of his tbree frienda to save them. To thia objection it is sufficient to reply
(a) that, as Bertholdt himself (p. 287) suggesta. Daniel may have been absent from the capital
at this time on aome busine.^a of state, and conaequently the queation whether he would wor
ship the image may not have been tested. It is probable, from the noture of the case, that he
would be employed on such embassies, or be sent to aome other part of the empire from time
to time, to arrange the affairs of the provinces, and no one can demonstrate that he was not
absent on this occasion. Indeed, tbe fact that he is not mentioned at all in the transaction
would serve to imply this, since he waa at court it is to be presumed that he himself would
have been implicated as well as his three frienda. Comp. ch. vi. He was not a mau to
shrink from duty, or to decline any proper method of showing his attachment to the reli
gion of hia fathera, or any proper intereat in the welfare of bis frienda. But (b) it ia possible
that even if Dauiel were at court at that time, and did not unite in the worship ofthe image,
he might have escaped the danger. There were undoubtedly many more Jews in tbe province
of Babylon who did not worship tbis image, but no formal accusation waa bronght againat
him, aud their case did not come before the king. For some reason, the aocuaation was mado
specific againiit these tbree men— /or tli^' were rtUers in the province (ch. ii. 49), and being fo-
15 •

174

DANIEL.

[B. C. 580,

Teleners, the people under them may have gladly seized the occasion to complain ofthem to tht
king. But so little is known of the circumstances, that it is not possible to determme the matter
with certainty. All that needs to be said is, .that the faot that Daniel was not implicated in the
affair, is no proof that tho three persons referred to were not; that it is no evidence that what
is said ottlicm is not true because nothing is said of Danid.
g 2. ANALYSIS OF THE CHAPTEE.
This chapter, which is completo in itself, or which embraces the entire narrative relating to
an important transaction, contains the account of a magnificent brazen image erected by Ne.
buchadnezzar, and tbo result of attempting to constrain the conscientious Hebrews to worship
it. The narrative comprises the following points :
I. Tho erection of the great image in the plain of Bura, ver. I.
II. The dedication of the image in tbe presence of the great princes and governors of the
provinces, the high offlcers of state, and an immense multitude of the people, accompanied with
solemn music, vs. 2—7. ., , i.. ^ ^t r „ .l „
in. The complaint of certain Chaldeans respecting the Jews, that they refused to render
homage to the image, reminding the king that he had solemnly enjoined this on all persons, on
penalty of being cast into a burning furnaco in case of disobedience, vs. 8 — 12. This charge
was brought particularly against Shadrach, Meshach, and Abed-nego. Danici escaped the accu
sation, for reasons which will be stated in the Notes on ver. 12. The common people of the
Jews also escaped, as the command extended particularly to the rulers.
IV. Tbe manner in wbich Nebuchadnezzar received this accusation, vs. 13 — 15. He was filled
with rage ; he summoned the accused into his presence ; he commanded them to prostrate them-
selves hefore the image on penalty of being cast at once into the fiery fumace.
V. The noble answer of the accused, vs. 16 — 18. They stated to the king that bis threat did
not alarm them, and that they felt no solicitude to answer him in regard to the matter (v. 16) ;
that they were assured that the God whom they served was able to deliver them from the fur
nace, and from the wrath of the king (ver. 17); but that even if he did not, whatever might be
the issue, they could not serve the gods of the Chaldeans, nor worship the image which the
king had set up.
VI. The infiiction of the threatened punishment, vs. 19 — 23. The furnace was commanded
to be heated seven times hotter than usual ; they were bound and thrown in with tbeir usual
apparel on ; and the hot blast of tho fumace destroyed the men who were employed to perfom
this service.
VII. Their protection and preservation, vs. 24 — 27. The astonished monarch who had com-
manded three men to be cast in hound, saw four men walking in the midst of the flames loose;
and satisfied now they had a divine protector; awed by the miracle; and doubtless dreading
tho wrath of the divine heing that had become their protector, he commanded them suddenly
to come out. The princes, and govemors, and captains were gathered together, and these men,
thus remarkably preserved, appeared before them uninjured.
VIII. The effect on the king, vs. 26 — 30. As in the case wheu Daniel had interpreted his
dream (chap, ii.), be acknowledged that this wa.s the act of the true God, ver. 26. He issued a
solemn commaud that the God who had done tbis should be honoured, for that no other God
ceould deliver in this manner, ver. 27. He again restored them to their honourable command
over the provinces, ver. 30.

1 Nebuchadnezzar the king »made
an image of gold, whose height was
» 2 Ki. 19. 17, 18. Ps. 115. 4, Ac. Is. 40. 19, &c.
Jo. 16. 20. Ac. 19.26.
1. Nebuchadnezzar the king made an
image of gold. The time when he did
tbis is not mentioned ; nor is it stated in
whose bonour, or for what design, this
ocloseal ifnage was erected. In the Greek
and Arabic translations, this is said to
have occurred in the eighteenth year of
Nebuchadnezzar. This is not, however,
in the original text, nor is it known on
what authority it is asserted. Dean
Prideaux (Connex. I. 222,) supposes that
tt was at first some marginal comment on
the Oreek Teision that at last crept into

threescore cubits, and the breadth
thereof six cubits : he set it up in
the plain of Dura, in the province
of Babylon.

the text, and that there was probably
some good authority for it If this ia tho
correct aecount of the time, the event here
recorded occurred B. C. 687, or, according
to the chronology of Prideaux, about nine
teen years after the transaction recorded
in the previous chapter. Hales makes th'
chronology somewhat different, though no.
essentially. According to him, Daniel
was carried to Babylon B. C. 586, and
the image was setup B. C. 569, making au
interval from the time that be was car
ried to Babylon of seventeen years j and

B. C. 580.]

CPIAPTER III.

17&

if the dream (ch. ii.) was explained with-
in three or four years after Daniel was
taken to Babylon, the interval between
that and this occurrence would be some
thirteen or fourteen years. Calmet makes
lhe captivity of Daniel 602 years before
Christ ; the interpretation of the dream
508 ; and the setting up of the image 556
— thus making an interval of more than
forty years. It is impossible to deter
mine the time with certainty ; but allow
ing the shortest mentioned period as the
interval between tho interpretation of the
dream (ch. ii.) and the erection of this
statue, the time would be sufficient to
account for the fact that the impression
made by that event on the mind of Nebu
chadnezzar, in favour of the claims of the
hue God, (oh. ii. 46, 47,) seems to have
been entirely effaced. The two chapters,
in order that the right impression may be
received on this point, should be read
with the recollection that such an inter
val had elapsed. At the time when the
event here recorded is supposed by Pri
deaux to have occurred, Nebuchadnezzar
had just retnrned from finishing the
Jewish war; From the spoils which he
had taken iu that expedition in Syria and
Palestine, he had the means in abundance
of rearing such a colossal statue; and at
the close of these conquests, nothing
would be more natural than that he should
wish to rear in his capital some splendid
work of art that would signalize his reign,
record the memory of his conquests, and
add to the magnificence of the capital.
The word which is here rendered image —
Chald. dSx — Greek tigdua, in the usual
form in tbe Hebrew, means a shade,
shadow; then that which shadows forth
anything; then an image of anything,
and then an idol, as representing the
deity worshipped. It is not necessary
to suppose that it was of solid gold, for
the amount required for such a structure
would have been immense, and probably
beyond the means even of Nebucbad
nezzar. The presumption is, that it was
merely covered over with plates of gold,
for this was the usual manner in which
statues erected in honour of the gods
were made, gee Isa. xl. 19. It is not
knowu in honour of whom this statue
was erected. Grotius supposed that it
was reared to the memory of Nabopo-
gassar, the father of Nebuchadnezzar, and
observes that it was customary to erect
tatues in this manner in honour of pa

rents. Prideaux, Hales, the Editor of the
Pict. Bible, and most others, suppose that
it was ia honour o{ Bel, the principal
deity worshipped in Babylon. See Notes
Is.i. xlvi. 1. Some have supposed
that it was in honour of Nebuchadnezzar
himself, and that he purposed by it to ba
worshipped as a god. But this opinion
has little probability in its favour. The
opinion that it was in honour of Bel, the
principal deity of tho place, is every way
the most probable, and this derives some
confirmation from the well-known fact
that a magnificent image of this kind
was, at some period of his reign, erected
by Nebuchadnezzar iu honour of this god,
in a style to correspond witb the magni
ficence of the city. The account of this
given by Herodotus is the following :
The temple of Jupiter Belus, whose
huge gates of brass may still be seen, is a
square building, each side of which is two
furlongs. In the midst rises a tower, of
the solid depth and height of one fur
long; upon which, resting as upon a
base, some other lesser towers are built
in regular succession. The ascent is on
the outside ; which, winding from tho
ground, is continued to the highest
tower; and in the middle of the whole
structure there is a convenient resting-
place. In the last tower is a large chapel,
in which is placed a couch, magnificently
adorned, and near it a table of solid gold;
but there is no statue in the place. In
this temple there is also a small chapel,
lower in the building, which contains a
figure of Jupiter, in a sitting posture,
with a large table before him; these, with
the base of the table and the seat of tho
throne, are all of the purest gold, and ara
estimated by the Chaldeans to be worth
eight hundred talents. On the outside
of this chapel tbere are two altars ; one
is gold, the other is of immense size, and
appropriated to the sacrifice of full grown
animals : those only which have not yet
left their dams may be offered on tha
golden altar. On the larger altar, at tha
anniversary festival in bonour of their
God, the Chaldeans regularly consume in
cense to the amount of a thousand talents.
There was formerly in this temple a sta
tue of solid gold twelve cubits high ;
this, however, I mention from tbe infor
mation of the Chaldeans, and not from
my own knowledge." Clio, 183. Diodo
rus Siculus, a much later writer, speaks
to this effect: " Of the tower of Jupitei

i76

DANIEL.

LB. C. 580

Belus, tbe historians who have spoken
have given different descriptions; and
this temple being now entirely destroyed,
we cannot speak accurately respecting it.
It was excessively high ; constructed
throughout with great care ; built of
brick and bitumen. Semiramis placed
on the top of it three statues of massy
gold; of Jupiter, Juno, and Rhea. Jupi
ter was erect in the attitude of a man
walking; he was forty feet in height;
and weighed a thousand Babylonian
talents; Ehea, who sat in a chariot of
gold, was of the sarae weight. Juno,
who stood upright, weighed eight hun
dred talents." B. II. The temple of Bel
or Belus in Babylon, stood until the time
of Xerxes ; but on his return from the
Grecian expedition, he demolished the
whole ofit, and laid it in rubbish, having
first plundered it of its immense riches.
Among the spoils which he took from
the teraple, are mentioned several images
and statues of massive gold, and araong
them the one mentioned by Diodorus
Siculus, as being forty feet high. See

Strabo. lib. 16, p. 738; Herodotus lib. 1
Arrian de Expe. Alex. lib. 7, quoted by
Prideaux I. 240. It is not very probable
that the image which Xerxes removed
Vfas the snme which Nebuchadnezzar
reared in the plain of Dura (comp. the
Intro, to this chapter, 1 1, VII. a,); but
the fact that such a colossal statue was
found in Babylon may be adduced as one
incidental corroboration of the proba
bility of the statement here. It is nofe
impossible tbat Nebuchadnezzar was led,
as the Editor of Calmet's Dictionary has
remarked, (Taylor vol. iii. p. 19i,) to the
construction of tfais image by what he
had seen in Egypt. He had conquered
and ravaged Egypt but a few years be
fore this, and hnd doubtless been struck
with the wonders of art which he had
seen there. Colossal statues in honour
of the gods abounded, and nothing would
be more natural than tbat Nebuchad
nezzar should wish to make his capital
rival everything which he had seen in
Thebes. Nor is it improbable that, while
he sought to make his image more mag-*

GOLD£H lUAGES.

B. 0. 580.1

CHAPTER III.

177

nificant and costly than even thosa in
Egypt were, the views of sculpture would
be about the same, and the flgure of the
sta.tue might be borrowed from what
had been seen in Egypt. It may per
haps furnish some iUustration, therefore,
of the subject before us, to copy here some
figures from Calmet, representing some
of the usual forras of statuary in Egypt.
The cut on page 176 represents two
"colossal figures whioh yet remain stand
ing at the ancient Thebes," and is copied
from Norden, who thus describes the
figures. *' The figure A seems to be
tbat of a mnn; the figure B that of
a woman. They are about flfty Danish
feet in height, from the basis of the
pedestals to the summit of tbe head ;
from the sole of the feet to the knees is
fifteen feet; the pedestals are five feet in
height, thirty-six and a half long, nine
teen and a half broad." ^ Whose height
waa threescore cubits. Prideaux and
others have been greatly perplexed at the
proportions ofthe image here represented.
Prideaux says on the subject, (Connex.
1,240, 241,) "Nebuchadnezzar's golden
image is said indeed in Scripture to have
been sixty cubits, that is, ninety feet
high ; but this must be understood of the
image and pedestal both together; for
that image being said to be but six cubits
broad or thick, it is impossible that the
image would have been sixty cubits high ;
for that makes its height to be ten times
its breadth or thickness, wbich exceeds
all, the proportions of a man, no man's
height being above six times his thick
ness, measuring the slenderest man living
at the waist. But where the breadth of
this image was measured is not said ;
perchance it was from shoulder to shoul
der ; and then the proportion of six cubits
breadth will bring down the height exactly
to the measure which Diodorus has men
tioned; for the usual height of a man
being four and an half of his breadth
between tbe shoulders, if the image were
six cubits broad between the shoulders,
it must, according to this proportion,
have been twenty-seven cubits high,
which is forty and an half feet." The
statue itself, therefore, according to Pri
deaux, was forty feet high ; the pedestal,
fifty feet. But this, says Taylor, the
Editor of Calmet, is a disproportion of parts
which, if not absolutely impossible, is
utterly contradictory to every principle
of art, even of tha rudest sort, to meet

the difficulty, Taylor himself snppose:
that the height referred to in the descrip
tion was rather proportional than actual
height; that is, if it had stood upright it
would have been sixty cubits, though the
actual elevation in a sitting posture may
have been but little more than thirty
cubits, or fifty feet. The breadth, be sup
poses, was rather tho depth or thickness
measured from the breast to tho back
than the breadth measured from shoulder
to shoulder. His argument and illustra
tion may be seen in Calmet, vol. iii.
Frag. 156. It is not absolutely certain,
however, that the image was in a sitting
posture, and the' natural construction of
the passage is, that the statue was actu
ally sixty cubits in height. No one can
doubt that an image of that height could
be erected; and when we remember the
one at Bhodes, which was 105 Grecian
feet in height, (see Art. Colossus, in
Anthon's Class. Die.,) and the desire of
Nebuchadnezzar to adorn his capital in
the most magnificent manner, it is not to
be regarded as improbable that an imago
of this height was erected. What was
the height of the pedestal, if it stood on
any, as it probably did, it is impossible
now to tell. The length of the cubit was
not the same in every placo. The length
originally was the distance between tha
elbow and the extremity of the middle
finger, about eighteen inches. The He
brew cubit, according to Bishop Cumber
land and M. Pelletier, was twenty-one
inches; but others fix it at eighteen^
Calmet. The Talmudists say tbat the He
brew cubit was larger by one quarter than
the Boman. Herodotus says that the
cubit in Babylon was three fingers longer
than the usual one. Clio, 178. Still,
there is not absolute certainty on that
subject. The usual and probable mea
surement of tha cubit, would make the
image in Babylon about ninety feet high,
If .\nd the breadth thereof six cubita.
About nine feet. This would, of course,
make the height ten times the breadth,
which Prideaux says is entirely contrary
to the usual proportions of a man. It ia
not known on what part of the image
this measurement was made, or whether
it was the thickness from the breast to
the back, or the width from shoulder to
shoulder. If the thickneaa of the image
here is referred to by the word " breadth,"
the proportion would be well preserved.
"The thickness of a well-proportiDncd

178

DANIEL.

[B. C. 580

2 Then Nebuchadnezzar the king
sent to gather together the princes,
the governors, and the captains, the
man," says Soheuchzer (Knupfer Bibel,
in loc.) " measured from the breast to the
back is one-tenth of his height." This
was understood to be the proportion by
Augustine, Civi. Dei, L. xv. c. 26. The
Word which is here rendered breadth—
Ipp — occurs nowhere else in the Chaldean
of the Scriptures, except in Ezra vi. 3 :
" Let the house be builded — the height
thereof threescore cubits, and the breadth
thereof threescore cubits." Perhaps this
refers rather to, the depth of the temple
from front to rear, as Taylor has re
marked, than to the breadth from one
eide to another. If it docs, it would cor
respond with the measurement of Solo
mon's temple, and it is not probable that
Cyrus would vary from that plan in his
instructions to build a new temple. If
that be the true construction, then the
meaning here may be, as remarked above,
that the image was of that thickneaa, and
the breadth from shoulder to shoulder
may not be referred to. ^Ile set it up in
the plain of Dura. It would seem from
this that it wos set up in an open plain,
and not in a temple ; perhaps not near a
temple. It was not unusual to erect im
ages in this manner, as the colossal figure
at Ehodes shows. Where this plain was,
it is of course impossible now to deter
mine. The Greek translation of the
word is AesipS — Deeira. Jerome says that
the translation of Theodotion is Deira ;
of Symmachus, Doraum, and of the lxx.
T[epi6oXov — which he says may be rendered
vinarium vel concluaum locum. " Inter
preters commonly," says Gesenius, "com
pare Dura a city mentioned by Ammin.
Marcel. 25, 26, situated on the Tigris ;
and another of like name in Polyb. 5. 48,
on the Euphrates near the mouth of the
Chaboras." It is not necessary to sup
pose that this was in the city of Babylon ;
and, indeed, it is probable that it was not,
as the "province of Babylon" doubtless
embraced mora than tha city, and an
extensive plain seems to have been se
lected, perhaps near the city, as a place
where the monument would be more con
spicuous, and where larger numbers could
convene for the homage which was pro
posed to be shown to it. |'/n the pro-

judges, the treasurers, the coun
sellors, the sheriffs, and all the
rulers of the provinces, to come to

vince of Babylon. One of the provinces,
or departments, embracing the capital,
into which the empire was divided, ch.
ii. 48.
2. Then Nebuchadnezzar the king aeni
to gather together the princea. It is diffi
cult now, if not impossible, to determine
the exact meaning of the words used here
with reference to the various officers
designated; and it is not material that
it should be done. The general sense is,
that he assembled the great officers of
the realm to do honour to the image.
The object was doubtless to make the
occasion as magnificent as poraible. Of
course, if these high officers were assem
bled, an immense multitude ofthe people
would congregate also. That this was
contemplated, and thatit in fact occurred,
is apparent from vs. 4, 7. The word
rendered princes— N;iS"i,T'?n(<— occurs only
in Daniel, in Ezra, ond in Esther. In
Daniel iii. 2, 3, 27 ; vi. 1, 2, 3, 4, 6, 7, it
is uniformly rendered princea; in Ezra
viii. 36, Esther, iii. 12, viii. 9, ix. 3, it
is uniformly rendered lieutenanta. The
word means, according to Gesenius {Lex.),
"satraps, the governors or viceroys of
the large provinces among the ancient
Persians, possessing both civil and mili
tary power, and being in the provinces
the representatives of tha sovereign,
whose state and splendour they also
rivaled." The etymology of the word is
not certainly known. The Persian word
satrap seems to have been the foundation
of this word, with some slight modifica
tions adapting it to the Chaldee mode pf
pronunciation. 'j^And governora. — N'JJp.
This word is rendered governors in ch.
ii. 48. (See Notes on that place, and in
ch. iii. 2, 3, 27 ; vi. 7.) It does not else-
where occur. The Hebrew word corres
ponding to this, Dij)0 occurs frequently,
and is rendered rulers in every place ex
cept Isa. xli. 25, where it is rendered
princes. Ezra ix. 2; Neh. ii. 16, iv. 14,
V. 7,a7, vii. 5 ; Jer. li. 23, 28, 57 ; Ezek.
xxiii. 6, 12, 23, et al. The office was
evidently one that was inferior to that
of tho satrap, or governor of a whole
province. 1,And eaptaina. Kpjng. Thij

B, 0. 580.]

CHAPTER HI,

ir9

the dedicatiou ^ f the image which
Nebuchadnezzai the king had set up.
3 Then the princes, the govern
ors and captains, the judges, the
treasurers, the counsellors, tHo she
riffs, and all the rulers of the pro
vinces, were gathered together unto
the dedication of the image that Ne-

word, wherever it occurs in Daniel, is
rendered eaptaina, ch. iii. 2, 3, 27, vi. 7 ;
wherever else it occurs it is rendered
govemor, Ezra v. 3, 6, 14, vi. 6, 7, 13.
The Hebrew word corresponding to this,
nri9> occurs frequently, and is also ren
dered indifferently governor or captain.
1 Kings X. 1 5 ; 2 Chron. ix. 14 ; Ezra
viii. 36 ; 1 Kings xx. 24; Jer. li. 23, 28,
57, et al. It refers to the governor of a
province less than a satrapy, and is ap
plied to officers in tha Assyrian empire,
2 Kings xviii. 24, Jer, x.xxvi. 9 ; in the
Chaldean, Ezek. xxiii. 6, 23, Jer. li. 23,
and in the Persian, Est. viii. 9, ix. 3.
The word captains does not now Very
accurately express the sense. The office
was not exclusively military, and was of
a higher grade than would he denoted by
the word captain with us. %The judgea.
XJTII'IIS. This word occurs only here,
and in ver. 3. It means properly great
or chief Judgea — compoi^nded of two
words signifying greatneea, and Judgea.
See Gesenius, Lex. ^ The treasurers.
unanj. This word occms nowhere else.
The word 13;; — Gisbar, however, the
same vvord. with a slight change in the
pronunciation, occurs in Ezra i. S, vii. 21,
and denotes treaautfir. It is derived
from a word ((j|) which means to hide,
to hoard, to lay up in store. ^ The counsel-
Idra. i<n3n> This word occurs no
where else, except in ver. 3. It means one
skilled in tiis law ; a judge. The office
was sviJettty inferior to the one denoted
by tha worii judgea. ^ The sheriffs. A
sheriff with us is a county officer, to whom
is entrusted the administration of the
laws. In England tha office is judicial
as well a^ ministerial. With us it is
merely ministerial. The duty of the
sheriff is to execute tbe civil and criminal
processes throughont the county. He has
charge of the jail and prisoners, and
attends courts, and keeps the peace. It
^ not to be supposed that the oQiccr here

buchadnezzar the king had set up ;
and they stood before the image that
Nebuchadnezzar had set up.
4 Then a herald cried * aloud. To
you bit is commanded, 0 'people,
nations, and languages,

' vnth migM. c. 3. 14.
¦: c. 4. 1.

b ihey command.
6.2a.

referred to in Daniel, corresponds pre
cisely with this. The word used — N^npn
— occurs nowhere else. It meana, accord
ing to Gesenius, persons learned in the
law ; lawyers. The office had a close rela
tion to that of Mufti among the Ar.ibs,
the term being derived from the same
word, and properly means " a wise man ;
ona whose response is equivalent to law."
*I^And all the rulers of the provinces. Tho
term here used is a general term, and
would apply to any kind of officers or
rulers, and is probably designed to em
brace all which had not been specified.
The object was to assemble the chief
officers of the realm. Jacchides has com
pared the officers hera enumerated with
the principal officers of the Turkish em
pire, and supposes that a counterpart to
them may be found in that empire. See
the comparison in Grotius, in loc. Ha
supposes that tho officers last denoted un
der the title of "rulers of the provinces,"
were similar to the Turkish Zangiahos,
or viziers. Grotius supposes that the
term refers to the rulers of cities, and
places adjacent to cities — a dominion of
less extent and importance than that of
the rulers of provinces. '^To the dedica
tion of the image, Ac. The publio set
ting it apart to the purposes for which it
was erected. This was to be done witb
solemn music, and in the presence of the
principal officers of the kingdom. ITntli
it was dedicated to the god in whose
honour it was erected, it would not be
regarded as an object of worship. It is
easy to conceive that suoh an occasion
would bring together an immense con
course of people, and that it would ba
ona of peculiar magnificence.
3. And they stood before the image. In
the presence of the image. They were
drawn up, doubtless so as at the same tima
to have the best view of the statua, and
to make the most imposing appearance.
4. Then a herald cried aloud. Marg.,
as in Chald., with might. He made a loud

180

DANIEL.

[B. a 580,

5 That at what time ye hear the
Bound of the cornet, flute, harp,
sackbut, psaltery, a dulcimer, and all
^symphony, or, singing.
proclamation. A herald here means a
puhlic crier. %^o you it is commanded.
Marg., they commanded. Literally, 'to
you commanding' (plural) ; that is, the
king has commanded. %0 people, na
tions, and languagea. The empire of
Babylon was made up of different nations,
speaking quite different languages. The
representatives of these nations were as
sembled on this occasion, and the com
mand would extend to all. There was
evidently no exception made in favour of
the scruples of any, and the order would
include the Hebrews as well as others. It
should be observed, however, that no oth
ers hut the Hebrews would have any scru
ples on the subject. They were all accus
tomed to worship idols, and the worship
of one god did not prevent their doing
homage also to another. Tt accorded wit.h
the prevailing views of idolaters that
there were many gods ; that there were
tutelary divinities presiding over .particu
lar people; and that it was not improper
to render homage to the god of any peo
ple or country. Though, therefore, they
might themselves worship other gods in
their own countries, they would have no
Bcruples about worshipping also the one
that Jflebuchadnezzar had setup. In this
respect the Jews were an exception. They
acknowledged but one God; they believed
that all others were false goda, and it was
a violation of the fundamental principles
of their religion to render homage to any
other. 5. That at what time ye hear the sound
of the cornet. It would not be practicable
to determine with precision what kind of
instruments of musie are denoted by the
words used in thia verse. They were,
doubtless, in many respects different from
those which are in use now, though they
may have belonged to the same general
class, and may have been constructed on
substantially the same principles. A full
inquiry into the kinds of mufcical instru
ments in use among tbe Hebrews, may be
found in the various treatises on the sub
ject in Ugolin*s Thesau. Ant Sacra, tom.
xxxii. Gomp. also the Notes on Isa. v.
12. Tha Chaldee word rendered coriet —
•*JTR — the same as the Hebrew word ]n|7 —

kinds of music, ye fall down and
worship the golden image that Ne
buchadnezzar the king hath set
np.
keren, means a horn, as e. g., of an ox,
stag, ram. Then it means a wind instru
ment of music resembling a horn, or per
haps horns were at first literally used.
Similar instruments are now used, as the
French horn, Ao. ^Flute. NijipliK'!; 
mashrokitha. Gr. avfiyy6f, Yulg. fiatula,
pipe. The Chaldee word occurs nowhere
else but in this chapter, vs. 5, 7, 10, 15,
and is in each instance rendered ^ufc. It
probably denoted all the instruments of
the pipe or flute class in nse among the
Babylonians. The corresponding Hebrew
word is 7^7q — hhalil. Sea tbis explained
in the Notes on Isa. v. 12. The following
remarks of the Editor of the Pictorial Bi
ble will explain the usual constraction of
the ancient pipes orfiutes : " The ancient
flutes were cylindrical tubes, sometimes
of equal diameter throughout, but often
wider at the off than the near end, and
sometimes widened at that end into a
funnel shape, resembling a clarionet.
They were always blown, like pipe.«, at
one end, never transversely; they had
mouth-pieces, and sometimes plugs or
stopples, bnt no keys to open or close the
holes beyond tbe reach of tbe hands. Tha
holes varied in number in tbe difiercnl
varieties of the flute. In their origin they
were doubtless made of simple reeds or
canes, but in the progress of improve
ment they came to be made" of wood,
ivory, bone, and even metal. They were
sometimes made in joints, but connected
by an interior nozzle wfaich was generally
of wood. The flutes were sometimes
double, that is, a person played on twb
instruments at once, either connectrd or
detached; ond among the classical an
cients the player on the double-flute often
had a leathern bandage over his mouth tc
prevent tha escape of his breath at the
corners. The ancient Egyptians used the
double-fliite." Illustrations of the flute
or pipe may be seen in the Notes on Isa.
V. 12. Very full and interesting descrip
tions of the musical instruments which
were nsed among the Egyptians, may be
found in Wilkinson's Manners and Cus.
toms of the ancient Egyptians, vol. ii.
pp. 222—327. The following cut will tw

B. 0. 880,1

CHAPTER III.

181

AKOIllNT EOYPTIAN FLUTES, 9INHL1I1 AND DOUDLB.

alsh an Illustration of the usual form of
this Instrument among tho anoionts,
Jf //or/). On tho fonn of tho harp, soo
Notos on Isa. v. 12. Comp. Wilkinson, as
above quoted. Tho harp was one of tho
earliest Instruments of musio that waa
invented, Gon. iv. 21. Tho Chaldee word
horo used is not tho jommon Hebrew word
to denote tho harp (lUS, ki'inor), but is a
word which doos not ooour in Hebrew
— Olin'15 — kathros. This occurs nov hero
olie in tho Chaldee, and it is manifc.tly
tho gaino as tho Oreek xiSiipa, and the La
tin cithara, denoting a harp. Whether
tho Ohaldoos derived It from the Oreoks,
or tho Greeks frura tho Chaldees, however,
cannot bo dotorinlned with certainty. It
has boon mado an objection to tho genu-
iiiuncsa of the book of Daniel that the In
atruments hero referred to were Instru
raents bearing Greek names. Seo Intro.
i 2, IV. (o) (5). liSackhut. Vulg. Sam
buca. Gr. like the Vulg. ifaf,ffi»n. These
Words are merely diiferent forms of wri
ting tho Chaldee word Hjap — aabbecha.
The word oeours nowhore else except In
this chapter. It seems to havo denoted
n stringed instrument similar to tho lyre
or harp. Strabo aflirras that tho Grook
word aafipCsii^ambyk'e, Is of barbarian,
that is, uf Oriental origin. The Hebrew
word ffom which this word ia not Impro
bably derived — ispi aabaah — moans to in-
tarweava, to entwine, to plait, na a. g.
branches; and it Is poaaible that this In-
Itrumont mny havo derived Ita name fi'om
tho intartuiining of ths strings. Comp.
9eaenius on tho word. Passon defines
16

the Greek word na^/JOioi — aambnca {Lat.),
to mean a triangular stringed instrument
that made tho highest notos, or had tho
highest key ; but as an instrument which,
on account of tho shortness of the strings,
was not esteemed as very volnable, and
had little power. Porphyry and Suidas
describe it as a triangular instrument,
Airnishod with cords of unequal length
and thickness. The classical writers men
tion it as very ancient, and oscrlbo its
invention to the Syrions. Musonius
dosoribes it ns having a sharp sound ; nnd
wo nro also told that It wns often used tc
accompany the voice in singing iamblo
versos. Pict. Bib. It seems to have
beon a species of trlangulnr lyre or fanrp.
^Psaltery. Tho Chaldee is T'^E'???— ;'''-
<an(Sn'». Gr. i^nXr^piiiv; 'Vu\g. paalterium.
All these words manifestly have the samo
origin, and It has boon on the ground
that this word among others is of Greek
origin, thot the genuineness of this book
has boen called in question. Tho wor£
occurs nowhore else but in this chapter
vs. 6, 7, 10, 16. Tho Greok translators
ofton use the word <pa\r!jpwii — paaltery —
for SjJ — nebhM, and 11^3 — Jcinnor, and tho
instrument here referred to was doubtless
of the harp kind. For the kind of instru
ment denoted by the S^) — nebhel, soo
Notes on Isa, v. 12. Corap. the illustra
tions in tho Plot. Bible un Psalm xcii. 3
It has beon alleged that this word is of
Oreek origin, and henoe on objeotion hoa
been urged against tho genuineness of
the Book uf Daniel, on the presumption
thati, at tbo early period when this booll

182

DANIEL.

[B C. 5SC

is supposed to have been written, Greek
musical instruments had not been in
troduced into Chaldea. For a general
reply to this, see the Intro. ? 2, IV. (e) (8.)
It may be remarked furtber in regard to
this objection, (1) that it is not absolutely
certain that the word is derived from the
Greek. See Pareau 1. c. p. 524, as
quoted in Hengstenberg Authentie des
Daniel, p. 16. (2) It cannot be demon
strated that there were no Greeks in the
regions of Chaldea as early as this. In
deed, it is more than probable that there
were. Seo Hengstenberg, p. 16. seq,
Nebnchadn'szzar summoned to this cele
bration the principal personages through
out tho realm, and it is probable that
there would be collected on such an oc
casion all the forms of music that were
known, whether of domestic or foreign
origin, f Dulcimer. (i^JBp'D — aumponya.
This word occurs only here, nnd in verses
13, 15 of this chapter. In the margin it
is rendered aymphony or ainging. It is
the same as the Greek word a I'liijiuvia —
aymphony, .and in Italy the same instru
ment of music is now called by a name
of tbe same origin, zampogna, and in
Asia Minor zambonja. It answered pro
bably to the Hebrew 3^iy, rendered organ,
in Gen. iv. 21, Job xxi. 12, xxx. 31, Ps.
cl. i. See Notes on Job xxi. 12. Comp.
the tracts on Hebrew musical instruments
inscribed achilte haggibborim in Ugolin,
Thesau. vol. xxxii. The word seems to
have had a Greek origin, and is one of
thosa on whicb nn objection bas been
founded against the genuineness of the
book. Comp. tbe Intro, g 2, IV. (c) (7.)
The word dulcimer means aweet, and
would denote some instrument of music
that was characterized by the sweetness
of its tones. Johnson (Die.) describes the
instrument ns one that is "played by
striking brass wires witb little sticks."
The Greek word would denote properly a
concert or harmony of mony instruments ;
but the word here is evidently used to
denote a single instrument. Gesenius
describes it as a double pipe with a sack ;
a bagpipe. Servius (on Virg. Aen. xi.
27) describes the aymphonia as a bagpipe :
and the Hebrew writers speak of it as a bag
pipe, consisting oftwo pipes thrust through
a leathern bag, and aflFording a mournful
sound. It may be added that this is the
lame name which the bagpipe bora among
the Moors in Spain; and (U thesa cIt'

cumstances concur to show that this
was probably the insttument intendea
here. " The modern oriental bagpipe is
composed with a goat skin, usually with
the hair on, and in tho natural form, but
deprived of the head, the tail, and tht
feet: being thus of the same shape aa
that used by the water carriers. The
pipes are usually of reeds, terminating iu
the tips of cows' horns slightly curved; tho
whole instrument being most primitively
simple in its materials and construction."
Pict. Bib. The annexed cut will furnish

BAGPIPE.
an illustration of this instrument, f And
all kinda of muaic. All otber kinds. It
is not probable tbat all the instrumenta
employed on thnt occasion were actually
enumerated. Only tbe principal instru
ments are mentioned, and among them
those which showed that such as were of
foreign origin were employed on the oc
casion. From the following extract from
Chardin it will be seen thnt the account
here is not nn improbable one, and thai.
such things were not uncommon in thj
East: "At the coronation of Solimnn,
king of Persia, the general of the rous-
queteers having whispered some moments
in the king's ear, among several other
things of lesser importance gave out, that
both the loud and soft music should piny
in the two balconies npon tbe lop of the
great building which stands at one end
of the palace royal, called kaiaarie, ot

B. C. 580.]

CHAPTER III.

183

6 And a whoso faileth not down
and worshippeth shall the same
•Re. 13. 15.

place imperial. No nation was dispensed
with, whether Persians, Indians, Turks,
Muscovites, Europeans, or others ; which
was immediately done. And this same
Hntamarre, or confusion of instruments,
which sounded more like the noise of
war than music, lasted twenty days to
gether, without intermission, or the inter
ruption of night; which number of
twenty daya was observed to answer the
number of the young monarch's years,
who was then twenty years of age." p. 51.
Quoted in Taylor's Fragraents to Calmet's
Die. No. 485. It may be observed, also,
that in such an assemblage of instruments,
nothing would be more probable than that
there would be sorae having naraes of for
eign origin, perhaps names whose origin
wus to be found in nations not represented
there. But if this should occur, it would
not be proper to set tho fact down as an
argument against the authenticity of the
history of Father Chardin, and as little
should the similar fact revealed here be
regarded as an argument against the
genuineness of the book of Daniel. ^ Ye
shall fall down and worahip. That is,
you shall render religioua homage. See
these words explained in the Notes on
ch. ii. 46. This shows, that whether this
image was erected in honour of Belus, or
of Nabopolassar, it was designed tbat he
in whose honour it was erected should be
worshipped as a god.
6 And whoao faileth not down and wor
shippeth. The order in this verse seems
to be tyrannical, and it is contrary to all
our notions of freedora of religious opin
ion and worship. But it was much in
the spirit of that age, and indeed of
almost every age. It was an act to en
force uniformity in religion by the au
thority of the civil magistrate, and to
secure it by threatened penalties. It
should be observed, however, that the
command at that time would not be re
garded as harsh and oppressive by heathen
worshippers, and might be complied with
consistently with their views without in
fringing on their notions of religious
liberty. The homage rendered to one
god did not, according to their views,
conflict with any honour that was due to
another, and, though they were required 1

hour be cast into the midst of a
burning fiery ''furnace.
^ Je. 29. 22.

to worship tbis divinity, that would not
be a prohibition against worshipping any
other. It was also in accordance with
all the views of heathenism that all pro
per honour should be rendered to the
particular god or gods which any people
adored. The nations assembled here
would regard it as no dishonour shown to
the particular deity whom they wor
shipped, to render homage to the god
worshipped by Nebuchadnezzar, as this
command implied no prohibition against
worshipping any other god. It was only
in respect to those who held that there
is but one God, and that all homage ren
dered to any other is morally wrong, that
this command would be oppressive. Ac
cordingly the contemplated vengeance
fell only on the Jews — all, of every other
nation, who were assembled, complying
with the command without hesitation.
It violated no principle which they held
to render the homage which was claimed,
for thimgh they had their own tutelary
gods whom they worshipped, they sup
posed the same was true of every other
people, and that their gods were equally
entitled to respect; but it violated every
principle on which the Jew acted — for he
believed that there was but one G^od rul
ing over all nations, and that homage
rendered to any other was morally wrong.
Comp. Hengstenberg Authentie des Da
niel, pp. 83, 84. ^ Shall the aame hour.
This accords with the general cbaracter
of an oriental despot, accustomed to en
join implicit obedience bythe most sum
mary process, and it is entirely conform
able to the whole character of Nebuchad
nezzar. It would seem from this, that there
was an apprehension that some among
the multitudes assembled would refuse to
obey the command. Whether there was
any design to make this bear hard on the
Jews, it is impossible now to determine.
The word which ia here rendered hour —
t*i?K.^* — ia probably from n;;c' — to look,
and properly- denotes a look, a glance of
the eye, and then the time of such a
glance — a moment, an instant. It does not
refer to an hour, as understood by us, but
raeans instantly, immediately — as quick
as the glance of an eye. The word is noi
found in HebreV, and occurs iu Chaldee

184

DANIEL.

[B. C. 5SD.

7 Thenifore at tliat time, when
all the peiople heard the sound of
the cornet, flute, harp, sackbut,
psaltery, and all kinds of music, all
the people, the nations, and the lan
guages, fell down and worshipped
only in Dan. iii. 6, 15 ; iv. 19, 33; v. 5,
in each case rendered hour. Nothing can
be inferred from it, however, in regard to
the division of time among the Chaldeans
into houra — though Herodotus says that
the Greeks received tbe division of the
day into twelve parts from them. Lib.
2, c. 109. IT Be eaat into the midat of a
burning fiery furnace. The word here
rendered /urnacc — jin!* — attun, is derived
from I^iri — tenan, to smoke; and may be
appUed to any species of furnace, or large
oven. It does not denote the use to
which the furnace was commonly ap
plied, or the form of its construction.
Any furnace for burning lime — if lime
was then burned, or for burning bricks,
if they were burned, or for smelting ore,
would correspond with tbe meaning of
the word. Nor is it said whether tbe
furnace referred to would be one that
would be constructed for the occasion, or
one in common use for some other pur
pose. The editor of Calmet (Taylor)
supposes that the ' furnace' here referred
to was rather a fire kindled in the open
court of a temple, like a place set apart
for burning martyrs, than a closed fur
nace of brick. See Cal. Die. vol. iv. p.
330, seq. The more obvious representa
tion, however, is, that it was a closed
place in whicb tbe intensity of tbe fire
could be greatly increased. Such a mode
of punishment is not uncommon in the
East. Chardin (vi, p. 118,) after speak
ing of the common modes of inflicting
the punishment of death in Persia, re
marks that * there are other modes of in
flicting tbe punishment of death on those
wbo hava violated the police laws, espe
cially those who have contributed to pro
duce scarcity of food, or who have used
false weight, or who bavo disregarded,
tha laws respecting taxes. The cooks,'
lays he, 'were fixed on spits, and roasted
over a gentle fire, (Comp. Jer. xxix. 22),
and the bakers were cast into a burning
oven. In tbe year 1668, when tbe famine
was raging, I saw in the royal residence
Jl Ispahan one of thesa ovens burning

the golden image that Nebuchad
nezzar the king had set up.
8 Wherefore at that time certain
Chaldeans came near, and accused
the Jews.

to terrify the bakers, and to prevent their
taking advantage of tho scarcity to in
crease their gains.' See Kosenmiiller,
Alte u. neue Morgenland, in loc.
7. All the people, the nations, the lan
guages, fell donm, Ac. All excepting the
Jews. An express exception is made in
regard to them in the following verses,
and it does not appear that any of them
were present on this occasion. ,It would
seem that only the officers had been sum
moned to be present, and it is not im
probable that all the rest of the Jewish
nation absented themselves.
8. Wherefore at that time certain Chal
deans came near and accused the Jewa. It
does not appear that they accused the
Jews in general, but particularly Shadrach,
Meshach, and Abed-nego, ver. 12. They
were present on the occasion, being sum
moned with the other oflicers of the
realm, (ver. 2,) but they could, not unite
in tbe idolatrous worship. It has been
frequently said that the whole thing was
arranged, either by the king of his own
accord, or by the instigation of their ene
mies, with a view to involve the Jews in
difficulty, knowing that they could not
conscientiously comply with the com
mand to worship the image. But nothing
of this kind appears in the narrative
itself. It does not appear that the Jews
were nnpopular, or that there was any
less disposition to show favour to them
than to any other foreigners. They had
been raised indeed to high offices, but
there is no evidence tbat any office was
conferred on them which it was not re
garded as proper to confer on foreigners;
nor is there any evidence that in the dis
charge of the duties of tbe office they had
given occasion for a just accusation. Tha
plain account is, that tbe king set up tho
image, for other purposes, and with no ma
licious design towards thom ; that when
summoned to be present with the other
officers Of the realm at the dedication of
the image they obeyed the command;
but that when the order was issued tbat
tbey should render religioua homage to
the idol, every principia of their religion

B. C. 580.]

CHAPTER III.

185

9 They spake and said to the
king Nebuchadnezzar, 0 king, live
» for ever.
10 Thou, O king, hast made a de
cree, that every man that shall hear
the sound of the cornet, flute, harp,
sackbut, psaltery, and dulcimer,
and all kinds of music, shall fall
down and worship the golden im
age: 11 And whoso faileth not down
and worshippeth, that he should
be cast into the midst of a burning
fiery furnace.
»c. 2. 4. 6.21. Ro. 13. 7. Tor. 4, 5.
revolted at it, and they refused. For the
probable reasons why Daniel was not in
cluded in the number, see Note on ver. 12,
9. 0 king, live for ever, A customary
form of address to a monarch, implying
that long life was regarded as an eminent
blessing. See Notes on ch. ii. 4.
10. 11. Tliou hast made a decree, <tc.
See vs. 4, 5. As the decree included
'every man' who heard the sound of the
music, it of course embraced the Jews,
whatever religious scruples they might
have. Whether their scruples, however,
were known at tha time, is not certain ;
or whether they would have been re
garded if known, is no more certain.
12. There are certain Jews whom I'hen
haat set over the province of Babylon,
Shadrach, Meshach, and Abed-nego. Ch.
ii. 49. It is quite remarkable that the
- name of Daniel does not occur in the re
cord of this transaction, and that he does
not appear to hava been involved in tEe
difficulty, 'Why he was not, cannot now
be certainly known. We may ba sure
that he would not join in the worship of
tfae idol, and yet it would seem, as Nebu
chadnezzar had summoned all the high
officers of the realm to be present, (ver, 2,)
tfaat ha must faave been summoned also.
The conjecture of Prideaux (Con, I,
222,) is not improbable, thathe occupieda
phace of so much influence and authority,
and enjoyed in so higfa degree tfae favour
of tfae king, tfaat they did not think it
prudent to begin witfa faira, but rather
prefen'ed at first to bring the accusation
against subordinate officers. If they were
condemned and punished, consistency
alight require tfaat fae should be punished
•bo. If he had beeu involved at first in
16*

12 There are certain Jews wnom
thou bast set ""over the affairs of
the province of Babylon, Shadrach,
Meshach, and Abed-nego ; these
men, 0 king, ' have not regarded
¦> thee : they serve not thy gods, nor
worship the golden image whioh
thou hast set up,
13 1[ Then Nebuchadnezzar in his
" rage and fury commanded to bring
Shadrach, Meshach, and Abed-nego.
Then they brought these men lie
fore the king.

be. 2.49.
d c. 6. 13.

0 set no regard upon.
' ver. 19.

tfae accusation, his higfa rank, and fais
favour witfa the king, might have scriened
them all from punishment It is possible,
however, that Daniel was absent on tha
occasion of tfae dedication of tfae image.
It sfaould be remembered that perhaps
some eighteen ye.ars had elapsed since tha
transaction referred to in ch. ii. occurred,
(See Notes on ch. iii. 1,) and Daniel may
have been employed in some remote part
of the empire on public business. Comp,
Intro, to the chapter g 1, VIII. IT These
men, 0 king, have not regarded thee.
Marg., set 'no regard upon. Literally,
' tfaey have not placed towards thee the
decree ;' that is, they have not made any
account of it ; tfaey have paid no attention
to it. ^ They aerve not thy goda. Perhaps
it was inferred from the fact that they
would not pay religious homaga to thie
idol, that they did not serve the gods at
all tfaat wero acknowledged by the king;
or possibly this may have been known
from what had occurred before. It may
faave been well understood in Babylon,
tfaat tbe Hebrews worshipped Jehovah
only. Now, faowever, a case faad occurred
which was a teat case, wfaetfaer they would
on any account render homage to tha
idols that were worshipped in Babylon.
In tbeir refusal to worship the idol, it
seemed mucfa to aggravate tfaa offence,
and made tbe cbarge much more serious,
that tfaey did not acknowledge any of tho
gods that wero worshipped in Babylon,
It was easy, therefore, to persuade tha
king that they faad arrayed themselves
against the fundamental laws of the
realm,
y 13. Then Nebuchadnezzar in his rage
imd fury. Tho word rendered /ury

186

DANIEL.

[B. C. 58a

14 Nebuqhadnezzar spake and
said unto theni, Is ii ^true, 0 Sha
drach, Meshach, and Abed-nego, do
not ye serve my gods, nor worship the
golden image which I have set up?
15 Now if ye be ready that at
¦what time ye hear the sound of the
comet, flute, harp, sackbut, psaltery,

* or, of purpose, as Ex. 21. 13.

1) Lu. 4. 7, 8.

menns wrath. Every thing that wo learn
of this monarch shows that he was a man
of violent passions, and that hewas easily
excited, though he was susceptible also
to deep impressions on religious subjects.
There was much here to rouse bis rage.
His command to worship the iraage was
positive. It extended to all who were
summoned to its dedication. Their're-
fusal was an act of positive disobedience,
and it seemed necessary that the laws
should be vindicated. As a man and a
monarch, therefore, it was not unnatural
that the anger of the monarch should
he thus enkindled- ^ Commanded to
bring Shadrach, Ac. It is remarkable
that he did not order them at once to be
slain, as he did the magicians who could
not interpret his dream, ch. ii. 12. This
shows that he had some respect still for
these men, and that he was willing to
hear what they could say in their defence.
It is proper, also, to recognize the provi
dence of God in inclining him to this
course, that their noble reply to his ques
tion might be put on record, and that the
lull power of religious principle might be
developed. 14, Nebuchadnezzar apahe and said
unto them, Is it true. Marg., ' of purpose;*
that is, have you done this intentionally?
Wintle renders this, *Is it insultingly?*
Jacchiades says that the word is used to
denote admiration or wonder, as if the
king could not believe that it was possi
ble that they could disregard so plain a
command, when disobedience was accora
panied with such a threat. De Dieu ren
ders it, 'Is it a joke?' That is, can you
possibly be serious or in earnest that you
disobey so positive a command? Aben
Ezra, Theodotion, and Saadias, render it
as it ia in the margin, *Have you done
Chis of set purpose and design V as if the
king had regarded it as possible that
there had been a misan derstanding, and
M if he was not unwilling to find that

and dulcimer, and all kinds of music,
ye fall b down and worship the im
age which I have made ; *= wdl: but
if ye worship not, ye shall be cast
the same hour into the midst of t^
burning fiery furnace; and ^^'ho i$
that God that shall deliver you out
of my hands ?
c Ex. 3i 32. Lu. 13. 9. d Ex. 5. 2. 2 Ki. 18, 35.
they could make an apology for their
conduct The Chaldee word — N'ts — oc
curs nowhere else. It is rendered by
Gesenius, purpose, design. That is, *Js
it on purpose?' The corresponding He
brew word — JTTif — means to lie in wait,
to waylay, Ex. xxi. 13; 1 Sam. xxiv. 11.
Corap. Num. xxxv. 20, 22. The true
meaning, seems to be, *Is it your rfe-
termined purpose not to worship my gods ?
Have you deliberately made up your
minds to this, and do you mean to abide
by this resolution ?' That this is the
moaning, is apparent from the fact that
he immediately proposes to try them on
the point, giving them still an oppor
tunity to comply with his command to
worship the image if they would, orto.
show whether they were finally resolved
not to do it. If Do not ye aerve my gods?
It was one of the charges against them
that they did not do it, ver. 12.
15. Now if ye be ready that at whai
time, &Q. At the very time; on the very
instant. It would seem probable from
this that the ceremonies of the consecra
tion of the image were prolonged for a
considerable period, so that there was still
an opportunity for them to unite in the
service if they would. The supposition
that such services would be continued
through several days, is altogether proba
ble, and accords with what was usual ou
festival occasions. It is remarkable that
the king was willing to give them an
other trial to see whether they wero dis
posed or not to worship the golden image.
To this he niight have been led by the
apprehension that they had not under
stood the order, or that they had not duly
considered the subject; and possibly by
respect for them as faithful officers, and
for their countryman Daniel. There
seems, moreover, to have been in the
hosom of this monarch, with all his pridt
and passion, a readiness to do justicei

B. C, 580,]

CHAPTER III.

187

16 Shadrach, Meshach, and Abed
nego, answered and said to the Iting,
0 Nebuchadnezzar, we are not care
ful *to answer thee in this matter.

•Matt. 10. 19,

and to furnish an opportunity of a fair
trial before he proceeded to extremities.
See cfa, ii, 16, 26, 46, 47. 1[ And %cho is
that God that sheill deliver you out of my
hands. That is, he eitfaer supposed tfaat
the God whom they adored would not
be able to deUver them, or tfaat fae would
not be disposed to do it. It was a boast
of Sennacherib, wfaen he warred against
the Jews, that none of the gods of the
nations wfaich he had conquered had
been able to rescue tfae lands over which
they presided, and fae argued from tfaese
premises tfaat tfae God wfaom tfae Hebrews
worshipped would, not be able to defend
their country :—*' Hath anyof tfae gods
of tfae nations delivered fais land out of
the hand of the king of Assyria? "Where
are the gods of Hamatfa, and of Arphad ?
where are tfae gods of Sepbarraim ? and
have they delivered Samaria out of my
hand? Who are tfaey among all tfae gods
of these lands tfaat faave delivered their
land out of my faand, that Jehovah
shonld deliver Jerusalem out of my
faand?" Isa, xxxvi. 19 — 21. Nebuchad
nezzar seems to have reasoned in a simi
lar manner, and witfa a degree of vain
boasting that strongly resembled this,
calling their attention to the certain de
struction whicfa awaited tbem if they did
not comply with fais demand.
16. Shadrach, Meshach, and Abed
nego, anawered and aaid to tke king.
They appear to have answered promptly,
and without hesitation, showing tfaat they
had carefully considered tfae subject, and
that with them it was a matter of settled
and intelligent pi'inciplc. But tfaey did
it in a respectful manner, though tfaey
were firm. They neither reviled tho mon
arch nor his gods. They used no re
proachful words respecting the image
which fae had set up, or any of the idols
whicfa he worshipped. Nor did they com-
phain of his injustice or seventy. They
calmly looked at thei- own duty, and re-
flolved to do it, leaving tfae consequences
with the God whom they worshipped.
^ We are not careful to answer thee in
tkia matter. The word rendered careful

17 If it be so, our God whom iws
serve is able to deliver us from the
burning flery furnace, and he will
deliver na outof thy haud, O king.
b Ps. 121. 6, T. Ac. 27. 23, 25.

— HE'ri — means, according to Gesenius, to
he needed or necessary ; then, to hava
need. The Vulgate renders it, non opor
tet nos — it does not behoove us ; it is not
needful for us. So the Greek, oi xpcinv
cx'i'ti' — we have no need. So Luther, Ea
ist Nichtnoth — tfaere is not necessity. Tfaa
meaning, therefore, is, tfaat it was not
necessary that they should reply to tfae
king on that point; they would not give
themselves trouble or solicitude to do it.
They had made up tfaeir minds, and wfaat
ever was the result, they could not wor
ship the image wfaich fae faad set up, or
the gods whom he adored. They felt that
there was no necessity for stating tfae rea
sons wfay they could not do this. Per
faaps tfaey tfaought tfaat argument in their
case was improper. It became tfaem to
do tfaeir duty, and to leave tfae event with
God. Tfaey had no need to go into an
extended vindication of their conduct, for
it might be presumed that tfaeir princi
ples of conduct were well known. The
state of mind, therefore, whicfa is indi
cated by this passage, is that tfaeir minds
were made up; that their principles wero
settled and well understood ; that tfaey had
come to the deUberate determination, as a
matter of conscience, not to yield obedience
to the command ; that the result could not
be modified by any statement which they
could make, or by any argument in the
ease ; and that, therefore, tfaey were not
anxious about the result, but calmly com
mitted the wfaole cause to God.
11. If it be so. Cfaald. iniK jn — so it
is. Tfaat is, ' this is true, that the God
wfaom we serve can save us.' Tfae idea
is not, as would seem in our translation,
' if we are to be Ciist into tfae furnace,' but
tbe mind is turned on tho fact that tho
God whom they served could save tfaem.
Coverdale renders this whole passa^e^
" 0 Nebuchadnezzar, we ougfat not to
consent unto tfaee in this matter, foi why 7
our God whom wa serve is able to keep
us," Ac. ^ Our God whom we serve. Gr.
' our God in tfae faeavens, whom we servo.'
Ttus was a distinct avowal that tfaey wers

188

DANIEL.

[B. C. 58a

18 But if *not, be itVnown unto
thee, O king, that we will not serve
^thy gods, nor vrorship the golden
image which thou hast setup.
19 Tf Then was Nebuchadnezzar
' full of <* fury, and the form of his
» Job 13. 15. Ac. 4. 19. »> Ex. 20. 3—5. Le. 19. 4.

the servants of the true God, and they
were not ashamed to avow it, wbatever
might he the consequences. ^ la able to
deliver ua from the burning fiery furnace.
This was evidently said in reply to the
question asked by the king (ver. 15),
" Who is that God that shall deliver you
out of my hands ?" They were sure that
the God whom they worshipped was able,
if he should choose to do it, to save them
from death. In what way they supposed
he could save them, is not expressed.
Probably it did not occur to them that he
would save them in the manner in which
he nctually did, but they felt that it was
entirely within his power to keep them
from so horrid a death if he pleased. The
state of mind indicated in this verse, is
that of entire confidence in God. Theiran-
swer showed (a) that they had no doubt of
his ability to save them if he pleased ;
(ft) that they beUeved he would do
what was hest in the case; and (c) that
they were entirely willing to commit the
whole case into his hands, to dispose of
it as he chose. Comp. Isa. xliii. 2.
13. But if not. That is, 'if he should
not deliver us; if it should not occur
that he would protect us, and save
us from that heated oven. Whatever
may be the result in regard to us, our de
termination is settled.' ^ Be it Icnowti
unto thee, 0 king, that we will not aerve
thy goda, Ac. This answer is firm and
noble. It showed that their minds were
made up, and that it was with them a
matter of principle not to worship false
gods. The state of mind wbich is de
noted hy this verse, is tbat of a determi
nation to do their duty, whatever might be
the consequences. The attention was
fixed on what was WgrAi, not on what would
be the result. The sole question wbich
was asked was, what ought to be done in
the case ; and they had no concern about
what would follow. True religion is a
determined purpose to do right, and not
to do wrong, whatever may be the conse-

visage was changed against Sha*
drach, Meshach, and Abed-nego :
therefore he spake, and commanded
e that they sbould heat the furnaco
one seven times more than it was
wont to be heated.
cnUed. A Is. 51. 13. Lu. 12. 4. 5.
ePr.l6.U. 21.24. 27.3,4."

quences in either ease. It matters not
what follows — wealth or poverty ; honour
or dishonour; good report or evil report;
life or death; the mind is firmly fixed on
doing right, and not on doing wrong. This
is the religion of principle ; and when we
consider the circumstances of those who
made tbis reply; when we remember their
coraparative youth, and the few opportu
nities which they had fnr instruction in tbo
nature of religion, and that tbey were
captives in a distant land, and that they
stood before the most absolute monarch of
the earth, with no powerful friends to sup.
port them, and with the most horrid kind of
death threatening them, we may well ad
mire the grace of that God who could so
amply furnish them for such a trial, and
love that religion which enabled them te
take a stand so noble and so bold.
19. Then waa Nebuchadnezzar full of
fury, Marg., ftiled. He was exceedingly
enraged. He evidently was not prepared
for a stand so firm and determined on
their part, and he did not appreciate their
motives, nor was he disposed to yield
to them the privilege and right of follow
ing their honest convictions. He was
deeply excited with anger when the com
plaint was made that they would not
worship his gods (ver. 13), but he had
hoped that possibly they had not un
derstood his command, and that what
they bad done had not heen by deliber
ate purpose (Notes on ver. 14) ; and he
had therefore given them an opportunity
to reconsider the subject, and, by com
plying with his will, to save themselves
from the threatened punishment. He
now saw, however, that what they had
done was done deliberately. He saw that
they firmly and intelligently refused t*
obey, and supposing now that they not
only rebelled against his eommaada, but
that they disregarded and despised even
his forbearance (ver. 15), it is not won
derful that he was filled with wrath.
What was with them fixed principle, he

B. C. 580.]

CHAPTER III.

189

20 And he commanded the »most
mighty men that were in his army
to bind Shadrach, Meshach, and
Abed-nego, artd to cast them into
tbe burning fiery furnace.
^mighty of strength.
probably regarded as mere obstinacy, and
ne determined to punish them accord
ingly. T And the form of his visage waa
changed. As the face usually is wfaen
men become excited with anger. "We
may suppose that up to this point he '
ha'd evinced self-control ; possibly he may
have shown something like tenderness or
compassion. He was indisposed to punish
tbem, and he hoped tfaat they would save
him from tfae necessity of it by comply
ing with his commands. Now he saw
that all hope of this was vain, and fae
gave unrestrained vent to fais angry feel
ings. IT He spake and commanded that
they should heat the furnace one seven
timea more than it waa wont to be heated.
Cfaald., ' Than it was aeen to be heated;'
that is, than it was ever seen. Tfae word
aetien here is a perfect number, and tfae
meaning is, tfaat they sliould make it as
hot as possible. He did not reflect pro
bably that by this command fae was con
tributing to shorten and abridge tfaeir
sufferings. Wicked men, wfao are vio
lently opposed to religion, often overdo
the matter, and by their haste and im
petuosity defeat the very end wfaicfa they
bave in view, and even promoto tfae very
cause wfaich they wisfa to destroy.
20. And he commandeet the moat mighty
men that were in hia army. Marg., mighty
of atrength. Chald. 'And to mighty men,
mighty men of strength who were in
his army, he said.' He employed the
strongest men that could be found for
this purpose. % To bind Shadrach, Ao.
Gill supposes that they were probably
bound togetfaer, as the king afterwards
was astonished to see them walking
separately in the furnace. But there is
no certain evidence of tfais, and in itself
it is not very probable. It is well re
marked by Gill, however, that there was
no need of binding them at all. They
would faave mado no resistance, and tfaere
was no danger tfaat tfaey would make any
effort to escape.
21. Then theae men were bound in their
They were seized just ae they

21 Then these men were bound
in their "'coats, their hosen, and
their 'hats, and their other gar
ments, and were oast into the midst
of the burning fiery furnace.

bor, manties.

^ or, iurbajns.

were. No time was given them for pre
paration; no cfaange was made in their
dress. In auto-de-fea of later times, it
has been usual to array thoso who were
to suffer in a peculiar dress, indicative of
the fact that tfaey were faeretics, and that
tfaey deserved the flame. Here, faow
ever, the anger of the king was so great,
that no delay was allowed for any such
purpose, and they proceeded to execute
the sentence upon them just aa they were.
The fact that tfaey were tfaua tfarown into
tfae furnace, however, only made the
miracle tfae more conspicuous, since not
even their garments were affected by the
fire. The word rendered coats, is in the
margin rendered mantles. The Chaldee
word — Iv?'^P — means, according to Gese
nius, the long and wide pantaloons which
are worn by the Orientals, from S.3no —
sarbel, to cover. The Greek word used
in tfae translation is derived from tfais —
oapdfiapa^ and the word aap0apiics is still
used in modern Greek. The Chaldee
word is used only in this chapter. Tfaft
Vulgate renders tfais cum braccia suis —
faence tfae word breeches, and broguea. ,Tfao
garment referred to, therefore, seems
ratfaer to be that wfaicfa covered tfae lower
part of tfaeir person than either a coat or
mantle. ^ Their hoaen. This word was
evidently designed by our translators to de
note drawers, or trowsers — not stockings,
for that was the common meaning of the
word when the translation was made. It
is not probable that tfaa word is designed
to. denote atockinge, as they are not
commonly wom in tfae East. Harmer
supposes tfaat tfae word faere used means
properly a hammer, and tfaat tfae refer
ence is to a faammer tfaat was carried as
a symbol of office, and fae refers in illus
tration of this to the plates of Sir John
Chardin of carvings found in the ruina
of Persepolis, among whicfa a man is re
presented witfa a hammer or mallet in
each hand. He supposes that this was
some symbol of office. The more com.
mon and just representation, however, ia

190

DANIEL.

[B. C. 580

22 Therefore because the king's
* commandment was urgent, and the
furnace exceeding hot, the 'flame
of the fire slew those ' men that
a word. ^ or, spark. c 6. 24.

to regard this as referring to an article
of dress. Tfae Cfaaldee word — a"!?? —
pattish, is from t^B^ — pataah, to break,
to faammer {nardaaia) ; to spread out, to
expand; and the noun means (1) a ham
mer, Isa. xli. 7; Jer. xxiii. 29, 1. 53,
and (2) a garment, probably with tbe idea
of its being spread out, and perhaps re
ferring to a tunio or under-garraent.
Comp. Gesenius on the word. The Greek
is, Tiiifuif, and so the Latin Vulgate,
tiaris: the tiara, or covering for the
faead, turban. The probable reference,
however, is to the under garment worn
by tfae Orientals; the tunio, not a little
resembling a shirt with us. If And their
hats. Marg., or turbans. The Chaldee
word — N';'3"!i3 — is rendered by Gesenius
mantle, pallium. So the version called the
* breeches' Bible, renders it clokes. Cover-
dale renders it a'hoea, and so the Vulgate
oalceamentia, aandala ; and the Greek
TTEpiKyrjptait' — greaves, or a garment en
closing the lower limbs ; pantaloons.
Tfaere is certainly no reason for render
ing the word hata — as hats were then un
known ; nor is there any evidence that
it refers to a turban. Buxtorf, (Chald.
Lex.) regards it as meaning a garment,
particularly an outer garment, a cloak.

and tfais is probably tfae correct idea.
We shoilld then have in these three words

took up Shadrach, Meshach, and
Abed-nego. 23 And these three men, Sha
drach, Meshach, and Abed-nego

the principal articles of dress in wfaieh
tfae Orientals appear, as is shown by tfaa
cut, from the ruins of Persepolis — tha
large and loose trowsers; the tunic, or
inner garment ; and the outer garment^
or cloak, tfaat was commonly thrown ovet
all. H And their otfaer garmenta. What.
ever they faad on, whether turban, belt
sandals, &c.
22. Therefore because the king's com
mandment was urgent. Marg., as in Chald.,
word. The meaning is, that the king
would admit of no delay ; he urged on
the execution of fais will, even at tfaa
imminent peril of tfaose wfao were en
trusted witfa the execution of his com
mand. ^ And the furnace exceeding hot.
Probably so as to send out the flame so
far as to render tfae approach to it dan
gerous. The urgency of the king would
not admit of any arrangements, even if
there could have been any, by which the
approach to it would be safe. ^The flame
of the fire slew thoae men. Marg., as in
Chaldee, spark. The meaning is, what
the iire threw out — the blaze, the heat.
Notfaing can be more probable than this.
It was necessary to approach to tfae very
mouth of the furnace in order to cast
them in, and it is very conceivable that
a heated furnace would belch forth sucfa
fiames, or throw out sucfa an amount of
faeat, tfaat this could not be done but at
the peril of life. The Chaldee word ren
dered slew here, means killed. It does
not mean merely tbat they were over
come with the faeat, but tbat tfaey actually
died. To expose these men thus te deatfa
was an act of great cruelty, but we are
to remember faow absolute is tbe cfaarac
ter of an Oriental despot^ and how much
enraged this king was, and how regard
less sucb a man would be of any effects
on others in the execution of his own
WiU. 23. And theae ihree men — fell down
bound, &c. That is, the flame did not
loosen tfae cord£ by which tbey had been
fastened. Tfae fact tfaat tfaey were seen
to fall into the furnace bound, made tfae
miracle the more remarkable that they

B. C. 580.]

CHAPTER III,

191

fell down bound into the midst of
the burning fiery furnace.
24 ^Then Kebuchadnezzar the
king was astonied, and rose up in
baste, and spake, and said unto his

¦faould be seen walking loose in the midst
of the fire.
In tfae Septuagint, Syriac, Arabic, and
Latin Vulgate, there follow in tfais place
eixty-eigfat verses, containing " Tfae Song
of the Three Holy Children." This is not
in the Chaldee, and its origin is unknown.
It is with entire propriety placed in tfae
Apocrypha, as being no part of the in
spired canon. With some things tfaat
are improbable and absurd, the 'song'
contains many things that are beautiful,
and that would be faigfaly appropriate if
a song faad been uttered at all in the fur
nace. 24. Then Nebuchadnezzar the king was
astonied. The word astonied, wfaicfa
occurs several times in our translation,
(Ezra ix. 3 ; Job xvii. S, xviii. 20 ; Ezek.
iv. 17; Dan. iii. 24, iv. 19, v. 9,) is but
another form for astonished, and ex
presses wonder or amazement. Tfae rea
sons of the wonder here were that the
men wfao were bound wfaen cast into tfae
furnace were seen alive, and walking un
bound ; tfaat to them a fourtfa person was
added, walking witfa them ; and that tfae
fourth faad the appearance of a divine
personage. It would seem from this, that
tfae furnace was so made that oue could
conveniently see into it, and also that tfae
king remained near to it to witness tfae
result of tfae execution of his own order.
f And roae up in haste. He would na
turally express his surprise to fais coun
sellors, and ask an explanation of the
remarkable occurrence wfaich he wit
nessed. ^ And spake, and aaid unto
hia counaellora. Marg., governora. The
word nsed — P"i2^n — occurs only here
aod in ver. 27, oh. iv. 36, vi. 7. It is
rendered counaellora in eaoh case. Tfae
Vulgate renders it optimatibus ; tfae lxx.
tiLS-/iaTaaiv — his nobles, or distinguished
men. The word would seem to mean
those wfao were autfaorized to speak (from
I3n ) ; that is, those autfaorized to give
eouniel ; ministers of state, viziers, cabi
net-counsellors. %,Did not we eaat three
¦wn binmi, &e. X&e empfaasis here ig

» counsellors, Did not we east threa
men bound into the midst of the
fire ? They answered and said unto
the king, True, 0 king.
25 lie answered and said, Lo, I
a or, governors.

on the words three, and bound. It was
now a matter of astonishment that there
were four, and that tfaey were all loose.
It is not to be supposed tbat Nebuchad
nezzar had any doubt on this subject, or
tfaat his recollection had so soon failed
him, but this manner of introducing the
subject is adopted in order to flx the
attention strongly on tfae fact' to wfaicfa
he was about to ^all tfaeir attention, and
wfaich was to him so much a matter of
surprise. 25. Me answered and said, Lo, I see
four men loose. From the fact that fae
saw tfaese men now loose, and tbat tfais
filled him with so mucfa surprise, it may
be presumed that tfaey had been bound
with something that was not combustible
— with some sort of fetters or chains. In
that case, it would be a matter of surprise
that tfaey should be loose, even though
tfaey could survive the action of the fire.
The fourth personage now so mysteri
ously added to tfaeir number, it is evident
assumed tfae appearance of a man, and
not tfae appearance of a celestial being,
though it was the aspect of a man so no
ble and majestic that fae deserved to be
called a son of God. V Walking in tlie
midat of the fire. Tfae furnace, tfaerefore,
was large, so tfaat those who were in it
could walk about. The vision must have
been sublime ; and it is a beautiful image
of the children of God often walking un
hurt amidst dangers, safe beneath the
divine protection. ^ And they have no
hurt. "Marg., There is no hurt in them.
They walk unharmed amidst the flames.
Of course tfae king judged in this only
from appear.ances, but tfae result (ver. 27)
sfaowed tfaat it was really so. ^ And the
form qf the fourth, Ofaaldee, nn — A*«
appearance (from T\H-^ , to see) ; tfaat is,
fae seemed to be a son of God ; he looked
like a son of God. The word does not
refer to anytfaing special or peculiar in
his /orm or flgure, but it may be supposed
to denote something that waa noble or
majestic in his mien; something in hia
countenance and demeanour tfaat declared

192

DANIEL.

[B. C. 580.

see four men loose, walking * in the
midst of the fire, >" and they have
*Ib. 43. 2. b there is no hurt in them.

no hurt ; and the form of the fourth
is like the ¦• Son of God.
c Prov. 30. i. Lu. 1. 36. Ko. 1. 4.

him to be of heavenly origin. U Like' the
Son of God. Tfaere are two inquiries which
arise' in regard to this expression: one
is, what was tho idea denoted by the
phrase as used by the king, or who did
he take this personage to be ? the other,
who he actually was? In regard to
tbe former inquiry, it may be observed,
that there is no evidence tbat the king
referred to him to whom this title is so
frequently applied in the New Testament,
the Lord Jesus Christ. This is clear (1)
because there is no reason to believe that
the king had ony knowledge whatever
that there would be on eartfa one to
whom this title might be appropriately
given ; (2) there is no evidence that the
title was then commonly given to the
Messiah by the Jews, or, if it was, that
the king of Babylon was so versed in
Jewish theology as to be acquainted with
it; and (3) the language whiofa he uses
does not necessarily imply that, even if
he were acquainted with the fact that
there was a prevailing expectation tfaat
such a being would appear on the
earth he designed so to use it. The
insertion of the article 'the,' which
is not in the Chaldee, gives a differ
ent impression from what the original
would if literally interpreted. Tfaere is
nothing in the Chaldee to limit it to any
' son of God,' or to designate any one to
whom tbat term could be applied as pe
culiarly intended. It would seem pro
bable thot our translators meantto convey
the idea tbat ' the Son of God' peculiarly
was intended, and doubtless tbey regarded
this as one of his appearances to men
before his incarnation; but it is clear that
no sucfa conception entered into tfae mind
of tfae king of Babylon. Tfae Cfaaldee is
simply, iinSK-nsV nipi, 'like to a son of
God,' or to a son of tfae gods — as tbe
word I'nbx — Elohin (Cfaald.), or Elohim
(Heb.). thougfa often, and indeed usually
applied to the true God, is in tbe plural
number, and in the mouth of a heathen
would properly be used to deaote the
gods that he worshipped. Tbe article is
not prefixed to the word ' son,' and tbe
language would apply to any one wbo
might properly be called a son of God,

The Vulgate haa literally rendered it
' liko to a son of God ' — semilia filia
Dei; the Greek in tfae same way— .
5(ioio uIw ScSv; tfae Syriao is like the Chai.
dee ; CasteUio renders it, quartus formam
habet Deo nati similem — ' the fourtfa has
a form resembling one born of God ;' Cov
erdale, 'the fourth is like an angel to
look upon ;' Lutfaer, more definitely, und
der vierto ist gleich, ais ware er ein Sohn
der Gotter — ' and the fourth as if he migfat
be a son of the gods.' It is clear that
the authors of none of the other ver
sions had tfae idea wfaich our translators
supposed to be conveyed by the text, and
which implies that the Babylonian mon
arch supposed tfaat tfae person whom fae
saw was the one who afterwards became
incarnate for our redemption. In accord
ance with the common well known usage
of the word son in tfae Hebrew and Cfaal
dee languages, it would denote any one
who had a resemblance to another, and
would bc applied to any being who was of
a majestic or dignified appearance, and
wfao seemed wortfay to be ranked among
tbe gods. It was usual among the hea
then to suppose that the gods often ap
peared in a human form, and probably
Nebuchadnezzar regarded this as some
such celestial appearance. If it be sup
posed that he regarded it aa some mani
festation connected witfa tfae Hebrew form
of religion, the most that would probably
occur to him would be, that it was some
angelic being appearing now for tfae pro
tection of tfaese worshippers of Jefaovah.
But a second inquiry, and one tfaat is not
so easily answered, in regard to this mys
terious personage, arises. Who in fact
was this being that appeared in the fur
nace for the protection of these three
persecuted men ? Was it an angel, or
was it the second' person of the Trinity,
the Son of God? That this was tfae Son
of God — the second person of the Trinity,
who afterwards became incarnate, has
been quitt/ a common opinion of exposi
tors. So It was held by Tertullian, by
Augustine, and by Hilary, among ffae
Fatfaers; and so it faas been held by Gill,
Clarius, and others among the mod-
,erns. Of those who have maintained

B. C. 580.]

CHAPTER III.

19S

that it was Christ, some huve supposed
tfaat Nebucfaadnezzar had been made ac
quainted witfa tfae belief of the Hebrews
in regard to the Messiah ; others, tfaat fae
spoke uuder the influence of tlie Holy
Spirit, without being fully aware of what
his words imported, as Caliipbas, Saul,
Pilate, and others have done. Poole,
Syn. Tfae Jewish writers, Jarofai, Saa-
diah, and Jacchides, suppose that it was
an angel, called a son of God in accord
ance with tbe nsnal custom in the Scrip
tures. That this latter is tfae correct
opinion, will appear evident, though there
cannot be exact certainty, from the fol
lowing considerations : (I) The language
nsed implies necessarily notfaing more.
Thongh it might indeed be applicable to
the Messiah — the second person of tfae
Trinity, if it could be determined from
other sources that it was he, yet there is
nothing in the language which necessa
rily suggests this. (2) In the e.xplanation
of the matter by Nebuchadnezzar faim
self (ver. 28), fae understood it to be an
angel — "Blessed be the God of Shadrach,
&,c., who hath aent hia angel," Ac. This
shows that fae faad faad no other view of
tfae subject, and tfaat fae had no faigfaer
knowledge in tfae case than to suppose
that fae was an angel of God. The know
ledge of the existence of angels was so
common among the ancients, that there
is no improbabiUty in supposing that Ne
buchadnezzar was sufficiently instructed
on this point to know that they were sent
for the protection of the good. (3) The
belief that it whs an angel accords with
what we find elsewhere in this book
(comp. ch. vi. 22, vii. 10, ix. 21), and in
otfaer places in tfae sacred scriptures, re
specting their being employed to protect
and defend the children of God. Comp.
Ps. xxxiv. 7, xci. 11, 12; Matt, xviii.. 10 ;
Luke xvi. 22 ; Heb. i. 14. (4) It may be
added, that it sfaould not be supposed
that it was the Son of God in the peculiar
sense of that term without positive evi
dence, and sucfa evidence does not exist.
Indeed, tfaere is scarcely a probability
tfaat it was so. If tfae Redeemer ap
peared on this occasion, it cannot be ex
plained why, in a case equally important
and perilous, he did not appear to Danici
when cast into the lions'den (ch. vi. 22) ;
ind as Daniel then attributed his deliv
erance to the intervention of an angel,
there is every reason wfay tfae same ex-
17

planation sfaould he given of this p.issage.
As to the probability that an angel would
be employed on an occasion like this, i\
may be observed, that it is in accordance
with the uniform representation of tho
scriptures, and witfa wfaat we know to bo
a great law of the universe. Tfae weak,
tfae feeble, and tfaose wfao are in danger,
are protected by those who are strong;
and there is, in itself, no more improba
bility in the supposition that an angel
would be employed to work a miraclo
than there is that a man would he. Wa
are not to suppose that the angel was able
to prevent the usual effect of fire by any
natural strengtfa of fais own. The miracle
in the case, like all other miracles, was
wrought by the power of God. At the
same time, the presence of the angel
would be a pledge of the divine protec
tion ; would be an assurance that the
effect produced was not from any natural
cause ; would furnish an easy explanation
of so remarkable an occurrence ; and,
perfaaps more tfaan all, would impress tfae
Babylonian monarch and his court witfa
some just views of the divine nature, and
with the truth of the religion whicfa was
professed by those wfadm he had east
into the flames. As to the probability
that a rairacle would be wrougfat on an
occasion Uke this, it may be remarked that
a more appropriate occasion for working a
miracle could scarcely be conceived. At
a time when the true religion was perse
cuted ; at the court of the most powerful
heathen monarch in the world; when tfae
teraple at Jerusalem was destroyed, and
the fires on the altars faad been put out,
and the people of God were exiles in a
distant land, nothing was more probable
than that God would give to fais people some
manifest tokens of his presence, and some
striking confirmation of the truth of his
religion. There has perhaps never been
an occasion when we should more cer
tainly expect the evidences of the divino
interposition than during tfae exile of fais
people in Babylon ; and during their long
captivity there it is not easy to conceive
of an occasion on which such an interpo
sition would be more likely to ooour than
when, in the very presence of the mon
arcfa and his court, three youths of emi
nent devotedness to the cause of God
were cast into a burning furnace, be
cauae tfaey steadfastly refused to dishonour
faim.

194

DANIEL.

[B. 0. 580.

26 Then Nebuchadnezzar came
near to the "mouth of the burning
fiery furnace, and spake, and said,
Shadrach, Meshach, and Abed-nego,
ye >> servants of the most high e God,
come forth, and come hither. Then
Shadrach, Meshach, and Abed-nego,
carae forth ofthe midst ofthe fire.
27 And the princes, governors,
and captains, and the king's coun
sellors, being gathered together, saw
^door. bGa. 1. 10. cGe. 14. 18.
dis. 43. 2. He. 11. 34.
26. Then Nebuchadnezzar came near
the mouth, «fcc. Marg., door. Tbe Chal
dee word means door, gate, entrance.
The form of the furnaco is unknown.
There was a place, however, through
which the fuel was cast into it, and this
is doubtless intended by tbe word door
or mouth here used. ^ Ye aervanta of the
moat high God. They had professed to
be his servants ; he now saw that they
were acknowledged as such. The pfar.ase
' most high God' implies tbat he regarded
hira as supreme over .ill otber gods,
though it is probable that he still retained
his belief in the existence of inferior
divinities. It w.ts much, however, to
secure the acknowledgment of the mon
arch of the capital ofthe heathen world,
that the God whom they adored was sUr
preme. The pfar.ase ' most higfa God' is
not often employed in the Scriptures, but
in every instance it is used as an appel
lation of tbe true God. ^ Come forth and
come bither. The reaaona which seem to
have influenced this singular monarch to
recall the sentence passed on them, and
to attempt to punish them no further,
seem to have been, that he had some
remains of conscience; that hewas ac
customed to pay respect to what he
regarded as God ; and that he now saw
evidence that a true God was there.
27. And the princea, governora, and
eaptaina. Notes, ver. 3. \ And the king'a
counaellora. Notes, ver. 24. ^ Being
gathered together, saw these men. There
could be no mist.ake about the reality of
the miracle. Thoy came out as tfaey
wero cast in. There could faave been no
trick, no art, no legerdemain, by which
they could have been preserved and rc-
etired. If the facta occurred as they are
Stated faere, then there cau be no doubt

these men, upon 'whose bodies the
fire had "i no power, nor was a hair
of their head singed, neither were
their coats changed, nor the smell
of fire had passed on them.
28 Then Nebuchadnezzar spake,
and said. Blessed be the God of Sha
drach, Meshach, and Abed-nego,
who hath sent his » angel, and de
livered his servants that trusted 'in
him, and have changed the king's
''Ge. 19. 15,16. Ps. 34. 7, 8; 10.3. 20. He. 1.14.
f Je. 17. 7. c. 6. 22, 23.
that this was a real miracle, ^f Upon
whoae bodiea the fire kad no power. That
is, the usual power of fire on tho human
body was prevented. ^ Nor was a hair
of their head singed. That which would
be most likely to faave burned. Tfae /le-
sign is to sfaow tfaat the fire faad produced
absolutely no effect on them. ^ Neither
were their eoata changed. On the word
coata, see Notes on ver. 21. The word
changed, means that tfaere was no cfaange
caused by the fire either in tfaeir colour
or their texture. ^ Nor had the smell of
fire pasaed on them. Not tfae slightest
effect had been produced by the fire, not
even so much as to occasion the smell
caused by flre wfaen clotfa is singed or
burned. Perhaps, faowever, sulphur or
pitcfa had been used in heating the fur
nace, and tfae idea may be, that their
preservation faad been so entire that not
even tho smell of tfae smoke caused by
those combustibles could be perceived.
28. Then Nebuchadnezzar spake, and
aaid, Blesaed be the God of Shadrach, &(!.
On the characteristic of mind thna evinced
by this monarcfa, see tfae Notes and Prac
tical Eemarks on ch. ii. 46, 47. If Which
hath aent his angel. This proves that the
king regarded tfais mysterious fourth per
sonage as an angel, and that he used tho
phrase (ver. 25,) ' is like the son of God,'
only in that sense. Tfaat an angel should
be employed on an embassage of this
kind, we have seen is in accordance with
the current statements of the Scriptures.
Comp. Bxcursas I. to Prof. Stuart on the
Apocalypse. See also Luke i. 11 — 20, 26—
38; Matt i. 20, 21, ii. 13, 19, 20, iv. 11,
xviii. 10: Acts xii. 7 — 15; Gon. xxxii.
1, 2; 2 Kings vi. 17; Ex. xiv. 19, xxiii.
20, xxxiii. 2; Num. xx. 16; Joeh. v. 13;
Isa. lxiii. 9 ; Dan. x. b—fi, 20.21, xii. 1.

B. C. 580.]

CHAPTER III.

195

word, and yielded their a bodies,
that they might not serve nor wor
ship any God, except their own God.
29 Therefore b I make a ^ decree,
That every people, nation, and lan-
*Eo. 12, 1. He. 11. 37. ba decree is madehyme.
^ And have changed the Jcing'a word.
That is, his purpose or command. Their
conduct, and the divine protection in
consequence of their conduct, had had the
effect wholly to change his purpose to
wards them. He had resolved to destroy
them ; he now resolved to honour them.
This is referred to by the monarch him
self as a remarkable resultj as indeed it
was — that an eastern despot who had re
solved on the signal punishment of any
of his subjects should be so entirely
changed in his purposes towards them.
^ And yielded their bodies. The Greek
adds here £1? n-up — 'to the 'fire.' So the
Arabic. This is doubtless the sense of
the passage. The meaning is, that rather
than bow down to worship gods' which
they regarded as no godsj rather than
violate their consciences and do wrong,
they had preferred to be cast into the
flames, committing themselves to the
protection of God. It is implied here
that they had done this voluntarily, and
that they might easily have avoided it if
they had chosen to obey the king. He
had given them time to deliberate on the
subject (vs. 14, 15,) and he knew that
they had resolved to pursue the course
which they did from principle, no matter
what might be the results, vs. 16 — 18.
This strength of principle ; this obedience
to the dictates of conscience : this de
termination not to do wrong at any
hazard, he could not but respect; and
this is a remarkable instance to show that
a firm and steady course in doing what
is right, will command the respect of
even wicked men. This monarch, witb
all his pridb, and haughtiness, and
tyranny, had not a few generous quali
ties, and some of the finest illustrations
of human nature were furnished by him.
^ That they might vot aerve nor worahip
any God, except their own God. They
gave up their bodies to the flame rather
than do tbis.
29. Therefore I make a decree, Marg.,
A decree is made by me. Chald. * And
from me, a. decree is laid down/ or en-.

guage, which speak *» any thing
amiss against the God of Shadrach,
Meshach, and Abed-nego, shall be
e cut in f pieces, and their houses
shall be made a dunghill : becauae

^c. 6.26,27. d error.

«made. fc. 2. 6

acted. This Chaldee word c;;p — means
properly taste, flavour; then judgment,
the power of discerning — apparently as of
one who oan judge of wine, Ac, by the
taste ; then the sentence, the decree
which is consequent on an act of judging
— always retaining the idea that the de
termination or decree is based on a con
ception of the true merits of the case.
The decree in this case was not designod
to be regarded as arbitrary, but as being
founded on what was right and proper.
He had seen evidence that the God whom
these three youths worshipped was a true
God, and was able to protect those who
trusted in him, and regarding him as a
real God, he made this proclamation tbat
respect should be shown to him through
out his extended realm. ^ That every
people, nation, and language. This de
cree is in accordance with the usual style
of an Oriental monarch. It was, however,
a fact that the empire of Nebuehad
nezzar extended over nearly all of the
then known world. ^ Whieh speak any
thing amiaa. Marg., error. The Chaldee
word — ri^'f — means error, wrong, and it
refers here to any thing that would be
fitted to lead the minds of men astray in
regard to the true character of the God
whom these persons worshipped. The
Vulgate renders it blasphemy. So also it
is rendered in the Greek — pXaoifiniiiav,
The intention was, that their God was to
be acknowledged as a Gud of eminent
power and rank. It does not appear that
Nebuchadnezzar meant that he should be
regarded as the only true God, but be
was willing, in accordance with the pre
vailing notions of idolatry, that he should
take his place among the gods, and a
raost honoured place. ^ Shall be cut in
piecea. Marg., made. This was a sfe-
cies of punishment that was common in
many ancient nations. Geseniua. TT And
their houses ahall be made a dunghill.
Comp. 2 Kings x. 27. The idea in, that
the utmost possible dishonour and con
tempt should be placed on their houses

196

DANIEL.

[B. C. 580,

there is no other God that can de
liver after this sort.
30 If Then the king a promoted

by devoting them to the most vile and
offensive uses. ^ Because there ia no other
God that can deliver after thia sort. He
does not say that there was no other god
at all, for his mind had not yet reached
this conclusion, but there was no other
one who had equal power with the God
of the Hebrews. He had seen a manifes
tation of his power in the preservation of
the three Hebrewa, such as no other god
had ever exhibited, aod he was willing
to admit that in this respect he surpassed
all ot.ier divinities.
30. Then the king promoted Shadrach,
&c. Marg., made to prosper. The
Chaldee means no more than made to
prosper. Whether he restored them to
their forraer places, or to higher honours,
does not appear. There would be, how
ever, nothing inconsistent with his usual
course in supposing that he raised them
to more exalted stations. IT In the pro
vince of Babylon. See Notes on ch. ii.

Shadrach, Meshach, and Abed-negO|
in the province of Babylon.
^ made to prober.
49. The Greek and the Arabic add here,
"And he counted them worthy to preside
over all the Jews that were in his king
dom." But nothing of this is found in
the Chaldee, and it is not known by
whom this addition was made.
In the Vulgate and the Greek versions,
and in some of the critical editions of tbe
Hebrew Scriptures (WaUon, Hahn, &e.),
the three first verses of the following
chapter are subjoined to tbis. It is well
known that the divisions of the chapters
are of no authority, butit is clear that
these verses belong more appropriately
to the following chapter than to this, as
the reason there assigned by the mon
arch for the proclamation is what occurred
to himself, (ver. 2,) rather than what he
had witnessed in others. The division,
therefore, which is made in our com
mon version of the Bible, and in the
Syriac 'and the Arabic, is the correct
one.

PRACTICAL REMARKS.
I. The instance recorded in this chapter (va. 1 — 7,) is not improhably the first case which
ever occurred in the world, of an attempt to produce conformity in idolatrous worship by penal
statute. It has, however, been abundantly imitated since, alike in the hfiathen and in the
nominally Christian world. There are no portions of history' more interesting than those %vbich
describe the progress of religious liberty; the various stepa which have been taken to reach the
reault which has now been arrived at, and to settle the principles which are now regarded as
the true ones. Between tbe views which were formerly entertained, and which are still enter
tained in many countries, and those which constitute the Protestant notions on the aulQect,
there is a greater difference than there is in regard to civil rights between the views which pre
vail under an Oriental deapotism, and the moat enlarged and enlightened notiona of civil free
dom. The viewa which have prevailed on the subject are the following : — 1. The ^'ewero! doo-
trine among the henthen has been, that there were many goda in heaven and earth, and that
all were entitled to reverence. One nation was supposed to have as good a right to worship its
own gods as another, and it was regarded as at least an act of courtesy to show respect to the
gods that any nation adored, in tho same way aa respect would be shown to the sovereigns who
presided over them. Hence the gods of all nations could be consistently introduced into the
Pantheon at Rome; hence there were few attempts to prosdyte among the heathen ; and hence
it was not common topersecute those who worshipped other gods. Persecution of idolaters by
those who were idolaters, was, therefore, rarely known among the heathen, and toleration was
not contrary to the views which prevailed, provided the gods of the country were recognized.
In ancient Chaldee, Assyria, Greece, and Rome in the earliest ages, persecution was rare, and the
toleration of other forms of religion was usual. 2. The views which have prevailed lead
ing to persecution, and which are a violation, aa we suppose, of all juat notions of liberty
on the subject of religion, are the following : (a) Those among tbe heathen which, as in
tho case of Nebuchadnezzar, require aU to worship a particular god that should be set np.
In such a case, it ia clear that while all who were idolaters, and wbo supposed that aU the
gods worshipped by others ahould be respected, could render homage; it is aho clear that
those who regarded all idols &s false goda, and believed that none of them ought to be wor
shipped, could n,ot comply with tho command. Such waa the case with the Jewa who were
in Babylon (vs. 8—18,) for supposing that there was but one God, it waa plain that they could
not render homage to any other. While, therefore, every idolater could render homage to any
Iflol, the Hebrew could render homage to no7ie. (ft) The views among tha heathen prohibUin(f

B. C. 580.] CHAPTER III. 19)
the exercise of a certain kind of religion. According to the previuling views, no mode of roll
gion could be tolerated which would maintain that all the gods that were worahipped were
false. Religion was aupposed to bo identified with the beat interests of the state, and waa
recognized by the laws, and protected by tho laws. To deny the claim, therefore, of any and
of all the gods that were worshipped; to maintain that all wore false alike; to call on men to
forsake their idola, and to embrace a new religion — all this was regarded as an attack on the
state. This was tho attitude which Christianity flssumed towards the religions of the Roman
empire, and it was this which led to the fiery pcraecutions which prevailed thero. While Rome
could consistently tolerate any form of idolatry that would recognize the religion established
by the state, it could not tolerate a system which maintained tbat all idolatry was wrong. It
would allow another god to be placed iu the Pantheon, but it could not recognize a syatom which
would remove every god from tbat temple. Christianity, then, made war on the system of
idolatry that prevailed in the Roman empire in two respects : in proclaiming a purer religion,
denouncing all the corruptions which idolatry had engendered, and wbich it countenanced;
and in denying altogether that the gods which were worshipped were true gods — thua arraying
itself agaiiist the laws, the priesthood, the venerable institutions, and all the passions and pre
judices of the people. These views may be thus summed up: (a) all the gods worshipped by
othera were to be recognized; (6) new ones might be introduced by authority of the state;
(c) the gods which the state approved and acknowledged were to be honoured by all; (d)if
any persous denied their existence, and their claims to homage, they were to be treated as
enemies of the state. It was on tliis last principle that persecutions ever arose under the
heathen forms of religion. Infidels, indeed, have been accustomed to charge Christianity
with all the persecutions on account of religion, and to speak in high terms of "the mild
tolerance of the ancient heathens;" of "tho universal toleration of polytheism;" of "the Ro
man princes beholding without concern a thousand forms of religion subsisting in peace un
der their gentle away." Gibbon. But it should be remembered that pagan nations required of
every citizen conformity to their national idolatries. When this was refused, persecution arose as
a matter of course. Stilpo was banished from Athens for afiirming that the statue of Minerva
In the citadel wae no divinity, but only the work of the chisel of Phidias. Protagoras received
a similar punishment for this sentence: "Whether there be gods or not, I bave nothing to
offer." Prodicus, and his pupil Socrates, suffered death for opinions at variance with tfae estab
lished idolatry of Athens. Alcibiades and .^schylua narrowly escaped a like end for a aimilar
cauae. Cicero lays it down as a principle of legislation entirely conformable to the laws of the
Koman state, that " no man shall have separate gods for himself; and no man shall worship by
himaelf new or foreign gods, unless they have been publicly acknowledged by the laws of the
state." De Legibus, II. 8. Julius Faulus, the Roman civilian, gives the following aa a leading
feature of the Roman law : " Those wbo introduced new religions, or such as were unknown iu
their tendency and nature, by which the minds of men might be agitated, were degraded, if they
belonged to the higher ranks, and if they were in a lower state, were punished with death."
See Mcllvaine's Lectures on the Evidences of Christianity, pp. 427 — 429. (e) The attempts
made to produce conformity in countries where the Christian system has prevailed. In such
countries, as among the heathen, it has been supposed that religion is an important auxiliary
to the purposes of the atate, and that it is proper that the state should not only protect it, but
regulate it. It has claimed the right, therefore, to prescribe the form of religion which shall
prevail; to require conformity to that, and to punish all who did not conform to the estabHshed
mode of worship. This attempt to produce conformity haa led to most of tbe persecutiona of
modern times. 3. The principles which have been settled by the discussions and agitations of paat
times, and which are recognized in all countries where there arc any just views of religious liberty,
and which are destined yet to be universally recognized, are the following: (a) There is to be,
on the subject of religion, perfect liberty to worship God in the manner that shall be most in
accordance with the views of the individual himself, provided in doing it he does not interfere
with the rights, or disturb the worship of others. It is not merely that men are to be tolerated
in the exercise of their religion — for the word tolerate would seem to imply that the state Iiad
some right of control in the matter — but tho true word to express the idea is liberty, (b) The
stiite is to protet^ all in the enjoyment of theae equal rights. Its auGwrity does not go beyond
this ; its duty demands this. These two principles compose all that are required on the subject
of religious liberty. They have been in our world, however, principles of slow growth. They
were unknown in Greece— for f cerates died because they were not understccd; they "wcTe
unknown in Rome — for the state claimed the power to determine what gods should be
admitted into the Pantheon ; they were unknown even in Judea — for a national or state rth-
gion was established there ; they were unknown in Babylon — forthe monarch there claimed
the right of enforcing conformity to the national religion; they were unknown in Europe in
the middle ages — for all the horrors of the inquisition grew out of the fact that they were not
underatood; *'hey are unknown in Turkey, und China, and Persia — for the state regards reli
gion as under jta control. The doctrine of entire freedom in religion ; of perfect liberty to worship
God according to our own views of right, is ihe last point which society is to reach in this direction,
[t is impossible to conceive that there is to be anything beyond this which mnnkind are to
desire in the progresa towards the perfection of the social organization ; and when this shall bc
everywhere reas-lAed, the affairs of the world will be placed on a permanent footing.
II. In the spirit evinced by the three young men, and the answer which they gave, when
accused of not worshipping the imase, and wlien threatened with a horrid death, we have a
aeautiful illustration of the nature and value o/iAerei^ywmo/jirmcipte. vs. 12 — 18. Toenahleua
17*

193 DANIEL, [B. C. 380.
» see the force of this example, and to appreciate its value, we are to rememher that the^^
were vet comparatively young men; that they were captives in a distant land; that they bad
L poweiSSs at"urt; that they had had, compared with what we now have, few =^van.
bi?° of instraction; that they were threatened with a most hornd death ; and that they had
Sing of a woridly nature to hope for by refusing compliance with the king's eommands.
?his tot^nM is of value to us, because it is not only important to haverd^gion, but (o have the
i^lMofldigioniani it il doubtless in order tbat we may have this, that such examples
a?e setbefcrL ufirrthe scriptures. In regard to this kind of religion, there arc three >nquirie,
Xch would present themselves: on what is it founded ! what will it lead us to do! and what
i^ itsvllue? (1) It is founded mainly on two things: an inte ligent view of duty, and fixed
principle a)^ An intelligent view of duty ; an acquaintance w th what is right and what is
wrong Thesi young men had made up their minds intelligently, that it was right to worship
Gorand that it was wrong to render homage to an idol. This was not oiisft«acy. Obstinacy
exists where a man has made up his mind, and resolves to act, without any good rea^n, or
without au intelligent view of what is right or wrong, and where he adheres to his purpose not
because it is right, bnt from the influence of mere wiTl. The religion of principle is always
found where there is an intelligent view of what is right, and a man can give a reason for what
he does (6) This religion is founded on a determination to do wbat is right, and not to do
what is wrong. Tbe question is not what is expedient, or popular, or honourable, or lucrative,
or pleasant, but what is right. (2) What will such a religion lead ns to do! This question
may be answered by a reference to the case before us, nnd it wiU be found that it will lead us to do
these things: la) To do onr duty without being solicitous or anxious about the results, ver. 16.
lb) To put confldence in God, feeling that if he pleases, he can protect us from danger, ver. 17.
(ci To do our duty, whatever may be the consequences— whether he protects us nr not. ver. 18.
(3) What is the valve of this kind ofreligion ! (a) Itis the only kind in which there is any fixed and
certain standard. If aman regulates his opinions and conduct from expediency, or from respect
to the opinions of others, or from feeling, or from popular impulses, there is no standard ; there
is nothing settled or deflnite. Kow one thing is popular, now another ; to-day the feelings may
prompt to one thing, to-morrow to another ; at one time expediency will suggest one cour,ie,
at auother a different course, (b) It is the only kind of religion on which rehance can he
placed. In endeavouring to spread the gospel ; to meet the evils which are in the world : to
promote the cause of temperance, chastity, liberty, truth, and peace, the only thing on which
permanent reliance can be placed is the religion of principle. And (c) it is the only religion
which is certainly genuine. A man may see much poetic beauty in religion ; he may have much
of the religion of sentiment ; he may admire God in the grandeur of his works ; he may havo
warm feelings easily enkindled on tho subject of religion, and may even weep at the foot of the
cross in view of the wrongs and woes that the Saviour endured ; he may be impressed with tho
forms, aud pomp, and splendour of gorgeous worship, and still have no genuine repentance for
his sins, no saving faith in the Redeemer, no real love to God.
IIL We have in this chapter (vs. 19 — 23,) an affecting case of an attempt to punish men for
holding certain opinions, and for acting in conformity with them. When we read of an instance
of persecution like this, it occurs to us to ask the following questions:— What is persecution!
why has it been permitted by God ! and what effects havo followed from it? (1) What is persecu
tion? Itis pain inflicted, or some loss, or disadvantage in person, family, or oflice, on account
of holding certain opinions. It has had two objects ; one to punish men for holding certain opi
nions, as if the persecutor hnd a right to regard this as an offence against the state; and the
other a professed view to reclaim those who are made to suffer, and to save their souls. _ In
regard to the pain or suffering involved in persecution, it is not material what Wwd of pain ia
inflicted indrderto constitute persecution. ..^tj?/ bodily suffering ; any deprivation of comfort;
any exclusion from office ; any holding up of one to public reproach ; or any form of ridicule,
constitutes the essence of persecution. It may he added, that not a few ofthe inventions most
distinguished for infiicting pain, and known as refinements of cruelty, have been originated in
times of persecution, and would propably have heen unknown if it had not been for the pur
pose of restraining men from the free exercise of religious opinions. The Inquisition has been
most .eminent in this; and within the walls of that dreaded institution, it is probable that
human ingenuity has been exhausted in devising the most refined modes of inflictinp torture
on the human frame. (2) Why has this been permitted? Among the reasons why it has been
permitted, may be the following: (a) To show the power and reality of religion. It seemed
desirnble to subject it to all kinds of trial, in order to show that its existence could not be ac
counted for except on the supposition that it is from God. If men had never heen called on to
auffer on account of religion, it would have been easy for the enemy of religion to allege that
there wns little evidence that it was genuine, or was of value, for it had never been tried.
Comp. Job i. 9 — 11. As it is, it has been subjected to every form of trial which wicked men could
devise, and hns shown itself to be adapted to meet them all. The work of the martyrs has been
well done; and religion in the times of martyrdom has shown itself to be all that it is desirable
it should he. (6) In order to promote its spread in the world. 'The blood of the martyrs
bas been the seed of the church,' and it ia probable that religion in past times bas owed much
bf its purity, and of its diffusion, to the fact that it has been persecuted, (c) To fit the sufferers
frr nn exalted place in heaven. They who have suffered persecution needed trials as well aa
others, for all Christians need them — and Vieirs came in this fiirm. Some of tbe most lovely
traits of Christian charaeter have been brought out in connection with persecution, and some
u ISie most triumphiuit exhibitions of preparation for heaven havo been made at the stoke.

IJ. C. 570.] CHAPTER IV. 199
3) What have been the effects of persecution? (a) It has been tho sdUed point that tha Chris
tian religion cannot be destroyed by persecution. There is no power to be brought aiiainat it
moro mighty than, for example, was that of the Roman empire ; and it is impussiblo to conccivo
that there ahould be greater refinements of cruelty than havebeen employed. (i)The elToct
has been to diffuse the rellgioii which has been persecuted. The manner in which the sufferings
inflicted have beon endured, has shown that there is reaUty and power in it. It is also a law of
humau nature to sympathize with the wroni^ed and the oppressed, aud we insensibly learn to
transfer the sympathy which we have for these persons to their opinions. Whou we seo one
who is wronged, we soon find our hearts beating in unison with his, and soon find ourselvea
taking sides with him in everything. "V
IV. We have in this chapter (vs. 24 — 27,) an instructive illustration of the pi'otection w]iicb'
God affords his people in times of trial. These men were thrown into the furnace on account
of their obedience to God, and their refusal to do that which they knew ho would not approve.
The result showed, by a most manifest miracle, that they wero right in the course which they
toot, and their conduct was the occasion of furnishing a most striking proof of the wisdom of
trusting in God iu the faithful performance of duty, irrespective of consequences. Similar
illustrations were furnished in the case of Daniel in the lion's den, (ch. vi. IG — 22,) and of Peter,
(Acts xii. 1 — ^10.) But a question of much interest arises here, which is. What kind of protection
may we look for now 1 (1) There are numerous promises made to the righteous of every age and
. country. They are not promises indeed of miraculous interference, hut they are promises of
an Interposition of some kind in their behalf, which will show that " it is not a vain thing
to serve God." Amon^ them, are those recorded in the following places : — 2 Chron, xvi. 9 ;
Ps. iv. 3, V. 12, XV. 1—5, xxxvii.3— 10, 17—26, 34—40, lviii. 11, Ixxxiv. 11, xcii. 12—15, xcvii. 11,
cxii. 1—5; Prov. iii. 3, 4, 31—35, x. 2, 3, 6—9, 25—30, xiii. 6—21, 22, xiv. 30—34, xvi. 8, xx. 7,
xxi. 21 ; Isa. xxxii. 17, xxxiii. 15, 16 ; Matt. vi. 33 ; 1 Tim. iv. 8, 9, vi. 6 ; 1 Pet. iii. 10—13 ; Johu
xii. 26; Ex. xx. 5, 6; Ps. ix. 9, 10, xxiii. 4, xlvi. 1, lv. 22 ; Isa. liv. 7, 8 ; Matt. v. 4; Job v. 19.
(2) In regard to the Mnd of interposition that we may look for now, or the nature of the favours
implied in these promises, it may be observed : (a) That we are not to look for any miraculous
interpo*sitions in our favour. (&) We aro not to expect that there will he on earth an exact
adjustrnent of the divine dealings according to the deserts of all persons, or according to the prin
ciples of a coinplete moral government, when there will be a perfect system of rewards and
punishments, (c) We are not to expect that there will be such manifest and open rewards of
obedience, and such direct and constant benefits resulting from religion in this world, as to lead
men merely from these to serve and worship God, If religion were ahuays attended with pros
perity ; if the righteous were never persecuted, were never poor, or were never bereaved, multi
tudes would foe induced to become religious, as many followed the Saviour, ' not because they
fiaw the miracles, but because they did eat of the loaves and fishes, and were filled,' John vi. 26.
While, therefore, in the divine administration here it is proper that there should be so many
and ao marked interpositions in favour of the good bs to show that 'God is the friend of bis peo
ple, it is not proper that there should be so many that men would be induced to engage in hia
service for the love of the reward rather than for the sake of the service itself; because they are
to be happy, rather than because they lovo virtue. It may be expected, therefore, that while
the general course of the divine administration will be in fiivour of virtue, there may be much
intermingled with thia that will appear to be of a contrary kind ; much that will be fitted to
test the faith of the people of God, and to show that they love his service for its own sake.
V. We have in vs. 28 — 30, a striking instance of the effect which an adherence to principle
will produce on the minds of worldly and wicked men. Such men have no love for religion,
but they can see that a certain course accords with the views which are professedly held, and
that it indicates high integrity. They can see that firmness and consistency are worthy of
commendation and reward. They can see, as Nebuchadnezzar did in this case, that such a
course will secure the diviue favour, aud they will be disposed to honour it on that account.
For a time, a tortuous course may seem to prosper, hut in the end, solid fame, high rewards,
honourable offices, and a grateful remembrance after death, follow in. the path of strict integrity
ftnd unbending virtue.

CHAPTER IV.
§ 1. AUTHENTICITT OP THE CDAPTEE.

To the authenticity of this chapter, as to the preceding, objections aud difficulties have boen
iiriied sufficient in the view of the objectors to destroy its credibility as a historical narrative.
Ihose'obiections, which may be seen at length in Bertholdt, (pp. 70—72, 285—309,) Bleek, (Theol.
Zeiteerift, Drittes Heft, 268, seq.,) and Eichhorn (Einlei. iv. 471, seq.,) relate mainly to two
pointe : those derived from the want of historical proofe to confirm the narrative; and thoss
derived from itt- alleged intrinsic improbability.

200 DANIEL. [B. C. 670.
I The former of these, derived from the want of historic confirmation of the truth ofthe
narrative, are summarily the following: (1) That the historical hooks ofthe Old Testement
Kive no intimation that these remarkable things happened to Nebuchadnezzar, that he wa»
deranged, and driven from his throne, and made to dwell under the open heaven with the beasta
of tho field— an omission which, it is said, we cannot suppose would have occurred if these thingg
had happened, since the Hebrew writers, on account of tbe wrongs which Nebuchadnezzar had
done to their nation, would have certainly seized on sucb facts as a demonstration of the divme
displeasure against him. (2) There is no record of these events among the heathen writers of
antiquity ; no writer among the Greeks, or otber nations, ever havmg mentioned them. (3) It
is equally remarkable that Josephus, in his narrative of the sickness of Nebuchadnezzar, makes
¦no allusion to any knowledge of this among other nations, and shows that he derived his infor
mation only from the sacred booka of his own people. (4) It is acknowledged by Ongen and
Jerome that they could find no historical grounds for the truth of this account. (5) If these
things had occurred, as here related, they would not have been thus concealed, for tbe king
himself took all possible measures by the edict referred to in this chapter, to make them known,
and to make a permanent record of them. How could it have happened that all knowledge
would have been lost if they had thus occurred? (6) If the edict was lost, how was it ever
recovered again ? When, and where, and by whom, was it found ? If actually issued, it was de
signed to make the case known throughout the empire. Why did it fail of producing that effect
80%s notto have been forgotten? If it was lost, how was the event known? And if itwa^
lost, how could it have boen recovered and recorded by the author oi^his hook ? Comp. Ber
tholdt, p. 298.
To these objections, it may be replied, (1) That the silence of the historical books of the Old
Testament furnishes no well-founded objection to what is said in this chapter, for none of them
pretend to bring down tbe history of Nebuchadnezzar to the close ofhis life, or to thia period of
his life. The books of Kings and of Chronicles mention his invasion of the land of Palestine
and of Egypt; they record the fact of bia carrying away the children of Israel to Babylon, but
they do not proftss to make any record of what occurred to him after that, nor of the close of
his life. The second book of Chronicles closes with an account of the removal of the Jews to
Babylon, and the carrying away of the sacred vessels of the temple, and the burning of the
temple, and the destruction of the city, but does not relate the history of Nebuchadnezzar
any farther. 2 Chron. xxxvi. The silence of the book cannot, therefore, be alleged as an
argument against anything that may be said to have occurred after that. As the history
closes there; as the design waa to give a record of Jewish affairs to the carrying away to Baby
lon, and not a history of Nebuchadnezzar as such, there is no ground of objection fumished
by thia silence in regard to anything that might be said to have occurred to Nebuchadnezzar
subsequently to this in his own kingdom.
In regard to profane writers, also, nothing can be argued as to the improbability of the
account mentioned here from their silence on the subject. It ia not remarkable that in the
few fragments which are found in their writings respecting the kinga and empires of tbe Ifiast,
an occurrence of thia kind should have been omitted. The general worthlessness or want of
value of the historical writings of the Greeks in respect to foreign naliona, from which we
derive most of our knowledge of those nations, is now generally admitted, and is expressly
maintained by Niebuhr, and by Sclosser (see Hengstenberg, Die Authentie des Daniel, p. 101),
and most of these writera make no alluf-ion at all to Nebuchadnezzar. Even Herodotua, who
travelled into the East, and who collected all he could of the hiatory of the world, makes no
mention whatever of a conqueror so illustrious as Nebuchadnezzar. How conld it be expected
tbat when they have oraitted all notice of his conquests; of the great events under him,
which exerted so important an effect on the world, there should have been a record of
an occurrence like that referred to in this chapter — an occurrence that seems to have ex
erted no influence whatever on tho foreign relations of the empire? It is remarkable that
Josephus, who searched for all that he could find to illustrate tbe literature and history of the
Chaldees, says (Ant. B. x. ch. xi. g 1,) that he could find only the following " histories as all
that he had met with concerning this king: Berosus, in the third book of his Cha Id aie history;
Philoatratus, in the history of Judea and ofthe Phcenicians, who only mentions him in respect
to his siege of Tyre; the Indian history of Megasthenes — 'IvSiko — in which the only fact which
is mentioned of him ia that he plundered Lybia and Iberia ; and the Persian history of Dioclcs,
in which there occurs but one solitary reference to Nebuchadnezzar." To these he adda. in
his work against Appian (B. i. 20.) a reference to the " Archives of the Phoenicians," in which
* is said that " he conquered Syria and Phoenicia." Berosus is the only one who pretends to
give any extended accountof him. See Ant. B, x. ch.xi.gl. AU those authorities mentioned by
Josephus, therefore, except Berosus, may be set aside, since they have made no allusion to many
nndeniabl% facts in the life of Nebuchadnezzar, andi therefore, the events referred to in this
shapter may have occurred, though they bave not related Ihem. 3 here remain two authors
who have noticed Nebuchadnezzar at greater length, Abydenus and Berosus. Abydenus was
a Greek who lived 268 B. C. He wrote, in Greek, an historical account ofthe Chaldeana, Baby
lonians, and Assyrians, only a few frafiments of which have leen preserved by l.uFcbiua, Cyrill,
ind Syncellus, Berosus was a Chaldean, and was a priest in the temple of Belus, in the time
tf Alexander, and having learned of the Macedonians the Greek language, he went to Greece,
md opened a school of astronomy and astrology in the island of Cos, where his productions
toquired for him great fame with the Athenians. Abydenus was his pupil . Berosus wrote three
Vioks relative to the hiatory of the Chaldeans, of which only some fragmenta are preserved in

B. 0.570.] CHAPTER IV. 201
Josephus and Eusebfas. As a priest of Belus he possessed every ac^/antngo which could be
desired f3r obtaining a knowledge of the Chaldeana, and if his work had heen preaervpd it
would doubtless be of great value. Both these writers professedly derived their knowledge
&om the traditions of the Chaldeana, aud both should be regarded as good authority.
Berosus is adduced by Josephus to confirm the truth of the historical records in the Old Tes-
tiiment. Ue mentions, according to Josephus, the deluge in tho time of Noah, and the account
of the resting of the ark on one of the mountaina of Armenia. He gives a catalogue of tho
deacendants of Noah, and " at length comea down to Nabolassor, who was king of Babylon und
of the Chaldeans." lie then mentions the expedition of hia son, Nebuchodonosor (Nehuf:had-
nezzar), against the Egyptians ; the capture of Jerusalem ; the burning of the temple ; and tbe
removal of the Jews to Babylon. He then mentions the manner in which Nebuchadnezzai
succeeded to the throne ; the way in which he distributed his captives in various parts of Baby.
Ionia; his adorning of the temple of Belus; his rebuilding the old cityof Babylon, and the
building of another dty on the other side of the river; his adding a new palace to that which
his father had built; and the fact that this palace waa finished in fifteen days. After these
statements respecting his conquests and the magnificence of hia capital, Berosus gives tho
followiug narrative : " Nebuchodouosor, after he had begun to build the forementioned wall, fell
sick — iftTTEaCn' cij d^fxiydiav — and departed this life — //CTijXXd^aro rdv 0iou" — [a phrase meaning
to die, see Paaaow on the word fi£ra\\aaaiS] " when he had reigned forty-three years, whereupon
hia son, Evil-Merodach, obtained the kingdom." Josephus against Apion, B. 1. § 20. Now thia
narrative is remarkable, and goes in fact to confirm the statement iu Daniel in two respects:
(a) It is manifest that Berosus here refera to some sickness in the case of Nebuchadnezzar that
was unusual, and that probably preceded, for a considerable time, his death. This appeara
from the fact, that in the case of the other monarchs whom be mentions in immediate connec*
tion with this narrative, no sickness is alluded to as preceding their death. This is the caae
with respect to Neriglissor and Nabounedus — successors of Nebuchadnezzar. See Jos. against
Ap. i. 20. There is no improbability in supposing that what Berosus here calls sickness, is the
same which is referred to in the chapter hefore us. Berosus, himaelf a Ohaldean, might not he
. desirous of stating all the facts about a monarch of his own country so distinguished, and might
not be willing to state all that he knew about his being deprived of reason, and about the
manner in which be was treated, and yet what occurred to him was so remarkable, and was so
well known, that there seemed to he a necessity of alluding to it in some way ; and this he did
in the most general manner posaible. If this were hia object, also, he would not he likely to
mention the fact that he was restored again to the throne. He would endeavour to make it
appear as an ordinary event — a sickness which preceded death — as it may have been the fact
that he never was wholly restored so far as to be in perfect health. (6) This statement of Be
rosus accords, in respect to time,, remarkably with that in Daniel. B )th accounts agree that
the sickness occurred after he had built Babylon, and towards the cloae of his reign.
The other author which ia referred to, is Abydenus. The record which he makes is preserved
hy Eusebius, preep. Evang. ix. 41, and Chronicon Armeno-latinum, I. p. 59, and is in the fol
lowing words: fjiErd ravra de, Xtysrai npds XaXdaiojv, cjf duaffhi ini ra {3aai\fjin, naraaXf-
^c:t] 3ec5 Sr£tj M, tft^EylafiEVos it sIveu' ovrog cyui V^afiovKoSp6oopos, u Ba^uAwi'ioi, rrjv
f^£)<\ovaau Vftiv TrpoayyeWu} avfiipopfiv, rfiu ors B^Xop iftds wp6yovos, rirc ^aai\tia BijAny
drroTpeipai Moi'paj Trertrai da^evovaiw ^'f« Xleparjs hiiiovosj rolat i[i&rcpoiai iaiftoai Xpe^oiisvog
tTViindxomtv etrd^ei 61 Sov\oavuriv^ ov df} avvalnoi zarai JVIjiJi?}) Td 'Aaovpiov avxoyia' tjj sl^s
puv irp6a5ep ^ Sovvat rovg TToXirJTas^ Xapi-0Siv rtva^ ^ SaXaaaav eisSE^afievrjv^ dVorcjo-ai
irpdp^t^ov ri piv aXXaj o6oVi crpa^EVTa (^kpta^ai Ma. rijs cpijfiovj ha ovte ooTsa, ovre Trdros
di/Spio7T(i}v. Bnptg Sl v6fiov sxpvai Koi Spvt^Eg nXu^oi'Tai ^ ev te irerpijai Kai x^^pdiptioi fjovvov
aSHiievov EftE TSy irplv Big v6ov 0aXea^ai tavra^ reXeos dfxEiPovos Kvpfjoat. 'O ftti' ¦ ^t/jiriaa^
Ttapaxpnyta ^(pdfUTTo. This passage is so remarkable, tbat I annex a translation ofit, as I find
it in Prof. Stuart's work on Daniel, p. 122: "After these things," [his conquests which the
writer had hefore referred to,] " as it ie said by the Chaldeana, having ascended hia palace, he
was aeized by some god, and speaking aloud, he said :' I, Nebuchadnezzar, 0 Babylonians,
foretel your future calamity, which neither Belus, my ancestor, nor queen Belis, can persuade
the destinies to avert. A Persian mide wUl come, employing your own divinities as his aux
iliaries; and he will impose servitude [upon you]. His coadjutor will be the Mede, who is the
boast of the Assyrians. Would that, before he places my citizens in such a condition, somo
Charyhdis or gulf might swallow him up with utter deatruction 1 Or that, turned iu a diff'erent
direction, he might roam in the desert (where are neither citiea, nor footsteps of man, but wild
beasfs find pasturage, and the birds wander,) being there hemmed in b,v rocks and ravines!
May it be my lot to attain to a better end, before such things come into his mind I' Having
uttered this prediction, he forthwith diaappeared." This passage so strongly resembles tha
account in Daniel iv., that even Bertholdt (p. 296) admits that it ia identical---Mie7iiiscA — with
it, though he still maintains, that although it refers to mental derangement, it does nf thing
to confirm the account of his being made to live with wild beasts, eating grass, and being
restored again to hia throne. The points of agreement in the account of Abydenus and that
of Daniel are the following : (1) The account of Abydenus, as Bertholdt admits, refers to
mental deran gemen*. Suoh a mental derangement, and the power of prophecy, were m vna

102 DANIEL. [B.C. 570
fiew of the ancients closely connected, or were identical, and were believed to he produced by
the overpowering influence of the gods on the soul. The rational powers of the soul were sup^
posed to be suspended, and the god took entire possession of the body, and through that com
municated the knowledge of future events. Comp. Dale, dc oraculia ethnicorum, p. 172.
Eusebius, Chron. Arm. lat. p. GI. In itself considered, moreover, nothing would be more natural
than that Nebuchadnezzar, in the malady that came upon him, or when itwas coming npon
him, would express himself in the manner aflirmed by Abydenus respecting the coming of tho
Persian, and the change that would occur to his own kingdom. If the account in Daniel ia
true respecting che predictions wbich he ia said to have uttered conceming coming events (ch,
il.), nothing would be more natural than that tbe mind of the monarch would be filled with
the anticipation of these events, and that he would give utterance to his anticipations in a
time of mental excitement. (2) There is a remarkable agreement between Abydenus and
Daniel in regard to the time and the place in which what is said of the king occurred. Accord
ing to Abydenus, the prophetic ecstacy into which be fell was at the close of all his militery
expeditions, and occurred in the same place, and in the same circumstences, which are men
tioned iu the book of Daniel — upon his palace — apparently as he walked upon the roof, or upon
some place where he had a clear view of the surrounding city which he had built — di-afioi iiti
TO. (iaaiXfi'Ca. (3) The accounts in Abydenus and in Daniel harmonize so far as they relate to
the God by whom what occurred was produced. In Daniel it is attributed to the true God, and
not to any of the objects of Chaldean worship. It is remarkable that in Abydenus it is not
ascribed to an idol, or to any god worshipped by the Chaldees, hut to God simply, as to a
God that was now known — Karaax^^t't-n ^£fS orfiw df). It would seem from this that even tho
Clialdee tradition did not attribute what was said hy Nebuchadnezzar, or wbat occurred to
him, to any of the gods worshipped in Babylon, but to a foreign god, or to one whom they were
not accustomed to worship. (4) In the language which JJehnchadnezzar is reported by Abyde
nus to have uaed respecting the return of the Per.=ian king after his' conquest, there is a
remarkable resemblance to what is said in Daniel, showing that, though the language is applied
to different things in Daniel and in Abydenus, it had a common origin. Thus, in the prophecy
of Nebuchadnezzar, as reported by Abydenua, it is aaid, 'may he, returning through other
ways, be borne through the desert where there are no cities, where there is no path for men,
where wild beasts graze, and the fowls live, wandering about in the midst of rocka and caves.'
These considerations show that the Chaldean traditions strongly corroborate tbe account here;
or, that there are things in these traditions which cannot be accounted for except on the sup
position of the truth of some such occurrence as that which is here stated in Daniel. Tbe
sum of the evidence from history ia, (a) that very few things are known of this monarch
from profane hiatory ; (6) that there la nothing in what is known of him which makes
wbat is here atated improbable; (c) that there are thinga related of him which har
monize with what ia here aflirmed ; and (d) that thero are traditiona which can be best ex
plained by some such supposition as that the record iu this chapter is true.
Aa to the objection that if the edict waa promulgated it would not be likely to be lost, or the
memory of it fade away, it is auflicient to observe that almost aU of the edicte, the laws, and the
statutes of the Assyrian and Chaldean princes have perished with all the other records of their
history, and almost all the facta pertaining to the personal or the public history of these mon
archa are now unknown. It cannot be believed tbat the few fragments wbich we now have
of their writings are all tbat were ever composed, and in the thing itself there is no more im
probability that Wiis edict sbould be lost than any other, or that though it may have been kept
by a Hebrew residing aniong them, it should not have been retained by the Chaldeans themsdves.
As to the question which has been asked, if this were lost how it could have been recovered
again, it is auflicient to remark that, for anything that appears, it never was lost in the seuse
that no ono had it in his possession. It would undoubtedly come into the hands of Daniel if
he were, according to the account in his book, then in Babylon ; and it is not probable that so
remarkable a document would be suffered by him to be lost. The fact that it was preserved by
him, is all that is needful to anawer the questions on that point. It may have been swept
away with other matters in the ruin that came upon the Chaldean records in their own
country; it has been preaerved where it was most important that it ahould be preserved — ina
hook where it would be to all agea, and in all lands, a signal proof that God reigns over kinga,
aud that he has power to humble and abase the proud.
II. There is a second dasa of objectiona to the credibility of the account in thia chapter quite
distinct from that just noticed. They are based on what ia alleged to be the intrinsic improba
bility that the things wbich are said to have occurred to Nebuchadnezzar should have happened.
It cannot be alleged, indeed, tbat it ia incredible that a monarch ahould become a maniac— for
the kings of the earth are no moro exempt from this terrible malady than their subjects; but
the objections here referred to relate to the stetements respecting the manner in which it is
said that thia monarch waa treated, and that he lived during tbis long period. These
objections may be Inriefly noticed. (1) It has been objected, that it is wholly improbable that
a monarch at the head of auch an empire would, if he became incapable of administering
the affairs of government, he so utterly neglected as the representation here would im
ply:— that he would be suffered to wander from bis palace to live with beasts: to fare na
thoy fared, and to become in his whole appearance so like a heast. It is indeed admitted by
those who make this objection, that there is no improbability that the cal amity would befall a
uug u well as other men ; and Michaelis has remarked that it is even more probable that a mon-

B.C. 570.] CHAPT MR IV. 203
arch would be thus afflicted than others, (Anm. Z. Dan. p. 41, Comp. Berth "Idt, p. 304,) but it
is alleged that it is wholly improbable that onc so high in ofiice and in power would be treated
with the utter neglect which is steted here, "Is it credible," says Bertholdt, (p. SOO — 303,)
" that tho royal family, and the royal counsellors, should have shown so little care or concern
for a monarch who had come into a stete so perfectly helpless ? Wpuld no one have sought
him out, and brought him back, if he had wandered so far away ? (Tould he anywhere in the
open plains, and the regions about Babylon, destitute of forests, havo concealed himself s6 that
no one could have found him? It could only havo been hy a miracle, that one could have wan
dered about for so long a time, amidst the dangers which must have befallen him, without
having been destroyed by wild beasts, or falling into aome form of irrecovarablo ruin. What an
unwise policy in a government to exhibit to newly conquered people so dishonourable- a
spectacle 1"
To this objection it may be replied, (a) that its fbrce, as it was formerly urged, may he some
what removed by a correct interpretation of the chapter, and a more accurate knowledge of the
disease which came upon the king, and of the manner in whioh he was actually treated. Accord
ing to some views formerly enterteined respecting the nature of the malady, it would have been
impossible, I admit, to have defended the narrative. In respect to these views, see Notes oa
ver. 25. It may appear, from the fairinterpretationof the whole narrative, that nothing mora
occurred than was natural in the circumstances, (fc) The supposition that he waa left to wan
der without any kind of oversight or guardianship, is entirely gratuitous, and is unauthorized
by the account which Nebuchadnezzar gives of what occurred. Thia opinion haa heen partly
formed from a false interpretation of the phrase in ver. 36 — "and my counsellors and my lords
sougJU unto me" — as if they had sought him when he was wandering with a view to find out
where he was; whereas the tme meaning of that passage is, that after his restoration they
Bought unto him, or applied to him as the head of the empire, as they had formerly done.
(c) There is aome probability from the passage in ver. 15 — " leave the stump of his roots in tho
earth, CTC7I witha band of iron and brass" — that Nebuchadnezzar was secured in the manner in
which maniacs often have been, and that iu his rage he was carefully guarded from all danger
of injuring himself. See Notes on ver. 15. (c)On the supposition that he was not, still there
might have been all proper care taken to guard him. All that maybe implied when it ia said
tbat he " was driven from men, and did eat grass as oxen," &c., may have been that this was his
propensity in that stete ; that he had thia roving disposition, and was disposed rather to wander
in fields and groves, than to dwell in the abodca of men ; and that he waa driven by this pro
pensity, not by men, to loave hia palace, and to teke up his reaidence in parks or groves — any
where rather thau in human habitations. This has been not an uncommon propensity with
maniacs, and there la no improbability in supposing that this was permitted by those who had
the care of him, as far as was conaistent with his eaiety, and with what was due to him as a
monarch, though hls reason was driven from its throne. In the parks attached to tbe palace ;
in the large pleasure grounds, that were not improbably stocked with various kinds of animals,
as a sort of royal menagerie, there is no improbability in supposing that he may have been
allowed at proper times, and with suitable guards, to roam, nor t^at the fallen and hum
bled monarch may have found, in comparatively lucid intervals, a degree of pleasant amuse
ment in such grounds, nor even that it might be supposed that this would contribute to his
restoration to heedth. Nor, on any supposition in regard to these stetements, even admitting
tbat there was a great degree of criminal inattention on the part of his friends, would his treat
ment have heen worse than what has usually occurred m respect to the insane. Up to quite a
recent period, and even now in many civiliiied lands, the insane have been treated with the
most gross neglect, and with the severest cruelty, even by their friends. Left to wander where
they chose without a protector; unshaven and unwashed; tho s| ort of the idle and the
vicious; thrown into common jails among felons; hound with heavy ;haina to the cold wallA
of dungeons; confined in cellars or garrets with no fire in the coldeut weather; with insuffi
cient clothing, perhaps entirely nak^, and in the midat of the most disgusting filth, — such
treatment, even in Christian lands, and by. Christian people, may show that in a heathen land,
five hundred years betbre the light of Christianity dawned upon the world, it is not wholly in
credible that an insane monarch might have been treated in the manner described in this
chapter. If the best friends now may so neglect, or treat with such severity, an insane son or
daughter, there is no improbability in supposing, that in an age of comparative barbarism there
may have been as littie humanity as is implied in this chapter. The following extracts from the
Second Annual Report of the Prison Discipline Society, {Boston^ will show what bas occurred
in the nineteenth century, in this Christian land, and in the old commonwealth of Masaachu
setts — a commonwealth distinguished for morale, and for humane feeling, and will demostrate at
the same time that whatis here stated about the monarch of heathen Babylon is not unworthy
of belief. They refer to the treatment of lunatics in that commonwealth before the esteblishment
of thehospitel for the insane at Worvieater. " In Massachusetts, by an examination made with
care, about thirty lunatics have been found in prison- In one prison were found three ; in an
other five; in anotfaer six, and in another ten. It is a source of great complaint with the
sheriffs and jailers that they must receive sueh persona, because they have no suiteble accom.
naodations for them. Of those last mentioned, one waa found in an apartment in which he had
been nine years. He had a wreath of rags around his body, and another around hia neck.
This was all his clothing. He had no bed, chair, or bench. Two or three rough planks wers
itrewed around the room ; a heap of filthy straw, like the nest of swine, was in tho comer. He

204 DANIEL, [B. C. 570
had built a bird's nest of mud in the iron grate ofhis den. ^ Connect^ with I'/S ™tehM apai^
ment waa a dark dungeon, having no orifice for the admission of light, heat, o^! a^^f/^^P™
iron door, about two and a half feet aquare, opening into it from the prison The other luna
tics in tbe same prison were scattered about in different apartmente, with thievea and mur-
lerers, and persons under arrest, but not yet convicted of guilt. In the prison of five lunatics,
thev were confined in aeparate cells, which were almoat dark dungeons. It was difficult after
the" door waa open to see them distinctly. The ventilation was so incomplete that more than
one person on entering them has found tbe an: so fetid as to produce naupea, and almost vomit
ing. The old straw on wbich they were laid, and their filthy garments, were such as to make
theif insanity more hopeless, and at one time it was not considered withm the province of the
physician to examine particulariy the condition of the lunatics. In these circumstancea any
improvement of their minds could hardly bc expected. Inatead of having three out of four
restored to reason, as ia the fact in aome of the favoured Lunatic A syl uma, it is tobe feared
that in theae circumstances, some who might otherwise be restored would become incurable,
and that others might lose their lives, to say nothing of present ^ iffenng. In the prison
in which were six lunatics their condition was lesa wretched. But they were sometimea an
annoyance, and aometimes a aport to the convicts; and even the apartmentin which th^
feinalea were confined opened into tbe yard- of the men ; there was an injurious interchange of
obacenity and profanity between them, which was not restrained by tbe preaence of the keeper.
In the prison, or house of correction, so called, in which were ten lunatics, two were found
about seventy years of age, a male and female, in the same apartment of an upper story. Tho
female was lying upon aheap of straw under a broken window. The snow in a severe storm
was heating through the window, and lay upon the straw around ber withered body, which
was partially covered with a few filthy and tattered garmenta. The man waa lying in the coi>
ner of the room in a aimilar situation, except that he waa less exposed to the storm. The
former had been in this apartment six, and the latter twenty-one yeara. Another lunatic in
the aame prison was found in a plank apartment of the firat story, where he had been eight
years. During this time he had never left the room but twice. The door of this apartment
had not been opened in f»ighteen months. The food was furnished through a amall orifice
in the door. The room was warmed by no fire : and still the woman of the house said 'fte had
necfrr froze.' Aa he waa seen through the orifice of the door, the firat question wns, *Ia that a
human being?' The hair waa gone from one aide of his head, and his eyea were like balls of
fire. In the cellar of the same prison were five lunatica. The windows of this cellar were no
defence against the storm, and, as might be auppoaed, the woman of the house said, * We have
a sight to do to keep them from freezing.' There was no fire in this cellar which could be felt
by four of these lunatics. One of the five had a little fire of turf iu an apartment ofthe cellar
by beraolf. She wa-s, however, infuriate, if any one came near her. The woman was com
mitted to thia cellar seventeen yeara ago. The apartments are about aix feet by eight. They
are made of coarse plank, and have an orifice in the door for the admission of light and air,
about six inches by four. The darknesa was such in two of these apartments, that nothing
could be aeen by looking through the orifice in the door. At the same time tbere was a poor
lunatic in each A man wbo haa grown old was committed to one of them in 1810. and had
lived in it seventeen yeara. An emaciated female waa found in a aimilar apartment, in Hie
dark, without fire, almost without covering, where she had been nearly two years. A coloured
woman in another, in which she had been six years; and a miserable man in another, in
which he had been four years."
(2) It is asked by Bertholdt aa an objection, (p. 301,) whether " it is credible that one who
had been for so long a time a maniac, wonld be restored again to the throne; and whether the
government would be again placed in his hands, without any apprehension that he would
relapse into the same state ? Or whether it can be believed that the lives and fortunes of so
many millions would be again entrusted to his will and power*" To these questions it may be
replied : (a) That if he wns restored to hia reason he had a rigid to the throne, and it miprht not
have been a doubtful point whether he should be restored to it or not. (6) It is probable that
during that time a regency was appointed, and that there m^uld be a hope enterteined that
he would be restored. Undoubtedly during the continuation of this malady, the govemment
would be, as was the case during the somewhat similar malady of George III. of Great Britain,
placed in the han is of othera, and unless there was a revolution, or an usurpation, he wnuld
he of course reatored to hia throne on the recovery of his reaaon. (c) To this it may be added,
that he was a monarch who had been eminently successful in his conquests ; who had done
much to enlarge the limite of the empire, and to adom the capital ; and that much waa to be
apprehended from the character ofhis legal successor, Evil-Merodach (Hengstenberg 113,) ; and
that if he were displaced, they who were then the chief officers of the nation had reason tu
suppose that, in accordance with oriental usage on the accession of a new sovereign, they would
lose their places.
(3) It has been asked also, aa an objection, whether " it is not to be presumed that Nebuchad
nezzar, on the supposition that he was restored from so fearful a malady, would not have emi*
ployed all the means in his power to suppress the knowledge of it; or whether, if any commu
nication was mode in regard to it, paina would not have been teken to give a colouring to th«
account by auppreasing the real truth, and by attributing the affliction to aome other
•auae ?" Bertholdt, 301. To this it may he replied : (o) that if the representation here made of
the cause of his malady is correct, that it was adivine judgment on him fbr his pride, and that

B. C.670;j CHAPTER IV. 205
8nd's design in hringi<ig it on him was that he himself might he made known, it is reaaonable te
presume that, on hia restoration, there would be such a divino influence on the mind of the
monarch, as to lead him to make this proclamation, or this public recognition of the Moat High ;
(6) that the edict seems to have beeu made, not as a matter of policy, but under the fresh recol
lection of a restoration from so terrible a calamity ; (c) tfaat Nebuchadnezzar seems to have hcrm
a mau wfao had a conscience that prompted him to a decided acknowledgment of divine inter
position ; (<0 that he had a strong religious propenaity (comp. ch. iii.), and was ready to make
any public acknowledgment of that wbich he regarded as divine ; and (e) tbat perfaaps fae sup
posed that, by steting the truth as it actually occurred, a hotter impression might be made
than already e^liated in regard to the nature of the malady. It may have been an object also
with him to convince his subjecte that, altfaougfa fae faad been deprived of fais reason, hc was
now in fact restored to a sound mind.
(i.) Another ground of objection has heen urged by Eichfaom, Bertfaoldt, and othera, derived
from the character of the edict. It is said that " the narrative represente Nebuchailnezzar at
cue time as an orthodox Jew, setting forth his viewa almoat in the very words used in the writ
ings of the Jews, and wfaich only a Jew would employ, (see vs. 2, 3, 34 — 37,) and then again as
a mere idolater, using the language wfaicfa an idolater would employ, and still acknowledging
the reality of idol goda, vs. 8, 9, 18." To tfais it may be replied, that this very circumstance is
rather a confirmation of the truth of the account than otherwise. It is just such an account
aa we should suppose that a monarch, trained up in idolatry, and practi.<!ing it all his life, and
yet suddenly, and in this impressive manner, made acquainted with the true God, would be
likely to give* In an edict published by such a monarch under sucfa circumstancea, it would
bo strange if there should be no betrayal of the fact that he had been a worshipper of faeathen
goda, nor would it be strange that when fac disclosed hia dream to Daniel, asking faim to inter
pret it, and professing to believe tbat he was under the infiuence of inspiration from abovc, he
should trace it to the gods in general, va. 8, 9, 18. And, in like manner, if tfae thing actually
occurred, as is related, it would be certain that he would use such language in describing it as
an ' orthodox Jew' might uso. It is to be remembered tfaat fae is represented aa obtaining his
view of what was meant by the vision from Daniel, and notfaing is more probable than that he
would use such language as Daniel would have suggested. It could not be aupposed that one
who faad been an idolater all his life would soon efface from his mind all the impresaions made
by the habit of idolatry, so that no'traces of it would appear in a proclamation on an occasion
like tfais; nor could it be supposed that tfaere would he no recognition of God as the true God.
Notfaing would he more natural than such an intermingling of false notiona with the true.
Indeed, there is iu fact scjircely auy circumstance in regard to this chapter that has mpre the
air of authenticity, nor could there well be auythim]: more probable in itself, than what is here
stated. It is just sucfa an intermingling of truth with falsehood aa we should expect in a mind
trained in heathenism, and yet tfais ia a circumstance which would not be vary likely to occur
to one who attempted a forgery, or wfao endeavored to draw the character of a heatihon mon
arch in such circumstances without authentic materials. If the edict was the work of a Jew,
he would have heen likely to represent ite author without any remains of heathenism in his
mind; if it were the work of a heathen, tfaere would faave been no sucfa recognition of the true
God. If it is a mere fiction, the artifice is too refined to faave been likely to occur, to attempt
to draw him in this state of mind, where there waa an intermingling of falsehood with truth ;
of the remaina of all his old habite of thinking, with new and moraentoua truths tbat had juat
begun to dawn on his mind. Tfae supposition that will best auit all the circumstances of the
cjise, and be liable to the fewest objectiona, is, that the account is an unvarnished statement
of wfaat actually occurred. On tfae wfaole subject of the objections to this chapter, tbe reader
may consult Hengat«nbcrg, Die Authentie des Daniel, pp. 100 — 119. For many of the remarks
here made, I am indebted to that work. Comp. further tfae Notes on vs. 25, seq. of the cfaapter.

§ 2. ANALYSIS OF THE CHAPTEB.
The cfaapter professes to be an edict published by Nebuchadnezzar after his recovery fVom •
long period of insanity wfaicfa was brought upon him forbis pride. Tfae edict was promulgated
with a view to lead men to acknowledge the true God. It statea, in general, that the approach
ofhis calamity was made known to him in a dream, which waa interpreted by Daniel ; that his
own heart had been lifted up with pride in view ofthe splendid city which he faad built; that
the predicted malady came suddenly upon him, even while he was indulging in these proud
reflections; tfaat he was driven away from tbe abodes of men, a poor neglected maniac; thai;
he again recovered fais reason, and then his throne ; and tbat the God wfao had thus humbled
him, and again restored him, was the true God, and waa wortny of universal adoration and
praise. The edict, therefore, embraces the following parte :
I. The reason why it was promulgated— to show to all people, dwelling in all parts of tha
earth, the great things wfaich the faigfa God faad done towards faim, vs. 1—^.
II. Tfae stetement of tfae feet tfaat he had faad adream wfaich greatly alarmed tim, and which
»one of tfae 'Jialdean sootfasayers had boen able to interpret, vs. 4—7.
III. Tfae statement of the dream in full to Danici, vs. 8 — ^18.
IV. Tfae interpretotion of tVe dream hy Daniel — predicting tfae fact tfaat fae would beconte %
18

206

DANIEL.

[B.C. 570

maniac, and would be driven from his throne and kingdom, and compelled to teke np hte
abode with the beaste ofthe field — a poor neglected outcast, vs. 19 — 26.
V. The solemn and faithful counsel of Daniel to him to break off hia eins, and to become ft
righteous man, if possibly the. terrible calamity might be averted, ver. 27.
VI. The fulfilment of the prediction of Daniel. Nebuchadnezzar waa walking on his palace,
and, in the pride of hia heart, surveying the great city which he had built, and suddenly a
voice from heaven addressed him announcing that his kingdom had departed, and his reason
left bim, vs 28—33.
VII. At the end of the appointed time, hia reaaon was reatored, and he gratefully acknow
ledged tbe divine sovereignty, and waa again reinstated on hia throne, vs. oi — 36.
VIII. JFor all this he says that he praised the God of beaven, for he had learned that all his
works are truth, and his ways judgment, and that those who walk in pride he is able to abase,
ver. 37.

1 Nebuchadnezzar the king, a un
to all people, nations, and languages,
that dwell in all the earth ; Peace
b be multiplied unto you.
ac.3.4; 6.25-27. blpe.1.2.
1. Nebuchadnezzar the Icing, unto all
•people, Ac. The" Syriac here has, 'Ne
buchadnezzar the king wrote to all peo
ple,' &c. Many manuscripts in the Chal
dee have rhv) — sent, and some have 3.71? —
wrote, but neither of these readings are
probably genuine, nor are they necessary.
The passage is rather a part of the edict
of the king than a narrative of the author
of the book, and in such an edict the
comparatively abrupt style of the present
reading would be that which would be
adopted. The Septuagint has inserted
here a historical statement of the fact
that Nebuchadnezzar did actually issue
such an edict: **And Nebuchadnezzar,
the king, wrote an encyclical epistle —
hmoToKiiv cyK\)K\ioi> — to all those nations in
every place, and to the regions, and to all
the tongues that dwell in all countries,
generations and generations : 'Nebuchad
nezzar the king,'" (fce. Butnothingof this
is in the original. ^ Unto all people, na-
tiona, and languages that dwell in all the
earth. That is, people speaking all the
languages of the earth. Mony nations
were under the sceptre of the king of
Babylon, hut it would eeem that he
designed this as a general proclamation,
not only to those who were embraced in
his empire, but to all the people of the
world. Such a proclamation would be
much in accordance with the Oriental
style. Comp. Notes on ch. iii. 4. ^I Peace
he mxdtiplied unto you. This is in accor
dance with the usual Oriental salutation.
Comp. Gen. zliii. 23; Jud^-as vi. 23 ; 1.
Bam, TcxT. 6 j Ps. cxxii. 7 ; Luke x. 5 ;

2 <=I thought it good to sho-w the
signs and wonders that the high
'¦God hath wrought toward me.
c It was seemly l^ore me. d c. 3. 26.

Eph.vi. 23; 1. Pet. i. 2. This is the salu
tation with which one meets another now
in the Oriental world — the same word still
being retained, Shalom, or Salam, Tho
idea seemed to be, that every blessing was
found in j)eace, and every evil in conflict
and war. The expression included the
wish that they might be preserved from
all that would disturb them ; that they
might be contented, quiet, prosperous,
and happy. When it is said * peace he
multiplied/ the wish is that it might
abound, or that they might be blessed
with the numberless mercies which peace
produces. 2, / thought it good. Marg,, it was
seemly before me. The marginal reading
is more in accordance with the original
— ^T^^i^. 15^, The proper meaning ofthe
Chaldee word — 15*1^ — is to be fair or
beautiful, and the sense here is that it
seemed to him to be appropriate or be
coraing to make this public proclamation.
It was fit and right that what God had
done to him should be proclaimed to al.
nations, f To show the eigne and -wondera.
Signs and wonders as denoting migbty
miracles, are not unfrequently connected
in the Scriptures. See Ex. rii. 3; Deut.
iv. 34, xii. 1, xxxiv. 11; Isa. viii. 18;
Josh, xxxii. 20. The word rendered signs,
Heb. niN, Chaldee ntt, means properly a
sign, as something significant, or some
thing that points out or designates any
thing, as Gen. i. 14, "Shall be for sigm
and for seasons;" that is, signs of sea
sons.^ Then the word denotes an ensign,
a military flag, Num. i*. 2 ; then a sign of

B. C. 570.]

CHAPTER IV.

207

3 How great are his » signs ! and
how mighty are his b wonders! his
kingdom is an everlasting ^ king-
•De,4. 34. Ps.105. 27. He. 2. 4.
something past, a token or remembrancer,
Ex. xiii. 9, 16 ; Deut. vi. 8 ; then a sign
of something future, a portent, an omen,
Isa. viii. 18 ; then a sign or token of what
is visible, as circumcision, Gen. xvii. 7,
or the rainbow in the cloud, as a token of
the covenant which God made with man,
Gen. ix. 12; then anything which serves
as a sign or proof of the fulfilment of
prophecy, Ex. iii. 12, 1 Sara. ii. 34; and
then it refers to anything which is a sign
or proof of divine power, Deut. iv. 34, vi.
22, vii. 19, et al, Tbe Hebrew word is
commonly rendered signs, but it is also
rendered token, ensign, miracles. As ap
plied to what God does, it seeras to be
used in the sense of anything that is sig
nificant of his presence and power; any
thing that shall manifestly show that what
occurs isdone hy him ; anything, that is
beyond human ability, and that makes
known the being and the perfections of
God by a direct and extraordinary mani
festation. Here the meaning is, that what
was done in so reraarkable a manner, was
aignificant of the agency of God; it was
that which demonstrated that he exists,
and that showed his greatness. The word
rendered wonders — npn — means properly
that which is fitted to produce astonish
ment, or to lead one to wonder; and is
applied to miracles as adapted to produce
that effect. It refers to that state of mind
which exists where anything occurs out of
the ordinary course of nature, or which
indicates supernatural power. The He
brew word rendered wondera is often used
to denote miracles, Ex. iii. 20, vii. 3, xi. 9;
Deut. vi. 22, et al. The meaning here is,
that what had occurred was fitted to ex
cite amazement, and to lead men to won
der at the mighty works of God. ^ That
the high God, The God who is exalted,
or lifted up ; that is, the God who is above
ill. See ch. iii. 26. It is an appellation
which would be given to God as the Su
preme Being. The Greek translation of
this verse is, "And now I show unto you
She deeds — n-^afEis — which the great God
has done unto me, for it seemed good to
me to show to you and your wise men-
rSii ao^iataii u/iwf.
3. Sow great are hia signa f How great

dom, and his dominion <^is from
j!;eneration to generation.
bPs. 72.18; (6.10. Is. 25. 1 ; 28. 29.
cc.2.44. Re. 11. 15. d Job 25. 2. lPc.4.11.

and wonderful are the things hy which
he makes himself known in this manner!
The allusion is doubtless to what had oc
curred to hiraself — the event by whieh a
monarch of such state and power had
heen reduced to a condition so hurable.
With propriety he would regard this as
a signal instance of the divine interpo
sition, and as adapted to give hira an
exalted view of the supremacy of the
true God. ^ And how mighty are his won
dera ! The wonderful events which he
does; the things fitted to produce admi
ration and astonishment. Corap. Ps. Ixxii.
18, Ixxxvi. 10; Isa. xxv. 1. ^Hia king
dom is an everlasting kingdom, Nebu
chadnezzar was doubtless led to this re
flection by what had occurred to him.
He, the most mighty monarch then on
earth, had seen that his throne had no
stability ; he had seen that God had power
at his will to bring him down from his
lofty seat, and to transfer his authority
to other hands; and he was naturally led
to reflect that the throne of God was the
only one that was stable and permanent.
He could not but he convinced that God
reigned over all, and that his kingdom
was not subject to the vicissitudes which
occur in the kingdoms of this world.
There have been few occurrences on the
earlh better adapted to teach this lesson
than this. ,^ And his dominion is from ¦
generation to generation. That is, it ia
perpetual. It is not liable to be arrested
as that of man is, by death; it does not
pass over frora one faraily to another as
nn earthly sceptre often does. The same
sceptre; the same system of laws; the
same providential arrangeraents ; the
same methods of reward and punishment,
have always existed under his govern
raent, and will continue to do so to tho
end of time. There ia perhaps 'no raore
sublime view that can be taken of the
government of God than this. All earthly
princes die; all authority lodged in the
hands of an earthly monarch is soon with
drawn. No one is so mighty that he can
prolong his own reign ; and no one can
raake his own authority extend to the
next generation. Earthly governments,
therefore, however mighty, are of short
durat'ion ; and history is mado up of the

208

DANIEL.

[B. C. 570

4 If T Nebuchadnezzar was at rest
In mine house, and flourishing in my
palace :
5 I saw a dream which made me
afraid, and the thoughts upon my bed

records of a great number of auch ad
ministrations, many of thera exceedingly
brief, and of very various character. The
sceptre falls from the hand of the mon
arch, never to be resumed hy him again;
another grasps it to retain it also but a
little time, and then he passes away. But
the dominion of God is in all generations
the same. Tbis generation ia under the
government of the same sovereign who
reigned when Semiramis or Numa Hved ;
and though the sceptre has long since
fallen from the hands of Alexander and
the Csesars, yet the same God, who ruled
in their age, is still on the throne.
4. I Nebuchadnezzar was at reat. Sorae
manuscripts in the Greek add here, " In
the eighteenth year of his reign, Nebu
chadnezzar said," These words, however,
are not in the Hebrew, and are of no au
thority. The word rendered * at rest' —
nV*?' — means to be secure ; to be free from
apprehension or alarm. He designs tn
describe a st^te of tranquillity and secu
rity. Gr. at peace — eipnvivui/: — enjoying
peace, or in a condition to enjoy peace.
His wars were over; his kingdom was
tranquil ; he had built a magnificent capi
tal; he had gathered around him the
wealth and the luxuries of the world,
and he was now in a condition to pass
away the remainder of his life in ease and
happiness. ^ In mine house. In his royal
residence. It is possible that the two
words here — house and palace — may refer
to soraewhat difierent things : the for
mer — house — more particularly to his own
private family — his domestic relations as
a man ; and the latter— pa/acc — to those
connected with the government who re-
Bided in his palace. If this is so, then
the passage would mean that all around
him was peaceful, and that from no source
had he any cause of disquiet. In his own
private faraily — embracing his wife and
children; and in the arrangements of the
palace — embracing those who hnd charge
of public afi'airs, he had no cause of un
easiness. ^ And flourishing in my palace,
Gr. evdi{t/(av ini tov Spdt-ou /aov — literally,
abundaut upon my throne ;' that is, he

and the visions of my head troubled
me. 6 Therefore made I a decree to
bring in all the wise men of Baby
lon before me, that they might make

was tranquil, calm, prosperous, on hig
throne. The Chaldee vFord — jj^n —
means properly green, as, for example, of
leaves or foliage. Comp. the Hebrew
word in Jer. xvii. 8: "He shall be as a
tree planted by the waters — her leaf shall
be green." Deut. xii. 2. "Under every
green tree,'' 2 Kings xvi. 4. A green
and flourishing tree becomes thus tbe era
blem of prosperity. See Ps. i. .3, xxxvii,
35, xcii. 12 — 14. The general meaning
here is, that he was enjoying abund.int
prosperity. His kingdom was at peace,
and in his own home he had every means
of tranquil enjoyment.
5. / saw a dream. That is, he saw a
representation made to faira in a dream.
There is something incongruous in our
language in saying of one that he saw a
dream. % Wliich made me afraid. The
fear evidently arose from the apprehen
sion that it was designed to disclose some
important and soleran event. This was
in accordance with a prevalent belief then
(comp. ch. ii. 1), and it may be added that
it is in accordance with a prevalent be
lief now. There are few persons, what
ever may be their abstract belief, who are
not more or less disturbed hy fearful and
solemn representations passing before the
mind in the visions of the night, Comp.
Job iv. 12—17, xxxiii. 14, 15. So Virgil
(^n. iv. 9.)
Anna Soror, quse me suspens&m insomnia
terrent ?
% And the thoughta upon my bed. The
thoughts which I had upon my bed; to
wit, in my dream. ^ And the viaions ofmy
head. What I seemed to see. The vision
seemed to be fl^oating around his head.
^ Troubled me. Disturbed me; produced
apprehension of what was to come; of
sorae great and important event.
6. Therefore made I a decree. Tha
word here rendered decree — D^ts — meana
oommonly taate,- flavour, as of wine ; then
Judgment, discernment, 7ea son ; and then
a judgment of a king, a mandate, edict
Comp. ch. iii. 10. The primary notion
seems to he that of a delicate taste en

B. C. 570.]

CHAPTER IV.

209

known unto me the interpretation of
the dream.
7 Then .came in the magicians,
the astrologers, the Chaldeans, and
the soothsayers : and I told the
dream before them ; but they did
not make known unto me the inter
pretation thereof.

abling one to determine the qualities of
wines, viands, &a. ; a.nd then a delicate
and nice discrimination in regard to tbe
qualities of actions. The word thus ex
presses a sound and accurate judgment,
and is applied to a decree or edict, as de
clared by one who had the qualifications
to express such a judgment. Here it
means that fae issued a°roy.il order to
summon into his presence all who could
be supposed to be qualified to explain the
dream. The Grreek (Cod. Chisian.) omits
verses 6, 7, 8, and 9. ^ To bring in all the
wise men, &c. Particularly such as are
enumerated in the following verse. Comp.
ch. ii. 12. It was in accordance with his
habit thus to call in the wise men who
were retained at court to give counsel,
and to explain those things whioh seemed
to be an intimation of the divine will.
See Notes on ch. ii. 2. Comp. also Clen.
xli. 8.
7. Then came in the magiciana, &c. All
the words occurring here are found in ch.
ii. 2, and are explained in the Notes on
that verse, except the word rendered
soothsayers. This occurs in ch. ii. 27.
See it explained in the Notes on that
verse. A 11 these words refer to the same
general class of persons — those who were
reg.irded as endued with eminent wisdom;
who were supposed to be qualified to ex
plain remarkable occurrences, to foretel
the future, and to declare the will of
heaven from portents and wonders. At
a timo when there was yet a limited re
velation; when the boundaries of science
were not determined with accuracy ; wben
it was not certain but that some way
might be ascertained of lifting the myste
rious veil from the future, and when it
was an open question whether that might
not be by dreams or by communication
"•ith departed spirits, or by some undis
closed secrets of nature, it was not un
natural that persons should be found who
claimed tbat this knowledge was under
their control. Such claimants to preter-
18*

8 \ But at the last Daniel came in
before me, whose name ^was Belte-
shazzar, according to the name of
my god, and in whom t* tho spi rit = of
the holy gods : and before him I told
tlie dream, saying.

a c. 2. 1,2.
cNu.ll.l7,io.

bc.1.7.
Is. 63. 11.

natural knowledge are found indeed in
every age; and though a large portion of
them are undoubted deceivers, yet the
existence of such an order of persons
should be regarded as merely the expo
nent of the deep and earnest desire exist
ing in the human bosom to penetrate the
mysterious future ; to find something that
shall disclose to man, all whose great in
terests lie in the future, what is yet to be.
Comp. the remarks at the close of ch. ii.
^ And I told the dream hefore them, Ac.
In their presence. In this' instance he
did not l.iy on them so hard a requisition
as he did on a former occasion, when he
required them not only to interpret tho
dream, but to tell him what it Wiis. ch. ii.
But their pretended power here was
equally vain. Whether they attempted
an interpretation of this dream does not
appear ; but if they did, it was wholly un
satisfactory to the king himself. It would
seem more probable that they supposed
th.at the dream might have some reference
to the proud monarch himself, and that,
as it indicated some awful calamity, they
did not dare to hazard a conjecture in
regard to its meaning.
8. But at the last. After the others had
shown that they could not interpret the
dream. Wny Daniel was not called with
the others does not appear; nor is it said
in what m.anner he was at last summoned
into the presence of the king. It is pro
bable that his skill on a former occasion
(ch. ii.) was remembered, and that wheu
all the others showed that they had no
power to interpret the dream, he was
called in by Nebuchadnezzar. The Latin
Vulgate renders this, Donee collega in
gressus est — "until a colleague entered."
The Greek tuf, until. Aquila and Sym
machus render it, 'until another entered
before me, Daniel.' The common ver
sion expresses the sense of the Chaldee,
with sufiicient accuracy, though a more
literal translation would be, 'until after
wards.' \ Whose name was Belteahaaar,

210

DANIEL.

[B. C. 570

9 0 Belteshazzar, master of the
magicians, because I know that the
spirit of the holy gods is in thee,
and no secret troubleth *thee, tell
That is, this was the name which he bore
at court, or which had been given him by
the Chaldeans. See Notes on ch. i. 7.
^ According to the 7iame ofmy God. That
is, the name of my God Bel, or Belus, is
incorporated in the name given to him.
This is referred to here, probably, to show
the propriety of thus invoking his aid;
because he bore the name of the God
whom the monarch had adored. There
would seem to be a special fitness in sum-
moningbim before hira toexplain whatwas
supposed to be an intimation of the will of
the God whom he worshipped. There is a
singular, though not unnatural, raixture
of the sentiments of heathenism and of
the true religion in the expressions which
this monarch uses in this chapter. He
had been a heathen all his life. Yet he
had had some knowledge of the true God,
and had been made to feel that he was
worthy of universal adoration and praise.
ch. ii. That, in this state of raind, he
should alternately express such senti
ments as were originated by heathenism,
and those which spring from just views
of God, is not unnatural or improbable.
^ And in whom is the spirit of the holy
gods. It is not easy to determine who
he meant hy the holy gods. It would
seem probable that thia was such language
as was dictated by the fact that he had
been an idolater. He had been brought
to feel that the God whom Daniel wor
shipped, and hy whose aid he had been
enabled to interpret the dream, was a true
God, and was worthy of universal ho
mage j but perhaps his ideas were still
much confused, and he only regarded
him as superior to all others, Ihough he
did not intend to deny the real existence
of others. It might be true, in his ap
prehension, that there were other gods,
though the God of Daniel was supreme,
and perhaps hc meant to say that the
spirit of all the gods was in Daniel : —
that in an eminent degree he was the
favourite of heaven, and that he was able
to interpret any communication which
came from the invisible world. It is per
haps unnecessary to observe here that the
word apirit has no intended reference to
the Holy Spirit. It is* probably used

me the visions of my dream that \
have seen., and the interpretation
thereof. ais. 33.18; 54.14.

with reference to the belief that the godi
were accustomed to impart wisdom anu
knowledge to certain men, and may raean
that the very spirit of wisdom and know
ledge which dwelt in the gods themselves
seemed to dwell in the bosom of DanieL
^ And before him I told the dream. Not
requiring him, as he did before (ch. ii.), to
state both the dream and its raeaning.
9. 0 Belteshazzar, master of the magi
cians. * Master' in the sense that he was
first among them, or was superiorto tbem
all. Or perhaps he still retained office
at the head of this class of men — the
office to which he had been appointed
when he interpreted the former dream,
ch. ii. 48. The word rendered master —
31 — Bab, is that which was applied to a
teacher, a chief, or a great man amongthe
Jews — from whence came the title ^a6&i.
Comp. ch. ii. 48, v. 11. ^ Because Iknow
that tke spirit of the holy gods is in thee.
This he had learned by the skill which he
had shown in interpreting his dream on a
former occasion, ch.ii. ^ And no secret
troubleth thee. That is, so troubles you
that you cannot explain it; it is not be
yond your power to disclose ita significa
tion. The word rendered secret — ii —
occurs in ch. ii. 18, 19, 27, 28, 29, 30,47.
It is not elsewhere found. It raeans that
which is hidden, and has reference here
to the concealed truth or intimation of
the divine will couched under a dreara.
The word rendered ' troubleth thee' —
D..5N — raeans, to urge, to press, to compel ;
and the idea here is, that it did not so
press upon him as to give him anxiety.
It was an easy matter for him to disclose
its meaning. Gr. " No mystery is be
yond your power*' — oiK diwarst ae. ^ Tell
me the visions of my dream. The nature
of the vision, or the purport of what I have
seen. He seems to have desired to know
what aort of a vision he should regard
this to be, ae well as its interpretation —
whether aa an intimation of the divine
will, or aa an ordinary dreara. The
Greek and Arabic render this, ".Hear
the vision of my dream, and tell me the
interpretation thereof." This accords
better with the probable meaning of tho

B. C. 570.]

CHAPTER IV.

211

10 Thus were the visions of my

*v ...uuki «/t,# o iijc vxLaiuMo \ji. luj JJ. xuc Lice grew, auu wa.*s Btrongj
head in my bed ; I » saw, and be- and the height thereof reached unto
hnlH n. b frfift in tho Tnitlsf. nf tho lipfi.von nnrl fKo oIn-Tif i-Uai->a/~,.P tn *i..»

hold a *» tree in the midst of the
earth, and the height thereof was
great. ' was sedng. ^ Eze. 31. 3, &c.

passage, though the word hear is not in
the Chaldee.
10, Thua were the visions of my head
in my bed. These are the things which
I saw upon ray bed. When he says that
they were the 'visions of his head/ he
states a doctrine which was then doubt
less regarded as the truth, that the head
is tbe seat of thought. ^ I saw, Marg.,
Was seeing, Chald. 'seeing I saw.'
The phrase would imply attentive and
calm conteraplation. It was not a flitting
vision ; it was an ohject which he con
teraplated deliberately so as to retain a
distinct reraembrance of its form and
appearance. ^ And behold a tree in the
midst of the earth. Occupying a central
position on the earth. It seeras to have
been by itself — remote from any forest :
to have stood alone. Its central position,
no less than its size and proportions,
attracted his attention. Such a tree,
thus towering to the heavens, and. send
ing out its branches afar, and affording a
shade to the beasts of the field, and a
home to the fowls of heaven, (ver. 12,)
was a striking erablera of a great and
mighty raonarch, and it undoubtedly
occurred to Nebuchadnezzar at onee that
the vision had some reference to himself.
Thus in Ezek. xxxi. 3, the Assyrian king
is corapared with a magnificent cedar:
" iSehold, the Assyrian was a cedar in
Lebanon, with fair branches, and with a
shadowing shroud, and of an high stature,
and his top was among the thick boughs."
Comp. also Ezek. xvii. 22 — 24, where "the
high tree and the green tree" refer proba
bly to Nebuchadnezzar. See Notes on
ISEt. ii. 13. Comp. Isa. x. IS, 19 ; Jer. xxii.
7, 23. Horaer often compares his heroes
to trees. Hector,'^ felled by a stone, is
compared with an oak overthrown by a
thunderbolt. The fall of Simoisius is
oompared by him to that of a poplar,
ana that of Euphorbus to the fall of a
beautiful olive. Nothing is more obvious
^an the comparison of a hero with a
ioftj tree of the forest, and hence it was
Qatural for Nehuchadnezzar to suppose

11 The tree grew, and wsw strong,

heaven, and the sight thereof to tho
end of aU the earth.
12 The leaves thereof were fair,
and the fruit thereof much, and in it

that this vision had a reference to him
self. ^.Ahc? the height thei-eof was great.
In the next verse it is said to have reached
to heaven.
11. The tree grew. Or the tree waa
great — n3"i. It does not mean that tho
tree grew while he was looking at it so as
to reach to the heaven, but that it stoo(2
before him iu all its glory, its top reach
ing to the sky, and its branches extend
ing afar. ^ And waa atrong. It was
well proportioned, with a trunk adapted
to its height, and to the mass of boughs
and foliage which it bore. The strength
here refers to its trunk, and to the fact
that it seemed fixed firmly in the earth.
^ And the height thereof reached unto hea
ven. To the sky; to the region of the
clouds. The comparison of trees reach
ing to heaven, is common in Greek and
Latin authors. Grotiua. Corap. Virgil's
description of Farae.
Mox sese attollit in auras,
Ingreditur solo, et caput inter nuhila condit.
-«^n. iv. 176.
^ And the aight thereof to the end of all
the earth. It could he seen, or was visi
ble in all parts of the earth. The Greek
here for eight is iriJrof, breadth, capacious-
neas. Herodotus [Polymnia) describes a
vision reraarkably similar to this, as in
dicative of a wide and universal mon
archy, respecting Xerxes: "After these
things there was a third vision in his
sleep, which the magicians — t^dyai — hear
ing of, said that it pertained to all the
earth, and denoted that all men would be
subject to him. The vision was this :
Xerxes seemed to be crowned with a
branch of laurel, and the branches of
laurel seemed to extend through all the
earth." The vision which Nebuchadnez
zar had here of a tree so conspicuous as
to be seen fVom any part of the world,
was one that would be naturally applied
to a sovereign having a universal sway.
12. The leavea thereof -were fair, Wera
beautiful. That is, they were abundant,

212

DANIEL.

[B. C. 570

ira.? meat for all : the beasts =i of the! 13 I saw in the visions of my head
field had b shadow under it, and the upt)n my bed, and, behold, a « watcher
" " ¦ ¦ and a ''holy one came down from

fowls of the heaven dwelt in the
boughs thereof, and all flesh was fed
of it.

»Eze. 17. 23.

*> La. 4. 20.

and green, and there wero no signs of
decay. Every thing indicated a vigoroua
and healthy growth — a tree in its full
beauty and majesty — a striking emblem
of a monarch in his glory. ^ And the
fruit thereof much. It was loaded with
fruit — showing that the tree was in its
full vigour. ^ And in it was meat for all.
Food for all — for so the word meat was
formerly used. This would indicate the
dependence of the multitudes on hira
whora the tree represented, and would
also denote that he was a liberal dis
penser ofhis favours. If The beasts of the
field had shadow under it. Found a
grateful shade under it in the burning
heat of noon — a striking emblera of the
blessings of a monarchy afi^ording protec
tion, and giving pnace to all under it.
^ And the fowls of the heaven dwelt in the
boughs thereof. The fowls of the air.
They built their nests and reared their
young there undisturbed — another strik
ing erablera of the protection afforded
under the great monarchy designed to be
represented. ^ And all fleah xoas fed of
it. All animals; all that lived. It fur
nished protection, a horae, and food for
all. Bert^holdt renders this "all men."
Tn the Greek Codex (Chisian.) there is the
following version or paraphrase given of
this passage : ' Its vision was great, its
top reached to the heaven, and its breadth
— Kiroi — to the clouds — they filled the
things — TO — under the heaven — there was
a sun and moon, they dwelt in it, and
enlightened all the earth.'
13. / saw in the viaiona of my head upon
my bed. In the visions that passed before
me as I lay upou my bed. ver. 10. f And
behold a watcher and a holy one. Or ra
ther, perhaps, 'even a holy one,* or, * who
was a holy one.' He evidentiy does not
intend to referto '^""heings — a 'watcher,'
and 'one who was holy,' but he means to
designate the character of the watcher,
tbat he was holy, or that he was one of
the class of ' watchevs' who were ranked
fts holy — as if there were others to whom
Uie name 'watcher' might be applied

heaven.

^ ver. 17. 23. <* Matt. 25. 31. Re. 14. 10.

who were not holy. So Bertholdt, 'not
two, hut only one, who was hoth a
watcher, and was holy; one of those
known as watchers and as holy ones,'
The copulative (i) and may be so used as
to denote not an additional one or thing,
but to specify something in addition to,
or in explanation of, what the narae ap
plied would indicate. Comp. 1 Sara.
xxviii. 3; "In Bamah, even (-j) in hia
own city." 1 Sam. xvii. 40 : "And put
them in a shepherd's hag which he had,
even (•)) in a scrip." Corap. Ps. Ixviii. 10;
Amos iii. 11, iv. 10; Jer. xv. 13; Isa, ii.
13, 14; Ivii. 11; Ecc. viii. 2. Gesenius,
Lex. The word rendered watcher — I^J;
— is rendered in the Vulgate, vigil/ in
the Greek of Theodotion the word is re
tained without an attempt to translate it
— eip; the Codex Chisianus has ayye^o£
— ' an angel was sent in his strength from
heaven.' The original word — i^;? — ;
means properly a watcher, from 113;, to be
hot and ardent; then to be lively, or ac
tive, nnd then to awake, to be awake, to
be awake at night, to watch. Comp.
Cant. v. 2 ; Mal. ii. 12. The word used
here is employed to denote one who
watches, only in this chapter of Daniel, vs.
13, 17, 23. It is in theae places evidently
applied to the angels, but why this terra
is used is unknown. Gesenius (Lex.)
supposes that it is given to thera as watch
ing over the souls of men. Jerome {in
loc) says that the reason why the name
is given, is, because they always watch,
and are prepared to do the will of God.
According to Jerome, the Greek ipia —
Iris — as applied to the rainbow, and
which seems to he a heavenly being sent
down to the earth, is derived from thia
word. Comp. tbe Iliad^ ii. 27. Theodo
ret snys that the name is giren to an
angel, to deiiote that the angel is without
a body — aatonarov — ' for he that is encom
passed with a body is the servant of
sleep, but he that ia free from a body is
superior to the necessity of sleep.' Tfaa
term toatc/iersj as applied to the celestial

B. C. 570.]

CHAPTEE, IV.

213

14 He cried » aloud, and said thus,
Ilew •• down the tree, and cut off his
branches, shake off his leaves, and
ucatter his fruit : let the beasts get
•L with might, c. 3. i. ''Mat. 3. 10. Lu. 13.7.
beings, is of Eastern origin, and not
tmprobably was derived from Persia.
"The seven Amhaspands received their
name on account of their great, holy
jyes, and so, generally, all the heavenly
^eds watoh in the high heaven over
the world, and the souls of men, and
•n this account are called the watchers
of the world." Zendavesta, as quoted by
Bertholdt, in loc. " The Bun-Dehesh, a
commentary on the Zendavesta, contains
an extract from it, which shows clearly
tbe name and object of the watchera in
the ancient s^'stem of Zoroaster. It runs
thus ; ' Ormuzd has set four watchers in
the four parts of the heavens, to lieep
their eye upon the host of the stars.
Tbey are bound to keep watch over'the
hosts of the celestial stars. One stands
here, as the watcher of his circle ; tbe
other there. He has placed them at such
and such posts, as watchers over such and
such a circle of the heavenly regions;
and this by his own power and might.
Tashter gu.ards the east, Siitevis watches
the west, Venant the south, and Haftorang
the north.' " Rhode, Die heilige Sage
des Zendvolks, p. 267, as quoted by Prof.
Stuart, in loc. ** The epithet good is pro
bably added here to distinguish this class
of watchera from the bad ones; for Ahri-
man, the evil genius, had Archdewa and
Dewa, who corresponded in rank with the
Amhaspands and Izeds of the Zendavesta,
and who watehed to do evil as anxiously
as the others did to do good." Prof.
Stuart. It is not improbable that these
terms, as applicable to celestial beings,
would be known in the kingdom of Ba
bylon, and nothing is more natural than
that it should be so used in this book.
It is not found in any of the books of
pure Hebrew.
14. He cried aloud. Marg., as in the
Chaldee, with might. That is, be cried
with a strong voice. ^Hew down the tree.
Thia command does not appear to have
been addressed to any particular ones
who were to execute the commission, but
it is a strong and significant way of say-
Vng that it would certainly be done. Or

away from under it, and tho fowls
from his branches:
15 Nevertheless, leave the « stump
of his roots in the earth, even with

cJobU. 7— 9,

possibly the command may be understood
as addressed to his fellow-watchers (ver.
17), or to orders of angels over whom
this one presided. ^And cut off hia
branchea, &c. The idea here, and in the
subsequent part of the verse, is, that the
tree was to be utterly cut up, and all ita
glory and beauty destroyed. It was first
to be felled, and then its limbs chopped
oSF, ond then these were to be stripped of
their foliage, and then the fruit which it
bore was to be scattered. All this was
strikingly significant, as applied to the
monarch, of some awful calamity that was
to occur to him after he should bave been
brought down from his throne. A process
of humiliation and desolation was to con
tinue, as if the tree when cut down were
not suffered to lie quietly in its grandeur
upon the earth. ^ Let the beasts get
away, &e. That is, it shall cense to afford a
shade to the beasts and a home to the fowls.
The purposes which it bad answered in
the days of its glory will come to an end.
15. Nevertheless, leave the stump of hia
roota in the earth. As of a tree that is
not wholly dead, but whieh may send up
suckers and shoots again. See Notes on
Isa. xi. 1. In Theodotion this is, r^v
0yfli' ruf (itS-dv — the nature, germ. Schleus-
ner renders the Greek, 'the trunk of its
roots.' The Vulgate is, germen radicum
ejus, 'the germ of his roots.' The Codex
Chis. has ^i^av /iiav o^^tTS aiirov iv rti yn:
'leave one of his roots in the earth.' The
original Chaldee word — "lijs — means a
atump, trunk (Gesenius); tho Hebrew
— ipJJ, — the same word with different
pointing, means a shrub, or shoot. It
occurs only once in Hebrew, (Lev. xxv.
47,) where it is applied to the stock of a
family, or to a person sprung from a for
eign family resident in the Hebrew ter
ritory : " the atock of the stranger's
family.'' Tbe Chaldee form of the word
occurs only in Dan. iv. 15, 23, 26, ren
dered in each place atump, yet not mean
ing atump in the sense in which that
word is now commonly employed. Tho
word atump now means the stub of a

214

DANIEL,

[B. C. 570.

a band of iron and brass, In the ten
der grass of the field ; and let it be
•wet with the dew of heaven, and let
tree; the part of the tree remaining
in tno earth, or projecting above it,
after the tree is cut down, without any
reference to the question whether it be
alive or dead. The word here used im
plies that it was still alive, or that there
was a germ which would send up, a new
shoot so that the tree would live again.
The idea is, that though the mighty tree
would fall, yet there would remain vitality
in the root, or the portion that would re
main in the earth after the tree was cut
down, and that this would spring up again
— a most striking image of what would
occur to Nebuchadnezzar after he should
be cast down from his lofty throne, and
he again restored to his reason and to
power. ^ Sven with a band of iron and
brass. This expression may be regarded
as applicable either to the cut-down tree,
or to the bumbled monarch. If applied
to the former, it would seem that tbe idea
is, that the stump or root of a tree, deeraed
so valuable, would bo carefully secured
by an enclosure of iron or brass, either
in the form of a hoop placed round the
top of the stump, to preserve it from he
ing opened or cracked by the heat of the
sun, so as to admit moisture, which would
rot itj or around the roots, to bind it to
gether, with the hope that it would grow
again ; or it may refer to a railing or en
closure of iron or brass, to keep it from
being ploughed or dug up ai worth
less. In either case, it would be guarded
with the hope that a tree so valuable
might spring up again. If applied to the
monarch — an explanation not inconsistent
with the proper interpretation of the pas
sage — it would seem to refer to some me
thod of securing the royal maniac in bonds
of iron and brass, as with the hope that his
reason might still he restored, or with a
view to keeping him from inflicting fatal
injury on himself. That the thing here re
ferred to might be practised in regard to a
valuable tree cut down, or broken down, ia
hy no means improbable j that it might be
practised in reference to the monarch is
in accordance with the manner in whieh
the insane have been treated in all ages
and countries. ^ In the tender grass of
the field. Out of doors ; under no shelter ;
•zposed tr dews and rains. The sturap

his portion he with the beasts in the
grass of the earth :

would remain in the open field where tha
grass grew, until it should shoot up again j
and in a condition strongly resembling
that, the monarch would be excluded
from his palace and from the abodes ot
raen. For the meaning of this, as ap,
plied to Nebuchadnezzar, see Notes on
ver. 25. The word which is rendered
tender grass, means simply young grass
or herbage. No eraphasis should he put
on the word tender. It siraply means
that he would be abroad, where the grass
springs up and grows. ^ And let it be
wet with the dew of heaven. As applied
to the tree, meaning that the dew would
fall on it and continually moisten it. The
falling of the dew upon it would contri
bute to preserve it alive and secure its
growth again. In a dry soil, or if there
were no rain or dew, the germ would die.
It cannot Le supposed that in regard to
the monarch it could be meant that his
remaining under the dew of heaven would
in auy way contribute to restore his rea
son, but all that is implied in regard to
him is the fact that he would thus he an
outcast. The word rendered 'let it be
wet' — .y3^2S^. from JJJS — means to dip in;
to immerse ; to tinge j to dye j though the
word is not found in the latter senses in
the Chaldee. In the Targuns it is often
used for 'to dye, to colour.' The word
occurs only in this chapter of Daniel (vs.
15, 25, 33), and is in each place rendered
in the same way. It is not used in the
Hebrew scripture in the sense of to dye
or tinge, except in the form of a noun
— V3^ — in Judges v. 20: "to Sisera u
prey of divers colors, a prey of divera co
lors of needle-work, of divera colors of
needle-work." In the passage before
us, of course, there is no allusion of this
kind, but the word means merely that tho
sturap of the tree would be kept moist
with the dew ; as applicable to the tree
that it might be more likely to sprout up
again. ^ And let his portion be with the
beasts in the grass of the earth. Here is
a change evidently frora the tree to some
thing represented by the tree. "We could
not say of a tree that its * portion was
with the heasts in the grass,' though iu
the confused and incongruous images of a

B. C. 570.]

CHAPTER IV.

215

16 Let his heart be changed
• from man's, and let a beast's heart

"Is. 6. 10.

dream, nothing would be more natural
than such a change from a tree to some
object represented by it, or having some
resemblance to it. It is probable that it
was this circumstance that particularly
attracted the attention of the monarch ;
for though the dream began with a tree,
it ended with reference to a peraon, and
evidently sorae one whose station would
be well represented by such a magnificent
and solitary tree. The sense here is, 'let
him share the lot of beasts; let him live
as they do ;' that is, let him live on grass.
Comp. ver. 25.
16. Let his heart be changed from man*s,
and let a ieast's.heart be given unto him.
Here the same thing occurs in a more
marked form, showing that some man
was represented by the vision, and indi
cating some change which -was fitted to
attract the deepest attention — as if the
person referred to should cease to be
a man, and become a beast. The word
heart here seems to refer to nature — • let
his nature or propensity cease to be that
ofa man, and become like that of a beast ;
let him cease to act as a man, nnd act as
the beasts do — evincing as little mind,
and living in the same manner.' ^ And
let. seven times paaa over him. In this
condition, or until he is restored. It is
not indeed aaid that he would be restored,
but this is implied (a) in the very expres
sion 'until seven times shall pass over
him,' as if he would then be restored in
some way, or as if this condition would
tben terminate ; and (b) in the state
ment that ' the stump of the roots' would
be left up in the earth as if it might still
germinate again. Everything, however,
in the dream was fitted to produce per
plexity as to what it could mean. The
word rendered timea — l'j"!S — sing, ("ly,
is an important word in the interpretii-
tion of Daniel. It is of the same class
of words as the Hebrew 'i^lj, to point out,
to d.ppoint, to fix ; and would refer pro
perly to time considered as appointed or
deaignated; then it may mean any stated
cr designated period, as a year. The
idea is that of time considered as desig-
naUid or fixed by periods, and the word
may refer to any such period^ how
ever long or short — a day, a month.

be given unto him ; and let seven
times b pass over liim.
17 This matter is by the decree

a year, or any other measure of duration.
What measurement or portion is in
tended in any particular case, must be
determined from the connection in which
the word is found. The word used here
does not occur in the Hebrew soripture,
and is found only in the book of Danici,
where it is uniformly rendered time and
times. It is found only in the following
places, Dan. ii. 8, " that ye would gain
the time;" ii. 9, "till the time bo
changed;" ii. 21, "andhe changeth the
timea f iii. 5, 15, "at what time ye shall
hear;" iv. 16, 23, "and let seven timea
pass over himj" 25, 32, "seven timea
shall pass over him ;" vii. 12, " for a sea
son and time;" vii. 28, "until a time^
and timea, and the dividing optime." In
the place before us, so far as tbe meaning
of the -word is concerned, it might mean
a day, a week, a month, or a year. The
more common interpretation is thatwhich
supposes that it was a year, and this will
agree better with all the circumstances of
the case than any other period. The
Greek of Theodotion here is, val Ittto
itaipoi dWayfiaovrai tn durdt, — ' And seven
times shall change upon him;' that is,
until seven seasons revolve over him.
The most natural construction of this
Greek phrase would be to refer it to
years. The Latin Vulgate interprets it
in a similar way — et septem tempora
mutentur super eum — 'And let seven
times be changed' or revolve 'over him.'
In the Cod. Chis. it is, <rai irra lm pooKnSri,
ffOv aiiroii — ' and let him feed with them
seven years.' Luther renders it timea.
Josephus understands by it ' aeven yeara.'
Ant. B. X. ch. X. g 6. While the Chal
dee word is indeterminate in respect to
the length of time, the most natural and
obvious construction here and elsewhere,
in the use of the word, is to refer it
to years. Days or weeks womd be
obviously too short, and though in thia
placo the word montha would perhapa em
brace all that would be necessary, yet in
the other places where tbe word occurs
in Daniel, it undoubtedly refers to years,
and there is, therefore, a propriety in
understanding it in the same manner here.
17. Thia matter is by the decree of the
watchers. Notes on ver. 13. They ar#

216

DANIEL.

[B. C. 570.

' of the watchers, and the demand
by the word of the holy ones: to
the intent that the living may ^ know
that the Most High ' ruleth in the
«Ter. 13, U. bPs.g. 16,20. « ver. 25, 32, 35.
described here not only as watching over
the affairs of men, but as entrusted with
the execution of high and important de-
aigns of God. The representation is, i
that one of these heavenly beings was '
seen by Nebuchadnezzar in his visions, I
and that this one stated to him that he
had come to execute what had been de
termined on by his associates, or in coun
sel with others. The idea would seem to
be, that the afi'airs of the kingdom of
Nehuchadnezzar had been in important
respects placed under the administration
of these beings, and that in solemn coun
cil thpy had resolved on this measure.
It is not said that this was not in accord
ance with, and under the direction of, a
higher power— that of God ; and that is
rather implied when it is said that the
great design of this was to show to the
living that ' the 3foat Nigh ruleth in the
kingdom of men.' In itself considered,
there is no improbability in supposing
that the afi'airs of thia lower world, are in
some respects placed under the adminis
tration of beings superior to man, nor that
events may occur as the result of their
deliberation, or, as it is here expressed,
by their 'decree.' If, in any respect, the
aH^irs of the world are subject to thjir
jurisdiction, there is every reason to sup
pose that tbere would be harmony of
counsel and of action, and an event of
this kind might be so represented, f And
the demand. Or, tbe matter; the affair;
the business. The Chaldee word properly
means a question, a petition ; then a sub
ject of inquiry, a matter of business.
Here it means, that this matter, or this
business, was in accordance with the
direction of the holy ones. ^ The holy
ones. Synonymous with the watchera,
and referring to the same. See Notes on
ver. 13. %To the intent that the living may
knmv. With the design that those who
live on the earth may understand this.
That is, the design was to furnish a proof
of this, so impressive and striking, that it
could not be doubted by any. No more
eifectual way of doing this could occur
than by showing the absolute power of

kingdom of men, and giveth it to
whomsoever "'he will, and setteth
up over it the basest » of men.

dPs.75.6,7. « EX. 9.16. lKi.21.25.
2 KL 21. 6, &c. 2 Ch. 28. 22.

the Most High over such a monarch as
Nebuchadnezzar. % That the Moat Migh.
He who is exalted above all men ; all
angels ; all that pretend to be gods. The
phrase here is designed to refer to the true
God, and the object was to show that he
was the most exalted of all beings, and
had absolute control over all. ^ Buleth
in the kingdom of men. Whoever reigns,
he reigns over them. ^ And giveth it to
whomaoever he will. That is, he gives
dominion over men to whomsoever he
chooses. It is not by human ordering,
or by arrangements among men. It is
not by hereditary right; not by a suc
cession ; not by conquest ; not by usur
pation ; not by election, that this matter
is finally determined ; it is by the decree
and purpose of God. He can remove the
hereditary prince by deatb ; he can cause
him to be set aside by granting success
to a usurper ; he can dispose of a crown
by conquest ; he can cut off the con
queror by death, and transfer the crown
to an inferior officer ; be can remove one
who was the united choice of a people by
death, and put another in his place. So
the apostle Paul says, "There is no
power but of God : the powers that be are
ordained of God." Kom. xiii. 1. ^ And
aetteth up over it the haaeat of men. That
is, he appoints over the kingdom of men,
at bis pleasure, those who are of the
humblest or lowest rank. The allusion
here is not to Nebuchadnezzar as if he
were the baaeat, or the vilest of men, but
the statement ie a general trutb, that God,
ftt his pleasure, sets aside those of exalted
rank, and elevates those of the lowest
rank in their place. There is an idea
now attached commonly to the word
baaeat, which the word used here by no
means conveys. It does not denote the
mean, the vile, the worthless, the illiberal,
but those of humble or lowly rank. This
is the proper meaning of the Chaldee
word — hsiV, and so it is rendered in the
Vulgate — humillimum hominem. The
Greek of Theodotion, however, is, • that
which is disesteemed among men* — e|oii*
iivujia iviipuimn. In the latter part of the

6 C.570.]

CHAPTER IV.

21T

18 This dream I king Nebuchad
nezzar have seen. Now thou, 0
Belteshazzar, declare the interpre
tation thereof, forasmuch » as all the
wise men of my kingdom are not
able to make known uuto me the in
terpretation : but thou ar^ able; for
the fipirit of the holy gods is in thee.
19 If Then Daniel, whose name
» ver. 8.

dreara (vs. 15, 16), we have an illustra
tion of what often occurs in dreams —
their singular incongruity. In the early
part of the dream, the vision is that
of a tree, aud the idea is consistently car
ried out for a considerable part of it —
the height of the tree, the branches, tbe
leaves, the fruit, tho shade, the stump ;
then suddenly there is a change to some
thing that is living and human — the
change of the heart to that of a beast ;
the being exposed to the dew of heaven ;
the portion with the beasts ofthe earth, &o.
Such changes and incongruities, as every
one knows, are common in dreams. So
Shakespeare :
True, I talk of dreams.
Which are the children of an idle brain.
Begot of nothiag but vain fantasy ;
Which is as thin of substance as the air.
And more inconstant than the wind, who woos
Even now the frozen bosom of the North,
And, being angered, puffs away from them,
Turning his face to the dew-dropping South.
Borneo and Juliet.
18. This dream I king Nebuchadnezzar
have seen. This is the dream which I
saw. He had detailed it at length as it
appeared to him, without pretending to be
able to explain it. ^ Foraamuch aa all the
wise men of my kingdom, &c. ver. 7. ^ But
thou art able, &e. Notes on ver. 9.
19. Then Daniel, whoae name was Bel
teahazzar. ver. 8. It has been objected
that the mention in this edict of both the
names by which Daniel was known is an
improbable circumstance ; that a heathen
monarch would only have referred to him
hy the name by which he was known in
Babylon — the name whioh he had him
self conferre'* on bim in honour of the
gol (Belus), afier whom be was called.
Si^e Notes on ch. i. 7. To this it may be
r/iplied, that although in ordinary inter-
sourse with him in Babylon ; in address
ing him as an officer of state under the
19

was Belteshazzar, was astmied for
one hour, and his thoughts troubled
I" him. The king spake, and said,
Beltesliazzar, let not the dream, or
the interpretation thereof, trouble
thee. Belteshazzar answered and
said. My lord, the dream be to them
n that hate thee, and the interpreta
tion thereof to thine enemies.
•> ver. 9. '2 Sam. 18. 32 ; Je. 29. 7.

Chaldean government, he would undoubt
edly be mentioned only by that name, yet
in a proclamation like this both the namea
by wbich he was known would be used —
the one to identify him among his own
countrymen; the other among the Chal
deans. This proclamation was designed
for people of all classes, and ranks, and
tongues (ver. 1.) ; it was intended to make
known the supremacy of the God wor
shipped by the Hebrews; Nebuchadnez
zar had derived the knowledge of the
meaning of his dream from one who was
a Hebrew, and it was natural, therefore,
in order that it might be known by whom
the dream had been interpreted, that he
should so designate him that it would be
understood hy all. ^ Waa astonied. Was
astonished. The word astonied, now gone
out of use, several times occurs in the
common version : Ezra ix. 3 ; Job xvii. 8,
xviii. 20 J Ezek. iv. 17; Dan. iii. 24, iv. 19,
V. 9. Dsimel -frits amazed a.nd overiohelmed
at what was manifestly the fearful import
of the dream. ^ For one hour. It is not
possible to designate the exact time de
noted by the word hour — njJB". Accord
ing to Gesenius (Lex.), it means a moment
of time; properly, a look, a glance, a
wink of the eye — Germ, augenblick. In
Arabic, the word means both a moment
and an hour. In Dan. iii. 6, 15, it evi
dently means immediately. Here it would
seem to mean a short time. That is, Dan
iel was fixed in thought, and maintained
a profound silence, until the king ad
dressed him. We arc not to suppose that
this continued during the space of time
which we call an hour, but he waa silent
until Nebuchadnezzar addressed him.
He would not seem to he willing even to
speak of so fearful calamities as he s.aw
were coraing upon the king. ^[ And hia
thoughta troubled him. The thoughts
which passed through his mind respect-

218

DANIEL.

TB. C. 570.

20 The tree »that thou sawest,
which grew, and was strong, whose
height reached unto tlie heaven, and
the sight thereof to all the earth ;
21 Whose leaves wcj-e fair, and
the fruit thereof muoh, and in it was
meat for all ; under which the beasts
of the field dwelt, and upon whose

»Ter. 10— 12.

'0 2.38.

ing the fearful import of the dream.
^ The king apake, and aaid, &e. Per
ceiving that the dream had, as he had pro
bably apprehended, a fearful significancy,
and that Daniel hesitated about explain
ing its meaning. Perhapa he supposed
that he hesitated because he appre
hended danger to himself if he should
express his thoughts, and the kiog, there
fore, assured him of safety, and encour
aged him to declare the full meaning of
the vision, whatever that might be.
^ Belteahazzar anawered and aaid, My
lord, the dream, bo to them that hate thee.
Let such things as are foreboded by the
dream happen to your enemies rather
than to you. This merely implies that he
did not desire that these things should
come upon him. It was the language of
courtesy and of respect; it showed that
he had no desire that any calamity should
befal tbe monarch, and that he had no
wish for the success of his enemies. There
is not, in this, anything necessarily im
plying a hatred of the enemies of the
king, or any wish that calamity should
come npon them; it is the expression of
an earnest desire that such an afiliction
might not come upon him. If it must
come on any, such was his respect for the
sovereign, and such his desire for his
welfare and prosperity, that he preferred
that it should fall upon those who were
his enemies, and who hated him. This
language, however, should not be rigidly
interpreted. It is tbe language of an
Oriental; language uttered at a court
where only the words of respect were
heard. Expressions simihar to this occur
not unfrequently in anoient writings.
Thus Horace, B. iii. Ode 27 :
Hostium uxores pucrique cfecos
Sentiant motus oriGntis austri.
And Virgil, Georg. iii. 513.
Di meliora piis, erroremcxue hostibus ilium.
"Such rhetorical embellishments are
pointed at no individuals, have nothing

branches the fowls of the heaireB
had their habitation :
22 It is •> thou, O king, that ar<
grown and become strong: for thy
greatness is grown, and reacheth
unto heaven, aud thy dominion <^ to
the end of the earth.
23 And whereas i the king saw a
'3e. 27. 6—8. J ver. 13, 14.

in them of malice or ill-will, are used as
marks of respect to the ruling powers,
and maybe presumed to be free from any
imputation of a want of charity." Win
kle, in loc.
20, 21. The tree I'hat thou aaweat, &c.
In these two verses Daniel refers to the
leading circumstancea reapecting the tree
as it appeared in the dream, without any
allusion as yet to the order to cut it down.
He probably designed to show that he had
clearly understood what had been said, or
that he had attended to the most minute
circumstances as narrated. It was im
portant to do this in order to show clearly
that it referred to the king ; a fact which
probably Nebuchadnezzar himself appre
hended, but still it was important that
this should bc so firmly flxed in his mind
that he would not revolt from it when
Daniel came to disclose the fearful import _
of the remainder of the dream.
22. /( is tfhou, 0 king. It is a repre
sentation of thyself. Comp. ch. ii. 38.
^ That ai-t groivn and become atrong. Re
ferring to the limited extent of his domi
nion when he came to the throne, and the
increase of his power by a wise adminis
tration and by conquest. ^ For thy great
neaa ia grown. The majesty and glory of
the monarch had increased by all his eon-
quests, and by the magnificence which he
had thrown around his court. ^ And
reacheth unto heaven. An expression
merely denoting the greatness of his au-
thority. The tree is said to have reached
unto heaven (ver. 11), and the stateliness
and grandeur of so great a monarch might
be represented by language which seemed
to imply that he had control over all
things. ^And thy dominion to the end of
the earth. To the extent of the world aa
then known. This waa almost literally
true. 23. And whereaa the king aaw a watcher.
See Notes on ver. 13. The recapitula
tion in this verse is slightly varied from

B/ C. 570;i

CHAPTER IV.

219

watcher and a holy one coming do'wn
from heaven, and siiying. Hew the
tree down, and destroy it ; yet leave
the stump of the roots thereof in the
3arth, even with a band of iron and
brass, in the tender grass of the
field ; and let it be wet with the dew
of heaven, and let his portion he with

the statement in vs. 14 — 16, still so .as not
materially to affect the sense. Daniel
seems to have designed to recall the prin-
e,ipal circumstances in the dream, so as to
identify it in the king's mind, and so as
to prepare him for the statement of the
fearful events which were to happen to
bim. 24. Thia is the decree of the Moat High.
Daniel here designs evidently to direct
the attention of the monarch to the one
living and true God, and to ahow him
that he presides over all. The purpose
of the vision was, in a most impressive
way, to convince the king of his exist
ence and sovereignty. Hence, Daniel
says that all this was in accordance with
his 'decree.' It was not a thing of chance;
it was nut ordered by idol gods ; it was
not an event that occurred by the mere
force of circumstances, or as the result of
the operation of secondary laws ; it was
a direct divine interposition — the solemn
purpose of the living God tbat it should
be so. Nebuchadnezzar had represented
this, in accordance with the prevailing
views of religion in his land, as a 'decree
of the Watchers' (ver. 17) ; Daniel, i'n ac
cordance with his views of religion, and
with truth, represents it as the decree of
the true God. •][ Which ia come upon my
lord the king. 'The decree had been pre
viously formed; its execution had now
come upon the king.
25. They shall drive thee from men.
That is, thou shalt be driven from the
habitations of men ; from the place which
thou hast occupied araong men. The
prophet does not say wh.o would do this,
but ,he says that it would be done. The
language is auch as would be used of one
who should become a maniac, and he
thrust outof the ordinary society in which
he had moved. The Greek of Theodo
tion here ia, «ai ai cKiit^j^ovaiv. The Co
dex Chisian. has, 'And the Most High
and his angels shall run upoir thee —

the beasts ofthe flold, tilLseven tijnes
pass over him ;
24 This is the interpretation, 0
king, and this is the decree of the
Most High, whioh is come upon my
lord the Icing:
25 That they shall drive "thee
from men, and thy dwelling shall

KaTarptX-ovuiv — leading thee into prison,'
or into detention — eif ^v\ait'm — ' and shall
thrust thee into a desert place.' The
general sense ia, that he would be in such
a state as to be treated like a beast rather
than a man ; that he would be removed
from his ordinary abodes, and be a miser
able and neglected outcast. Thia com
mences the account of the calamity tfaat
was to come upon Nebuchadnezzar, and
as there have been many opinions enter
tained as to the nature of this malady, it
may he proper to notice some of them.
Comp. Bertholdt, pp. 286-292. Some have
held that there was a real metamorphosis
into some forra of an animal, though his
rational soul remained, so that he was able
to acknowledge God and give praise to
him. Cedrenus held that he waa trans
formed into a beast, half lion and half ox.
An unknown author, mentioned by Justin,
maintains that the transforraation was
into an animal resembling what was seen
in the visions of Ezekiel — the Cheru
bim — composed of an eagle, a lion, an ox,
and a man. In support of the opinion
that there was a real transformation, au
appeal has been m.ade to the common be
lief among ancient nations, that such me
tamorphoses had actually occurred, and
especially to what Herodotus (iv. 105)
aays of the Nem-i (Ncopoi): — "It is said
by the Scythians, as well aa by the Greeka
who dwell in Scythia, that once in every
year they are all of them changed into
wolves, and that after remaining in that
state for the space of a few daya, they
resume their former shape." Herodotua
adds, however, " This I do not believe,
although they swear that it is true." An
appeal is also made to an aasertion of
Apuleius, who saya of himself that he waa
changed into an ass ; and also to the
metamorphoses of Ovid. This supposed
transformation of Nebuchadnezzar some
have ascribed to Satan. Job. Wier de
prsestigiis dsemonum, I. 26, iv. 1. Othen

220

DANIEL.

[B. C. 570

b/* "With the beasts of the field, and
til .y shall make thee to eat grass » as
a Ps. 106. 20.

hi T» attributed it to the arts of magic or
in. ^itD tation, and suppose that it was a
ch\.-ige in appearance only. Augustine
(do 0: vit. Dei, lib. xviii. cap. 17), refer
ring io what is said of Diomed and his
followers on their return from Troy, that
they were changed into birds, saya that
Varro, in proof of the truth of this, ap
peals to the fact that Circe changed
Ulysses and bis companions into beasts;
and to tbe Arcadians, who, by swimming
over a certaia lake, were changed into
wolves, and that " if they are no man's
flesh, at the end of nine years they swam
over the same lake and became raen
again." Varro farther mentions the case
of a man by the name of Daeraonetus,
who, tastirifj of the sacrifices which tbe Ar
cadians cfTered (a child), was turned into
a/vfoU, and became a man again at the
end of two years. Augustine himself
says, tbat when he was in Italy be heard
a report that there were women there,
who, by giving one a little drug in cheese,
had the power of turning him into an
ass. See the curious discussion of Augus
tine bow far this could be true, in his work
de Civit. Dei, lib. xviii. cap, 18. He sup
poses that under the infiuence of drugs men
might be made to suppoae they were thus
transformed, or to have a recollection of
wbat passed in such a state «» if it were
so. Cornelius a Lapide supposes that the
transformation in the case of Nebuchad
nezzar went only so far that his knees were
bent in the other direction, like those of
animals, and that he walked like animals.
Origen, and many of those who have
coincided witb him in his allegorial mode
of interpreHng the Scriptures, supposed
that the whole of this account is an
allegory, designed to represent the fall
of Satan, and his restoration again to the
favour of God — in accordance with his
belief of the doctrine of universal salva
tion. Others suppose that the statement
here means merely that there was a for
midable conspiracy against him; that he
was dethroned and bound with fetters ;
that he was then expelled frora the cour%
and driven into exile; and that, as such,
be lived a miserable life, finding a pre
carious subsistence in woods and wilds,
Among the beasts of the forest^ until, by

oxen, and they shall wet thee •witi
the dew of heaven, and seven times

another revolution, he was restored again
to the throne. It is not necessary to ex
amine these various opinions, and tc
show their absurdity, their puerility, oi
their falsehood. Some of thera aro sim
ply ridiculous, and none of thera aro
demanded by any fair interpretation of
the chapter. It may seem, perhaps, to
be undignified even to refer to such opi
nions now ; butthis may serve to illustrate
the method in whieh the Bible has beea
interpreted in former times, and tbe steps
which have been taken before men
arrived at a clear and ratiojial interpre
tation of the sacred volume. It is indeed
painful to reflect that such absurdities
and puerilities have been in any way
connected with tbe interpretation of tbe
word of God ; sad to reflect that so many
persons, in consequence of tbera, bave
discarded the Bible and the interpreta'
tions together as equally ridiculous and
absurd. The true account in regard to
the calamity of Nebuchadnezzar, is un
doubtedly the following: (1.) He was a
maniac — made such by a direct divine
judgment on account of his pride, vs.
30, 31. The essential thing in the state
ment is, that he was deprived ofhis rea
son, and that he was treated as a maniac.
Comp. Intro, to the chapter, II. (1). —
(2.) Tbe particular /orm of the insanity
with which he was afiiicted, seems to
have been that hc imagined himself to be
a beast; and, this idea having taken pos
session ofhis mind, be acted accordingly.
It may be remarked iu regard to this,
(a) tbat such a fancy is no uncommon
thing among maniacs. Numerous in
stances of tbis maybe seen in the various
works on insanity — or indeed may be
seen by raerely visiting a lunatic asy
lum. One imagines that he is a king.
and decks himself out with a sceptre and
a diadem ; another that he is gla£s, and
is filled with excessive anxiety lest he
sbould be broken ; others have regarded
themselves as deprived of their proper
nature as human beings ; others as hav
ing been once dead, and restored to life
again ; others as having been dead and
sent back into life without a heart;
others as existing in a manner unlike
any other mortals ; others as haviag no

B. C. 570.]

CHAPTER IV.

221

shall pass ever thee, till thou know
that the Must High » ruleth in the
«P8. S3.18.

rational soul. See Arnold on Insanity,
I. pp. 176 — 195. In all these cases, when
such a fancy takes possession of the
mind, there will be an effort on the part
of the patient to act in exact conformity
to this view of himself, a.nd his whole
conduct will be adapted to it. Nothing
can convince him that it is not so; and
*here is no absurdity in supposing that,
if the thought had -taken possession of
the mind of Nebuchadnezzar that he was
a beast, he would live and act as a wild
beast — ^just as it is said that he did.
(6) In itself considered, if Nebuchad
nezzar was deprived of his reason, and
for the cause assigned — his pride, no
thing is more probable than thathe would
be left to imagine himself a beast, and to
act like a beast. This would furnish the
most striking contrast to his former state ;
would d^ most to bring down his pride ;
and would most effectually show the
supremacy of the Most High. (3) In
this state of mind, fancying himself a
wild beast, and endeavouring to act in
conformity with this view, it is probable
that he would be indulged as far as was
consistent with his safety. Perhaps the
regency would be induced to allow tbis
partly from their long habits of deference
to the will of an arbitrary monarch;
partly because by this indulgence he
would be less troublesome; and partly
because a painful spectacle would thus
be removed from the palace. We are not
to suppose that he was permitted to roam
in forests at large without any restraint,
and without any supervision whatever.
In Babybn, attached to the palace, there
were doubtless, as there are all over the
East, royal parks or gardens ; there is
every probability that in these parks
tbere may have been assembled rare and
strange animals as a royal menagerie ;
and it was doubtless in these parks, and
among these animals, that he was allowed
to range. Painful as such a spectacle
would tte, yet it is not improbable that to
such a maniac this would be allowed as
contributing to his gratification, or as a
means of restoring him to his right mind.
(4) A king, however wide bis empire, or
magnificent his court, would be as lUcely
to be subject to mental derangement as
any otber man. No situation in life cau
19*

kingdom of men, and giveth it to
whomsoever he will.

save the human mind from the liability
to so overwhelming a calamity, nor should
we deem it strange that it should come
on a king as well as other men. Tho
condition of Nebuchadnezzar, as repre
sented by himself in this edict, was
scarcely more pitiable than that of
George III. of England — though it is not
surprising that in tbe eighteenth century
of the Christian era, and in a Christian
land, the treatment of the sovereign in
such circumstances was different from
that which a monarch received in hea
then Babylon. (5) It cannot be shown
that this did not come upon Nehuchad
nezzar, as stated in this chapter, (vs.
30, 31,) on account of his pride. That ho
was a proud and haughty monarch, is
apparent from all his history; that God
would take some eflTectual means to hum
ble him, is in accordance with his deal
ings with mankind ; that this would bc
a most efiectual means of doing it, cannot
be doubted. No one can prove, in re
spect to any judgment that comes upon
mankind, that it is not on account of somo
sin reigning in the heart; and when it is
affirmed in a book claiming to be inspired,
that a particular calamity is brought
upon men on account of their trans
gressions, it cannot be demonstrated that
the statement is not true. If these re
marks are correct, then no well-founded
ohjection can lie against the account
here respecting the calamity that came
upon this monarch in Babylon. This
opinion in regard to the nature of the
afQiction which came upon Nebuchad
nezzar, is probably that which is now
generally entertained, and it certainly
meets all the circumstances of the case,
and frees the narrative from material ob
jection. As a confirmation of its trutb,
I will copy here the opinion of Dr. Mead,
as it is found in his 'Medica S.icra^
"All the circumstances of Nebuchad
nezzar's case agree so well with an hypo
chondriacal madness, tbat to me it ap
pears evident that Nebuchadnezzar w:is
seized with this distemper, and under its
influence ran wild into the fields ; and
that, fancying himself transformed inta
an ox, he fed on grass after the manner
of cattle. For every sort of madness is
the result of a disturbed imagination;

222

DANIEL.

[B. C. 57a

which tbis unhappy man laboured under
for full seven years. And through ne
glect of taking proper care of bimself, his
hair and nails grew to an uncommon
length ; whereby the latter, growing
thicker and crooked, resembled the claws
of birds. Now the ancients called peo
ple affected with this kind of madness,
}iVKav^pionot — wolf-men, or Kwav^patnoi —
dog-men jheeaxise they went abroad in the
night imitating wolves or dogs ; particu
larly intent upon opening the sepulchres
of the dead, and had their legs much
ulcerated, either from frequent falls, or
tbe bites of dogs. In like manner are the
iaugbters of Prcetus related to have been
mad, who, as Virgil says, iEn. vi. 48,
 implerunt falsis mugitibus agros.
' With mimic bowlings filled the fields.*
For, as Servius observes, Juno possessed
tbeir minds with such a species of fury,
that, fancying themselves cows, they ran
into tbe fields, bellowed often, and
dreaded the plough. Nor was this dis
order unknown to the moderns, for
Schneckius records a remarkable instance
of a husbandraan in Padua, who, imag
ining himself a wolf, attacked and even
killed several people in the fields; and
when at length he was taken, he perse
vered in declaring himself a real wolf,
and that the only difference consisted in
the inversion ofhis skin and hair." The
same opinion as to the nature of the dis
ease is expressed by Dr. J. M. Good, in
his " Study.'of Medicine." So also Bur
ton (Anatomy of Melancholy, Part I. ^ 1.
Memb. i. Subs. 4). Burton refers to sev
eral cases which would illustrate the
opinion. "Wierus," says he, "tells a
story of such a one in Padua, 1541, that
would not believe the contrary but tbat
he was a wolf. He hath auother instance
of a Spaniard who thought himself a
bear. Such, belike, or little better, were
king Prcetus' daughters, that thought
themselves kine" — an instance strikingly
resembling this case of" Nebuchadnezzar,
who seems to have imagined himself some
kind of beast.' ' Pliny, perhaps referring
to diseases of this kind, sa3's, "Some
men were turned into wolves in ray time,
and from wolves to men again." Lib. viii.
c. 22. See Burton as above. ^ And thy
dwelling shall be with the beasts of the
field. That is, as above explained, thoix
wilt imagine thyself to be a beast, and
?ilt act like a beast. Indulgence will be

given to this propensity so as to alloTf
you to range with the beasts in tbe park,
or tbe royal menagerie. ^ And they ahaU
make thee to eat grass as oxen. That iS|
this shall he thy propensity, and tboQ
shalt be indulged in iL Fancying him
self a beast of some kind — ^probably, aa
appears from this expression, an ox —
nothing would be more natural than tbat
he should attempt to live as oxen do,
on grass, tbat he should be so far in
dulged that his food would consist of
vegetables. Nothing is more common
omong maniacs than some such freak about
food ; and it is just as likely that a king
would manifest this as any other man.
Th e word grass here — Ni&'jr — Heb. 3r^ —
means properly herba j green herba/ vegcta
blea, represented, commonly, as furnish
ing food for man. Gen. i. 11, 12, ii. 5,
iii. 18; Ex. x. 12, 15; Ps. civ.. 14. The
word grass, in our language, conveys an
idea which is not strictly in accordance
with the original. That word would de
note only the vegetable productions which
cattle eat; the Hebrew word is of a more
general signification, embracing all kinds
of vegetables — those which man eats, as
well as tbose which animals eat, and the
meaning here is, that he would live on
vegetable food; — a propensity in which
they would doubtless indulge a man in
sueh circumstances — painful and humiU
ating as it would be. The phrase * they
shall make thee eat grass,' rather means,
' they shall permit thee to do it,' or they
shall treat thee so that tbou wilt do it.
It would be his inclination, and tbey
would allow him to be gratified in it.
% And they shall wet thee with the deio
of heaven. Or, shall suffer you to be wet
with the dew of beaven ; tbat is, to be out
in tbe open air — no improbable treat
ment of a maniac, and especially likely
to occur in a climate whero it was no
uncommon thing for all classes of per
sons to pass the night under the sky,
^ And aeven times shall pass over ihee.
Notes on ver 16. ^ Till thou knoto, Ac.
Until thou shalt efiectually learn that the
true God rules ; that he gives authority
to whom be pleases; and that he takes it
away when he pleases. Notes on ver. 17.
Nothing could be better fitted to teach tbis
lesson than to deprive, by a manifest
judgment of heaven, such a monarch
of the exercise of reason, and reduce
him to the pitiable conditiou here de
scribed.

B. C. 570.]

CHAPTER IV.

223

26 And whereas they commanded
to leave the stump of the tree roots ;
thy kingdom shall be sure unto thee,
>Matti6. 34; Lu. 16. 18, 21.
26. And whereas tliey commanded. The
watchers, ver. 15. Comp. ver. 17. If To
leave the stump of the tree roots. Or, to
leave rootsto the stump of tho tree ; that
is, it was not to be dug up, or wholly de
stroyed, but vitality was to be left in the
ground. The Chaldee here is the same
as in ver. 15, 'leave the stump of his
roots.' ^ Thy kingdom shall be sure unto
ihee. That is, thou shalt not die under
this calamity, but after it has passed
away shalt be restored to authority. It
mij4(have been supposed that this meant
that the authority would survive in his
family, and that those who were to suc
ceed him would ¦ reign — as shoots spring
up after the parent tree has fallen ; but
Daniel was directed to an interpretation
which is not less in accordance with the
fair meaning of the dream than this would
have been. ^ After that thou shalt have
known that the heavens do rule. Th.at
God rules. This was the great lesson
which the event was designed to teach,
and when that sbould have been learned,
there would be a propriety that he should
be restored to his throne, and sbould
proclaim this to the world.
27. Wherefore, 0 king, let my counset
be acceptable unto thee. Daniel was per
mitted to see not only the fact that this
calamity impended over the king, but the
cause of it, and as that cause was his
proud and sinful heart, he supposed that
the judgment might be averted if the
king would reform' hia life. If the cause
were removed, he inferred, not unreason
ably, that there was a hope that the cala
mity might hc avoided. We cannot but
admire here the boldness and fidelity of
Daniel, who not only gave a fair inter
pretation of the dream, in the case sub
mitted to him, but who went beyond that
in a faithful representation to the most
mighty monarch of the age, that this was
in consequence of his wicked life. ^And
break off thy sins by righteouaneaa. By
acts of righteousness or justice ; by
abandoning a wicked course of life. It
is fairly to be inferred from this that the
life of the monarch had been wicked — a
fact which is confirmed every where in
his history. He had, indeed, some good

after that thou shalt have known
that the » heavens do rule.
27 Wherefore, 0 king, let my
counsel be acceptable unto thee, and

qualities as. a man, hut he was proud; he
was ambitious ; he was arbitrary in his
government; he was passionate and re
vengeful ; and he was, doubtless, addicted
to such pleasures of life as were com
monly found among those of his station.
He had a certain kind of respect for reli
gion, whatever was the objeot of worship,
but this was not inconsistent with a
wicked life. The word 'translated break
off — P35, is rendered in the Vulgate re-
dime, 'redeem,' and so in the Greek of
Theodotion, Xiirpowai, and in the Codex
Chis. From this use of the word in some
of the versions, and from the fact that the
word rendered righteouanesa is often em
ployed in the later Hebrew to denote alms
giving, (comp. the margin in Matt. vi. 1,
and the Greek text in Tittmann and H.-ihn
where the word disaioavvnif is used to de
note alms,) the passage here has been
adduced in favour of the doctrine of ex
piatory merits, and the purchase of abso
lution by almsgiving — a favourite doc
trine in the Koman Catholic communion.
But the ordinary and common meaning
of the word is not to redeem, but to
break, to break off, to abandon. Itis the
word from whieh our English word break
is derived, Germ, brecken, Comp. Gen.
xxvii. 40, "that thou shalt break his
yoke ;" Ex. xxxii. 2, " Break off tbe
golden ear-rings;" Ex. xx.xii. .S, "And
all the people brake off the golden ear
rings ;" Ex. xxxii. 24, " Whosoever h.ath
any gold let them break it off;" 1 Kings
xix. 11, " A great and strong wind
rent the mountains;" Zech. xi. 16, "And
tear their claws in pieces;" Ezek. xix.
12, "his strong holds were broken.'
The word is rendered in our cora
mon version, redeem once, (Ps. cxxxvi. 4,)
"And hath redeemed us from our ene
mies." It is translated rending in Pa.
vii. 2, and deliver in Lam. v. 8. It
does not elsewhere occur in the Scrip
tures. The fair meaning of the wcrd, is,
as in our version, to break off, ai.d the
idea of redeeming the soul by acts of
charity or almsgiving is not in the pas
sage, and cannot be derived from it.
This passage, therefore, cannot be ad-

224

DANIEL,

[B. C. 570

break »off thy sins by righteousness, mercy to the poor; if t it maybe
and thine iniquities by showing ' a lengthening of thy tranquillity.

' Is. 66. 7.

b Ps. 41. 1, 2.

duced to defend the doctrine that the soul
may be redeemed, or that sins may be
expiated by acta of charity and almsgiv
ing. It means that the king was to break
off his sins by acts of righteousness ; or,
in other words, he was to show by a right
eous life that he had abandoned his evil
course. The exhortation is, that he would
practice those great dutiea of justice and
charity towards mankind in which he
had been so deficient, if, perhaps, God
might show mercy, and avert the im
pending calamity, ^.dnd thine iniqui
tiea by ahowing mercy to ihe poor. The
peculiar 'iniquity' of Nebuehadnezzar
may have consisted in his oppressing the
poor of his realm in the exorbitant exac
tions imposed on them in carrying on his
public works, and building and beauti
fying his capital. ' Life, under an Oriental
despot, is regarded as of little value.
Sixty thousand men were employed by
Mohammed Ali in digging the canal from
Cairo to Alexandria, in which work
almost no tools were furnished them but
their hands. A large portion of them
died, and were buried by their fellow-
l.abourers in the earth excavated in dig
ging the canal. Who can estimate the
number of men that were uselessly em
ployed under the arbitrary monarch of
Egypt on the useless work of building the
pyramids? Those structures, doubtless,
cost millions of lives, and there is no im
probability in supposing that Nebuchad
nezzar had employed hundreds of thou
sands ¦ of persons without any adequate
compensation, and in a hard and oppres
sive serviee, in rearing the walls and the
palaces of Babylon, and in excavating
the canals' to water the city and the ad
jacent country. No counsel, therefore,
could be more appropriate than that he
should relieve the poor from those bur
dens, and do justice to them. There
is no intimation that he was to attempt
to purchaae release from the judgments
of God by such aets; but the meaning
is, that if he would cease from hia acts
of oppression, it might be hoped that
God wonld avert the threatened cala
mity. The duty here enjoined of show
ing mercy to the poor, is one that ia

* or, a healing of thine error.

everywhere commanded in the Scrip*
tures. Ps. xli. 1 ; Matt. xix. 21 ; Gah
ii. 10, et acepe. Its influence in obtain
ing the divine favour, or in averting
calamity, is also elsewhere stated. Comp.
Ps. xli. 1, " Blessed is he that considereth
the poor ; the Lord will deliver him in
time of trouble." 1 1 is a sen tim ent which
occura frequently in the booka of the
Apocrypha, and in these books there can
be found tbe progresa of the opinion
to the point which it reached in the later
periods of the Jewish history, and which
it haa obtained in tbe Koman Catholio
communion, that almsgiving or charity
to the poor would be an expiation for sin,
and would coramend men to God as a
ground of righteousness ; or, in other
words, the progress of the doctrine to
warda that which teaches that works of
supererogation may be performed. Tfaus
in the Book of Tobit (iv. 8—10), "If
tbou hast abundance, give alma accord
ingly ; if thou have little, be not afraid
to give according to that little : for thou
layest up a good treasure for thyself
against the day of necessity. Becauae
that alma do deliver from death, and suf
fereth not to come into darkness." Tobit
xii. 9, 10, "For alms doth deliver from
death, and ahall purge away fill ain. Those
that exercise righteousness and alms shall
be filled with life ; but they that sin
are enemies to their own lii'e." Tobit
xiv. 10, 11, " Manasses gave alms, and
escaped the snares of death wbich they
bad set for him; but Amam fell into the
snare and perished. Wherefore now, my
aon, conaider what alms doeth, and how
righteousness doth deliver." Ecclesi
asticus xxix. 12, 13, "Shut up alms
in thy storehouses; it shall deliver thee
from all affliction. It shall fight for thee.
against thine enemiea better than a
mighty shield and a atrong spear." Eccle-
aiasticus xl. 24. " Brethren and help are
against time of trouble ; but alms shall de
liver more than them hoth." In taese pas
sages there is evidence of tbe progress of
the sentiment towards the doctrines of
supererogation ; but there ia none what
ever that Daniel attributed any auch
efiicacy to alms, or thathe meant to teach
anything more than the common doctrine

B. C. 570.1

CHAPTER IV.

225

28 ^ All this came upon the king
Nebuchadnezzar. 29 At the end of twelve months
of religion, tbat when a man breaks off
from his sins it may be hoped that the
judgments which impended over him
moy be averted, and that doing good will
meet the smiles and approbation of God.
Compare in reference to this sentiment
the case of the Ninevites, when the
threatening against them was averted by
their repentance and humiliation, Jonah
iii. 10; the ca-se of Hezekiah, when his
predicted death was averted by his teara
and prayers, Isa. xxxviii. 1 — 5 ; and Jer.
xviii. 7, 8, where this principle of the
divine govemment is fully asserted. ^If
it may be a lengthening ofthy tranquillity.
Marg., ' or, on heaUng of thy error.' The
Greek of Theodotion here is, "Perhaps
God will be long-suffering toward thy
offences." The Greek of the Codex
Chis. is, 'And thou mayest remain a
long tim&— iroXujj/i£poj yzvti — upon the
throne of thy kingdom.' The Vulgate,
* Perhaps he will pardon thy faults.' The
Syriac, * Until he may remove from thee
thy foUieSj.' The original word ren
dered lengthening — N316* — means pro.
perly, as translated here, a prolongation ;
a drawing out; a lengthening; and the
word is here correctly rendered. It has
nob tbe meaning assigned to it in the
margin — of healing. It would apply pro
perly to a prolongation of anything — as
of life, peace, health, prosperity. The
word rendered frani/KiVKty — nf;!^ — means
properly security, safety, quiet; and the
reference here is to his calm possession
of tbe throne ; to his quietness in his
palace, and peace in his kingdom. There
is nothing in the text to justify the ver-
eim in the margin.
28. All thia came upon the king Nebn-
chadnezzir. That is, the threatened judg
ment came upon him in the form in which
it was predicted. He did not repent
and reform bis life as he was exhorted
to, and, having given him sufBcient
time to ahow whether he was disposed to
follow the counsel of Daniel, God sud
denly brought tbe heavy judgment upon
him. Why he did not follow the counsel
of Daniel is not atated, and canpot be
known. It may have been that he was

he walked = in the palace of the
kingdom of Babylon. ^ or, upon.
he would not break off from it, even while
he admitted the fact tbat he was exposed
on accountof it to so awful a judgment —
as multitudes do who pursue a course of
iniquity, even while they admit that it
will bc followed by poverty, disgrace,
diseaae and death here, and by the wrath
of God hereafter ; or, it may be, that he
did not credit the representation which
Daiiiel m.ade, and refused to follow his
counsel on that account; or, it may be,
that, though be purposed to repent, yet,
as thousands of others do, he suffered the
time to pass on until the forbearance of
God was exhausted, and the calamity
came suddenly upon him. A full year,
it would seem (ver. 29), was given him to
see what the effect of the admonition
would be, and then all that had been pre
dicted was fulfilled. His conduct furnishes
a remarkable illustration of the conduct of
sinners under threatened wrath; of the
fact that they continue to live in ein when
exposed to certain destruction, and when
warned in tbe plainest manner of what
will come upon them.
29. At the end of twelve montha. Aftei
the dream, and the interpretation — giv
ing him ample opportunity to repent and
to reform his life, and to avoid the ca
lamity. ^ Hc ivalked in the palace,
Marg., upon. The margin is the more
correct rendering. The roofs of houses
in the east are made fiat, and furnish a
common place of promenade, especially
in the cool ofthe evening. See Notes on
Matt. ix. 2. The Codex Chis. has here,
' The king walked upon the walls of the
city with all his glory, and went around
the towers, and answering, said.' The
place, however, upon which he walked,
appears to have been the roof of his own
palace — doubtless reared so high that he
could have a good view of the city from
it. ^ Of the kingdom of Babylon. Ap
pertaining to that kingdom; the royal
residence. As it ia to be supposed that
this 'palace of the kingdom' on the roof
of which the king walked, was that which
he had himself reared, and as this con
tributed much to the splendour of the
capital of his empire, and doubtless
was the occasion in a conaiderable de*

BO addicted to a life of wickedneea that { gree of hie vainglorious boasting when

226

DANIEL.

fB. C. 57C.

30 Tlie king " spake, and said, Is
not this great Babylon, that I have
built for the house of the kingdom
the judgment of heaven fell upon him
(vs. 30, 31), a brief description of that
palace seema to be not inappropriate.
The description is copied from an article
on Babylon in Kitto's Cyclopsedia of Bibli
cal Literature, vol. i. pp. 270, 271 : " The
new palace built by Nebuchadnezzar was
prodigious in size, and superb in embel-
ushmenta. Its outer wall embraced six
miles; within that circumference were
two other embattled walls, beaidea a great
tower. Three brazen gates led into the
grand area, and every gate of conse
quence throughout tbe city was of brass.
The palace was beautifully decorated
with statues of men and animals, with
vessels of gold and silver, and furnished
with luxuries of all kinds brought thither
frora conquests in Egypt, Paleatine, and
Tyre. Its greatest boast were the hang
ing gardena, which acquired, even from
the iSrecian writers, the appellation of
one of tbe wonders of the world. They
aro attributed to the gallantry of Nebu-
. chadnezz.ir, who constructed them in
compliance with a wish of his queen
Aniytis to possess elevated groves, such
as she had enjoyed on the hills around
her native Ecbatana. Babylon was all
flat, and to accomplish so extravag^ant a
desire, an artificial mountain was leared,
four hundred feet on each side, while ter
races one above another rose to a height
that overtopped the walls of the city, that
is, above three hundred feet in elevation.
The ascent from terrace to terrace was
made hy corresponding flights of ateps,
while the terraces themaelves were reared
to their various stages or ranges of regu
lar piers, which, forming a kind of vaulting,
rose in succession one over the other to the
required height of each terrace, the whole
being b'jund together by a w.a'l twenty-
two feet m thickness. The levol of each
terrace or garden was then formed in the
following manner : the tops of the piers
were firat laid over with flat stones, six
teen feet in length, and four in width ;
on theso stones were spread beds of mat
ting, then a thick layer of bitumen, after
which came two courses of bricks, whioh
were covered with sheets of aolid lead.
The earth waa heaped on this platform,
and iu order to admit the roota of large

by the might of my power, and for
the honour of my majesty ?
»Lu. 12.19, 20.
trees, prodigious hollow piers were built
and filled with mould. Erom the Eu
phrates, which flowed close to the foun
dation, water was drawn up by machinery.
The whole. Says Q. Curtius (v. 5.), had,
to those who saw it from a distance, the
appearance of woods overhanging moun
tains. The remains of this palace are
found in the vast mound or hill called by
the natives kasr. It is of irregular form,
eight bundred yards in length, and six
hundred yards in breadth. Its appear
ance is constantly undergoing change
from the continual digging which takes
place in its inexhauatible quarries for
brick of the strongest and finest material.
Hence the m.ass is furrowed into deep ra
vines, crossing and recrossing each other
in every direction."
30. The king apake, and said. The
Chaldee, andthe Greek of Theodotion and
of the Codex Chis., here is, 'the king
anawered and said:' — -perhaps he replied
to some remark made by bis attendants
in regard to the magnitude of thecity;
or perhaps the word anawered is used, as
it ofteu seems to be in the Scriptures, to
denote a reply to something passing jn
the mind that is not uttered; to some
question or inquiry that the mind starts.
He might merely have been thinking of
the magnitude of this city, and he gave
response to those thoughts in the language
which follows, f la not thia great Baby
lon, that I have built. In regard to the
situation and the magnitude of Babylon,
and tho agency of Nebuchadnezzar in
beautifying and enlarging it, see the
'Analysis' prefixed to the Notes on the
xiiith chapter of Isaiah. He greatly
enlarged the city; built a new city on the
west side of the river; reared a magnifi
cent palace ; and constructed the cele
brated hanging gardens, and, in fact,
made the city so different from what it
was, and so greatly increased its splen
dour, that he could say without im
propriety that he had 'buiU it. '^ For
the house of the kingdom. To be con
sidered altogether — embracing the whole
city — as a sort of palace of the kingdom.
He seems to have looked upon the whsle
city as one vast palace fitted to be an
appropriate residence of the sovereign of

B. C. 570.1

CHAPTER IV.

227

31 While "the word was in the
king's mouth, there fell a voice from
heaven, saying, 0 king Nebuchad
nezzar, to thee it is spoken ; Tbe
kingdom is departed from thee.
32 And '"they shall drive thee
from men, and thy dwelling shall

»l Th. 5. 3.

bver. 25, 26.

BO vast an empire. ^Andfor tlie honour
of my majeaty. To ennoble or glorify my
reign ; or where one of so much majeaty
as I am may find an appropriate home.
31. While the luord was in the king'a
tnouth. In the very aot of his speaking —
thus showing that there could be no doubt
as to the connection between the crime
andthe punishment. ^ There fell a voice
from heaven. There came a voice; or,
'perhaps, it seemed to fall as a thunder
bolt It was uttered above him, and ap
peared to come from heaven. There was
an important sense in which it did fall
from heaven ; for it wa^ the voice of God.
^ Saying, 0 king Nebuchadnezzar, to thee
it is_apoken. Eor you it is particularly
intended ; or what is predicted is now
apoken to thee. ^ The kingdom ia de
parted from thee. Thou art about to
ceaae to reign. Up to this time he re
tained his reason that he might distinctly
underatand the source from whence the
judgment was to come, and why it waa
brought upon him, and that he might be
prepared, when he should be recovered
from hia inaanity, to teatify clearly to
the origin and the nature of the judg
ment. The Codex Chis. bas an impor
tant addition to what is said here, which,
though of no authority, as having no
thing corresponding to it in the original
text, yet states what ia in itself not im
probable. It is as follows : ' And at the
end of what he was saying, he heard a
voioe from heaven. To thee it is apoken,
0 king Nebuchadnezzar, the kingdom of
Babylon ahall be taken away from thee,
and ahall be given to another, a man de
spised or of no rank — ^av^ei/niievoi dviptino}
— in thy house. Behold, I will place him
over thy kingdom, and thy power, and thy
glory, and thy luxury^-riv rpv^rjii — he
shall receive, until thou shalt know that
the God of heaven has authority over the
kingdom of men, and gives it to whom-
ioever be will : but until the rising of the
lun another king shall rejoice In thy

he with the beists of the field : they
shall make thee to eat grass as oxen,
and seven times shall pass over thee,
until thou know that the Most High
ruleth iu the kingdom of men, and
giveth it to whomsoever he will.
33 The same hour was the thing
fulfilled upon Nebuchadnezzar: and

house, and shall possess thy power, and
thy strength, and thine authority, and
the angels shall drive thee away for seven
years, and thou shalt not he seen, and
shalt not speak with any man, but tbey
shall feed thee with graas as oxen, and
from the herb of the field shall be thy
support.' 32. And they shall drive thee from men^
<tc. See Notes on ver 25.
33. The aame hour waa the thing ful.,
filled. On the word hour, see Notes on
ver. 19. The use of the word here would
seem to confirm the suggestion there
made that it means a brief period of time.
The idea is clearly, that it was done
instantly. The event came suddenly
upon him, without any interval, as he
was speaking. ^ Till hia hairs were
grown like eaglea' feathers. By long ne
glect and inattention. The Greek ver
sion of Theodotion has in this place the
word liona instead of eaglea : ' till his
hairs were grown long like that of lions;'
and the passage is paraphrased by Jack
son thus, ' till his hair was grown long
and shagged like the main of a lion.'
This would make good sense, but it is
not the reading of the Chaldee. The
Codex Chis. reads it, 'and my hairs
were like the wings of an eagle, and my
nails like those of a lion.' The correct
idea is, that his hair wa-s neglected until
in appearance it resembled the feathers
of a bird. '^ And hie nails tike birds'
claws. No unnatural thing, if he was
driven ont and neglected ae the insane
have been in much later times, and in
much more civilized parts of the world.
In regard to the probability of the state
ment here made respecting the treatment
of Nebuchadnezzar, and the objection
derived from it againat the authenticity
of the book of Daniel, see Intro, to the
Chapter, II. (1.) In addition to what ia
said there, the following cases may be re
ferred to as showing that there is no im
probability in supposing that what is hora

228

he was driven from men, and did
eat grass as oxen, and his body was
wet with the dew of heaven, till his
hairs were grown like eagles' fea
thers, and his nails like birds' claws.
stated actually occurred. The extracta
are taken from the aecond annual Keport
of the Prison Diaeipline Society, and they
deacribe tbe condition of some of the
patients before they were admitted into
the insane asylum at Worcester. If these
things occurred in the commonwealth of
Maaaachuaetta, and in the nineteenth
century ofthe Christian era, there is no
thing incredible in auppoaing that a
similar thing may have occurred in an
cient heathen Babylon. "No. 1. Had
been in prison twenty-eight years when
he was brought to the Institution. Dur
ing aeven yeara he had hot felt the influ
ence of fire, and many nights he had not
lain down for fear of freezing. He had
not been shaved for twenty-eight years,
and had been provoked and excited by
the introduction of hundreds tu see the
exhibition of hia raving. No. 2. Had
been in one prison fourteen years : he was
naked — hia hair and beard grown long —
and hia akin so entirely filled with the
dust of charcoal as to render it impoaai-
ble, from ita appearance, to discover what
nation he was of. He was in the habit
of screaming so loud as to annoy the
whole neighbourhood, and was eonsidered
a most dangerous and desperate man.
No. 3. An old man of sevepty years of
age or more; had been chained for twenty-
five years, and bad hia chain taken
off but once in that time. No. 4. A
female : had ao long been confined with a
short chain aa wholly to lose the uso of
her lower limba. Her health had been
materially impaired by confinement, and
she was unable to stand, and had not
walked for years. No. 8. Had been
ten years without clothes : a most
inconceivably filthy and degraded be
ing : exceedingly violent and outrageous.
No. 9. Anotherfemale, exceedingly filthy
in her habits, had not worn clothes
for two years, during which time she had
been confined in a filthy cell, destitute of
everything like comfort, tearing every
thing in pieces that was given her.
No. 10. Has been insane eight yeara :
almost the whole of the time in jail and
in a cage."

DANIEL. [B. C.570.

34 And at the end of the days }
Nebuchadnezzar lifted up mine eyea
unto he.aven, and mine understand
ing returned unto me, and I blessed
the Most High, and I praised and
34. And at the end of the daya. That
is, the time designated, to wit: the 'seven
times' that were to pass over him. \ 1
Nebuchadnezzar lifted up mine eyea unto
heaven. Probably the first thing that in
dicated returning reason. It would not
be unnatural, on the supposition that he
was deprived of reaaon at the very inatant
that a voice seemed to speak to him from
heaven, and that he continued wholly in
sane or idiotic during the long interval
of seven years, that the firat indication
of returning reason would be his looking ^
up to the place from whence that voice
seemed to come, aa if it wero still
apeaking to him. In aome forms of men
tal derangement, when it comes suddenly
upon a man, the effect is wholly to an
nihilate the interval, so that, when rea
son is restored, the individual connects
in his recollection the last thing which
occurred when reason ceased with the
moment when it is restored. A patient
had been long an inmate of Tm insane
apartment in Providence, Khode Island.
He was a seaman, and had been in
jured on the head when his vessel
was in a naval engagemeut, and it
was supposed that his brain had been
permanently affected. For raany yean
he was idiotic, and no hopej were en
tertained of his recovery. It was at
length suggested that the operation of
trepanning ahould be performed, and the
very inatant that tbe bone waa raised from
its pressure on the brain, he exclaimed,
'Has she struck?' The whole interval of
time was obliterated from his memory.
Similar instances are mentioned by Dr.
Abercrombie (Intellectual Powers, pp
252, 253). A man bad been employed
for a day with beetle and wedges in split
ting pieces of wood for erecting a fence.
At night, before going home, he put the
beetle and wedges into the hollow of an
old tree, and directed bia sons, who had
been at work in an adjoining field, to ac
company him next morning to assist in
making the fence. In the ni};ht he be-
came maniacal, and continued in a state
of insanity for several years, duiingwbi^

B. C. 563.1

CHAPTER IV.

22»

honoured him ' that liveth for ever,
whose dominion is an 'everlasting
dominion, and his kingdom is from
generation '=to geueration.
' 0. 12. 7 ; Ee. 4. 10.
'Ps. 10. 16; Je. 10. 10; c. 2. 44; 7. 14; Mi.
4. 7; Lu. 1.33. I
time his mind was not occupied with any
of the subjects with which he had been
conversant when in health. After several
yeara his reason returned suddenly, and
the first question he asked was, whether
his sons had brought home the beetle and
wedgee. ' A lady had been intensely en
gaged for aome time in a piece of needle
work. Before she had completed it she
became insane, and continued in that
atate for seven years, after which her rea
son returned suddenly. One of the first
questions she asked related to her needle
work, though ahe had never alluded to
it, so far as was recollected, during her
illness. Another lady was liable to peri
odical paroxysms of delirium, which oflen
attacked her so suddenly, tbat in conver
sation she would stop in the middle of a
story, or even of a sentence, and branch
off into the subject of her hallucination.
On the return of her reason, she would
resume the subject of her conversation
on which she was engaged at the time of
the attack, beginning exactly where she
had left off, though she had never alluded
to it during the delirium ; and on the
next attack of delirium ahe would resume
the aubject of hallucination with which
she had been occupied at the conclusion
of the former paroxysm. A similar thing
may have occurred to Nebuchadnezzar.
He was deprived of reaaon by a audden
voice from heaven. Nothing was more
natural, or would be more in accordance
with the laws respecting insanity, than
that at the very inatant when reason re
turned be should look np to tbe place
whence tbe voice bad seemed to come.
^And mine underatanding retumed unto me.
Thia shows that he regarded bimself as
having been a maniac, though doubtless
he was ignorant of tbe manuer in which
he had been treated. It would seem
from the narrative, and from the proba
bilities of the case, that he found himself
driven out from hia palace, herding with
cattle, and in the deplorable condition in
regard to personal appearance wbicb he
here describes. Seeing this in fact, and
30

35 And I" all the inhabitanta of the
earth are reputed as nothing: and
he « doetli according to his will in
the army of heaven, and among the
= Ps. 90.1. I" Is. 40. 16, 16.
«Ps.ll6. 3j 135.6.

recollecting the prediction, he could net
doubt that this was the way in which he had
been treated during the period of his dis
tressing malady. *| Andlbleaaed the Moat
High. For his recovery, and in an hum
ble acknowledgment of his dependence.
" The acts of praise here referred to, are
the suitable returns of a mind truly peni
tent, and deeply sensible of its faulta and
of ita mercies." Winkle. ^ And I praiaed
and honoured him. Tbat is, I honoured
bim by rendering thanks for his restoring
mercy ; by recognizing hira as the true
God ; and by the acknowledging of the
truth tbat be has a right to reign, and
that his kingdom is over all. ^ That
liveth forever. He ia the living God, aa
he ia often styled, in contradiatinction
from all false gods — who have no life;
and he lives forever in contradiatinction
to hia creatures on earth, all of whom are
destined to die. He wili live when all
on earth shall have died ; be will live for
ever in the future, as he has lived forever
in the past. ^ Whoae dominion is an
everlaating dominion. His empire ex
tends through all time, and will continue
while eternal ages roll away. ^ And hia
kingdom is from generation to generation.
The generations of men pass away. Ono
succeeda another, and there is no perma
nency. Dynasties change, and monarcfas
die. No human sovereign can extend
bis own power over the next generation,
nor can he secure his authority in the
person of his successors. But the do
minion of God is unchanged while tbe
generations of men pass away, and when
one disappears from the earth he meets
the next with the aame claim to the right
of sovereignty ; with the same princi
ples of government; carrying forward
througb tbat and successive ages, the
fulfilment of hia great and glorious pur-

35. And all the inhabitanta of the earth
are reputed aa nothing. Are regarded as
nothing in comparison with him. Comp.
Notea on Isa. xl. 15, 17. Precisely the
same sentiment occurs In Isaiah which is

230

mhabitants of the earth: and none
can stay ^his hand, or say-unto him,
What b doest thou ?
a Is. 43. 13. b Job 9. 12 ; la. 45. 9 ; Ro. 9. 20.
expressed bere: "All nations before him
are as nothing; and tbey are counted
unto him less than nothing and vanity."
*[ And he doeth according to his will in
the army of heaven. In the host of
heaven — S^n? — Gr. in the power of heaven,
Cf rjf, SwdfAei, The Chaldee word means
properly strengtb, might, valour; and it
is then applied to an army as possessing
strength, or valour, or force. It is here
applied to the inhabitants of heaven, pro
bably, considered as an army or host, of
which God is the bead, and which be
leads forth or marshals to execute his
purposes. In ch. iii, 20, the word is ren
dered army. The sentiment here is, that
in respect to the inhabitants of heaven,
represented as organized or marshalled,
God does bis own pleasure. An intima
tion of his will is all that is needful to
control thera. Thus sentiment is in ac
cordance with all the statements in tbe
Scripture, and is a point of theology
which must enter into every just view
of God. Thus in the Lord's prayer it
is implied: "Thy will be done in earth
as it is in heaven." So Epb. i. 11 —
"Wbo worketh all things after tbe coun
sel of his own will." In heaven the will
of God is accomplished in the most strict
and absolute sense, for bis will is law, and
the only law, to all tbe dwellers there,
Tbe obedience is as entire as if tbe will
of each one of the dwellers there were but
a form or mnnifestntion of the will of
God itself. 1[ And among the inhabitants
of the eatth. This cannot mean, even as
understood by Nebuchadnezzar, thatthe
will of God is actually done among the
inhabitant-s of tbe enrtb in the saine sense,
ahd^to'the same extent, as among tbose
who, dwell in heaven. His design was,
undoubtedly, to assert the supremacy and
absolute control of God; a fact that bad
been so strikingly illustrated in his own
case. The sentiment expressed by Ne
buchadnezzar is true in the following
respects: (1) That man bas no power to
prevent tbe fulfilment of the divine pur
poses. (2) That God will accomplish his
design in all things, whatever opposition
man may make. (3) That he has abso-
Vite control over every human heing;

DANIEL. [B. C. 563<

36 At the same time my reason
returned unto me ; and for the
glory of my kingdom, my honoui
and brightness returned unto me;

and over all that pertains to any one and
every one. (4) That he will overrule all
things £0 as to make them subservient to
his own plans. (5) That he will make
use of men to accomplish his own pur
poses. Comp. Notes on Isa. x. 7. (6) Ibat
there is a great and glorious scheme of
administration which God is carrying
out by the instrumentality of men. ^ And
none can stay his hand. Literally, ' none
can smite upon his hand' {Gesenius Lex.) ;
that is, none can restrain his hand. The
language is taken, says Bertholdt, from
the custom of striking children upon the
hand when about to do anything wrong,
in order to restrain tbem. The phrase
is common in the Targuns for to restrain^
to hinder. The Arabs have a similar ex
pression in common use. See numerous
instances ofthe use ofthe word N.np in the
sense of restrain, or prohibit, in Buxtorf.
Lex. Chai. The truth taught hero is,
that no one bas power to keep back the
hand of God when it is put forth to ac
complish tbe purposes which he intends
to execute; that is, he will certainly ac
complish his own pleasure, ^f Or aay
unto him, What doeat thou? A similar
expression occurs in 2 Sam. xvi. 10:
"So let bira curse, because tbe Lord hath
said unto him, Curse David. Who shall
then say. Wherefore hast thou done so?"
Also in Job ix. 12: "Behold, he taketu
away, wbo can hinder him? Who will
say unto him, What doest tbou?" See
Notes on that passage. The meaning
here is plain. God is supreme, and will
do his. pleasure in heaven and in earth.
The aectirity that all will be done right is
founded on the perfection of his nature;
and that is ample. Mysterious though
his ways may seem to us, yet in that
perfection of his nature we have the
fullest assurance that no wrong will be
done to any of his creatures. Our duty,
therefore, is calm submission to his holy
will, with the deep conviction that
whatever God does will yet be seen to be
right. 36. At the aame time my reason retumed
unto me. Showing tbat he regarded him
self' as having been insane. ^ And for
tlie glory of my kingdom. That is, hii

3. C. 563.J

CHAPTER IV.

231

and my counsellors and my lords
sought unto me ; and I was estab
lished in my kingdom, and excel
lent majesty was added *unto me.
37 Now I Nebuchadnezzar praise
» Job 42. 12. 1^ De. 32. 4 ; Ps. 33. 4 ; Re. 15. 3.
restoration to the exercise of his reason
contributed to the glory of his kingdom,
either by the acts of justice and benefi
cence which he intended should charac
terize tbe reraainder of his reign, or by
his purpose to reform the abuses which
had crept into tbe government while he
was deprived of his reason, or by his de
termination to completo public works
which had been purposed or commenced
before his affliction. ^ My honour and
brightneaa returned unto me. Evidently
referring to his intellect. He was again
restored to that strength and clearness
of understanding by which, before his
affliction, he had been able to do so much-
for the glory of his kingdom. *[[ And my
counaellora and my lords sought unto me.
As they had done formerly. During his
state of mental alienation, of course, tbe
great lords of the empire would not resort
to him for counsel. ^ And excellent ma
jesty was added unto me. Majesty and
honour appropriate to my state, instead
of the treatment incident to the conditiou
of a maniac. Theodotion renders tbis,
'and greater majesty was added to me.'
It is by no means improbable that addi
tional honour would be conferred on the
recovered monarch.
S7, Now I Nehuchadnezzar praise and
extol and honour the King of heaven.
Oomp. cb. ii. 47, and vs. I — 3 of this
chapter. He felt himself called on, in this
public raanner, to acknowledge the true
God, with whose supremacy he had 'been
made acquainted in so affecting a man
ner ; to praise bira that he bad pre
served him, and restored him to his rea
son and bis throne ; to extol or exalt
bim, by recognizing his sovereignty over
tbe migbty kings of the earth, and the
power to rule over all ; and to honour
him by making his name and attributes
known abroad, and by using all his in
fluence as a monarch to have bim rever
enced throughout bis extended empire.
^ All whose works are truth. See Deut.
xxxii. 4; Ps. xxxiii. 4; Rev. xv. 3, The
meaning is, that all that he does is done

and extol and honour the King of
heaven, all whose works ^are truth,
and his ways judgraent: and those
that walk in pride •= he is able to
abase. c Ex. 18. 11 ; Job 40. 11, 12 ; c. 6. 20,

in accordance with the true nature of
things, or with justice and propriety.
It is not based on a false estiraate of
things, as wbat is done by man often is.
How often are tbe plans and acts of man,
even where there are the best intentions,
based on some false estimate of things;
on sorae views which are shown by the
result to have been erroneous ! But God
sees things precisely as they are, and
aocurately knows wbat should be done in
every case. ^ And those that walk in
pride he is able to abase. What had oc
curred. to Nebuchadnezzar might occur to
others, and as God bad shown that he
could reduce the raost exalted sovereign of
the earth to the lowest condition in wbich
a human being can be, he inferred that
he could do the same thing to all, and
that there was no one so exalted in rank,
so vigorous in health, and so mighty in
intellect, that he could not effectually hura
ble and subdue bim. This is indeed au
affecting truth which is constantly illus
trated in the world. The reverses oc
curring among men, the sick bed, the
loss of reason, the grave, show how easily
God can bring down rank, and beauty,
and talent, and all that the world calls
great, to the dust.
In the Greek Codex Chis. there is at
the close of tbis chapter a beautiful
ascription of praise to God, whicb has no
thing to correspond with itin tbe Chaldee,
'¦ and the origin of which is unknown.
I will translate it, because, although it is
I not of divine authority, and is no part
of the sacred writings, it contains senti
ments not inappropriate to the close of
this remarkable chapter. Itis as follows :
'To the Most High I make confession^
and render praise to him who made the
heaven, and the earth, and the seas, and
the rivers, and all things in thera ; lac-
knowledge bim and praise bim because
he is tbe God of Gods, and Lord of Lords,
and King of Kings, for be does eigns and
wonders, and changes times and seasons,
taking away the kingdoms of kings, and
placing others in their stead. From this

232

DANIEL.

LB. C. 56a

time I will serve him, and from the fear
of him trembling has seized mc, and I
praise ali his saints ; for the gods of tbe
heathen bave not in themselves power to
transfer the kingdom of a king to an
other king, and to kill, and to make alive,
and to do signs, and great and fearful
wonders, and to change mighty deeds,
as the God of heaven bas dono to me, and
bas brought upon me great changes. I,
during all tbe days of my reign, ou ae
count of my Ufe, will bring to the Most
High sacrifices for an odor of sweet
savor to the Lord, and I and my people
will do that wbich will be acceptable be
fore him — my nation, and the countries
which are under ray power. And who
soever shall speak against the God of
heaven, and whosoever shall countenance
those who speak anything, I will condemn
to death. Praise the Lord God of hea
ven, and bring sacrifice and offering 4;o
him gloriously. I, King of Kings, confess
him gloriously, for so he has done with
me ; in the very day he set me upon my
throne, and my power, and my kingdom ;
among my people I have power, and ray
majesty bas been restored to me. And
he sent letters concerning all things tbat
were done unto hira in his kingdom, to
all the nations that were under hira.'
Nebuchadnezzar is supposed to have
lived but about one year after this ( Win
kle), but nothing is known of his subse
quent deeds. It raay be hoped that ho
continued steadfast in his faith in that
God whom he had thus been brought to

acknowledge, and that he died in thai
belief. But of tbis nothing is known.
After so solemn an admonition, however,
of his own pride, and after being brought
in this public raanner to acknowledge the
true God, it is to be regarded as not im
probable tbat he looked on tbe Babylon.
that be bad reared, and over his extended
realms, with otber feelings than tbose
which he had before this terrible cala
mity came upon him. " Nebuchadnezzar
was succeeded in his kingdora by his son
Iloarudam, according to Ptoleray, wbo is
the Evil Merodach of Jeremiah, who mar
ried a discreet and prudent woman called
Nitooris, frora whom was born a son , whose
history is the subject of the next chapter,*
After the death of Evil Merodach, who
reigned two years, Niricassolassar. or Ne-
riglissar, who seems to have been the chief
of the conspirators against tbe la^st king,
succeeded him. He had married a daugh
ter of Nebuchadnezzar, and in the course
ofhis reign made agreat stand against the
growing power of the Medes and Per
sians ; but at length, after a reign of four
years, was killed in a battle with them un
der the comraand of Cyrus. His son Labo-
rosoarchod succeeded him, and having
reigned only nine months, and not reach
ing a Thoth, or beginning of an Egyptian
year, he is not mentioned by Ptolemy, but
he is said to have been quite the reverse
of his father, and to have exercised many
acts of wanton cruelty, and was murdered
by his own subjects, and succeeded by hia
son Kabonadius, or Belshazzar." Winkle,

(I.) The narrative in this chapter furnishes an illustration of the dispoaition among men to
make arrangements for their own ease and comfort, especially in Tiew of advancing yearp, ver. 4.
Nebuchadnezzar had drawn around him all that it is nopsible, perhaps, for man to accumulate
witb this view. He was at tbe head of the heathen world — the mighty monarch ofthe mightiest
kingdom on the earth. He wos at peace — haTing finiEhed his wars, and having been satiated
with the glory of battle and conquest. He had enlarged and beautified his capital, so that it
was one of the 'wonders of the world.' He had built for himself a palace, which surpassed in
richness, and elegance, and luxury, all the habitations of man in that age. He had accumulated
vast wealth, and there was not a production of any clime which he could not command, nor was
there anything that is supposed lo be necessary to make man happy in this life which he had
noT in hia possepsion. All this was the result of arrangement and purpose. He had designed evi
dently to reach the point where he might feel that he was ' at ease, and flourishing in his palace.'
What was true in hie case on a large scale, is true of others in general, though on a much
smaller scale. Moat men would he glad to do the eame thing ; and most men seek to make such
an arrangement according to their ability. They look to tbe time when they may retire from
tbe toils and cares of life, with a competence for their old age, and that they may enjoy life, per
haps, many years, in the tranquillity of honourable and happy retirement. The merchant doM
not expect always to be a merchant; the man in office to be always burdened with the carei
pf state. The soldier does not expect always to be in the camp, or the marines on Uie sea. Th«
warrior hopes to repose on his laurels; the sailor to find a quiet haven ; the mercbant to havs
«uough to bo permitted to sit down in the evening of lite free from care; and the lawyvr, ttt*

B. C, 563.J CHAPTER IV. 23b
physician, the clergyman, tha farmer, each one hopes, after tho toils and conflicts of life are otciv
to be permitted to spend the remainder of hia days in comfort, if not in affluence.
-ims seems to be based on some law ofour natore; and it is not to be spoken of harshly, or
despised as if it had no foundation in that which is great and noble in our being. 1 see in this
a nigh and noble trutb. It is that our nature looks forward to rest ; that we are so made ua
to paut for repose: to calm repose when the work oflife is over. As our Maker formed us, the
Jaw was that we should seek this in the world to come — in that blessed abode where we may uo
iree froin all care, and where there shall be everlasting rest. But man, naturally unwilling to
look to that_ world, has abused tbis law of his being, and seeks to find the rest for which the
•oui pauts, in that interval, usually very short, and quite unfitted for tranquil enjoyment, be
tween the period when he toils, and lies down in the grave. The true law of bia being would
lead bim to look onward to everlasting happinesa ; he abuses and perverts the law, and seeks to
satisfy it by making provision for a brief aud temporary rest at the close of the present life.
(2) There is a process ofteu going on in tbe case of these individuals to disturb or prevent that
state of ease. Thus there waa in the case of Nebuchadnezzar, as intimated by the dream.
Even then, iu bis highest state of grandeur, there was a tendency to the sad result which fol
lowed when he was driven from his throne, and treated as a poor and neglected maniac. This
was intimated to him hy the dream ; and to one who could see all the future, it would be
o.ppareut that things were tending to this result. The very excitements and agitations of his
life; the intoxication of his pride; and tbe circumatances of ease and grandeur in whicb he
was now placed, all tended by a natural course of things to produce what followed.
And so, in other cases, there ia often a process going on, ifit could he seen, destined to disap
point all thoae hopes, and to prevent all that anticipated ease and tranquillity. It is not always
visible to men, but could we see things as God sees them, we should perceive that there are
causes at work which will blast all those hopes of ease, and disappoint all those expectations of
tranquillity. There mc^ be (a) the loss of all that wp possess : for we hold it by an uncertain
tenure, and " riches often take to themselves wings." Tbere may be (b) the loss of a wife, or a
child — aud all our anticipated comforts shall be tasteless, for there shall he none with whom
to share thern. There may be (c) the loss of reason, as in the case of Nebuchadnezzar, for no
human precaution can guard against that. There may be {d) the lo.^s of health — a loss against
whieh no one can defend himself—which shall render all his preparationa for comfort of no
value. Or (e) death itself m«y come — for no one bas any basis of calculation in regard to his own
life, and no one, tberefore, who builds for himself a palace can have any security that he will
'ever enjoy it. Mon who build aplendid houses for themselves may yet experience sad scenes
in their dwellings, and if they could foresee all that will occur in them, it would eo throw a
gloom over all tbe future as to lead them to abandon the undertakiug. Who could engage
cheerfully in such au eu terprise if he saw tbat he was constructing a house in wbich a daugh
ter was to lie down aud die, or from which his wife and children were soon to be borne forth to
the grave ? In this chaml)er, your child may be long sick ; in that one, you or your wife may
lie down on a bed from which you will never rise ; from those doors yourself, your wife, your
child, will he borne forth to tbe grave ; and if you saw all tbis now, how could you engage with
so much zeal In constructing your magnificent habitation?
(3) Our plans of life ahould bc formed witb the feeling that tbis is possible. I say not with
the gloomy apprehension that these calamities will certainly come, or with no anticipation or
hope tbat there will be different scenea — for then, life would be nothing else but gloom, but that
we should allow tbe possibility tbat these things may occur to enter, as an element, iuto our
calculations respecting the future. Such a feeling will give us sober and just views of lifo ; will
break tbe force of trouble and disappointment when they come; and will give us just appre
hensions ofour dependence on Him in whose hand are all our comforts.
(4) The dealings of God in our world are such as are eminently fitted to keep up the recogni-
tiou of these truths. What occurred to Nebuchadnezzar, in the humbling of his pride, and the
hligbting of big anticipated pleasures, ia just an illustration of what is constantly occurring on
the earth. What house is there into which trouble, disappointment, and sorrow never rome?
Wbat scheme of pride is tbere iu respect to which something does not occur to produce mortificar
tion? What habitation ia there iato which sickness, bereavement, and death never find tbeir
way? And what abode of mauou earth can be made secure from tbe intrusion ofthese things?
The most splendid mansion must soon be left hy its owner, and never be visited by him again.
The moat ma^ificent banqueting hall will he forsaken hy its possessor, and never will he return
to it agidn ; never go into the chamber where he sought repose ; never sit down at the table
where he joined with others iu revelry.
(5) The counsel given by Daniel to Nebuchadnezzar (ver. 27), to break ofi" his sins by righteous
ness, that there might be a lengthening out of hia tranquillity, is counsel that may now be given
to all sinners, with equal propriety. For (I.) as in his case, there are certain consequences of
sin to which we must look forward, and on which the eye of a ainner sbould rest. Those cou-
Bequeuces are (1) such as apring up in the course of nature, or wbich are the regular results
01 sin iu the course of events. They are such as can he foreseen, and can be made the hac ia
of calculation, or whicb a man can know beforehand vriU come upon him if he perseveres :n
a certain course. Thus he who is intemperate, can look upon certain results which will in
evitably follow if he perseveres iu that course of life. Aa he looks upon the poverty, and bab-
bliuo* and woe, and sorrow, and misery, and death of an inebriate, he can see that that lot will
be certainly his own if he perseveres in his present courae, and this can be made with him a
matter of definite calculation os anticipation. Or (2) tfaere are all those consequenoos of sin
20*

234 DANIEL. * [B. C. 563
which are made known in the sacred Scripturea as sure to come upon transgressors. This, too, is a
large clasa; but these conaequences are as certain as those which occur in the regular course
of eventa. The principal diff'erence hetween tbe two is, that revelation baa designated more sins
tbat will involve tbe sinner in calamity than can he ascertained in the ordinary couree of
events, and that it has carried the mind forward, and discloses what will take place in tbo
future world as well as wbat will occur in this. But tbe one ia no more certain than the other ;
and alike in reference to what is sure to occur in the present life, and what we are told will
occur in the future state, the sinner should allow himself to be influenced by the anticipation
of what is to rome. (II.) Repentance, reformation, aud a holy life would, in many pases, go
far to arrest these calamities— or, in tbe language of Daniel, 'lengthen out tranquillity.' This
is true in the following respects : fl) Tbat imppudiug temporal calamities maybe often partially
or wholly turned away by refijrmation. An illustration of tbis thought occurred in the ease
of Nineveh ; and the same thing now occurs, A young man who is in danger of becoming intem
perate, and who has already contracted some of the habits that lead to intemperance, could
avert a large class of impending ills by so simple a thing as signing the temperance pledge, and
adhering to it. AU the evils of poverty, tears, crime, disease, and an early death, that intem
perance produces, he would certainly avert; that is, be would make it certain that the large
class of ills that intemperance engenders would never come upon him. He might experience
other ills, but he would never suffer those. So it is of the sufferings produced by licentiousness,
by gluttony, hy tbe spirit of revenge; and so it is of all the woea that follow the violation of
human laws. A man may indeed be poor ; he may be sick ; he may be bereaved ; he may Icse
bis reason, hut iliese ills he will never experience. But what Daniel here aflirms is true in
another pense in regard to temporal calamities. A man may, by repentance, and by breaking.
oflf from his sins, do much to stay tbe progress of woe, and to avert tbe results which be bad
already begun to experienced Thus the drunkard may reform, and may have restored healUi,
vigour, and prosperity; and thus the licentious may turn from tbe evil of his ways, and enjoy
health and happiness atill. On this subject, see Notes on Job xxxiii. 14 — 25, particularly, the
Notes on ver. 25. But (2) hy repentance and holy living a man may turn away aU the results
of sin in the future world, and may make it certain that he will never experience a pang be
yond the grave. All the woe that sin would cause in tbe future state may be thus averted,
and be who has heen deeply guilty may enter the eternal world with the assurance tliat
he will never suffer beyond the grave. Whether, then, we look to the future in the pre
sent life, or to the future beyond the grave, we have the highest conceivable motives to
jibandou the ways of sin, and to lead lives of holinesa. If a man were to live only on the earth,
it would be for his welfare to break off from the ways of transgression; how much higher is
this motive when it ia remembered that be must exist foreverl
(R) We bave an illustration in the account in thia chapter of the evil of pn'dfe, vs. 29, 30,31. Tho
pnde whicb we may bave on account of beauty, or strengtb, or learning, or accomplishments;
which we tbel when we look over our lands that we have cultivated, or the bouses that we bavo
built, or the reputation wbicb we have acquired, is no less offensive in the sight ofa holy God
than was the pride of tbe magniflcent monarch who looked out ou the towers, and domes, and
walls, and palaces, ofa vaat city, and said — *Is not this great Babylon tbat I have builded.'
(7) And in view of the calamity that came upon Nebuchadnezzar, and-the treatment which
he received in his malady, we make the following remarks : (a) We should be thankful for the
continuance of reason. When we look on sucb a case as this, or when we go into a lunatic
asylum, and see the wretchedness that the loss of reason causes, we should thank God daily
that we are not deprived of this inestimable blessing, (6) We should be thankful for science,
and for the Christian religion, and for all tbat they have done to give comfort to the maniac^
or to restore him to a sound mind. Wben we compare the treatment which the ineane now re
ceive in the lunatic asylums with that whicb they everywhere meet with in the heathen world,
and with that which they have, up to a very recent period, received in Christian lands, tbere
is almost nothing in which we see more marked proof of the interposiiion of God, than in tbe
great change which has been produced. Therw are few persona who have not, or may not.
bave, some friend or relative who is insane, and there is no one who is not, or may not be,
personally interested in tbe improvement which religion and science have made in tbe treat
ment of this class of unfortunate beings. In no one thing, so far as I know, has there been"
so decided progress in the views and conduct of meu; and on no one subject haa there been
BO evident au improvement in modern times, as in the treatment of the insane, (c) Tbe
possibility of thp loss of reason sbould be an element in our calculations about the future.
On thia point we can have no security. There ia no sucb vigour of intellect, or cle^amesB
of mind, or cultivation of the habits of virtue, and even no such influence oT religion, a.s io
make it certain that we may not yet he reckoned among the insane ; and the possibility timt
this may be so, sbould bo admitted aa an element in our calculations in regard to the future.
We should not jeopard any valuable interest by leaving that undone which ought to bo done,
on the supposition tbat we may at a future period of life enjoy the exercise of reason. ZiCt us
remember that there may be in our case, ev6p in youth or middle life, the loss of this faculty;
that there will be, if we reach old age, in all probability, such a weakening of our mental
powers as to unflt us for making any preparation for the life to come, and that on the bed of.
deatb, whenever tbat occurs, tbere ia often an entire loas of tbe mental powers, and commonly
BD much pain, distress, or prostration, aa to unfit the dying man for calm and deliberate
thought, and let us, therefore, while we Jiave reason and health, do all that we know we ought
to do to make preparation for our eternal state, For what ia our reason more certainly given .
VI, than to prepare for another world ?

B. 0.538.1 CHAPTEE V 239
CHAPTER V.
2 1. AUTHENTICIir OF THE CHAPTES.
Much fewer objectiona have heen made to the authenticity of tbis chapter, and much fewer
difidculties atarted, than in regard to chapter iv. Those which have been urged may be classed
under the following heads :
I. The first is substantially stated in tbis manner hy Bertholdt, that 'Daniel is represented
as speaking to tbe king in such a tone, that if it had actually. occurred he would have beeu cut
to pieces by an arbitrary Babylonian despot ; hut instead of .that, be is not only unpunished,
but ia sufiered to announce to the king the certain destruction of his kingdom hy the Medea and
Persians; and not only thia,. but he is immediately promoted to be a miniater or of&cer of a
state of exalted rank.' p. 345.
To this it may be replied, (1) That tbe way in which Daniel addressed bim was entirely in
accordance with tbe manner in wbich he addressed Nebuchadnezzar, in whicb Nathan addressed
David, in which Isaiah addressed Ahaz, and Jeremiah the kings in his time. (2) Belshazzar
was overpowered with the remarkable vision of tbe band-writing on tbe wall ; his conscience
amote him, and he was indeep alarm. He sought the meaning of tbis extraordinary revela
tion, and could not but regard it as a communication from heaven. In tbis atate of mind, pain
ful as was the announcement, he would naturally receive it as a divine communication, and
he might fear to treat witb indignity one wbo shewed tbat he had tbe power of disclosing the
meaning of words so mysterious. (3) It was in accordance with tbe custom of those times to
honour those whb showed that they had the power of penetrating the divine mysteries, and of
disclosing the meaning of dreams, prodigies, and omena. (4) It ia not impossible, aa Heng-
Ptenberg (Authentie des Dan. 120) suggests, that, smitten with the consciousness of guilt, and
knowing that be deserved puuishment, he may bave hoped to turn away the wrath of God
by some act of piety ; and tbat he resolved, therefore, to honour Daniel, who showed that he was
a favourite of heaven. The main security of Daniel, however, iu these hold and fearful an-
nouncementa, was undoubtedly to be found iu the smitten conscience of the trembling monarch,
and in the belief that he was a favourite of heaveu.
II, The improbability tbat all this should occur in one night — that go many scenes should
have been crowded into ao short a time — embracing the feast, the writing, the calling in of
lhe mj^icians, the investing of Daniel witb h^ new oiSce, the taking of the city, &c. ' Why,' says
Icrtholdt, 'was not the proclamation in regard to tbe new minister deferred to tbe following
lay? Why did all this occur in the midst of the scenes of revelry whicb were then taking
place?' pp. 345, 346.
To this it may be replied, (1) That there is, indeed, every appearance of haste and confusion
in the transactions. Thia waa natural. But there was assuredly no want of iimc to accomplish
all that it is said was accomplished. If it waa true tbat Cyrus broke into thecity in the latter
part ofthe night, or if, aa bistoriana say wae tbe fact, he had entered the city, and made con
aiderable progress in it before tbe tidinga were communicated to Belshazzar, there is no impro
bability in supposing that all tbat is said of the feast, and of the hand-writing, and ofthe calling
in of the magicians, and of their failure to decypber the meaning of the writing, and of the
summoning of Daniel, and ofthe interpretation wbich he gave, actually occurred, for there was
time enough to accomplish all tbis. (2) As to the other part of the objection, that it is impro
bable that Daniel would te so foou invested with ofiice, and that a proclamation would be
made in the night to tbis effect, it may he replied, that all that is fairly meant in the chapter
fver 29) may be that an ardei- was made to that effect, wilh a purpose to carry it into execution
onthe followiu" day. Bertholdt himself translates the passage (ver. 29), 'Then Belshazzar
eave command that tbr.v should clothe Daniel with scarlet, and put a chain of gold around bis
neck ' &c Hierauf ffflO Belschazar den BefeJd dem Daniel den purpurmantel und den goldenou
HalsPchmuck umzuhangen, Ac. On the one hand, nothing forbids the supposition that tbo
execution of thia order might have been deferred ; or on the other, that the order was executed
at once But little time wou'd have been necessary to do it. See, however. Notes on ver 29.
Ill A third objection or difficulty arises from tbe writing itself. It is, tbat it is wholly im
probable tbat Daniel could have had sufficient knowledge to enable him to interpret these
wordo when no onc of the Chaldean sages could do it. Where, it is asked, could he have ob-
tained this knowledge ? His instruction in reading languages he must bave received m Babylon
itself and it is wholly improbable that .among so many sages and wise men wbo were accus-
tomed to the languages spoken in Babylon and in other countries, no one should have been
louna wbo was aa able to interpret the worda as be. Bertholdt, p. 346.
To this it is obvious to reply, that the whole narrative auppoaea tbat Daniel owed bis ability
tn fnteroret these worda, not to any natural skill, or to any superior advantages of genius or educa-
.7 ^__*L *_ *T.« f«»f +v.oV V.O tcoa fiii-ontiv findowcd from on hieh. In other casea, in the times of

236 DANIEL. [B. C. 538
on this occasion. Tf he received his knowledge directly irom God, all the difiiculty in thia
ohjection vanishes at once; but the whole book turns on the supposition that he was under
divine teaching. ,. , , _^, , ,
IV. It has been objected that there waa no ohject to be accomplished wortby of such a mira
cle aa thatof writing in this mysterious manner on the wall. It ie afked hy Bertholdt (p.' 347),
*l8 the miracle credible ? What purpose was it designed to serve? What end would it accom
plish? Was the design to show to Belshazzar that the city was scon to be destroyed ? But tf
what use could this be hut a couple of hours before it should occur ? Or was il the depign to
make Belfhazzar acquainted with the power of Jehovah, and to punifh him for his desecrating
the vessels of the temple service? But who could attribute to the all-perfect being euch a
wenknesB that he could be angry, and take thia method to expreps his anger, for an act that
could not be regarded aa so heinous as to he worthy of such an interpofition ?'
To this it may be replied. (1) That the objection here made would lie in some degree against
almost any single mfracle that is recorded in the scriptures. Or (2) It may have been tbe inten
tion to warn the king of the impending danger, not fo muth with a view that the danger
ehould be averted, as to show lhat it came from Ged. Or (3) it may bave been the intention to
show him the enormity of hia sins, and even then to bring him to repen -ance. Or (4) it may
have heen the intention to connect quite distinctly, in the apprehension of all present, and in
tbe view of all future ages, the destruction of Babylon with lhe crimes of the monarchs. and
esppcially tbeir crimes in connection with the destruction of the city of Jerusalem, the burning
ofthe temple, and tbe carrying away the people into a long captivity. There can be no doubt,
from many parts ofthe prophetic writings, that the overthrow of Babylon, and the subversion
of the Chaldean power, waa in consequence of their treatment of the Hebrew people, end
nothing was better fitted to show this than to make the destruction of the city roincident with
the destruction ofthe sacred vessels of the temple. Or (5) it may have teen the intention to
recall Daniel into notice, and to give him authority and influence again preparatory to the
restoration of his countrymen to their own land. It would seem from the whole narrative
that, in accordance wilh a custcm which still prevails in Persia (Chardin, as referred toby
Hengstenberg, Authentie des Dan. p. 123), all the magicians and astr9logers had teen dis-
misf'ed from court on the death of Nebuchadnezzar, and that Daniel with the others bad
retired from his place. Yet it may have been important, in order to the restoration of the
Hebrew people to their land at the appointed time, that there shoald he one of their own
nation occupying an influeutial station at. court, and Daniel was thua, in consequence of bia
ability to interpret tbis myfterious language, restored to his place, and was permitted to keep
it until the time of the return of the Hebrews to their country arrived See ch. vi. 2, 3, 28.
And (6) it may have heen the intention to furnish an impressive demonstration that Jehovah
is the true God, Other objections it will he more convenient to notice in the course of the ex
position of the chapter. g 2. BELSHAZZAK.
Of Belshazzar, the closing scene of whoFC reign is deprribed in this chapter, little more ia
kuowu than is recorded here. He is mentioned by Danici as the last king of the Chaldees,
under whom Babylon was taken hy IheBledes and Perfians. Herodotus (i.SO calls this king and
also bis father, Labyneius, which is undoubtedly a corruption of Natonnedus, tbe name by which
he was known to Berosus. Josephus against Apion, i. 20. JoFephus himself (Ant. x.ch. xi.§2)
says that the name of this king, whom he calls Baltarar, i<mong tbe Babylonians, was Nabosn-
delus. Nabonadius in the canon of Ptolemy, Natonedus in LuFcbins, (< hron. Armen. I. p. (f,)
and Nahonnidorhua in EuFebius, {Prep. Evang. ix.4'L) are remarked by Winer as only varieties
of bia name. Winer conjeclures that in the ntme LH-shazzar, tbe element shazzar means ' th*
principle of fire.' See Kitto'a Cyclop.
The accounts which we have of this king are very meagre, and yet meagre as they are, theyare
hy no means unifoim. and it is difBcult to reconcile them. That which is given by Josephus as his
owu ac.count of the surcepfors of N ebuchadntzzar, is in the follc-wing language : "After the death
of. Nebuchadnezzar, Evil-Mercdacb, his fon, Fucceeded in the kingd' vi. who immediately sot
Jeconiah at liberty, and esteemed him among bis most intimate friends.' When Evil-Merodach
waa dead, after a reign of eighteen years, Niglipsar, his Fon, took the government, and retained
it forty years, and then ended his life; and afti-r him the succesFion came to his son, Lahoeor-
dacus, who continued it in all but nine months: and when he vaa dead, it came to Baltasar,
who by the Babylonians was called Naboandelus; ogainst him did Cyrus the king of Perria,
and Darius the king of Media, make war; and when hewas besieged in Babylon tbere hap
pened a wonderful and prodipiouf vifion. Hewas rat dewn at supper in a large rocm, and
tbere were a great many vesFcls of silver, Fucb as were made for royal entertainments, and ho
had with him hia conculines ard his friends; whereuyon he trme to a resoluticn. and com
manded that those vessels ofGod which Nebuchadnezzar bad plundered out of Jerusalem, and
had not made use of, hut had put thtm into his own temple, Fhould be brought out of that
t«mple." Ant. B. x. cli. Si. g 2. Josephus then proceeds to giveou accountof the appearance cf
the hand, and of the writing, ard of the result in the taking of Babylon, substantially the -jkizno
aa that wbich is found in thia chapter of Dauiel.
The account which Berosus gives as preserved by Josephua (against Apion, B. i. g 20), vaiiet
Irom thiti in aome important particulars. For an account of Berosusj see the Introduction t*

B.C. 538.] CHAPTER V. 237
ch. IT. § 1. 1. (2.) He Bays " Nahuchodonosar (Nebuchadnezzar), after he had begun tn build the
forementioned wall, fell aick, and departed thia life, when he bad reigued forty-three years:
whereupon his son, Kvil-.Merodacb, obtained the kingdom. He governed puhlic affairs after an
illegal and impure manner, and had a plot laid againat him by Neriglissor, hia sister's husband,
and was slain by him when be bad reii^ned but two years. After be was slain, Neriglissor, tha
person who plotted against bim, succeeded bim in tbe kingdom, and reigned four years;
but hia son Lahorosoarchad obtained tbe kingdom, though he were but a child, and kept it but
nine months; but by re-a.^ou of the very ill-temper, and the ill-practices bo exhibited to tbe
world, a plot was laid against bim alao hy his friends, and he was tormented to death. After
hia death the conspiratora got together, and by tiommou consent put the crown upou the head
of Nabounedus, a mau of Babylon, aud oue who belonged to tbat insurrection. In his reign it
was that tbe walls uf the city of Babylon were curiously hnilt witb burnt brick and bitumen;
ftiid when he was come to tho seventeenthyearof his reign, Cyrus came out of Persia witha great
army, and having already conquered tbe rest of Asia, he came hastily to Babylonia. When
Kabonnedus perceived be was coming to attack him, he met him with his forces, and joining
battle with bim, was beaten, and fled away witb a few of his troops with him, and was shut up
in the city of Borsippus. Hereupon Cyrus took Babylon, and gave orders that the outer walls
of the city should be demolished, because the city had proved very troublesome to bim, and cost
him a great deal of pains to take it. He tben marched away to Borsippus to besiege Naboune
dus ; but aa Nabonnedua did not auatain the siege, but delivered bimself into his bands, be was
at first kindly used hy Cyrus, wbo gave him Caumania as a place for him to Inhabit in, but sent
him out of Babylonia. Accordingly, Nabounedus spent the rest of his time iu that country,
aud there died."
Roos (Exposition of Daniel, p. 65,) supposes that Evil-Merodach, who succeeded Nebuchad
nezzar, did not reign more than one year, and that this accounts for tbe reason why he was uot
meutioned by Dauiel ; and that Belshazzar was a grandson of Nebuchadnezzar, though, accord
ing to the idiom of Scripture, he ia called his son, and Nehuchadnezzar his father, Dan. v. 11. 22.
Belshazzar, he supposes, muat bave reigned more than twenty yeara.
The succession in tbe Babylonian Chaldean kingdom, according to Dr. Hales, was as follows :
<Nabonasaar reigned 14 years, from 747, B. C; Nadius, 2, 733; Chiuzirus, 5, 731; lugaus, 5,
726 ; Mardok Empad. or Merodach Baladan, 12, 721 ; Arcianus, 5, 709 ; Ist interregnum, 2, 704 ;
Belibus, 3, 702; Apbronadiua, 6, 599; Regibelus, 1, 693; Meaeseemordach, 4, 692; 2d inter
regnum, 8, 688; Asaradin, or Esar-haddon, 13, 680; Saosduchin, 20, 667; Cbyneladon, 22, 647;
Nabopolassar, or Labynetua I.. 21, 625 ; Nineveh taken hy the Babyloniana and Medes, 606, B. C.
Tben follows the Babylonian dynasty, to wit, Nabopolassar, Labynetus I., Boktanser, or Nebu
chadnezzar, who reigned 43 years from 604, B. C; Ilverodam, or Evil Merodach, 3, 561, B. C;
Nericassolassar, Nerigliaaar. or Belshazzar, 5, 558. B. C; Nabonadius, or Labynetus IL, ap<
poinied by Darius tbe Mede, 17, 553, B. C; Babylon taken by Cyrua, 536, B. C
Dr. Halea remarks in conntiction with this, "Nothing can exceed the varioua and perplexed
¦ acct^unts of tbe names and reigus of tbe princea of tbis dynasty (tbe Babylonian) iu sacred and
prof;ine history."
Jabn following Ptolemy, chiefly thus enumerates the kings of Babylon from the reign oi
Nebuchadnezzar: ' Nabocholaspar, or Nebuchadnezzar, 46, 605, B.C.; IluarodamUs,or Evil-Mero
dach 2, 562, B.C.: Nerichassolassar,or Neriglissor, 4, 560, B.C.; Laborasoarchad, 9 months, 556,
B C.'* Nabounned, 17 years, 556, B. C; Babylon taken by tbe Medes and Persians, 540, B. CJ
In thia confusion and discord respecting the chrouology of these princea, the following re
marks maybe made in regard to tbe credibility of the atatementa in the book of Daniel;
(1) It is clear that it waa not untsommon for the same prince to have more names than one.
This has not been unusual, especially among Oriental princes, who seem to have often prided
themselves on the number ot epithets which tb<^y could uae aa designating their royal state.
Since' tbis was tbe t^ase, it would not be strange if tbe names of the same kinga should he so
used hy writera, or in tradition, as to leave the impression that there were aeveral; or if one
writer sbould designate a king by one name, and another hy another. (2) It would seem pro
bable frora all the accounts, that Belshazzar was the grandson of Nehuchadnezzar, hut little is
kuowu of the kiug or kings whose reign intervened between that of Nehuchadnezzar and Bel
shazzar (3) The testimony of Daniel iu tbe book before ua should not be aet aside by tbo
statement of Berosus, or by the other confused accounts which have come down to us. For
anvthing that appeara to the contrary, the authority of Daniel is aa good aa that of Berosus, and
he la as worthy of belief. Living in Babylon, and through a great part ofthe reigns of this dynasty ;
nreaent at the taking of Babylon, and intimate at court; honoured by some of these princes
more than any other man in the realm, tbere is no reasou why he ahould not have had acceei
to th.j meana of information on the subject, aud no reason why it ahould not be aupposed tbat
ha has civen a fair record of what actually occurred. Though tbe account in regard to the last
dava of Belshazzar, as given by Berosua, doea not agree with that of Daniel, it should not ba
27^umed tbat tbat of Berosua is correct, and tbat of Daniel false. The account in Daniel is, to
fl^v the leaot aa probable as that of Bwosus, and there are no means of proving that it ia falsa
evctint bv ths testimony of Berosua. y-i) Tbe statement in Daniel of tbe manner in which Bahy-
mn was taken, and of the deatb of Belshazzar, is confirmed by Xenophon (Cyrop. vii.j— an au-
Ihoritv ouite equal, at least, to that of Berosus. See Notea on ver. 30 of the chapter. In the
rnnrd in Daniel of the close of the life of Belahazzar, there ia nothing that might not have
Wn suoDOBed to occur, for nothing is more probable than that a king might have been cele-
wtin" a feast in the manner described, or that the city might be suiprised in such a night of
-^elty or that, being surprised, the monarch might be slain.

238

DANIEL.

[B. C. 63a

g 3. ANALT6I6 OF THE CHAPTER.
Tete chapter comprisea a record of the series of events that occurred in Babylon on tbe night fai
wbich it was taken hy tbe Medes and Persians. Tbe acene may he aupposed to open in the early
evening, at a time when a festival would probably he celehrated, and to continue through a
crnsiderable part of the night. It is not known precisely at what time the city was taken, yet
it may he supposed tbat Cyrua was making his approaches ivhile the revel was going on in
tbe palace, and that even while Daniel was interpreting the band-writing on the wall, he waa
conducting his armies along the channel of tbe rivei * and through tbe open gate on the banks
of tho river, toward tbe palace. The order of the eveuts referred to is as follows : (1) The feast
given hy Belshazzar in his palace, va. 1 — 4 ; (2) tbe mysterious appearance of the part of the hand
on the walls, ver. 5 ; (3) the summoning of the soothsayers to interpret the hand-writing, and
tbeir inability to do it, vs. 6 — 9; (4) the entrance of the queen into the hanqueting-hall
on account of tho trouble of the king, aud her reference to Daniel, as one qualified to
interpiet the vision, vs. 10 — 12; (5) the summoning of Danit;l hy the king, and his ^dress to
him, vs. 13 — 16 ; (6) the answer of Daniel, declining any rewards for his servioe, and his solemn
address to the king, reminding him of what bad occurred to Nehuchadnezzar, aud of tbe fact
that he had forgotten the lessons whicb the divine dealings with Nebuchadnezzar were adapted
to teach, aud that bia own heart had been lifted up with pride, and that hia conduct had beeu
eminently wicked, vs. 17—23 ; (7) tbe interpretation of the words by Daniel, va. 24 — 28 ; (8) the
ordpr to clothe Daniel in a manner appropriate to one of high rank, and the appointment to the
third office iu the kingdom, ver. 29 ; and (9) the taking of tbe city, and the death of Belshazzar,
va. dO, 31.

1 Belshazzar the king made a
great feast *to a thousand of his

aEs.1.3.

1, Belshazzar the king. See Intro, to
the chapter, § 2. In the Introduction to
the chapter here referred to, I have stated
what seeraed to be necessary in order to
illustrate the history of Belshazzar, so far
as that can be now known. The state
ments in regard to this monarch, it is well
understood, are exceedingly confused, and
the task of reconciling them is now hope
less. Little depends, however, in the in
terpretation of this book, on tbe attempt
to reconcile them, for the narrative here
given is equally credible, whichever of
the accounts are taken, unless that of Be
rosus is followed. But it may not be im
proper to exhibit here the two principal
accounts of the successors of Nebuchad
nezzar, that the discrepancy may be dis
tinctly seen. I copy from the Pictorial
Bible. ** The common account we shall
collect from * L' Art de Verifier les Dates,'
and the other from Hales' 'Analysis,' dis
posing them in opposite columns for the
sake of comparison :
Fi-om'L'ArtdeVeriJier.'' ^romHale^'ATialysis.'
B. C. B. C.
605 Nebuchadnezzar, 604 Nehuchadnezzar
who was succeeded waa aucceeded hy
by hia soa his son
162 Evil-Merodach, 561 Evil-Merodach, or
who having pro- II verodam,who
TOked general in- was slain in a
dignation by bis battle againat the
tyranny and atro* Medes and f er-

lords, and drank wine before the
thousand.

cities, waa, after a
short reigu of a-
bout two years, as
sassinated by hia
brother-in law
5G0 Nerigilassar, or No- 558
rioassolassar. wbo ¦
waa regarded "as a
deliverer, and auc-
ceeded by the
choice of the na
tion. He perished
in a hattle hy Cy
rus, and was suc
ceeded by his son

sians, and was suo*
ceeded by hia son

555 Lahorosoarchad, 553
notorioua for Lis
cruelty ahd opprea-
sion, and who was
assassinated hy two
nobles, Gobryas
and GadataSjWhose
sous he bad alain.
The vacant throne
was then ascended
by

Neriglissar, Neri-
cassolaaaar, or Bel
shazzar, the com-
mon -accounts of
whom seem to com
bine what is said
both of NerigUs-
sar, aud bis son,
opposite. He waa
killed by conspira
tors on the night
of the * impious
feaat,' leaving a
son (a boy), '
Lahorosoarchad, on
whoae deatb, nine
montha after, the
dynasty became ex
tinct, and the king^
dom came peacea
bly to " Darius tbe
Mede," or Cyaxares
wbo, on fhe well-
known policy of tbe
Medes- and Per-
si^na, appointed a
Babylonian noble
man, named Nabti-
nadius, or Labyne
tus, to be king, or
viceroy. This per
son revol ted
against Cyrus, who
bad succeeded to
the united empire

B.C. 538.1

CHAPTER V.

239

2 Belshazzar, while he tasted the
wine, commanded to bring the
golden and silver vessels » which his
•J*. 52. 19. c.1.2. of the Medes and
Persians. Gyrus
could not immedi
ately attend to
hin., but at last
marched to Baby
lon, took the city,
B. C. 516, as fore
told by the pro
phets.
S54 Naboi^adius, the
' Labynetua of He
rodotua, the Nabo-
audel of Josephus,
and the Belshazzar
of Dauiel, wbo was
the aou of E vil-
Merodacb, aud who
now, sucoeeded to
the throne of his
father. ' After a vo
luptuous reign, bis
city was taken hy
the Persians under
Cyrus, on which
occasion he lost his
life.
" It will be observed that the principal
point of difference in these accounts is,
that Hales contends that the succession
of Darius the Mede to the Babylonian
throne was not attended with war; that
Belshazzar was not the king in whose
time the city was taken by Cyrus; and
consequently, that the events which took
place this night were quite distinct from,
and anterior to that siege and capture of
the city by the Persian king, which Isaiah
and Jeremiah so remarkably foretold."
^ Made a great feaat. On what occasion
this feast was made, is not stated, but it
was not improbably an annual festival in
honour ofsome ofthe Babylonian deities.
This opinion seems to be countenanced
by the words of the Codex Chis. * Bel
shazzar the king made a great festival,
i^ ijlispa ivKaiviayiSv rt^v '0ii<ri\£iwv — on the
day of the dedication of his kingdoms ;'
and in ver. 4, it is said that ' they praised
the goda of gold, of silver, and of brass,'
Ac. % To a thousand of hie lords. The
word thousand here is doubtless used as a
general term to denote a very large num
ber. It is Dot improbable, however, that
this full number was assembled on such
an occasion. *' Ctesias says, that the

b father Nebuchadnezzar had * take*
out of the temple which was in Je
rusalem ; that the king, and his
"or, grandfather, as Je. 27. 7. 2 Sa. 9. 7.
ver. 11, 18. c brought forth.

king of Persia furnished previsions daily
for twenty-five thousand men. Quintus
Curtius says that ten thousand men were
present at a festival of Alexander tho
Great ; and Statins says of Domitian, that
he ordered, on a certaia occasion, his
guests 'to sit down at a thousand tables.'"
Prof. Stuart, »n loc. % And drank wine
before the thousand. The Latin Vulgate
here is, * And each one drank according to
his age.' The Greek of Theodotion, tho
Arabic, and the Coptic is, .' and wine was
before the thousand.' . The Chaldee, how
ever, ¦ is, as in our version, * he drank
wine before the thousand.' As he was
the lord of the feast, and as all that oc
curred pertained primarily to him, the
design is undoubtedly to describe Miscon
duct, and to show the effect which the
drinking of wine had on hira. He drank
it in the most public manner, setting an
example to his lords, and evidently drink
ing it to great excess.
2, 3. Belahazzar, while he tasted the wine.
As the effect of tasting the wine — stating
a faet which is illustrated in every age
and land, that men, under the influence
of intoxicating drinks, will do what they
would not do wben sober. In his sober
moments, it would seem probable that
he would have respected the vessels con
secrated to tho service of religion, and
would not have treated them with dis
honour by introducing them for pur
poses of revelry. ^ Commanded to bring
the golden and ailver vessels. These ves
sels bad been carefully, deposited in some
place as the spoils of victory, (see ch. i. 2,)
and it would appear that they had not
before been desecrated for purpuses of
feasting. Belshazzar did what other men
would have done in the same condition.
He wished to raake a display; to do
something unusually surprising; and,
though it had not been contemplated
when the festival was appointed to mako
use ofthese vessels, yet under the excite
ment of wine, nothing was too sacred to
be introduced to the scenes of intoxica
tion ; nothing too foolish to be dune. In
regard to the vessels taken from the tem
ple at Jerusalem, see Notes on ch. i. 2.
^ Which his father Nebvchadntzzar had

\

240

DANIEL.

[B. C. 538.

rrinoro, hia wires, and his concu
bines, niight drink therein.
3 Then they brought the golden
\esr«.\a that were taken out of the
tuh,n. Marg., grandfather. According to
Ibc best account which wc have of Bet-
shiizzar, he was the son of Evil-Mero
dach, who was the son of Nebuchad
nezzar, (see the Intro, to the chnpter, J 2,)
and therefore the word is used here, as in
the margin, to denote grandfather. Gomp.
Jer. xxvii. 7. See Notes on Isa. xiv. 22.
The word father is often used in a large
signification. See 2 Sam. ix. 7 ; also
Notes on Matt. i. 1. There is no impro
bability in supposing that this word
would be used to denote a grandfather,
when applied to one of the family or
dynasty of Nebuchaduezzar. The fact
that Belshazzar is hero called the son of
Nebuchaduezzar, has been made a ground
of objection to the credibility of the book
of Daniel, by Lengerke, p. 204. The
objection is, that the " last king of Baby
lon was not a son of Nebuchadnezzar."
But, in reply to this, in addition to the
remarks above mado, it may be observed
that it is not necessary in vindicating the
assertion in the text to suppose that he
was the immediate doscenJant of Nebu
chadnezzar, in the first degree. "Tbe
Semitic use of the word in question goes
far beyond the first degreo of descent,
and extends the appellation of son to the
designation grandson, and even of the
most remote posterity. In Ezra vi. 14,
tho prophet Zechariah is called the aon
of Iddo; in Zech. i. 1, 7, the same per
son is called the aon of Barachiah, the aon
of fddo. So Isaiah threatens Hezekiah
(xxxix. 7,) that the aona whom lie ahall
ieyej shall be conducted as exiles to Baby
lon ; in wbich case, however, four gene
rations intervened before this happened.
So in Matt. i. 1, ' Jesus Christ, the son
of David, the son of Abraham.' And so
we speak every day : ' The sons of Adam,
the sons of Abraham, the sons of Israel,
the sons of the Pilgrims,' and the like."
Prof. Stuart, Com. on Daniel p. 144.
^ That the king, and hia princea, his
wives, and his concubines, might drink
therein. Nothing is too sacred to be pro
faned when men are under tbe influence
of wine. They do not hesitate to dese
crate the holiest things, and vessels taken
from the altar of God are regarded with
aa little reverence as any other. It would

temple of the house of God which
was at Jerusalem ; and the king,
and his princes, his wives, and his
concubines drank in them.
seem that Nebuchadnezzar had somo re
spect for these vessels as having been
employed in the purposes of religion  at
least so much respect as to lay them
up as trophies of victory, and that this
respect had been shown for them nn
der the reign of his successo's, until
the exciting scenes of this ' impious feast'
occurred, when all veneration for them
vanished. It was not very common for
females in the East to be present at sueh
festivals as this, but it would seem that
all the usual restraints of propriety and
decency came to he disregarded as the
feast advanced. The ' wives and concu
bines' were probably not present when
the feast began, for it was made for 'his
lords' (ver. 1), but when the scenes of
revelry had advanced so far that it was
proposed to introduce the sacred vessels
of the temple, it would not be unnatural
to propose also to introduce the females
of the court. A similar instance is re
lated in the book of Esther. In the feast
which Ahasuerus gave, ft is said that " on
the seventh day when the heart of the
king wns merry with wine, he com
manded Mehuman, Biztha, Ac, the seven
chamberlains that served in the presence
of Ahasuerus the king, to bring Vashti,
the queen, before the king, with the crown
royal, to show the people .and the princes
her beauty," Ac. Esther i. 10, 11. Comp.
Joseph. AnL B. xi. ch vi. g 1. The
females that were thus introduced to tho
banquet, were those of the harem, yet it
would seem that she who was usually
called ' the queen' by way of eminence,
or the queen-mother, (Corap. Notes on
ver 10,) was not among them at this time.
The females in the court of an Orienl.il
monarch were divided into two classes ;
those who were properly concubines, and
who had none of the jirivileges of a wife;
and those of a higher class, and who wero
spoken of as wiveii, and to whom apper
tained the privileges of that relation.
Among the latter, also, in the court of a
king, it would seem thot there was ona
to whom properly belonged the appella
tion of ?«««— that is, probably, a favourite
wife whose children were hoirs to the
crown. See Bertholdt, tn loc, Comp.
2 Sam. V. 13; 1 Kings xi. 3; Cant. vi. 8.

CHAPTER V.

B. e. 538.]

4 They drank wine, and jr.iised
the gods of gold, » and of silver,
of brass, of iron, of wood, and of
stone. ' Re. 9. 20.
4. They drank wine, and praiaed the
goda of gold, and of ailver, &.e. Comp.
Notes on ver. 1. Idols were made among
the heathen of all f^e materials here men
tioned. The word praised here means
that they spake in praise of these gods;
of their history, of their attributes, of
wbat they had done. Nothing can well
he conceived more senseless ond stupid
than what it is said they did at this feast,
and yet it is a fair illustration of what
occurs in all the festivals of idolatry.
And is that which occurs in more civi
lized. Christian lands, in the scenes of
carousal and festivity, more rational than
this? Itwas not much worse to lavish
praises on idol gods in a scene of revelry
than it is to lavish praises on idol men
now ; not much less rational to ' toast'
goda than it is to ' toast' men.
5. In the aame hour. On the word hour,
see Notes on ch. iv. 19. ^ Came forth
fingers of a man's hand. Not the whole
hand, but only the parts usually employed
in writing. Not a raan writing; not even
an arm, but fingera that seemed to move
themselves. They appeared to come forth
from the walls, and were seen before they
began to write. It was this that made it
so impressive and alarming. It eould
not be supposed that it was the work
of man, or that it was devised by man
for the purpose of producing consterna
tion. It was perfectly manifest to all
who were there that this was the work of
some one superior to man; that it was
designed as a divine intimation of some
kind in regard to the scene that was then
occurring. But whether as a rebuke for
tho sin "of revelry and diss pation, or
for sacrilege in drinking out of the con
secrated vessels, or whether it was an
intimation of some approaching fear
ful calamity, would not at once be ap
parent. It is easy to imagine that it
would proauce a sudden pause in their
re?flry, and diffuse seriousness over their
minds. The suddenness of the appear
ance ; the fingers, unguided by the hand
of ^an, slowly writing in mysterious
oh..raeters on the walls; the conviction
whioh must have flasUd acrose the
21

241

5 If In the same hour •> came forth
fingers of a man's hand, and wrot«
over against the candlestick upon
the plaster of the wall of the king's
•>c. 4. 31.

mind that this must be either to rebuke
thera for their sin, or to announce somo
fearful calamity, all these things must
have combined to produce an overwhelm
ing effect on the revellers. Perhaps, from
the prevalent views in the heathen world
in regard to the crime of sacrilege, they may
have connected this mysterious appear
ance with the profane act which they were
then committing — that of desecrating the
vessels ofthe temple of God. How natural
would it be to suppose — recognizing as
they did the gods of other nations as
real, as truly as those which they wor
shipped — that the God of the Hebrews,
seeing the vessels of his worship profaned,
had come forth to express his displeasure,
and to intimate that there was impending
wrath for such an act. The crime of
sacrilege was regarded araong*^the heathen
as one of the most awful which could bo
committed, and there was no state of
mind in which raen would be more likely
to be alarmed than when they were, eveu
in the midst of scenes of drunken revelry,
engaged in such an aet. '*The heathen,"
says Grotius, " thought it a great impiety
to convert sacred things to common
uses." Nuraerous instances are on record
of the sentiments entertained among the
heathen on the subject of sacrilege, and
of the calamities which were believed to
come upon men as a punishment for it.
Among them we may refer to the misera
ble end of the Phocians, wbo robbed the
temple of Delphos, and whose act was the
occasion of that war which was called the
holy war ; the destruction of the 'Jauls in
their^tterapt upon the same temple ; and
of Crassus, who plundered the temple of
Jerusalem, and tbat of the Syrian god
dess. See Lowth, in loc. That a convic
tion of the sin of sacrilege, according to
the prevalent belief on the subject, raay
have contributed to produce consterna
tion when the fingers of tbe hand ap
peared at Belshazzar's feast, there is no
good reason to doubt, and we may sup
pose that the minds of the revellers were
at once turned to the insult which they
had thus offered to the God of tbe H«>

242

DANIEL.

[B. C. 638

palace : and the king saw the part
of the hand that wrote.
6 Then ^the king's ^^ countenance
was changed, and his thouglits
troabled him, so that the "^ joints of
his loins were loosed, and his knees
* smote one against another.
• Is. 21 . 2 — 4. ^ brightnesses. Ter. 9. c changed ii.
A bindings, or, knots; or, girdles. Is. 5. 27.
brews. ^ And wrote over againat the can
dlestick. The candlestick, or lamp-bearer,
perhaps, which had been taken from the
temple at Jerusalem, and "which was, as
well as the sacred vessels, introduced into
*,his scene of revelry. It is probable that
as they brought out the vessels of the
temple to drink in, they would alse bring
out all tbat bad been taken frora the tem
ple in Jerusalem. Two objects may
have been contemplated in the fact that
the writing was * over against the can
dlestick :* one was that it might be clearly
visible, the other that it might be more
directly intiraated that the writing was a
rebuke for the act of sa.crilege. On the
probable situation where this miracle oc
curred, the reader may consult Taylor's
Fragments to Calmet's Dictionary, No.
205. He supposes that it was one of the
large inner courts of the palace — that part
of ,the palace which was prohibited to
persons not sent for. See Notes on ver. 10.
^ Upon the plaster of the wall. The Chal
dee word means lime, nob inappropriately
rendered here plaster. The manner of
the writing is not specified. All that is
necessary to suppose is, that the letters
¦were traced along on the wall so as to be
distinctly visible. Whether tbey seemed
to be cut into the plaster, or to be traced
in black Unes, or lines of light, is not
mentioned, and is immaterial. They
were such as eould be seen distinctly by
the king and the guests. Compare,
however, tho remarks of Taylor in the
'Fragment' just referred to, ^ And
the king saw the part of the hand that
wrote. It is not necessary to suppose
that the others did not see it also, but
lhe king was the most iraportant person
age there, and the miracle was intended
particularly for bira. Perhaps his eyes
wero first attracted to it.
6. Then ihe king's countejiance was
thauged. The word rendered counte-
naAcCf is in the margin, as in ver. 9, bright-

7 The king cried f aloud to bring
in the s astrologers, the Chaldeans,
and the soothsaj^ers. And the king
spake, and said to the wise- men of
Babylon, "Whosoever shall read thia
writing, and show me the interpre
tation thereof, shall be clothed with
e Na. 2. 10. fwUh might.
S c. 2. 2. Is. 47. 13.

nessea. The Chaldee word means bright
ness, splendor— v\, and the meaning here
is bright looks, cheerfulness, _ hilarity.
The word rendered waa changed, is in the
margin changed it _; and the meaning is,
that it changed itself: — probably from a
jocund, cheerful, and happy expression^
it assumed suddenly a deadly paleness.
^[^nrf his thoughte troubled him. Whether
from the recollection of guilt, or the dread
of wrath, is not said. He would doubt
less regard this as some supernatural in
timation, and his soul would be troubled.
^So that the joints of his loins were loosed,
Marg., bindings, or knots, or girdles. The
Chaldee word rendered yorn(9, Vi3p, means
properly A;no(s/ then joints of the bones,
as resembling knots, or apparently an
swering tbe purposes of knots in the hu
man frame, as binding it together. The
word loins in the Scriptures refers to the
part of the body around which the girdle
was passed, the lower part of the backj
and Gesenius supposes tbat the meaning
here is, that the joints of his back, that is,
the vertebrae, are referred to. This part
of tbe body is spoken of as the seat of
strength. When this is weak, the body haa
no power to stand, to walk, to labour. Tbo
simple idea is, that he was greatly terrified,
and that under the influence of fear his
strength departed. \ And his knees amote
one against another. A common effect
of fear, Nah. ii. 10. So Horace, Et corde,
et genibus tremit. And so Virgil, Tarda
trementi genua labant. " Belshazzar had
as much of power, and of drink withal to
lead him to bid defiance to God as any
ruffian under heaven ; and yet when God,
as it were, lift but up his finger againsi
him, how poorly did be crouch and shiver.
How did his joints loose, and his knees
knock together !" Soulh's Sermons, vol.
iv. p. 60.
7. The king cried aloud, Marg., as in
tho Chaldee, with might. This indicates
a sudden and an alarming cry. Tho king

B. C. 538.]

CHAPTER V.

243

* scarlet, and liave a chain of gold
about his neck, and shall be the
third b ruler in the kingdom.
8 Then came in all the king's
» or, purple.
was deeply terrified ; and, unable himself
to divine the meaning of the mysterious
appearance of the hand, he naturally
turned at once to those whose office it
was to explain dreams and supernatural
appearances. ^ To bring in the aMrolo-
gers, &o. See Notes on ch. ii. 2, iv. 7.
^ And aaid to the wise men of Babylon.
Those just referred to — the astrologers, Ac.
Having the power, as was supposed, of
interpreting the indications of coming
events, they were esteemed as eminently
wise. ^ Whosoever ahall read this writ
ing. Ib would seem from this that even
the characters were not familiar to the
king and to those who were with him.
Evidently the letters were not in the
ordinary Chaldee form, but in some form
which to them was strange aud nnknown.
Thus there was a double mystery hang
ing over the writing — a mystery in re
gard to the language in which the words
were written, and to the meaning of the
words. Many conjectures have been
formed as to the language employed in
this writing, {Comp. Nptes on ver. 24,)
but such conjectures are useless, since it is
impossible now to ascertain what it was.
As the writing, however, had a primary
reference to the sacrilege committed in re
gard to the sacred vessels of the temple,
and as Daniel was able to read the letters
at once, it would soem not improbable that
the words were in the Hebrew character
then used — a character such as that found
now in the Samaritan Pentateuch — for
the Chaldee character now found in the
Bible has not improbably been substituted
fgr tho more ancient and less elegant
character now found in the Samaritan
Pentateuch alone. There is no improba
bility in supposing that even the astrolo
gers and the soothsayers were not familiar
with that character, and could not readily
read it. ^ And ahow me the interpretation
thereof. The meaning of the words.
^ Shall be clothed with scarlet. The
colour worn usually by princes and by
persons of rank. The margin is purple.
So the Greek of Theodotion — vopt^vpav.
Bo also the Latin Vulgate— purpura. On
lhe nature and uses of tiiis colour, see

wise men : but they cOuld not read
the writing, nor make known to thp
king the interpretation thereof.
9 Then was king Belshazzi-r

Notes on Isa. 1. 18. ^And have a chain
of gold about his neck. Also indicative
of rank and authority. Comp. Gen, xli.
42. When Joseph was placed over the
land of Egyptj the king honoured him
in a similar manner, by putting *' a gold
chain about his neck." This was com
mon in Persia. See Xen. Cyrop. I. 3,
2, II. 4, 6, VIL 5, 18 ; Anab. L 5, 8.
Upon most of the figures in the ruins of
Persepolis the same ornament is now
found. Prof. Stuart renders this, "a
collar of gold." ^ And shall be the third
ruler in the kingdom. Of course, the
king was first. Who tbe second was, or
why the one who could disclose the mean
ing of the words should not be raised to
the second rank, is not stated. It may
be, tbat tbe office of prime minister was
so fixed, or was held by one whose ser
vices were so important to the king, that
be could not be at once displaced. -Or
the meaning may be, that the favoured
person who could interpret this, would be
raised to the third rank of dignity, or
placed in the third claaa of those who
held offices in the realm. The Chal
dee is, *and shall rule third in the king
dom,' and the idea would seem rather to
be that he should be of the third rank or
grade in office. So Bertholdt understands
it. Grotius understands it as the third
person in rank. He says the first was the
king; the second the son of the king;
the third the prince of the Satraps.
8. Then came in all the king's wise men.
The classes above referred to, ver. 7.
^ But they could not read the writing.
The character was an unknown character
to them. It may have been a cbaracter
which was not found in any language,
and which made the power of Daniel to
read it the more remarkable, or it may
have been, as suggested in the Notes on
ver. 7, a foreign character with which
they had no acquaintance, though fami
Uar to Daniel.
9. Tken was king Belahazzar gready
troubled. Not doubting that this wau a
divine intimation of some fearful event,
and yet unable to understand its mean
ing. We are quite as likely to be trou-

244

DANIEL.

[B. C. 538.

greatly troubled, and his "counte
nance was changed in him, and his
lords vrere astonished.
10 f Now the queen by reason of
the vfords of the king and his lords
camo into the banquet house : and
^.brightnesses, ver. 6.

Wed by what is merely myaterioua in re
gard to the future — by anything that
gives us somo undefined foreboding, as
we are by that which is really formidable
when we know what it is. In the latter
case, we know the worst; wc can make
some preparation for it; we can feel
assured that when that is past, all is past
that we fear — but who con guard him
self, or prepare himself, when that whieh
is dreaded is undelined as well as awful ;
when we know not how to meet it, or how
long it may endure, or how terriiic and
wide mny be the sweep of its desolation ?
^ And his conntenance was changed in
him. Marg., brightnesses. See Notes on
ver. 6. ^ And hia lorda were astonied.
Amazed. The Chaldee word means to
perplex, disturb, trouble. They were
doulitless as much perplexed and troubled
as the king himself.
10. Now the queen. ''Prob.ably the
queen-mother, the Nitocris of Herodotus,
as the king's wives were at the entertain
ment." Winkle. Comp. vs. 2, 3. So Prof.
Stuart. The editor of the Pictorial Bible
also supposes that this was the queen-
mother, and thinks that this circumstance
will explain her familiarity with the oc
currences in the reign of Nebuchadnezzar.
"He says, " Wc are informed above, that
the 'wives and concubines' of tbe king
were present at the banquet. It there
fore seems probable that the 'queen' who
now first appears, was the queen-mother;
and this probability is strengthened by
the intimate acquaintance which she ex
hibits with tbe afiairs of Nebuchadnezzar's
reign ; at the latter end of which, she, as
the wife of Evil-Merodach, who was re
gent during his father's alienation of
mind, took an active part in the internal
policy of the kingdom, and in the comple
tion of the great works whieh Nebuchad
nezzar had begun in Babylon. This she
continued during the reigns of her hus
band and son, the present king Belshaz-
lar. This famous queen, Nitocris, there
fore, could not' but bo well acquainted
Irith the character and services of Ban-

the queen spake and said, 0 king,
live for ever : let not thy thoughta
trouble thee, nor let thy countenance
be changed :
11 There ''is aman in thy king
dom, in whom is the spirit ofthe holy
be. 4.8,9.

iei." On the place and influence of the
queen-mother in the Oriental courts, see
Taylor's Fragments to Calmet's Diction
ary, No. 16. From the extracts which
Taylor has collected, it would seem that
she held an exalted place at court, and
that it is every wny probable that she
would be called in, or would come in, on
sucb an occasion. Sec also Knolles' His
tory of the Turks, as quoted by Taylor,
Fragments, No. 50. f By reaaon of the
worda of the king and his lords. Their
words of amazement and astonishment.
This would doubtless be conveyed to her,
as there was so much alarm in the palace,
and as there wns a summons to bring in the
wise men of Babylon. If her residence
was in some part of the palace itself,
nothing would be more natural thon that
she should be made acquainted with tho
unusual occurrence, or if ber resid'ence
iras, as T.nylor supposes, detncbed from
tbe palace, it is every way probable thn t she
would be madencquainted with the con
sternation that prevailed, and that recol
lecting the case of Nebuchadnezzar, and
the forgotten services of Daniel, sho
would feel th.it tbe information which
was sought respecting the mysterious
writing could be obtained from him.
1[ And the queen spake and aaid, 0 king
live for ever. A common salutation in
addressing a king, expressive of a desire
of his happiness, and prosperity, f Zei
not thy thoughta trouble thee, &a. That
is, ther^ is a way by wbich the mystery
may be solve^, and you need not, there
fore, be alarmed.
11. There iaa 111071 in thy kingdom. To
wit, Daniel. As the queen-mother had
lived in the time of Nebuchadnezzar, and
recollected the important serviee which
he had rendered in interpreting the dream
of the king, it was natural that her mind
should at once recur to him. It wojld
seem, also, that though Daniel wus no
longer employed at court, yet that She
still had an acquaintance with him, so
far at least as to know that he was acces
sible, and might be called in on this oo-

B. C. 538.J

CHAPTER V.

245

gods ; and in the days of thy » father
light andunderstanding, and wisdom,
like the wisdoin of the gods, was
found in him ; whom the king Ne
buchadnezzar thy "father, tlie king,
I say, thy "father, made master of
the magicians, astrologers, Chal
deans, and soothsayers.
12 Forasmuch as an excellent

" or, grandfather, ver. 2.

b c. 6. 3,

iasion. It may be asked, perhaps, how it
vas lhat Belt-hazzar was so ignorant of all
this as to need this information ? For it is
clear from the question which the king
aekB in ver. 13, 'Art thou that Daniel?'
that he was ignorant of him personally,
and probably even of his services as an
officer in The court of Nebuchadnezzar.
An ingenious and not improbable solution
of this difficulty has been proposed as
founded on a remark of Sir John Char
din : " As mentioned by the queen, Daniel
had been made by Nebuchadnezzar ' mas
ter of the magicians, astrologers, Chal
deans, and soothsayers.' Of this employ
ment Chardin conjectures that he had
been deprived on the death of the king,
and obtains this conclusion from the fact
that when a Persian king dies, both his
astrologers and physicians are driven from
court — the former for not having pre
dicted, and tho latier for not having pre
vented, his death. If suoh was the eti
quette of tho ancient Babylonian, as it
is of the modern Persian court, we have
certainly a most satisfactory solution of
the present difflculty, as Daniel must then
be supposed to have relinquished his pre
sent employments, and to have lived re
tired in private life during the eight years
occupied by the reigns of Evil-Merodach
and Belshazzar." Harmar, as quoted by
RoeenmiiUer, (Morgenland, on Dan. v. 13.)
^ In whom is the spirit of the holy gods.
This is language such as a heathen would
be likely to use when speaking of one who
bad showed extraordinary knowledge of
divine things. See Notes on ch. iv. 9.
f And in the days of thy father. Marg.,
grandfather. See Notes on vs. 1, 2.
f Light, and understanding, and wiadom.
Light is the emblem of knowledge, as it
makes all things clear. The meaning
here is, that be had showed extraordinary
wisdom in interpreting the dream of Ne-
tuohadnezzar, ^ Like the wiadom of the
21*

b spirit, and knowledge, and under
standing, <¦ interpreting of dreams,
and showing of hard sentences, and
^ dissolving of ' doubts, were found
in the same Daniel, whom the king
named Belteshazzar : now let Dan
iel be called, and he will show tho
interpretation. ^ or, of an interpreter. d or, of a dissolver.
^ knots.

goda. Such as the gods only could pos
sess. ^ When the king Nebuehadnezzar
thy father, the king, I say, thy father, made
maater of the magiciana, Ac, See ch,
ii. 48. This is repeated here, and dwelt
on, in order to call the, attention of the
king to the fact that Dnniel was worthy
to be consulted. Though now living in
obscurity, there was a propriety that ono
who bad been placed at the very head of
the wise men of Babylon by a prince so
distinguished as Nebuchadnezzar, should
be consulted on the present occasion.
12. Foraamuch' as an excellent spirit.
Not an excellent spirit in the sense in
which that phrase is sometimes used now,
as denoting a good and pious spirit, but
a spirit or mind that excels ; that is, that
is distinguished for wisdom and know
ledge. ^ Interpreting of dreams. Marg.,
'or an interpreter.' This was regarded
as a great attainment, and was supposed
to prove that one who could do it was in
spired by the gods, ^ And showing of
hard aentencea. The meaning of enigtna-
tical or obscure sentences. 'To be able to
do this was supposed to indicate great
attainments, and was a knowledge that
was much coveted. Comp. Prov, i. 6 :
" To understand a proverb, and the inter
pretation ; the words of the wise, and their
dark sayings." ^ And diaaolving ofdoubta.
Marg., ' or a diaaolver' of ' knots' So the
Chaldee. This language is still common
in the East, to denote one who has skill
in explaining difficult subjects. " In
the copy of a patent given to Sir John
Chardin in Persia, we find it is addressed
'to the Lord of lords, who have the pres
ence of a lion, the aspect of Deston ; the
princes who have the statue of Tahem-
ten-ten, who seem to be in the time of
Ardevon, the regents who carry the ma
jesty of Ferribours. The conquerors of
kingdoms. Superintendents t/ta£ unloose'
all manner of knota, and wha are undeK

246

DANIEL.

[B. C, 53&

13 Then was Daniel brought in
before the king. And the king
spake and said unto Daniel, Art
thou that Daniel, which art of the
children of the captivity of Judah,
whora the king my " father brought
out of Jewry ?
14 I have even heard of thee, that
the spirit of the gods is in thee, and
thai light and understanding and
excellent wisdom is found in thee.
15 And now the wise men, the
astrologers, have beeu brought in
before me, that they should read
"or, grandfatlter. ver. 2.
the ascendant of Mercury,' " <fcc. Taylor's
Fragments to Calmet's Diet. No, 174.
The language used here would he appli
cable to the explanation of any dif&cult
and perplexing subject, If Whom the
king named Belteahazzar. That is, the
name was given to him by his authority,
(see Notes on ch. i. 7,) and it was by this
name that he called him when he ad
dressed him, ch. iv. 9.
13. Then waa Daniel brought in before
the king. From this it is clear that he
lived in Babylon, though in comparative
6b.=curity. It would seem to be not im
probable that he was still known to the
queen mother, who perhaps kept up an
acquaintance with him on account of his
former services, f Art thou that Daniel.
T'his is a clear proof that Belshazzar was
not acquainted personally with him. See
Notes on ver 11, ^ Which art of the
children of the captivity of Judah. Be
longing to those of Judah, or those Jews
who were made captives, and who reside
in Babylon. See Notes on oh. i, 3, He
could not be ignorant that there were
Jews in his kingdom, though he was
not personally acquainted with Daniel.
f Whom the Idng my father. Marg., as in
vs, 2, 11, grandfatlter. ^ Brought out of
Jeimyt Out of Judea, See oh. i. 1 — 3,
14, / have even heard of thee, &c,,
ver. 11.
15. Andnow the wiae men, Ac, vs. 7, 8.
16. And I have heard of thee, &g., ver.
11. ^ Canst make interpretations. Marg.,
interpret. Chald., 'Interpret interpreta
tions.' The meaning is, that he was
ikillcd in interpreting or explaining
ireams, omens, &e. ^ And dissolve doubta.

this writing, and make known unto
me the interpretation thereof: but
they could not show the interpreta
tion ofthe thing.
16 Andi have heard of thee, that
thou canst ''make interpretations,
and dissolve doubts: now if thoa
canst read the writing, and make
known to me the interpretation
thereof, thou shalt be clothed with
scarlet, and have a chtiin of gold
about thy neck, and shalt be the
third ruler in the kingdom.
17 f Then Daniel answered and
binterprd.

Notes on ver. 12. ^ Now if thou canat
read the writing, &c., thoU ahalt be clothed
with scarlet, &c. This was the reward
which at the first he had promised to any
one that was able to do it, and as all
others had failed, he was willing that it
should he offered to a Jew.
17. Then Daniel answered and aaid
before the king, Let thy gifta be to thyaelf.
That is, ' I do not desire them ; I' do not
act from a hope of reward,' Daniel
means undoubtedly to intimate that what
he would do would be done from a higher
motive than a desire of office or bonour.
The answer is one that is eminently dig
nified. Yet he says he would read the
writing, implying that he was ready to
do anything that would be gratifying to
the monarch. It may seem somewhat
strange that Daniel, who here disclaimed
all desire of office or reward, should so
soon (ver. 29) have submitted to be
clothed in this manner, and to have re
ceived the insignia of office. But, it may
be remarked that when the offer was pro
posed to him he stated bis wishes and
declared that he did not deaire to be hon
oured in that way ; when he had per
formed the duty, however, of making
known the writing, he could scarcely feel
at liberty to resist a command of tho
king to be clothed in that manner, and
to be regarded as an officer iu the king
dom. His intention, in the verse before
us, w.T,s modestly to decline the honours
proposed, and to intimate that be was
not influenced by a desire of suoh honours
in what he would do ; yet to the king's-
command afterwards that he should b»
clothed iu robes of office, he oould not

B. C. 538.]

CHAPTER V.

247

eaid before the king. Let > thy gifts
be to thyself, and give thy "rewards
to another ; yet I will read the writ
ing '=unto the king, and make known
to him the interpretation.
18 0 thou king, the most high
God gave Nebuchadnezzar thy Ei
ther a kingdom, and majesty, and
glory, and honour.

with propriety make resistance. There
is no evidence thathe took these honours
voluntarily, or that hs would not have
contin' _d to decline them if he oould have
done it with propriety, ^ And give thy re-
warda to another. Marg., ' or fee, as in ch.
ii. 6.' Gesenius supposes that the word
nsed here — naiaj — is of Persian origin.
It means a gift, and, if of Persian origin,
is derived from a verb meaning to load
with gifts and praises, as a prince does
an ambassador. The sense here seems
to be, that Daniel was not disposed to
interfere with the will of the monarch if
he chose to confer gifts and rewards
on others, or to question tho propriety of
his doing so, but that, so far as he was
concerned, ho had no desire of them for
himself, and could not be influenced by
them in what he was about to do. ^ >e(
I will read the writing, &,e. Expressing
no doubt that he could do it without dif
ficulty. Probably the language of the
writing was familiar to him, and he at
once saw that there was no difficulty, in
the circumstances, in determining its
meaning, 18. 0 thou king, the moat high God
gave Nehuchadnezzar thy father a king
dom, Ac. This reference to Nehuchad
nezzar ia evidently designed to show to
Belshazzar the wickedness of his own
course, and the reason which he had to
apprehend the divino vengeajice because
he had not learned to avoid the sins
which brought so great calamities upon
his predecessor. As he was acquainted
with what had occurred to Nebuchad
nezzar; as he had doubtless seen the pro
clamation which he had made on his
recovery from the dreadful malady which
God had brought upon him for his pride;
and as Ire had not humbled himself, but
had- pursued the same course which Ne
buchadnezzar did, be had the greater
reason to apprehend the judgment of
heaven. See vs, 22, 23, Daniel herel

19 And for the majesty that he
gave him, all ''people, nations, and
languages, trembled and feared be
fore him : whom he Tcnld he slew ;
and whom he would be kept alive ;
and whom he would he set up ; and
whom he would he put down.

» Go. 14. 23.
« Ps. 119. 46.

bor,/ee, as c. 2. 6.
iIJe.2T, T. c. 4. 22. 4o.

traces all the glory which Nebucbad.
nezzar had to ' the most high God,' re
minding the king that whatever honour
and mnjesty he had he was equally in
debted for it to the same source, and that
he must expect a similar treatment from
him, 19. And for the majeaty that he gave
him. That is, on account of his great
ness, referring to the talents which God
had conferred on him, and the power
which he had put in his hands. It
was so great that all people and nations
trembled before him. f^ All people, na
tions, and languagea, trembled and feared
before him. Stood in awe of him. On
the extent of his empire, see Notes on ch.
iii. i, iv. 1, 22. f Whom he ivould he
alew, ke. That is, he was an arbitrary —
an absolute sovereign. This is exactly
descriptive of the power which Oriental
despotic monarchs have. ^ Whom he would
he kept alive. Whether they had, or had
not, been guilty of crime. Ho had the ab
solute power oflife and death over them.
There was no such instrument as we call a
'constitution' to control the sovereign af
well as the people; there was no tribunal
to which he was responsible, and no law by
which he was bound ; tbera were no judges
to deterraine on tho question of life and
death in regard to those who were ac
cused of crime, whom he did not appoint,
and whom he might not remove, and
whose judgments he might not set aside
if he pleased; there were no 'juries' cf
' peers' to determine on the question of
fact whether an accused man was guilty
or not. There were none of those safe
guards which have been originated to pro
tect the accused in modern times, and
which enter so essentially into the no
tions of liberty now. In an absolute des
potism all power is in the bands of one
man, and this was in fact the case in
Babylon. ^ Whom he would he set up.
That is, in places of trust, of offire, of

248

DANIEL. [B.C. 538.

20 But when his heart was lifted
up, and his mind hardened » in pride,
he was >> deposed from his kingly
throne, and they took his glory from
him. 21 And he was driven from the
sons of men ; and ' his heart was made
like the beasts, and his dwelling was
with the wild asses : they fed him
Sfith grass like oxen, and his body
was wet with the dew of heaven ; till
he knew that the most high God
ruled in the kingdom of men, and
that he appointeth over it whomso
ever he will.
' or, to deal proudly. Ex. 18. 11. ' made to
come down. •= or, he made his hfxtrt equal. ,J 2 ch.
33. 23 ; 36. 12 ; Ja. 4. 6. " ver. 3, 4. f Ju. 16. 23.

rank, Ac. ^ And whom he would he put
down. No matter what their rank or
office. 20. But when his lieart waa lifted up.
See ch. iv. .30. ^ And hia mind hardened
in pride. Marg., io deal proudly. The
state of mind indicated here is that in
which there is no sense of dependence,
but where one feels that be has all re
sources in himself, and need only look
to himself, f He waa depoaed from hia
kingly throne. Marg., made to come down.
That is, ho was so deposed by the provi
dence of God, not by the acts of his own
aubjects, 21, And he waa driven, &c. . See this
fully explained in ch, iv, 25, 33.
22. And thou hia son, 0 Belshazzar,
haat not humbled thy heart, &c. As thou
shouldst have done in remembrance of
these events. The idea is, that we ought
to derive valuable lessons from wbat has
taken place in past times ; that, from the
events which have occurred in history,
wc should learn what God approves and
what he disapproves; that we should
avoid the course whieh has subjected
others to his displeasure, and which h.as
brought his judgments upon them. The
course, however, which Belshazzar pur
sued has heen that of kings and princes
commonly in the world, and indeed of
mankind at large. How little do men
profit by the record of the calamities
which have come upon others for their
arimes ! How little are the intemperate
»f one generation admonished hy the ca-
•mitiea which have come upon those of

22 And thou his son, O Belshai-
zar, hast not humbled ¦'thy heart,
though thou knewest all this ;
23 But "hast lifted up thyself
against the Lord of heaven ; and they
have brought the vessels of his hDuse
before thee, and thou, and thy lords,
thy wives and thy concubines, have
drunk wine in them ; and thou hast
t praised the gods of silver and gold,
of brass, iron, wood, and stone,
which E see not, nor hear, nor know :
and the God in whose hand thy
^ breath is, and whose are all thy
i ways, hast thou not j glorified.
EPS, 115. 5-8 ; Is. 37. 19. h Ac. 17. 28, 29.
iJe. 10. 23, jKo. 1. 21.

another ; bow little are the devotees of
pleasure; how little are those in places
of power I
23. But hast lifted up thyself against
the Lord of heaven. The God Trho"bad
so signally rebuked and bumbled Nebu
chadnezzar. Tbe monarch had done tbis,
it would seem, during tbe whole of his
reign, and now by a crowning act of im
piety, he had evinced special disregard
of him, and contempt for him, by pro
faning the sacred vessels of his temple.
^ And they have brought the vessels of his
house before thee, &c. See Notes on vs.
2 — 4. ^ And the God in whose hand thy
breath is. Under whose power, and at
whose disposal, is thy life. While you
have heen celebrating the praises of idol
gods, who can do you neither good nor
evil, you have been showing special con
tempt for that great Being who keeps you
in existence, and who has power to take
away your life at any moment. What ia
here said of Belshazzar is true of all men
— high and low, rich and poor, bond and
free, princes and people. It is a deeply
affecting consideration, that the breath,
on which our life depends, and which is
itself so frail a thing, is in the 'hand' of
a Being who is invisible to us ; over whom
we can have no control; who can arrest
it wben he pleases ; who has given us no
intimation when he will do it, and wbo
often does it so suddenly as to defy all
previous calculation and hope. Nothing
is more absolute than the power wfaich
God holds over the breath of men, ye*
I there is nothing which ia lees recogniied

B. C. 538.]

CHAPTER V.

249

24 Then was the part of the hand
Bent from him; and this writing
was written.
thaTi that power, and nothing which men
are less disposed to acknowledge than their
dependence on him for it. ^ And whoae
are all thy ways. That is, he has power
to control thee in all thy ways. You can
go nowhere without his permission ; you
can never, when abroad, return to your
home without the direction of his Provi
dence. What is here said, also, is as true
of all others as it was of the Chuldean
prince. ** It is not in man that walketh
to direct his steps." "A man's heart de
viseth his way, but tbe Lord directeth his
steps." None of us can take a step with
out his permission j none can go forth on
a journey to a distant land without his
cohstant superintending care ; none can
return without his favour. And yet how
little ia this recognized I How few feel
it when they go out and come in ; when
they go forth to their daily employments ;
when they start on a voyage or journey ;
when they propose to return to their
homes 1 % Haat thou not glorified. That
is, thou hast not honoured him by a suita
ble acknowledgment of dependence on
bim. 24. Then wa,s the part of ihe hand aent
from him. To wit, the fingers. See ver. 5.
The sense is, tbat when it was fully per
ceived that Belshazzar was not disposed
to learn that there was a God in heaven ;
wben he refused to proflt by the solemn
dispensations which had occurred in re
spect to his predecessorj when bis own
lieart was lifted up with pride, and when
he had gone even farther than his prede
cessors had done by the sacrilegious use
of the vessels of the temple, thus showing
especial contempt for the God of heaven,
then appeared the mysterious hand-writ
ing on the wall. It was then an appro
priate time for the Most High God; who
had been thus contemned and insulted,
to come forth and rebuke the proud and
the impious monarch.
25. And thia is the writing tkat was
loritten. The Babylonians, it would
seem, were unacquainted with the charac
ters that were used^ and of course unable
to understand the meaning. See ver. 8.
The first thing, therefore, for Daniel to do
Was to read the writing, and this he was
&ble to do without difficulty, probably, as

25 Tf And this is the writing that
was written, MENE, MENE, TE
KEL, UPHAKSIN.

already remarked, because it was in the
ancient Hebrew character — a character
quite familiar to him, though not known
to tbe Babylonians whom Belshazzar con
sulted. It is every way probable that
that eharacter would be used on an occa
sion like this, for (a) it is manifest that it
was intended that the true God, the God
of the Hebrews, should be made known,
and this was the character in which his
communications had been made to men;
(6) it was clearly the design to honour
his own religion, and it is morally certain
that there would be something which would
show the connection between this occur
rence and his own agency, and nothing
would do this better tban to make use of
sucb a character; and (c) it was the di
vine intention to put honour on Daniel,
and this would be well done by making
use of a character which he understood.
There have been, indeed, many conjec
tures respecting the characters which
were eraployed on this occasion, and the
reasons of the difiiculty of interpreting
the words used, but it is most probable
that the above is the true statement, and
tbis will relieve all the difficulties in re
gard to the account. Prideaux supposes
that the characters employed were the
ancient Phoenician characters, that were
used by the Hebrews, and that are found
now in the Samaritan Pentateuch; and
that, as above suggested, these might be
unknown to the Babylonians, though fa
miliar to Daniel. Others have supposed
tbat the characters were tbose in common
use in Babylon, and that the reason why
the Babylonians could not read them was
tbat they were smitten with a sudden
blindness, like the inhabitants of Sodom,
Gen. xix. 11. The Talmudists suppose
that the words were written in a caba
listic manner, in which certain letters
were used to stand for other letters, on
the principle referred to by Buxtorf (Lex,
Chai. Babb. et Talm. p. 248), and known
as lya.-iN — that is, where the alphabet ia
reversed, and ^ (A) is used for n (T),
a (B) for Iff (S), Ac, and that on account
of this cabalistic transmutation the Baby
lonians could not read it, though Dan
iel might have been familiar with tha4
mode of writing. Kabbi Jochanan sup«

aaa

DANIEL.

[B. C. 538.

26 This 7.? the interpretation of
tho thing: MENE ; God hath num-

prsed that there was a change of the order
in which the letters of the words were
witten; other Rabbins that there was a
change merely in the order of the first and
second letters; others, thnt the words
were written backwards; others, tbat the
words were written, not in the usual
horizontal manner, but perpendicularly;
and others, that the words were not writ
ten in full, but that only the first letters
of each were written. See Bertholdt, pp.
349, 350. All these are mere conjectures,
and most of them are childish and impro
bable suppositions. There is no real
difficulty in the case if we suppose that
the words were written in a character fami
liar to Daniel, but not familiar to the Baby
lonians. Or,if this is not admitted, then we
may suppose that some mere marks were
employed whose signification was made
known to Daniel in a miraculous manner.
26. This is the interpretation of the
thing. It may seem not to have been
difficult to interpret the meaning of the
communication when one was able to
read the words, or when the sense ofthe
words was understood. But, if the words
are placed together, and considered in
their abstract form, the whole communi
cation would be so enigmatical that the
interpretation would not be likely to oc
cur to any one without a divine guidance.
This will appear more clearly by arrang
ing the words together, as has been done
hy Hales :
MENE, MENE, TEKEL,
NUMBER, NUMBER, WEIGHT,
[PERES] UPHARSIN.
[division] divisions ;
»r, as it is explained more accurately by
Bertholdt and Gesenius,
Mene, Mene, Tekel, Upkarain,
Numbered, Numbered, Weighed, Divided.
From this arrangement, it will be at onco
seen that the interpretation proposed by
Daniel was not one that would have been
likely to have occurred to any one.
^ Mene — Njp. This word is a participle
passive from n^p to number, to review.
Clei£iiiuS| Lex, The verb is also written

bered thy kingdom and finished
it.

n;P. Buxtorf, Leoir. It would he liter-
ally translated mimhered, and would ap
ply to that of which an estimate was
taken by counting. We use now an ex
pression which would convey a similar
idea, when we say of one that 'his days
are numbered f that is, he haj not long
to live, or is about to die. Tbe idea
seems to be taken from the fact that the
duration ofa man's life cannot usually be
known, and in the general uncertainty
we cau form no correct estimate of it,
but when he is old, or when he is
dangerously sick, we feel that we can
with some degree of probability number
his days, since he cannot now live long.
Such is tbe idea here, as explained hy
Daniel. All uncertainty about the dura
tion of the kingdom was now removed,
for, since the evil had come, an exact
estimate of its whole duration — of the num
ber of the years of its continuance —
could be made. In the Greek of Theo
dotion there is no attempt to translate
tbis word, and it is retained in Greek
letters — Mai/i). So also in the Codex
Chis., and in the Latin Vulgate. ^ God
hath numbered thy kingdom. The word
which is used here, and rendered num
bered — njp — is tbe verb of which the
previous word is the participle. Daniel
applies it to the kingdom- or reign of the
monarch, as being a thing of more im
portance than the life of the king him
self. It is evident, if, according to the
common interpretation of ver. 30, Bel
shazzar was slain that very night, it
might have been applied to the king him
self, meaning that his days were num
bered, and that he was about to die.
But this interpretation (see Notes) is not
absolutely certain, and perhaps the fact
that Daniel did not so apply the word may
be properly regarded as one circumstance
showing that such an interpretation is
not necessary, though probably it is the
correct one. % And finished it. This
is not the meaning of the word Mene,
but is the explanation by Daniel of the
thing intended. The word in its interpre-
tation fairly implied that; or that might
be understood from it. The faet that the
'kingdom' in its duration was * numbered/
properly expressed the idea that it waa

B, C. 538.]

CHAPTER V.

251

27 TEKEL ; Tliou art weighed
• Job. 31. 3. Ps. 02. 9. b Mat. 22. 11, 12.
1 Co. 3. 13.

now to come to an end. It did actually
then come to an end by being merged in
that of the Medes and Persians.
27. Tekd. This word — Sp.!? — is also,
tccording to Gesenius, a passive parti
ciple (from 7|7n, to poise, to weigh,) and
means weighed. It would be nsed with
feferenoe to anything placed in a balance
to ascertain its weight ; and hence, like
the word measure, would denote that
the extent, dimensions, true worth, or
character of anything was ascertained.
As by the use of scales the weight of
anything is known, so the word ia ap
plied to any estimate of character or
of actions, and a balance becomes the
emblem of justice. Thus God, in his
judgments of men, is represented as
weighing their actions. 1 Sam. ii. 3.

»iu the balances, and art fovmd
^ wantinar.

" The Lord is a God of knowledge, and
by him actions are weighed." Gomp.
Job vi. 2,
" Oh tbat my grief were thoroughly weighed,
And my calamity laid in the balance together."
Job xxxi. 6,
" Let me be weighed in an even balance.
That God may know mine integrity,"
The balance thus used to denote judg
ment in this life, became also the emblem
of judgment in the future state, when the
conduct of men will be accurately esti
mated, and justice dealt out to them
according to the strict rules of equity.
To illustrate this, I will insert a copy of
an Egyptian 'Death Judgment,' with the
remarks of the Editor of the Pictorial
Bible in regard to it. "The Egyptians en-

ANCIENT ECYPTIAN DBATH JUDGMENT.

rertained the belief that the actions ofthe
nead were solemnly weighed in balances
"before Osiris, and that the condition of
the departed waa determined according
to the preponderance of good or evil.
Buch judgment scenes are very frequently
represented in the paintings and papyri
of ancient Egypt, and one of them wo
have copied as a suitable illustration of
the present subject. One of these scenes,
as represented on the walls of a small
temple at Dayr-el-Medeeneh, has been
BO well explained by Mr. Wilkinson, that
wc shall avail ourselves of his descrip
tion ; for although that to which it refers
is somewhat different from the one which
wo have engraved, his account affords an
adequate elucidation of all that ours con
tains. 'Osiris, seated on his throne,
iwaita the arriva] of those souls that are

ushered into Araenti. The four genii
stand hefore him on a lotus-blossom [oura
has the lotus without the genii,] the female
Cerberas sits behind them, and Harpoc
rates on the crook of Osiris. Thoth, the
god of letters, arrives in the presence of
Osiris bearing in his hand a tablet, oo
which the actions of the deceased are
noted down, while Horus and Aroeris are
employed in weighing the good deeds*
of the judged against the ostrich feather,
the symbol of truth and justice. A cyno-
cepl alus, the emblem of truth, is seated
on the top of tho balance. At length
arrives the deceased, who appears between
two figures of the goddess, and bears in
* " This M. Champollion supposes to bo the
heart. I still incline to the construction I
have put upon it — a type of the good actiona
of the deceased."

252

DANIEL,

IB. C. 538

bis band the symbol of truth,* indicating
his meritorious actions, and his fitness for
admission to the presence of Osiris.'
"If the Babylonians entertained a simi
lar notion, the declaration of the prophet,
'Thou art weighed inthe balances, and
art found wanting !' must have appeiired
exceedingly awful to them. Eut again,
there are allusions ]n this declaration to
some such custom of literally weighing
the royal person, as is described in the
following passage in the account of Sir
Thomas Roe's embassy to the Great Mo
gul ; — ' The first of September, (which
was the late Mogul's birth-day,) he, re
taining an ancient yearly custom, was,
in the presence of his chief grandees,
weighed in a balance : the ceremony was
performed within his house, or tent, in a
fair spacious room, whereinto none were
admitted but hy special leave. The scales
in which he was thus weighed were plated
with gold; and so was the beam, on
which they hung by great chains, made
likewise of that most precious metal.
The king, sitting in one of them, was
weighed first against silver coin, which
immediately afterwards was distributed
among the poor; tben was he weighed
against gold ; after that against jewels
(as they say,) but I observed (being there
present with my ambassador) that be was
weighed against three several things,
laid in silken bags in the contrary scale.

When I saw him in the balance, I thought
on Belshazzar, who was found too light.
B; his weight (of which hia physicians

ANCIENT EGYPTIAN SCALES.
yearly keep an exact account,) they pre
sume to guess of the present state of hif
body, of which they speal? flatteringly,.
however they think it to be.''

SCALES, — ^FBOM AN EGYPTIAN PAINTING ENGRAVED IN KOSELLINI.

The cut on page 253 from the Sarcopha
gus of Alexander, will further show how
commonly thia opinion prevailed, and
how natural is the representation here.
If the Babylonians entertained such
notion^ in regard to the dead as are
* *' Sometimes, instead of the ostrich-feather,
lhe deceased bears a vase (which is placed in
the otber scale,) and it has then a simUar im-
Jort"

here represented, the declaration mad*
by the prophet must have been exceed
ingly solemn. But whether this were sa
or not, the language of Danici in inter.
preting the word, must have been over
whelming to the monarch. It conld be
understood by him as denoting nothing
less than that a solemn sentence had
been passed upon his choractor and con.
duct by the great Judge of all, and that

B. C. 538.]

CHAPTEB V.

253

28 PERES; Tliy Idngdom is di-
» Foretold, Is. 21, 2. *> ver. 31. c c. 6. 28.

vided, and given ato the "^ Medea
and c Persians.

D£ATH, JUDGMENT, ETC., FROM THE SARCOPHAGUS OF ALEXAKDEIl.

ht waa found to have failed in the re
quirements which had been made of him,
and was now condemned. He bad no
righteousness wben his actions camo to
be estimated as in a balance, and no
thing awaited him but an awful con
demnation. Who 13 there now who would
not tremble at seeing the word Teleel —
weighed — written on the wall of his cham
ber at midnight? ^ Tkou art weighed in
the balancea. That is, this, in the cir
cumstances, is the proper interpretation
of this word. It would apply to any
thing whose value was ascertained by
Weighing it; but as tho reference here
was to the king of Babylon, and as the
whole representation was designed for
him, Daniel distinctly applies it to him :
'thou art weighed.' On the use and ap
pUcation of this language, see 1 Sam. ii.
3, " Tae Lord is a God of knowledge, and
by him mictions are weighed." Comp. also
Job xxxi. 6 J Prov. xvi. 2, 11. ^ And
art found wanting. This is added, Uke
the previous phrase, as an explanation.
Even if tbe word could have been read
by the Chaldeans, yet its meaning could
not have been uuderstood without a
divine communicatjODf for though it were
22

supposed to be applicable to the monarch,
it would still be a question what the re
sult of the weighing or trial would be.
That could have been known to Daniel
only by a communication from on high.
28. Peres, In ver. 25 this is Uphar-
ain. These are but different forms of tho
same word — the word in ver. 25 being in
the plural, and here in the singular.
The verb (D^p) means to divide, and in
this form, as in the previous cases, it is,
according to Gesenius, a participle, mean
ing divided. As it stands here, it would
be appUcable to anything that was divided
or aundered — whether a kingdom, a pal
ace, a house, a territory, &q. What was
divided, could be known only by divine
revelation. If the word had been un
derstood by Belshazzar, undoubtedly it
would have suggested the idea that there
was to he some sort of division or sunder
ing, but what that was to be would not be
indicated by the mere use of the word.
Perhaps to an affrighted imagination
there might have been conveyed the idea
that there would be a revoltrin some of
the provinces of the empire, and that a
part would be rent away, but it would
not have occurred that it would be so rent

Zl>4

DANIEL.

[B. C. 538,

29 'then commanded Belshazzar,
and tliey clothed Daniel with scar
let, and jyut a chain of gold about
his neck, and made a proclamation

tbat the whole would pass under the do
minion of a foreign power. Josephus
(Ant. B. X. ch. xi. ? 3) says, that the
word "Phares in the Greek tongue means
a fragment — K\oafia — God will, therefore,
break thy kingdom in pieces, and divide
it among the Medes and Persians." ^ Thy
kingiom is divided. That is, the proper
interpretation of thia communication is,
that the kingdom ia about to be rent
asunder, or broken into fragments. It is
to be separated or torn froin the dynasty
that has ruled over it, and to be given to
another. ^ And given to the Medea and
Feraiana. On this united kingdon, see
Notes on Isa. xiii. 17. It was given to
the Medes and Persians wheu it was
taken by Cyrus, and when the kingdom of
Babylon became extinct, and thencefor
ward became a part of the Medo-Persian
empire. See Notes on Isa. xiii. 17, 19.
29. Then commanded Belahazzar. In
compliance with his promise, ver, 16,
Though the interpretation had been so
fearful in its import, and though Daniel
had been so plain ond faithful with him,
yet he did not hesitate to fulfil his pro
mise. It is a remarkable instance of the
result of fidelity, that a proud monarch
should have received such a reproof, and
such a prediction in this manner, and
it is an encouragement to us to do our
duty, and to state the truth plainly to
wicked men. Their own consciences tes
tify to them thatit is the truth, and tbey
will see the truth so clearly that they
cannot deny it. fj. And they clothed
Daniel with scarlet, &,e. All this, it
would seem, was transacted in a single
night, and it has been made an objection,
as abovo remarked, to the authenticity
of the book, that such eveuts are said to
have occurred in so short a space of time,
and that Daniel should have been so soon
clothed with the robes of ofiice. On this
objection, see Intro, to the chnpter,
1 1. II. In respect to the latter part of
the objeotion, it may be here further re
marked, that it was not necessary to fi.t
him, with a suit of clothes made expressly
for the occasion, for the loose, flowing robes
•f the Orientals were as well adapted to

concerning him, that = he should be
the third ruler in the kingdom.
30 T[ In that night b was Belshaz
zar the king of the Chaldeans slain.
aver. T. ''Je.Sl. 31, 39.

one person as another, and in the palaces
of kings such garments were always oa
hand. See Harmar*s Observations in the
East, vol. ii. 392, aeq. Comp, RosenmiiUer,
Morgenland, in loc. ^ That he ahould be
the third ruler, &,e. See Notes on ver. 7.
30. In that night was Belahazzar the
king of the Chaldeana slain. On the tak
ing of Babylon, and the consequences,
see Notes on Isa. xiii. 17 — ^22, and ch,
xlv. 1, 2. The account which Xenophon
(Cyrop. vii, i.) gives of the taking of
i3abylon, and of the death of the king —
though without mentioning his name,
agrees so well with the statement here,
that it may be regarded as a strong con
firmation of its correctness. After de
scribing the preparation made to take the
city by draining off" the waters of the
Euphrates' so as to leave the channel dry
beneath the walls for the army of Cyrus,
and after recording the charge whicii
Cyrus gave to his generals Gadates and
Gobryas, he adds, "And indeed those
who were with Gobryas said that it would
not be wonderful if the gates of the pal
ace should be found open, aa the whole
eity that night aeemed to be given up to
revelry" — us r.v Ktiiiiw yap dosu h Jt6^is nSffa
tXvai rfih rn vvsri. He then says that as
they passed on, after entering the city,
"of those whom they encountered, part
being smitten died, part fled agaiu back,
and part raised a clamor. But those who
were with Gobryas also raised a clamor
as "if they also joined in the revelry, and
going as fast as they could, they came
soon to the palace of the king. But those
who were with Gobryas and Gadates
being arrayed, found the gates of tho
palace closed, but those who were ap
pointed to go against the guard of tho
palace fell upon them when drinking
before a great light, and were quickly
engaged witb them in hostile combat.
Then u cry arose, and they who' were
within having asked tbe cause of tho
tumult, the king commanded them to see
what the affair was, and some of them
rushing out opened the gates. As they
who were with Gadatea saw the gates •
open, they rushed in, and pursuing those

B. 0. 538.]

CHAPTER V.

255

31 And Dariua » the Median took
• c. 9. 1. ^Iieas Oie son of. e or, how.

the kingdom, " b heing 'about thre©*
score and two years old.

who attempted to return, and smit
ing them, they came to the king, and
they found him standing with a drawn
sabre — aKwasriv. And those who were
with Gadates and Gobryas overpowered
him — Ixtipovvrn — and those who were with
him were slain — one opposing, and one
fleeing, and one seeking his safety in the
best way he could. And Cyrus sent cer
tain of bis horsemen away, and com
manded that they should put to death
those whom they found out of their dwel
lings, but that those who were in their
bouses, and could speak the Syrinc lan
gnage, should be suffered to remain, but
that whosoever should be found without
should be put to death,
" These things they did. But Gadatea
and Gobryas came up; and first they
rendered thanks to the gods becauae they
bad taken vengeance on the irapious
king — on rtTiiJOjprjfihot i^aav rdv dtuhtuv
fiasiXia. Then they kissed the hands
and feet of Cyrus, weeping with joy, nnd
rejoicing. When it was day, and they
who had the watch over the towers
iearned that the city was taken, and that
the king wae deod — ,6v 8aai\ia r«9i'i7Vf5ra —
tbey also surrendered the towers." These
extracts from Xenophon abundantly con
flrm what is hore said in Daniel respect
ing the death of the king, and will more
than neutralize what is said by Berosus.
See Intro, to tbe chapter, J 2.
31. And Dariua the Median took the
kingdom. The city aud kingdom were
actually taken by Cyrua, though acting in
the nnme and by the authority of Dnrius,
or Cyaxares, who was his uncle. For a
full explanation of the conquests of Cyrus,
and of the reason why the city is said to
have been taken by Darius, see Notes on
Isa, xli, 2, In regard to the question
who Darius the Median was, see the
Introduction to ch, vi, 1 2. The name
Darius — ^1V^"J, or Darjaveah, is the name
under which the three Aledo-Persian
kings are mentioned in the Old Testa
ment. There is some diflference of opin
ion as to its meaning. Herodotus (vi.
98) snys, that it is equivalent to ip(im,
one who lestrains, but Hesychius says

that it is the samo as ^pfii'i/ioj — p,<udent,
Grotefend, who has found it in the cuni-
form inscriptions at Persepolis, as Dar-
heush, or Darjeush (Hoeren's Ideen, i, 2,
p, 360,) makes it to be a compound word,
the first part being an abbreviation of
Dara, 'Lord,' and the latter portion
eoming from kehah, 'king.' St, Martin
reads the name as Dareiouach 'Vyachtaa-
ponea on the Persepolitan inscriptions;
that ia, Dariua, son of Viahtaapo. Las-
aen, however, givea Darhawua Viataapalia,
the latter word being equivalent to the
Guataap of the modern Persian, and
meaning 'one whose employment is
about horses.' See Anthon, Class. Diet.,
aud Kitto's Cycle. Art. Dariua. Comp.
Niehbuhr's Reisebeschr, Part ii. Tab. 24,
0.,andB. Gesenius, iar. ThisDariusis
supposed to be Cyaxaros II. (In tro. to ch, vi.
g 2,) the son and successor of Astyages,
the uncle and father-in-law of Cyrus, who
held tho empire of Media between Asty
ages and Cyrus, E. C. 669—536. ^[Being.
Marg. * He as aon. of.' The marginal read
ing is in accordance with the Chaldee —
133. It is not unusual in the language of
the Orientals to denote the age of any ono
by saying that he ia the aon of so many
years. ^ About. Marg., * or, now.' The
word both in the text nnd the margin ia
designed to express tho supposed sense
of his 'being the son of sixty years,'
Tho language of the original would, how
ever, bo accurately expressed by saying
thathe was then sixty years old. Though
Cyrus was the active agent in taking Baby
lon, yet it was done in the name and by
the authority of Cyaxares or DariUij, and
as he was the actual sovereign, the name
of his general — Cyrus— is not mentioned
here, though he was in fact the most
important agent in taking the city, and
became ultimately much more celebrated
than Darius was.
This portion of hiatory — the closing
scene in the reign of a mighty monarch^
and the closing scene in the independent
existence of one of the most powerful
kingdoms that has ever existed on the
earth, is full of instructive lessons, and,
in view nf the chapter as thus explained,
we may make the following

256 DANIEL. [B. C. 638.
BEUARES.
(1.) We have here an Impressive illustration of the sin of sacrilege, vs. 2, 3. Tn all agefl, and
Among all people, this has been regarded as a sin of peculiar enormity, and it is quite ei ident
iiat God in this solemn scene meant to confirm the general judgment of mankind on the sub
ject. Among all people, where any kind of religion has prevailed, there are places and olpjectfl
which are regardwi as set apart to sacred upe, and which are not to be employed for common
and profane purposes. Though in themselves— in the gold and silver, the wood and stone of
which they are made — there is no essential holiness, yet they derive a sacredness from being
Bet apart to divine purposes, and it has always been held to be a high crime to treat them with
indignity or contempt; to rob altars, or to desecrate holy places. This general impression of
mankiod it was clearly the design of God to confirm in the case before us, when the sabred
vessels of the temple — vessels consecrated in the most solemn manner Jo the_ worship of Jeho
vah — were profanely employed for the purposes of caroupal. God had bome it patiently when.
those vessels bad been removed from the temple at Jerusalem, and when they had been laid
up among the spoils of victory in the temples at Babylon, but when tbey were profaned for
purposes of revelry — when they were brought forth to grace a heathen festival, and to be cm-
ployed in the midst of scenes of riot and dissipation, it was time for him to interpose, and to
chow to these profane revellers tbat there is a God in heaven.
(2.) We may see the peril of such festivals as that celebrated by Belshazzar and his lords,
ver. 1, seq. It is by no means probable that, when the feast was contemplated and aixanged,
anything was designed like that which occurred in the progress of the affair. It was not a
matter of set purpose to introduce the females ofthe harem to this scene of carousal, and still
less to make use of the Facred vessels dedicated to the worship of Jehovah, to grace the mid-
night reveli-y. It is not improbable that they would have been at first shocked at such an
outrage on what waa regarded as propriety, or what would havo been deemed aacred by all
people. It was only when tbe king had 'tasted the wine' that these things were proposed ; and
none who attend on such a banquet as this; none wbo come together for purposes of drinking
and feasting, can foretel what they may be led to do iinder the influence of wine and strong
drink. No man is certain of not doing foolish and wicked things who gives himself up to such
indulgences ; no man knows what he may do that may be the cause of bitter regret and painful
mortification in the recollection.
(3.) God has tbe means of access to the consciencesof men, ver. 5. Tn tbis case, itwas by writ
ing on the wall with his own fingers certain mysterious words which none could interpret,
but which no one doubted were of fearful import. No one present, it would appear, had any
doubt tbat somehow whatwas written was connected with eome awful judgment, and tbe
fearfulness of what they dreaded arose manifestly from the consciousness of their own guilt.
It is not often that God comes forth in this way to alarm the guilty ; but he has a thoupand
methodsof doing it, and no one csn be sure that in an instant he nill not summon all the sins of
his past life to remembranra. He cotdd write our guilt in letters of light before us — in the
chamber where we sleep; in the hall whore we engage in revelry; ou the face of the sky at
night; or he can make it as plain to our own minds as i/it were thus written out. ToBelsbiiz-
sar m his palace, surrounded by his lords, he showed this ; to us in society or solitude he can do
the same thing. No sinner can have any security that he may not in a moment be overwhelmed
with the conviction of his own depravity, and with dreadful apprehension of the wrath to '
come. (4.) We have in this chapter (ver. 6) a striking illustration of the effects of a sudden alarm
tothe guilty. The countenance of the monarch was changed; his thoughts troubled him;
the joints of his loins were loosed, and his knees smote together. Such effects are not un
common wben a sinner is made to feel that ho is in the presence of God, and when bin tLoughta
are led along to the future world. The human frame is so made tbat these changes occur
as indicative of the troubles which the mind experiences, and tbe fact that it is thus agi
tated shows the power which God haa over us. No guilty man can be secure that he will
not thus be alarmed when he comes to contemplate the possibility tliat he may soon bo
called before his Maker, and tbe fact that he may thus be alarmed should be one of tbe consid
erations bearing on his mind to lead him to a courfe of virtue and religion. Such terror is
proof of conscious guilt, lor the innocent have nothing to dread, and if a man is sure that he is
prepared to appear before God, he is not alavnied at the prospect. They who live in pin ; they
who indulge in revelry : they who are profane and sacrilegious ; they who abuse the mercies
of God and live to deride sacred things, can never be certain that in a moment, hy the revela
tion of their guilt to their own souls, and by a sudden message from the eternal world, they
may not be overwhelmed with the deepest consternation. Their countenances may become
deadly pale, their joints may be loosed, and tbeir limbs tremble. It ia only the righteous who
ean look calmly at thejudgment.
(5.) We may see from this chapter one of theeffects ofthe terror ofa guilty conscience. It is not
¦aid, indeed, that the mysterious fingers on the wall recorded the guilt of the monarch. But they
recorded something; tbey were making somerecord that manifestly pertained to him. How na
tural wa« it to suppose that it was a record of his guilt I And who is ihere that could bear arecord
made iu that manner of his own thoughts and purposes; of his desires and feelings ; of wfaat
he is conscious is passing within the chambers of his own soul ? There is no one who would
not tum pale if he saw a mysterious hand writing all his thoughts und purposes — all the deeds
of his past life — on the wall of his chamber at night, and bringing at once all his conceolecl
thoughte, and all hia forgotten deeds hefore his mind. And if this is so, how will the einner
«*ur t&t dieclcsven that will be mad« at the day of judgment?

B.C.Ei38.1 CHAPTEK YI. 257
CHAPTER VI.
g 1. AUTHENTICIir OF THE CHAPTER,
Tms chapter, like the previous ones, haa not escaped serious objections as to its authen
ticity and crebibility. The objections which have been made to it have been derived from what
i» regarded as incredible in ita statements. It is important, as in the previous chapters,
to inquire whether the objections are insuperable, or whether this is so free from reasonable
objection as to be worthy to be received as a portion of diviue truth. The objections, as urged
hy Bertholdt (Daniel aus dem Hebraish-Aramaiachen neu iibersetzt, &c., pp. 7!^— 7S, and pp,
357 — 36^,) and by Bleek, aro capable of being reduced to the lour following :
I. That it is wholly improbable tbat a monarch, in the circumstances of Darius, would give
an order so unreasonable and foolish as that no one ofhis subjects should present any petilion
for a month to any one, God or man, but to bimself. It is alleged that no good end could have
been proposed by it; that it would have perilled the peace of the empire ; that among a people
who worshipped many gods — who had gods in all their dwellings — it would have been vain
tu hope that the command co^Id have been carried peaceably into execution; aud that,
whoever proposed this, it could not have been executed without shaking tbe stability of tho
throne. Bertholdt abks (p. 357, seq.), 'Can one believe that, among a people so devoted to reli
gion as the Babylonians were, it should have been forbidden them to address their gods for one
single day ? Is it credible that the counsellors of the kiug were so irreligious that without fear
of the avenging deities they would endeavour to enforce such an order as tbat here referred to—
that no petition should be addressed to God or man for a raonth, except to the king? And was
Cyaxares so destitute of religion as not to refuse to sanction such a mandate? And does this
agree with the fact that in the issue itself he showed so much respect to a foreign God — the
God of the Jews ? Under what pretence could the ministers of the king give him this counsel ?
Could it be under any purpose of deifying his own person? But it remains to be proved that
either then, or soon after that time, it was customary in Asia to attribute divine honours to a
monarch, whether deceased or living.*
To this objection, Hengstenberg (Die Authentie dea Daniel, p. 125, seq.) replies, by an en
deavour to show tbat it was a common opinion in Persia that the king was regarded ' as a rep-
iresentative, and an incarnation of Urmuzd ;' and that nothing is more probable than that such a
monarch coming to the throne of Babylon, would be willing to appear in tbat character, claim
ing divine honours, and early testing the intelligence of his new subjects to receive him in
that character in which he was recognized in his own land. In confirmation of this, he quotes
two passives from Heeren (Ideen Ste Ausg. I. i. p. 446, 61), in proof that these ideas thus pre
vailed. * The person of the king,' Heeren says, ' is in Asiatic kingdoms the middle point around
which all revolves. He is regarded, according to the Oriental notiona, not so much the ruler
as the actual owner of the people and land. All their arrangements are formed on this funda
mental idea, and they are carried to an extent which to Kuropeans appeara incredible and ridi
culous.* *The idea of citizenship, according to the ISuropean nations, is altogether a strange
idea to them; all, without exception, from the highest to the lowest, are the servants of the
king, and the right to rule over them, and to deal with them as he pleases, is a right wbich is
never called in question.' Hengstenberg then remarks, that it is capable of the clearest projf
that the kings ofthe Medes and Persians were regarded and Jwnoured as tiie representatives and
incarnations of Ormuzd. In proof of this, he quotes the following passage from Heeren (p.474),
showing that this idea early prevailed among the followers of Zoroaster. * Zoroaster,' says he,
* saw the kingdom of light and of darkness both developed upon the earth ; Iran, the Medish-
Bactrish kingdom, under the sceptre of Gustaap, ia tohim the image of the kingdom of Ormuzd;
tlie icing liimself is an image of him; Turan, the Northem Nomadland, when Afrasiab reigned;
Is the image of the kingdom of darknesa, under the dominion of Ahriman.* This idea, says
Hengstenberg, the magi made use of when they wished to bring the king to their own interests,
or to promote any favourite object of their own. The king was regarded as the representative,
the visible manifestation of Ormuzd, ruling with power as uncircumaeribed as hi^ the seven
princes standing near him were representatives of the seven Amhaspands, who stood before
the throne of Ormuzd. The evidence that the Persian kings were regarded as an embodiment
of the deity, or thai they represented him on earth, Hengstenberg remarks (p. 126), is clear in
tho classic writings, in the Scriptures, and in the Persian monuments. In proof of this,
he appeals to the following authorities among the classic writers, Plutarch (ThemistocL
cap- 27) ; Xenophon (Ageail.) ; Isocrates (Panegyri de Pers. princ. p. 17); Arrian, 6. 29; Cur
tius 8. 5. Curtius says, P^sas reges suos inter deos colere, i'or tho same purpose, Hengsten-
herg'(pp- 128, 129,) appeala to the following passage of Scripture, Ksther iii. 4, and the couduct
of Mordecai in general, who refused, as he supposes, the respect which Haman demanded as tbe
*TSt minister of the king, on religious grounds, and because more was required and expected
of faim than mere civil respect— or that a degree of homage was required entirely inconsistent
vith that due to the true God. Tn proof of the same thing, Hepstenberg appeals to Persian monu-
¦ivnts pp- 129—132. The proof is too long to be inserted here. These monumentfi nhow that
22*

258 DANIEL. jB. C. 538.
tbe Persian kings were regarded and adored as impersonations of Ormuzd. To this may b«
added many of their inscriptions. In the work by de Sacy, Memoires e. divers. Antiq. de la
Perse, PI. i. p. 27, 31, the Persian kings are mentioned as EKyouot ^eiov, ck ycvovs Sttuv, and
fico?— both as offsprings of the gods, as of the race of the gods, and as gods.
If tbis is correct, and the Persian kings were regarded as divine; as an impersonation or in
camation of the God that was worshipped, then there is no improbability in the supposition
that it might be proposed to the king that for a given space of time he should allow no petition
to be presented to any one else, God or man. It would be easy to persuade a monarch having
such pretensions to issue sucb a decree, and especially when be>had subjected a foreign people
like the Babylonians, to be willing thus to assert his authority over them, and show them what
reapect and homage he demanded. In judging, also, ofthe probability of wbat is here said, we
are to remember the arbitrary character of Oriental monarchs, and ofthe Persian kings no less
than othera. Assuredly there were as strange things in the character and conduct of Xerxes,
one of the successors of this same Darius, as any that are recorded in this chapter of the boOk
of Daniel; and if these acts of folly, which he perpetrated, had been written in a book claim
ing to be divinely inspired, they would have been liable to much greater ohjection than any
thing which is stated here. The mere fact that a thing is in itself foolish and unreasonable,
and apparently absurd, is no conclusive evidence that a man clothed with absolute authority
would not be guilty ofit.
To all that has been said on this point, tbere sbould be added a remark made by Bertholdt
himself (p. 357) respecting Darius, which will show that what is bere said of him is really not
at all inconsistent with his character, and not improbable. *He says, speaking of Darius or
Cyaxares, that ' from his character, as given by Xenophon, a man of weak mind, (Cyrop. i. 4,
22, iv. 1, 13,) a man passionate and peevish, (iii. 3, 29, iv. 6, 8, v, 5, i. 8,) a man given to wine and
women, (iv. 5, 52, v. 6, 44,) we are not to expect much wisdom.* There is nothing stated hero
by Daniel which is inconsistent witb the character of such a man.
II. A second objection made to the probability of this statement, is drawn from the character
of the edict which Darius is said to have proclaimed, commanding that honour should be ren
dered to Jehovah, vs. 25 — 27. It is alleged that if such an edict had been published, it is in
credible that no mention is made ofit in history; that the thing was so remarkable that it must
have been noticed by the writers who have referred to Darius or Cyaxares.
To thia it may he replied, (1.) that for anything that appears to the contrary, Daniel may
be aa credible a historian as Xenophon or Herodotus. No one can demonstrate that the account
here ia not as worthy of belief as if it had appeared in a Greek or Latin classic author. When
will the world get over the folly of supposing that what is found in a book claiming to be in
spired should be regarded as suspicious ontil it is confirmed by the authority of some heathen
writer ; that what is found in any other book should be regarded as necessarily true, however
much it may confiict with the testimony ofthe sacred writers? Viewed in any light,' Daniel is
as, worthy of confidence as any Greek or Latin historian ; what he says ia as credible as ifit had
been found in the works of Sanchoniatbon or Berosus. (2) There are, in fact, few things pre
served in any history in regard to Darius the Mede. Comp, g2. The information given of him
by Xenophon consists merely of a few detached and fragmentary notices, and it is not at all
remarkable that the facts here mentioned, and the proclamation which he made, should be un
noticed by him. A proclamation respecting a foreign god, when it was customary to recognize
so many gods, and indeed to rega.rd all such gods as entitled to respect and honour, would not be
likely to arrest the attention of a Greek historian even if he kuew of it, and, for the same reason,
it would be scarcely probable that he would know of it at all. Nothing would be more likely
to pass away from the recollection of a people than such an edict, orless likely to be known to
a foreigner. So far as the evidence goes, it would seem that the proclamation made no dis
turbance in the realm; the injunction was generally acquiesced in by all except Daniel; and
it W.1S soon forgotten. If it was understood, as it was not improbable, that this was desinned
as a sort of test to see whether the people would receive tbe commands of Darius as binding
oc tbem ; that they would honour him, as the Persian monarch was honoured in his own pro
per kingdom, it would seem to have been entirely successful, and there was no occasion to
refer to it again.
III. A third objection urged by Bertholdt (p. 361), is derived from the account respecting the
lions in this chapter. It is alleged by him that the account is so full of improbabilities, that it
cannot be received as true; that though the fact tbat they did not fall on Daniel can be ex
plained from the circumstance that they were not hungry, &c.; yet that it is incredible that
they should have fallen on the enemies of Daniel as soon as they were thrown into the den*
that the king should expect to find Daniel alive after bemg thrown among them ; tbat he should
have called in this manner to Daniel, ic
To all this it is suliici'int to reply, that no one can suppose that the facts stated here can be
explained by any natural causes. The wbole reprefentation is evidently designed to leave tbe
inprcssion that there was a special divine interposition— a miracle— in the case, and the only
explanation wbich is admisf-ible bere is that wbich would be proper in the case of any other
miracle. The only questions whicb could be asked, or wbich would be proper, are thesa
two; whether a miracle is possible; and whether thia was a suitable occasion forthe miracu
lous exertion of divine power. As to the tirst of thesc questions, it is not necessary to argue
sliat "here— for the objection might lie with equal force against any other miracle refeiTed to in
ttie Bible. As to the second, it may he observed, that it is not easy to conceive of a caae whon

B. C.538.J CHAPTER VI. 259
a miracle would bo more proper. Tf a miracle waa ever proper to protect the innocent ; or to
vindicate the claims ofthe true God against all false gods; or to make a deep and lasting impre^
sion on the minds of men that Jehovah is the true God, it is not easy to conceive of a more
appropriate occasion than this. No situation could be conceived to he more appropriate than
when au impression was designed to be made on tho mind of the sovereign of tho most mighty
empire on the earth; or than when, through a proclamation issued from the tlirone, the na-
ti'>ns subject to his sceptre should be summoned to acknowledge him as tho true God. '
IV. A fourth objection urged by Bleuk, Theologische Zeitschrift, pp. 262 — 264, is, substan
tially, the following: that it is remarkable that there is in this account no allusion to the tbree
companions of Daniel ; to those who had been trained with him at the Chaldean court, and had
been admitted also to honour, and who had so abundantly shown that tbey were worshippera
of the true God. The whole story, says Bleek, appears to hove been designed to produce a mural
effect on the mind of the Jews, by the unknown author, to persuade them in some period of
persecution to adhere to tfae God of thoir fathers in the midst of all persecution and opposition.
"To this ohjection it may be replied, (1) That it ia wholly probable that there were many
other pious Jews in Babylon at this time beside Daniel — Jews who would, like him, adhere to
the worship of the true God, regardless of the command of the king. We are not to suppose,
by any means, that Daniel was the onZy conscientioua Jew in Babylon. The narrative evidently
does not require that we should come to such a conclusion, but that there was something pecur
liar iu regard to Daniel. (2) As to the three companions and friends of Daniel, it is possible,
as Hengstenberg remarks (Authentie, &c. p. 135), that they may either have been dead, or may
have been removed from office, and were leading private lives. (3) This edict was evidently
aimed at Daniel. The whole narrative supposes tbis. For some cause, according to the narra*
tive — and there is no improbability that such an opposition might exist against a foreigner
advanced to honour at court — there was some ground of jealousy against him, and a purpose
formed to remove or disgrace him. There does not appear to have been any jealousy of others,
or any purpose to disturb others in the free enjoyment of their religion. The aim was to hum
ble Daniel ; to secure his removal from ofiice, and to degrade him ; and for this purpose a plan was
laid with consummate skilL Hewas known to be upright; and they who laid the plot felt
assured that uo charge of guilt, no accusation of crime, or unfaithfulness in hia office, could he
alleged agaiust him. Ue was known to be a man who would not shrink from the avowal of his
opinions, or from the performance of those duties which he owed to his God. Ue was known to
be a man so much devoted to the worship of Jelwvali, the God of his people, that no law what
ever would prevent him from rendering to him the homage which was bis due, and it was be
lieved, therefore, that if a law were made, on auy pretence, that nd one in the realm should ask
anything of either God or man, except the king, tor a definite space of time, there would be a
moral certainty that Daniel would be found to be a violator of that law, and his degradation
and death would be certain. What was here proposed was a scheme worthy of crafty and
jealous and wicked men ; and the only difficulty, evidently, wbich would occur to their mind
would he to persuade the king to enter into the measure so far aa to promulgate sucb a law.
As already observed, plausible pretences might be fouud for that, and when that was done,
they would naturally conclude that their wbole scheme was successful. (4) There is no impro
bability, therefore, in supposing that, as the whole thing was aimed at Daniel', there might have
heen many pioua Jews who stUl worshipped God in secret in Babylon, and that no one would
give information against them. As the edict was not aimed at them, it is not surprising tbat
wc bear of no prosecution against them, and no complaint matle of them for disregarding tbe
law. If Daniel was found to violate the statute; if he was ensnared and entrapped by the cun
ning device; if hc was humbled and punished, all the purposes contemplated by ita authors
would be accomplished, and we need not suppose that they would give themselves any trouble
about others. §2. THE QUESTION WHO WA3 DASIUS THE MEDE.
Considerable importance is to ho attached to the question who was 'Darius the Medo,* as it
has heen made a ground of olyection to the Scripture narrative, that no person by that nam«
is mentioned in the Greek writers.
There are three Medo-Persian kings of the name of Darius mentioned in the Old Testament.
One occurs iu the Book of Ezra (iv. 5, xxv. 1, vi. 1, 12, 15), in Haggai (i. 1, ii. 10), and in
Zech. (i. 17), a.s the king who, in the second year of his reign, effected the execution of those
decrees of Cyrus wWch granted the Jews the liberty of rebuilding the temple, the fulfilment
of which had been obstructed hy the malicious representations which their enemies bud made
to his immediate successors. It is commonly agi-eed that this king was Darius Uystaspis, who
flucceedetl the usurper Smerdis, B. C. 521, and reigned thirty-six years.
A second is mentioned as ' Darius the Persian,' in Neh. xii. 22. All that is said of him Is,
tliat the succusfiion of priests was registered up to his reign. This "Was either Dariua Nothus,
^ C. 423, or Darius CodomaiPas, B. C. 336. See Kitto's Cyelo. Art. Darius.
The remaining one is that mentioned in Daniel only a.^ Darius the Median. Tn ch. ix.l,
hft is mentioned as Darius the son of Ahasuerus, of the seed of the Medes. Much difference
of opinion has prevailed as to tbe person here intended ; but a strict attention to what Is
actually expressed in, or fairly deduced from, the terms used in Daniel, tends to narrow the field
Of coiyecture very considerably, if it does not decide the question. It appears from the passast

260 DANIEL. [B. C. 538
in eSi. T 30, 31, and vi. 28, tbat Darius the Mede obtained the dominion orer Babylon on tbe death
of Belshazzar, wbo was tbe la^t Chaldean king, and tbat be was the immediate predeccsHn
of Koresh (Cyros) in the sorereigniy. The bjrtorical juncture here defined telongs, tberelnr^
to tbe period when tbe Sledo-Perj^ian army led by Cyrus took Babylon (B. C. 638X and Dailna
the Mede mupt denote the first king of a foreign dynasty who aivnmed tbe dcnnniion orer the
Babylonian empire before Cj-rus. These indicatiomi all concur in the person of Cyaxares lhe
Second, the son and successor uf Astyages [AhaKuerua], and the immediate predetessorof f^Tus.
Kitto's Cyclo. Art. Darius.
In relereuce to the question, wbo wasDarins the Slede. Bertholdt bas examine the different
opinions whidi have been entertained in a manner that is satisfactory, and I ' ¦moot dc better
than to present bis views on tbe sutgect. They are fonnd in bis Vierter £tcuri uber den Darius
MIedus, in bis Commentary on Daniel, pp. 843 — 858. I will give the substanc cS the Krenmis,
in a free translation.
* Who was Darius the 31 ede. the son of Aba?uerus, of whom mention is made in tfae six A
chapter ol the Book of DanieL and again in ch. ix. 1 and xi. 1 ? It is agretd on all faands tfaat fa**
was tfae immeliate tnaccesfor of Bekhazzar, the king of the Chaldean? (cfa. v. 30). Comp. ch. vL 1.
Bnt, notwilhstanding this, tbere ii uncertainty as to fais person, since bistoiy makes no men
tion of a iledian Darius. 1 1 is, tfaerefore, not to be wondered at tbat various opinions bave
be<>n entertained by commentators on the Scriptures, and by biFtoric^ inquirers. Omrlng
(Advers. Cbronol. c. 13), wfaom many faave followed, particularly Ilarenberg (Aafklamng des
Bucbes Daniel, s. 454, «7.), faas endeavoured to sfaow tfaat Darins tfae Mede was tfae foorth
Chaldean monarch, NeriglL«saF, and that Belshazzar, his predecessor, was i!.Ti)-Merodflu^
J. Scaliger (De emendat. temporum, p. 579, seq ) recognized in Darins tbe Mede tfae la.°t Cfaaldean
king in Babytcm. Nabonned, and in Befaibazzar, the one before the last, Laborosoarcbod. which
faypotfaesis also Calvisiu^, Peiavius, and Buddens adopted. On tbe otber band, f^yncetlns
(Chronogr. p. 232), Cidrenns (Chron. p. 1-^), the Alexandrine Chronicle, Marsbam (Can. Cbron.
p. 604, Sffj.), the two mo~t recent edUois of .£Ecbylu«. Schutz (in zweiten Excnrs zn i&cfay-
lus's vcpaat,) and Botfae (.Esch. dramata, p. 671), held that Darius tbe Mede was tfae Median
king Astyages, the matemal grandfather of Cjtus. Des VifOiollea (Chronologie, T, 2, p. 495),
and Schroer (Regnum Babyl. ::^ect. 6, §12, K^.), faeld faim to be a pnnce of 31edia, a younger
brotfaer of Astyages, whom (^yms made king over Babylon. Anotfaer opinion, however, deserves
more respect than this, wfaicfa was advanced by 31arianns Scotus, a Benedictine monk of tbe
eleventh centnry, though tfais bypotbesi<! is not tenable, wbich opinion has found, in modem
times, a warm ulvocate in Beer (Kings of Israel and Judah, p. ^ se*i.). According to tbis opi*
nion, it was held tbat Darins tbe Mf»le i^ tbe same person as tbe third Persian king afto* Cyru^
Darius Mjstas^, and tbat Belshazzar was indeed the last Chaldean king, > abonned. but tbat in
tfacfirstcaptureof Habylon nnder Cyms, according to tfae accountof Bemsns (in Job. cAp.L^U),
and Mf^astfacnes (in Kuseb. \^TXp. £vang. ix. 44.) he was not put to death, but was appointed
by pyms as a va.<«al-king; and tben in the second taking of Babvlon nnder DariuR Hysta^pj^
(Herod. iiL 150, s^.y, from wfaom fae had sought to mz^e bimself independent, he was si^in.
This opinion has Uiis advantage, that it faas in it? favour the fact tbat it bas tbe undoubted
name of Darius, bnt it is not conformable to history to snppose tbat Darius Hystaspis was a
son of Afaasnerus, tbe Mede: for bis father. Hystaspis, was a native bom prince of I'eraa,
(Xeno. C!yrop. iv. 2, 46,) of tbe family of the .\cb£Empnkles, Berod. L '2U9. 21ti. Darius Hystaspis
was indeed remotely related by mean^i of tfae motfaer of Cyrus. Mandane, with tbe royal SkmUy ;
bnt this relation could not entitle faim to te eaUed a Blede, for since sfae was the motfaer of
(^rus, it is altogetfaer inexplicable tbat sim» botfa were tfans connected witfa each oUier tfaat
Cyras should be called the Persian (K'?"*?), and Darius the ilede (^7?), Dan vi. 29. The sup
position, moreover^ tbat Nabonned, after tbe taking of Babylon, was appointed as a tributary
king by (^yms, is wholly gratnitous; since Nabonned, according to the express testimony of
Xenophon (Cyrop. vii. 6, 26. seq.), was slain at tbe taking of Babylon.
* There is yet one otber opinion respecting Darins tfae Mede, to wbich I will first prefix the
following remarks: (1) Darius tfae Mede is mentioned in cb. vL 29, as tfae immediate pre
decessor of Cyms in Babylon; (2) Belsbazzar as tfae last Babylonish dialdee king; (3) tfae
account of tfae violent deaUi of Belshazzar, witb wbich the fifth chapter clones, stands in direct
historical connection with the statement in tbe beginning of the sixth cfaapter that Darins the
Mede faad tfae kingdom ; (4) Darins tfae Mede must, therefore, be tbe first foreign prince afkar
tbe downfaU of tbe Chaldean dynasty, wfaicfa directly rragned over Babylon ; (5) tfae cfafonolO'
giral point, ^lerefore, where the history of Belshazzar and of Darius the Mede coincide, derekwea
itself: ttie aoconnt falls in tbe time of the downfall of Babylon through tfae Medo-Persian army
and tbis mnst be tbe occasion fta tbe connecting &ct between the fifth and sixtti ci:aptG&
According to this. Darins tbe ilede can be no other person than tfae Medish king Cyatano IL
the son and su<*re?5or of Astyages, and the predecessor of (^rus in tbe mle over Babykm; and
Belsbazzar is the last Cfaaldee monarch, Nabonned, or Labynet. With this agrees tbe account
of Jofcpbus (Ant. X. 11, 4); and later thL« opinion found an advocate in Jeroue.
•Tbe existence of such a person as Cyaxares II. has been indeed denied, becau5^ accoxdinr
to Herodotna (i. IOS), and Justin (L 4, 7), Astyages had no son. But. it sbould be remarked,
that the latter of these writers only copies from tfae former, and wbat Herodotus statra ngpreb-
Ing Astyages has so much tbe appearance of feble that no reliance ii to be placed on it. It baa
been olgected also that Dionysius of Halicamassus, (B. L §2) says that the Medish kingdom
«QDtannpd only through four reigni^ so that if we reckon the names of the reigning kUtge^ D»

B. 0.538.] CHAPTER VI. 261
joces, Phraortes, Cyaxares (the contemporary of Nebuchadnezzar), and Astyages, there will be
no place for a second Cyaxares. But is it uot probable that Dionysius meant, by these words,
only that the Media kingdom came to an end underthe fourth dynasty P Finally, it haa
been objected that, according to Herodotus (i. 128, seq ), and Ctesias (JXipirtK. 2 and 5), no Me
dian prince sat upon the throne in Kcbatana after Astyages, but tbat with Astyages the king
dom of the Medes came to an eud, and with Cyrus, his immediate successor, tbe Persian king
dom took its beginning. Therewith agree nearly all the historians of the following times,
Diodorus i^ii. 34), Justin (i. 6, 16, 17, vii. 1), Strabo (ix. p. 795, xv. p. 1662), folyan (vii. 7), and
many others But these writers only copy from Herodotua and Ctesias, and the whole rests
only on their authority. But their credibility in this point must be regarded as doubtful, for
It ia not difficult to understand the reasons why they have omitted to make mention of Cy-
iixares II. They commenced the history ofthe reign of Cyrus with the beginning ofhis world-
runowned celebrity, and hence it was natural to connect tbe beginning of his reign, and the
beginning of the Persian reign, with tho reign of bis grandfather Astyages, for so long as his
uncle Cyaxares II. reigned, he alone acted, and he iu fact was the regent. But if the silence
of Herodotus and Ctesias is not to be regarded as proof that no such person as .Cyaxares II. lived
nnd reigned, there are iu favour of that the following positive arguments:
'(1.) Tbe authority of Xenophon, who not only says that a Cyaxares ascended the throne after
Astyages, but that he was a son of Astyages (Cyr. 1. 5, 2), and besides relates so much of this
Cyaxares (i. 4, 7, iii. 3, 20, viii. 5, 19), that his Cyropsedia may be regarded as in a measure a
history of him. Yea, Xenophon goes so far (viii. 7, 1), that he reckons the years of the reign
of Cyrus from the death of Cyaxares II. Can any one conceive a reason why Xenophon bad a
motive to weave together such a tissue of falsehood as this unless Cyaxares II. actually lived ?
If one should object, indeed, that he is .so far to be reckoned among fictitious writers tbat he
gives a moral character to the subjects on whicb he writes, and that he has passed over the dif
ference between Cyrua and his grandfather Astyages, yet there is no reason why he should
have brought upon the stage so important a person, wholly from fiction, as CJyaxares. What
a degree of boldness it must bave required, if he, who lived not much more tban a century
after the events recorded, had mentioned to his contemporaries so much respecting a princo of
whom no oue whatever had even heard. But tbe existence of Cyaxares II. may be proved
* (2.) From a passage in iEschylus (Pers. v. 76, seq.),

Mtjios yap rjv h npuiros hyetioiv orpcJTov
AXXo; ^fi eteivoa irai; to 6' tpyav 7\vvas'
TpiTos i' an aurov Kvpos, c^aijiO}!/ ai-rip k. r, X.

The first who is here mentioned as the Mede (Mr](5of) is manifestly no otber than Astyages,
whom, before Cyrus, his son succeeded in the government, and who is the same whom we, after
Xenophon, call Cyaxares. This testimony is tbe more important as .^schylua lived before
Xenophon, in the time of Darius Hystaspis, and is free from all suspicions from this circum
stance, that according to the public relations wbich .^schylus sustained, no accounts of the foiv
mer Persian history could be expected from any doubtful au thorities to have been adduced by
him. But the existence of Cyaxares II. does not depend solely on the authority of Xenophon,
in his Cyropsedia. For
' (3.) Josephus (Aut. x. 11, 4), who speaks of tbis person under the name of Darius, adds
tiv AoTDayou iJiOfy irspov 6e Trapa toi$ Ju\Xr}aiv SKaXsiro ovofia — 'ho was the son of Astyage^
but had another name among the Greeks.' This name, whichhe had among the Greeks, caq
be found only in their own Xenophon.
' (4.) To all this should be added, that many other data of history, especially those taken from
the Hebrew writings, so set out the continuanceof the reign of the Medes over Upper Asia, tbat
it is necessary to suppose the existence of such a person as the M'cdish king, Cyaxares. after the
reign of Astyages. Had Cyrus, after the death of Astj'ages, immediately a.^sumed the govern
ment over Upper Asia, bow happened it tbat until the downfall of the Babylouian-Chaldee
kiagdom, mention is made almost always of the Medes, or at least of the Persians, of wliom
there is special mention ? Whence is it that the passage of Abydenus, quoted from Megas
thenes, p. 295, speaks of a Mede, who, in connection with a Persians-overthrew the Babylonish
kingdom? Ts not the Mede so represented as to show that ho was a prominent and lead
ing person? Is it not necessary to attribute to this fragment a higher authority, and to
suppose that a Medish monarch, in connection with a Persian, brought tbe kingdom of
Babylon to an end? Whence did Jeremiah, chs. 1. and li., expressly threaten that the Jews
would be punished by a Median king? Whence does the author of Iso. xiii. and xiv. mention
that the destruction of tbe Chaldean monarchy would be effected by the Medes? Tbe acces
sion cf Cyrus to the throne was no mere cbang;e of person in the authotity, but it was a
chang i of the reigning nation. So long asa Mede sat on the throne, the Persians, though
they Bcted an important part iu the affairs of the nation, yet occupied only the second place.
The court was Medish, and tbe Medes were prominent in all the affairs of the government, aa
every page of uhe Cyropaedia furnishes evidence. Upou the accession of Cyrus, the whole thing
was changed. Tbe Persians were now the predominant nation, and frOm that time onward, as
lias been remarked, the Persians are always mentioned as having the priority, though before they
had but a secondar r place. Aa the reign of Astyages, though he reigned thirty-five years (Uerodi

262 DANIEL. [B. C. 53&
L 130), conld not have embraced tfae whole period mentioned to the accession of Cynu, so tfa«
royal race ofthe Medes, and tfae kingdom ofthe Medes, could not have been extinguished with
him, and it is necessary to suppose tbe existence of Cyaxares II. as his successor, and tlie pre-
decestor of C^yrus.'
These considerations, suggested by Bertholdt, are suflicient to demonstrate that surfa a person
as Cyaxares II. lived between the reign of Astyages and Cyrus, and that, after tbe destruction
of Babylon, be was tbe immediate successor of Belshazzar, or Nabonned, and was the prede
cessor of Cyrus. He was the first of the foreign princes who reigned over Babylon. Itbasbeen
made a question why, in the Book of Daniel, be is mentioned under the name of Darins, and
not by his otber name Cyaxares. Tt may be difficult to answer tbis question, bnt it will be
sufficient to remark (a) that it was common for Oriental kings to have many names, and, as we
have seen, in r^ard to the kings of Babylon, oue writer might designate them by one name,
and another by another. Tbis is indeed the occasion of mnch confusion in ancient hiatory, but
this is inf vitable. (6) As we bave seen, Josephus (Ant, x. 11, 4) expressly says tbat this Darius
had another name among tbe Greeks, and, as Bertholdt remarks, it is natural to seek tbat
name in tbe writings of their own Xenophon. (c) Darins wa° a comnion name in Persia, and
it may have been one of tbe names by whicb the prince of Persia and Media were oommonly
known. Three of that name are mentioned in the Scriptures, and three who were distinguished
are mentioned in profane history^ — Darius Hystaspis, Darius Ochus, or Darius Nothus, as fae
was known among the Greeks, and Darius CTodomanns, who was overthrown by Alexander the
Great. An important statement is made by Xenophon respecting Cyaxares IT., the son of Asfyages,
wbicb may account for tbe fact that his name was omitted by Herodotus and Ctesias. He de-
scribes him as a prince given up to sensuality, and this fact explains the reason why he came
to surrender all authority so entirely into the bands ofhis enterprising son-in-law and nephew
Cyrus, and why his reign was naturally sunk iu tbat of his distinguished successor. (Jyrop.
i 5, viii. 7. g 3, ASALTSIS OP THE CHAPTEB,
This chapter contains the history of Daniel nnder tbe government, or dnring the rdgn of
Darius the Mede, or Cyaxares II,, from a period, it would seem, soon after the accession of
Darin.", to the throne in Babylon, or tbe conquest of Babylon, till his death. It Is not indeed
said how soon after that event Daniel was exalted to tbe premiersbip in Babylon, but the nar
rative would lead us to suppose tbat itwas soon after the conquest of Babylon by C^rus, acting
under tbe authority of Cyaxares. As Daniel, on account of the disclosure made to Belshazzar
of the meaning of tbe handwriting on tbe wall, bad been exalted to high honour at the dose
of the life of tbat monarch (cb. v.), it is probable that be would be called to a similar station
under the reign of Darius, as it cannot bc supposed that Darius wonld appoint Medes and Pei^
sians entirely to fill tbe high offices of the realm. Tbe chapter contains a record of tbe follow
ing events: (1) The arrangement of tbe government after the conquest of Babylon, consisting
of one hundred and twenty officers over the kingdom, so divided as to be placed under tbe care
of three superior officers, or * presidents,' of whom Danici held tbe first place, vs. 1 — -3. (2) The
dissatisfaction .or envy of the officers so appointed, against Daniel, for causes now unknown, and
tbeir conspiracy to remove him from office, or to bring bim into disgrace with the king, ver.-k
(3) The plan which they formed to secure tbis, derived from the known piety and integrity of
Daniel, and their conviction that, at any hazard, be woold remain firm to bis religious princi
ples, and would conscientiously maintain tbe worship of God. Convinced tbat tbey could find
no fault in his administration ; that he could not be convicted of malversation or infidelity in
office ; tbat there wa.«i nothing in his private or public character that was contrary to justice and
integrity, they resolved Xo take advantage of bis well-known piety, and to make that tbe occasion
of bis downfall and rain,' ver. 5. (4) Tbe plan that was artfully proposed was, to induce tfae
king Ui sign a decree tbat if any one lor thirty days should ask any petition for anything of
God or man, be should be thrown into a den of lions — that is, sbould be, as they snppceed,
certainly put to death. Tbis proposed decree they apprehended tbey could induce tbe kin^to
sign, perhaps because it wfLS flattering to the monarch, or perhaps becanse it would test'^the
fl^pofcition of Lis new subjects to oUy bim. or perhaps because they ^new he was a weak and
effeminate prince; and that be was accubtcmpd to sign papers presented to him by bia coun
seUors without much reflection or hesitation, vs. G— 9. (5) Daniel, wben he was apprised of tbe
Mntcnts of tbe decree, though be saw its bearing, and perhaps its design, yet continued his
devotions as usual— praying, as he was known to do, three times a day, with bis face toward
Jerusalem, with his windows open. Tbe case was one where be fplt, undonbtedlv that it
-as a matter of principle that he should worship God in bis usual mincer, and not allow bim
¦elf to be dnven from tbe acknowledgment of his God by the fear of deaUt ver 10 (e\ Th7^
who had laid the plao, made rex^rt of this to the king, and demanded the execution of tbi
^ecree. The ca.«e was a plUn one, for though it faad not been intended or expected bv the
king tbat Daniel would bave teen found a violator of tbe law, yet as tbe decree T^rr*-f(:-7
and there had been no oincealmcnt on tbe part of Daniel, the counsellors urtred thatit wS
necessary that the decr«. should l^ executed, vs. 11-13. (7) The king, di<^pl^sed w?tb bSf
self, and evidently enrated against these crafty counsellors, doirous of sparing Daniel, and vet
fo«iing the necessity Of mmntaming a law poratively enacted, sought some way by which Daniel
might be *i.-ived, and the honour and m^esty of the law pre^rved, No metfaii. however cS
tumng to hma of sccurmg both objects, he waa constrained to submit to tbe execution of tht

B. C. 538.]

CHAPTER VI.

263

£?1^'„!Iw'"^T'* ""^'Jl*" ^,^} '•;*'• *''' ^""^ "^ "™'' ™- 1*-17- (8) Tbe I'inS returned
to his palace, and passed the night fasting, and overwhelmed with sadness, ver. 18. (9) In the
morning he came with deep anxiety to the place where Daniel had been thrown, and Milled to
see If he were ahve, vs. 19, 20. (10) The reply of Daniel, that he had been preserved bv the
interTention of an angel, who had closed the mouths of the lions, and had kept him alive,
vs. ii, iA. ( IL> lhe release of Daniel from the den, and the command to cast thoso in who had
thus accused Daniel, and who had sought his ruin, vs. 23. 24, (12) An appropriate proclama
tion from the king to all men to honour that God who had thus preserved his servant, vs.
26—27. (13) A statement of tbe prosperity of Daniel, extending to the reign of Cyrus, ver. 28.

1 It pleased Darius to set a over
the kingdom an hundred and twenty
' princes, which should be over the
whole kingdom.

1. It pleaaed Dariua to aet over the
kingdom. Evidently over the kingdom
of Babylon, now united to that of Media
and Persia. Aa this was now subjeot to
him, and tributary to him, it would be
natural to appoint persons over it in
whom he conlJP confide, for the adminis
tration of justice, for the collection of
revenue, &e. Others, however, suppose
that this relates to the whole kingdom of
Persia, but as tho reference here is mainly
to what was the kingdom of Babylon, it is
rather to bo presumed that this is what
is particularly alluded to. Besides, it is
hai'dly probable thathe would have exalted
Baniel, a Jew, and a resident in Baby
lon, to so important a post as tbat of
the premiership over the whole empire,
though from his position and standing in
Babylon there is no improbability iu
supposing that he might have occupied,
under the reign of Darius, a place similar
to that whioh he had occupied under Nebu
chadnezzar and Belshazzar. In dividing
the kingdom into provinces, and placing
officers over each department, Darius
followed the same plan which Xenophon
tells us that Cyrus did over the nations
conquered by him, Cyrop. viii. Elo/csi
durw ffarpan-ap riin ttEiiiteii, ettI ra KnTEurpan-
fiiua sSvri : ' It seemed good to him to
appoint satraps over the conquered na
tions.' Comp. Esth. i. 1. Archbishop
Usher (Annal. vol. i. p. 82) thinks that
the plan was first instituted by Cyrus,
and was followed at his suggestion. It
was a measure of obvious prudence in
order to maintain so extended an empire
in subjection. ^ An hundred and twenty
princes. The word here rendered^Wiices —
U'j513¥'OSi occurs only in Daniol in the
Chaldee form, though in the Hebrew
form it is found in the book of Esther

2 And over these, three presi
dents, of whom Daniel teas first ;
that the princes might give accounts

»lPe. 2. M.

b Es. 1. 1.

(iii. 12, viii. 9, ix. 3), and in Ezra (viii.
36) ; in Esther and Ezra uniformly ren
dered lieutenanta. In Daniel (iii. 2, 3,
27, vi. 1, 2, 3, i, 6, 7,) it is as uniformly
rendered princea. It is a word of Per
sian origin, and is probably the Hebrew
mode of pronouncing the Persian word
aatrap, or, as G-esenius supposes, the Per
sian word was pronounced — kaatrap. Por
the etymology of the word, see Cresenius,
Lex. The word undoubtedly refers to
the Persian aatrapa, or governors, or vice
roys in the large provinces of the em
pire, possessing both civil and military
powers. Tbey were officers high in rank,
and being the representatives o*f the
sovereign, they rivalled his state and
splendor. Single parts, or subdivisions
of these provinces, were under inferior
offioors ; the satraps governed whole pro
vinces. The word is rendered aatrapa
in the (jrreek, and the Latin Vulgate.
2. And over theae thi-ee presidenta :
PD-JP. This word is found only in the
plural. The etymology is uncertain, but
its meaning is not doubtful. The word
preaident expresses it with sufficient ac
curacy, denoting a high officer that pre
sided over others. It is not improbable
that these presided over distinct depart
ments, corresponding somewhat to what
are now called * Secretaries' — as Secreta
ries of State, of the Treasury, of Foreign
Afiairs, Ac, though this is not particularly
specified, ^ Of whom Daniel was firat.
First in rank. This office he probably
held from the rank which he was known
to have occupied under the kings of Baby
lon, and on account of his reputation for
ability and integrity. If That the princea
might give accounta unto them. Be im
mediately responsible to them; the ac
counts of their own administration, and

264

DANIEL. LB. C. 537.

unto them, and »the king should
have no damage.
3 Then this Daniel was preferred
above the presidents and princes,
because an excellent ^ spirit was in
» Lll. 19. 13, 4c. 1 Co. 4. 2. bPr.17.2-. c5.12.

him; and the king thought to set
him over the whole realm.
4 f Then = the presidents ,and
princes ii sought to find occasion
against Daniel concerning the king-

« Ec. 4. 4.

J Ps. 37. 12, 4c.

of the state of the empire. ^Andthe
king ahould have no damage. Either in
the loss of revenue, or in any mal-admin-
istration of the affairs. Comp. Ezra iv.
13, "They pay not toll, tribute, and
custom, and so thou shalt endamage the
revenue of the kings." The king was
regarded os the source of all power, and
as in fact the supreme proprietor of the
realm, and any malfeasance or malversa
tion in office was regarded as an injury
to him.
3. Then thia Daniel waa preferred
above the presidents and princea. That
is, be was at their head, or was placed
in rank and office over them. ^ Becauae
an excellent spirit was in him. This may
refer alike to his wisdom and his inte
grity — both of which would be necessary
in such an office. It was an office of
great difficulty and responsibility to man
age the afiairs of the empire in a proper
manner, and required the talents of an
accomplished statesman, and, at tbe same
timo, as it was an office where confidence
was reposed by the sovereign it de-
mandedintegrity. The word ' excellent' —
Kyn! — means properly that which bangs
over, or which is abundant, or more than
enough, and then anything that is very
great, excellent, pre-eminent. Lat. Vulg.
Spiritus Dei Amplior — 'the spirit of
God more abundantly.' Gr. Tivtvfia nepieaSv.
It is not said here to what trial of his
abilities and integrity Daniel was sub
jected before he was thus exalted, but it
is not necessary to suppose that any such
trial occurred at once, or immediately on
the accession of Darius. Probably, as he
was found in office as appointed by Bel
shazzar, he was continued by Darius,
and as a result of his tried integrity was
in due time exalted to the premiership,
^And the king thought to set him over the
whole realm. The whole kingdom over
which he presided, embracing Media,
Persia, Babylonia, and all the dependent,
conquered provmces. This shows that
tho princes referred to in ver. 1, were
thoBS which were appointed over Baby

lonia, since Daniel (ver. 2,) was already
placed at the head of all these princes.
Yet, in consequence of his talents and
fidelity tbe king was meditating the im
portant measure of placing him over the
whole united kingdom as premier. That
he should form such a purpose in re
gard to an officer so talented and faithful
as Daniel was, is by no meons improlsa-
ble. Tbe Greek of Theodotion renders
this as if it were actually done — sat b
liaai'h.evs Kariarnatv avrdv K. T. X. — *And
the king placed him over all his king
dom.' But the Chaldee — TVpV.. — indi
cates rather a purpose or intention to do
it; or rather, perhaps, that he was actu
ally making arrangements to do this.
Probably it was the fact that this design
was perceived, and that the arrangements
were actually commenced, that aroused
the envy and the ill-will of his fellow-
officers, and induced them to determine
on his ruin.
4. Then the presidenta and princea
aought to find occaaion againat Daniel
Tbe word rendered occasion — nSj?— «¦
means a pretext or pretence. " Th *
Arabs use the word of any business or
affair which serves os a cause or pretext
for neglecting another business." Gese
nius, Lex. The meaning is, that they
sought to find some plausible pretext or
reason in respect to Daniel by which the
contemplated appointment might be pre
vented, and by which he might be efi'ec-
tually humbled. No one who is ac
quainted with the intrigues of cabinets
and courts can have any doubts as to the
probability of what is here stated. No
thing has been more common in the
world than intrigues of this kind to hum
ble a rival, and to bring down those who
are meritorious to a stat« of degradation.
The cauae of the plot here laid seems to
have been mere envy and jealousy — and
perhaps by tbe consideration that Daniel
was a foreigner, and was one of a de
spised people hold in captivity. ^ Con
ceming the kingdom. In rtrspect to the
administration of tbe kingdom. They

a. C. 537.]

CHAPTEE VI.

265

aom ; but they could find none oc
casion uor fault ; forasmuch as he
was faithful, neither was there any
error or fault found in hiin.
5 Then said these men, We shall

¦aught to find evidence of malversation
in office, or abuse of power, or attempts
ai IPersonal aggrandizement, or inatten
tion to *e duties of the office. This is
licoi »lly ' from the side of the kingdom ;'
and the meauing is, that the accusation
was sought in that quarter, or in that re
spect No other charge would be likely
to be effectual, except one which pertained
to maladministration in office. ^ But
they could find none occasion nor fault.
This is an honourable testimony to the
fidelity of Daniel, and the uprightness
of his character. If there had been any
malversation in office, it would have been
detected by these meu.
5. We shall not find any occasion, &c.
We shall not find any pretext, or any
cause by which he may be humbled and
degraded. They were satisfied of his
integrity, and they saw it waa vain to
hope to accompUsh their purposes by any
attack on his moral charaet«r, or any
charge against him in respect to the man
ner in which he had discharged tbe du
ties of his office. f Except we find it
against him concerning the law of his
God. Unless it be in respect to his reli
gion; unless we can so construe his
known oonscientiousnes.') in regard to his
religion as to make that a proof of his
unwillingness to obey the king. It
occurred to tbem that such was his
¦well-understood faithfulness in bis reli
gious duties, and his conscientiousness,
that they might expect that, whatever
should occur, he would be found true to
his God, and that this might be a basis
of calculation in any measure they might
propose for his downfall. His habits
seem to have been well understood,
and his character was so fixed, that
they could proceed on this as a set.
tied matter in their plans against him.
Tbe only question was, how to con
strue his conduct in this respect as
criminal, or how to make the king listen
to a.v') "iccusation against bim on this
acconnt, for his religious views were well
known when he was appointed to office ;
the worship of the God of Daniel was not
33

not find any occasion agiiicst this
Daniel, except we find ii against
him concerning the law of his God.
6 Then these presidents and princes
¦ assembled together to the king, and
* or, came tumultuously.
prohibited by the laws of the realm, and
it would not be easy to procure a law
directly and avowedly prohibiting that
It is not probable that the king would
have consented to pass such a law di
rectly proposed — a law which would
have beeu so likely to produce disturb
ance, and when no plausible ground
could have been alleged for it There
was another method, however, which
suggested itself to these crafty counsel
lors — which was, while they did not seem
to aim absolutely and directly to havo
that worship prohibited, to approach tho
king with a proposal thot would be flat
tering to his vanity, and that, perhaps,
might be suggested as a leat question,
showing the degree of esteem with which
he was held in the empire, and the wil
lingness of his subjects to obey him.
By proposing a law that, for a limited
period, no one shouldbe allowed to present
a petition of any kind to any one except
to the king himself, the object would bo
accomplished. A vain monarch could be
prevailed on to pass such a law, and this
could be represented to him as a measure
uot improper, in order to teat his subjects
as to their willingness to show him re
spect and obedience ; and at the same
time it would be certain to efiect the pur
pose against Daniel — for tney had no
doubt 3iat be would adhere stedfastly
to the principles of bis religion, and to
his well-known habits of worship. Thia
plan wos, therefore, crafty in the ex
treme, and was the highest tribute that
could bo paid to Daniel. It would be
well if the religious character, and the
fixed habits of all who profess religion
were so well understood that it was ab
solutely certain that no accusation could
lie against them on any other ground,
but that their adherence to their reli
gious principles could be calculated on
as a basis of action, whatever might bo
the consequences.
6. Then these presidenta and princes as-
sembled together. Marg., came tumultu
ously. The margin expresses the proper
meauing of the original word — K'JT — <¦>

266

t&id thus unto him, King Darius,
live • for ever.
7 All the presidents of the king
dom, the governors, and the princes,
» Ne. 2. 3 ; ver. 21.
run together with tumult. Why they came
together in tbat manner is not stated.
Bertholdt suggests that it means that
they camo in a procession, or in a body,
to the king; but tbere is undoubtedly the
idea of their doing it with haste, or witb
an appearance of great earnestness or ex
citement. Perhaps they imagined that
they would be more liiiely to carry the
measure if proposed os something that
demanded immediate action, or something
wherein it appeared that the very safety of
the king was involved, than if it were pro
posed in a sedate and calm manner. If it
were suggested in such a way as to seem to
admit of deliberation, perhops the suspicion
of tbe king might be aroused, or he might
have asked questions as to the ground of
the necessity of sueh a law, which it might
not have been easy to answer. ^ King
J)arius, live forever. The usual way of
saluting a monarch. See Notes ch. ii. 4.
7. All the 2>i-eaid.enta of the kingdom,
the governora, &,e. Several functionaries
ore enumerated here which are not in the
previous verses, as having entered into
the conspiracy. It is possible, indeed,
that all these difierent classes of officers
had been consulted, and bad concurred in
osking tbe enactment of the proposed law,
but it is much more probable that the
leaders merely represented or affirmed
what is bere said in order to be more
certain of the enactment of the low. If
represented as proposed by all the offi
cers of the realm, they oppear to have
conceived that there would be no hesita
tion on the part of Darius in granting the
request They eould not but be con
scious that it was an unusual request, and
that it might appear unreasonable, and
hence they seem to have used every pre-
oaution to make the passage of the law
oertain. ^ Have consulted together to es
tablish a royal statute. Or, that such a
st.'«tute might be establi.'hed. They knew
ihat it eould be established only by tbe
kiug himself, but they were in tbe habit,
doubtless, of recommending such laws as
tbey supposed would be for the good of
the realm. ^ And to make a firm decree.

DANIEL. [B.C. 637.

the counsellors, and the captains,
have consulted together '' to establish
a royal statute, and to make a firm
' decree, that whosoever shall ask a

'' Ps. 2. 2.

¦^ or, intei-dict.

Marg., interdict. The wcrd used — 1p« —
from ICK, to bind, make fast, means pro
perly a binding ; then anything which is
binding or obligatory — as a prohibition, aa
interdict, alaw. ^ That wJioaoever shall ask.
Any one of any rank. Tbe real purpose
was to involve Daniel in disgrace, but ih
order to do this it was necessary to mak6
tbe prohibition universal — as Herod, in
order to be sure that he had cut off the
infant king of the Jews, was under a ne
cessity of destroying all tbe children in
the place. % Of any god or man. • This
would include all the gods acknowledged
in Babylon, and all foreign divinities.
f /"or thirty days. The object of this
limitition of time was perhaps two-fold :
(1) They would be sure to occomplish
their purpose in regard to Daniel, for
they understood his principles and faabits
so well that they had no doubt tbat within
that time he would be found engaged in
the worship of his God, and (2) it would
not do to make the law perpetual, and
to make it binding longer than thirty
doys might expose them to tbe danger
of popular tumults. It was easy enough
to see that such a law could not be long
enforced, yet tbey seem to have supposed
tbat tbe people would acquiesce in it for
so brief a period os one month. Unrea
sonable though it might be regarded, yet
for so short a space of time it might be
expected that it would be patiently sub-
mitted to. % Save of thee, 0 king. Perhops
either directly, or through some minister
of the realm. % He shall be cast into ths
den of liona. The word den — a '3 — means
properly a pit, or cistern, and the idea is
that tbe den was under ground, probably
a cave constructed for that purpose. It
was made with so narrow an entrance
that it could be covered with a stone and
mado perfectly secure, ver. 17. ' The en
closure of wild beasts,' s.ays Bertholdt,
pp. 397,398, 'especially of lions, which tho
kings of Asia and of Northwestern Africa
formerly bad, as they have ot tbe present
doy, were generally oon.=truoted under
ground, bnt were ordinarily caves whioh
had been exoavated for the purpose, walled

B. C. 537.]

CHAPTER VI,

267

Setition of any god or man for thirty
ays, save of thee, 0 king, he shall
be cast into the den of lions.

np at the sides, enclosed within a wall
through which a door led from the outer
wall to the space. lying between tbe walls,
within which persons could pass round
and contemplate the wild beasts.' ' The
emperor of Morocco,' says Host (Besehrei-
bung Von Morokos nnd Fetz, p. 290, as
quoted in Rosenmiiller's Morgenland, in
loc.), 'has a cave for lions — Lowengriibe —
into which men sometimes, and especially
Jews, are cast ; but they commonly came
up again uninjured, for the overseers of
the lions are commonly Jews, and they
have a sharp instrument in their hands,
and with this they can pass among theni,
if they are careful to keep their faces to
wards the lions, for a lion willnotollow one
to turn his back to bim. The other Jews
will not allow their brethren to remain
longer in sucb a cave than one night, for
the liona would be too hungry, but they
redeem their brethren out of the cave by
the payment of money — which, in fact, is
the object of the emperor.' In another
place (p. 77,) he describes one of these
caves. . ' In one end of the enclosure is a
place for ostriches and their young ones,
and at the other end towords tbe moun
toin is a cave for lions, wbich stauds in a
large cavern in the eorth that has a di
vision wall, in the midst of which is a
door, which the Jews who have the charge
of the lions can open and close from above,
and, by means of food, they entice the
lions from one room into another, tbat they
may have the opportunity of cleaning the
cage. It is all under the open sky.' Un
der what pretext the crafty counsellors
induced the king to ratify this statute is
not stated. Some one or all of the fol
lowing things may have induced tbe
monarch to sign the decree : (1) The law
proposed was in a high degree flattering
to the king, and be may have been ready
at once to sign a decree wbich for the
time gave him a supremacy bver gods and
men. If Alexander the Great desired to
be adored as a god, then it is not impro
bable that a proud and weak Persian
monarch would be willing to receive a
similar tribute. Xerxes did things more
foolish than what is here attributed to
Darius. Instances of this are not want-
bDg< Of Holofernes, ia Judith iii. 8, it is

8 Now, 0 king, establish the de
cree, and sign the writing, that it be
not changed, according to the law

said that he "had decreed to destroy all
the gods of the land, that all nations
sbould worship Nabucbodonosor only, and
that all tongues and tribes sbould call
upon bim as god." (2) It may have oc
curred to him, or may bave been sug
gested, that this was an effectual way to
test the readiness of bis subjects to obey
and honour him. Some such test, it may
have been urged, was not impi-oper, and
this would determine what wae the spirit
of obedience as well as any other.
(3) More probably, however, it may have
been represented that there was some
danger of insubordination, or some con
spiracy among the people, and tbat it was
necessary that the sovereign should issue
some mandate whicb would at once and
effectually quell it. It may bave been
urged tbat there was danger of a revolt,
and that it would be an effectual way of
preventing it to order tbat whoever sbould
solicit any favour of any one but the king
should be punished, for tbis would bring
all matters at once before him, and secure
order.' The haste and earnestness with
which they urged their request, would
rather seem to imply that there was a
representation that some audden occasion
had arisen wbicb made the enactment of
such a statute proper. Or (4) the king
may have been in the habit of signing
tbe decrees proposed by bis counsellors
with little hesitation,' and, lost in ease and
sensuality, and perceiving only that this
proposed law was flattering to himself,
and not deliberating on what might be its
possible result, he moy bave signed it at
once. 8, 9. Now, 0 king, establish tlie decree.
Ordain, enact, confirm it. ^ And aign the
wi-iting. An act necessory to make it the
law of the realm. ^ That it be not changed.
That, having th^ sigu manual of the sove
reign, it might be so confirmed tbat
it could not be changed. With tbat
sign it became so established, it seems,
tbat even the sovereign himself could not
change it ^f According to the law of the
Medea and Peraiana, which altereth not,
Marg., paaaeth. Which does not paaa
away ; whieh is not abrogated. A simi
lar fact in regard to a law of tbe Medea
and Persians is mentioned in Esther Tiii.|

268

DANIEL.

[B. O. 537

»of the Medes aud Persians, which
* altereth not.
9 Wherefore king Darius signed
the writinor and the decree.

«Eb. 1. 19; 8.8.

passeth.

in which the king was unable to rec.^ll an
order which had been given for the mas
sacre of the Jews, and in which he at
tempted only to counteract it as far as
possible by putting the Jews on their
guard, and allowing them to defend tbem
selves. Diodorus Siculus (Lib. iv.,) refers
to this custom, where he says that Barius,
the last king of Persia, would have par
doned Charidemus after he was con
demned to death, but could not reverse
what the law had passed against him.
Lowtk, * When the king of Persia, says
Montesquieu {Spirit of Laws, as quoted
by RosenmuUer, Morgenland, in loc.) has
condemned any one to death, no one dares
speak to him to make intercession for
him. Were he even drunk when the
crime was coramitted, or were he insane,
the command must nevertheless be exe
cuted, for the law cannot be counter
manded, and the laws cannot contradict
themselves. This sentiment prevails
throughout Persia.' It may seem singu
lar that such a custom prevailed, and that
tbe king, who was the fountain of law,
and whose will was law, could not change
a statute at his pleasure. Bub this cus
tom grew out of the opinions which pre
vailed in the East in regard to the mon
arch. His will was absolute, and it was
a part of the system whioh prevailed then
to exRlt the monarch, and leave the im
pression on the mind of tho people that
he was more than a man — that hc was
infallible and could not err. Nothing was
better adapted to keep up that impression
than an established principle of this kind
— that a law once ordained could not be
repealed or changed. To do this would
be a practical acknowledgment that there
was a defect in the law; that there was a
want of wisdom in ordaining it; that all
the circumstances were not foreseen ; and
that tho king was liable to be deceived
and to err. With all the disadvantages
attending such a custom, it was judged
better to raaintain it than to allow that
the monarch could err, and hence when
a law was ordained it became fixed and
unchanging. Even the king himself
tould Dot ^t«r it, aud whatever might be

10 If Now when Daniel kneir
'^ that the writing was signed, he
went into his house ; and bis win
dows being open in his chamber
c Lu. U. 26. Ac. 4. 17—19.
the consequences, it was to be e.\ecnted.
It is evident, however, that such a cus
tom might have aome advantages. It
would serve to prevent hasty legislation,
and to give stability to the government
by its being known what the laws were,
thus avoiding the evils which result when
they are frequently changed. It is often
preferable to have permanent laws,
though not the best that could be framed,
than those which would be better if there
were no stability. There is only one
Being, however, whose laws can be safely
unchanging — and that is God, for his laws
are formed with a full knowledge of all
the relations of things, and of their bear
ing on all future circumstances and timea.
It serves to confirm the statement here
made respecting the ancient custom in
Media and Persia, that the same idea of
the inviolability of the royal word has
remained, in a mitigated form, to modern
times. A remarkable example '•f this is
related by Sir John Malcolm, y.S Aga
Mahommed Khan, the last but one of the
Persian kings. After alluding to the
present case, and thatin Esther, he ob
serves. "The character ofthe power of
the king of Persia has undergone no
change. The late king, Aga Mahommed
Khan, when encamped near Shiraz, said
thnt he would not move till the snow was
off tho mountains in the vicinity of his
¦ camp. The season proved severe, and
the snow remained longer than was ex
pected ; the army began to suffer distress
and sickness, but the king said while tbe
snow remained upon the mountain, he
would not move; and his word was as
law, and could not be broken. A multi
tude of labourers were collected and sent
to remove the snow; their efforts, and a
few fine days, cleared the mountains, and
Aga Mohammed Khan marched." His
tory of Persia i. 268, quoted in the Pict.
Bible, in loc.
JO. Now when Baniel knew that th*
writing was signed. Probably there was
gome proclamation mode in regard to tha
decree. | He went into his houae. That
is, he went in in his usual manner. He
made no change in hi? habite on acccunt

B,C.537.]

CKAPTER VI.

269

toward "Jerusalem, he kneeled upon
» 1 Ki. 8. 44, 48. Ps. 5. 7. Jo. 2. 4.
of the decree. ^ And hia windows being
open in his chamber. Open in tbe usual
manner. It does not mean that he took
pains to open them for the purpose of os
tentation, or to show that he disregarded
bhe decree, but that he took no caro to
:)lose them with any view to avoid the con
sequences. In the warm climate of Baby
lon, the windows probably were commonly
open. Houses among the Jews in later
times, if not in the time of the exile,
were usually constructed with an upper
chamber — vjitpHiov — whicb was a room not
in common u.se, but employed as a guest
chamber, where they received company
and held fe.ists, and where at other times
they retired for prayer and meditation.
See Notes on Matt. ix. 2. Those 'upper
rooms' are often the most pleasant and
airy part of the house. Dr. Robinson
(Researches, vol. iii. p. 417,) describing the
house of the American consular-agent in
Sillnn, says, " His house was a large one,
built upon tbe eastern wall of the city;
the rooms were spacious, and furnished
with more appearance of wealth, thau
any I saw in the country. An upper
parlour with many windows, on the roof
of the proper house, resembled a summer
palace; and commanded a delightful
view of the country towards the East,
full of trees, and gardens, and country
houses, quite to the foot of the moun
tains." If Toward Jeruaalem. It is not
improbable that the windows were open
on each side of the chamber, but this is
particularly mentioned because he turned
his face toward Jerusalem when he prayed.
This was natural to an exile Hebrew in
prayer, because the temple of God had
stood at Jerusalem, and that was the
place where he abode by a visible symbol-
It is probable that the Jews in their own
country always in their prayers turned the
face toward Jerusalem, and it was anti
cipated when the temple was dedicated,
that this would be the case iu whatever
lands they might be. Thus in the prayer
of Solomon, at the dedication, he says,
" If thy people go out to battle against
their enemy, whithersoever thou shalt
send them, and shall pray uuto the Lord
toward the city which thou hast chosen,
and toward the house which I have built
ba thy came," Ao. 1 Kings riii. 44. And
23*

his knees three times ^ a day, and
b Ps. 55. 17. ver. 13. Ac. 2. 15. 3. 1. 10. 9.

again (vs. 46 — 49), "If they sin against
thee, and thou be angry with them, and
deliver them to the enemy, so tbat they
carry them away captives unto tho land
of the enemy, far or near ; if they shall
bethink themselves in the land whither
they were carried captives, and repent —
and pray unto thee toward their land
which thou gavest unto their fathers, the
city which thou hast chosen, and tho
house which Ihave built for thy name,
then henr thou their prayer," Ac. Comp.
vs. 33, 35, 38. So in Ps. v. 7: "As for
me, I will come into thy house in the
multitude of thy mercy, and in thy fear
will I worship toward thy holy temple."
So Jonah ii. 4 : "Then I said, I am cast
out of thy sight; yet I will look again
toward thy holy temple." So in the first
book of Esdras (Apocrypha), iv. 58 : " Now
when this young man was gone forth, he
lifted up his face to heaven, toward Jeru
salem, and praised the king of heaven."
Comp. Intro. ^ 2. v. Daniel, therefore,
in turning his face toward Jerusalem
when he prayed, was acting in accord
ance with what Solomon had anticipated
as proper in just such a supposed case,
and with the prevailing habit of his peo
ple wben abroad. This was not, indeed,
particularly prescribed as a duty, but it
was recognized as proper ; and it was
not only in accordance with the instinc
tive feelings of love to his country and
the temple, but a foundation was laid for
this in the fact that Jerusalem was re
garded as the peculiar dwelling-place of
God on earth. In the Koran it is en
joined as a duty on all Mussulmen, in
whatever part of the earth they may be,
to turn their faces towards the Caaba at
Mecca when they pray; "The foolish,
men will say. What hath turned them
from their keblah toward which they
formerly prayed? Say, Unto God be
longeth the East and the West; he
directeth whom he pleaseth in tho right
way. Thus have we placed you, 0 Ara
bians, an intermediate nation, that y
may be witnesses against the rest ol
mankind, that the apostle may be c wit
ness against you. We appointt-d the
keblah towards which thou didst fonoerly
pray, only that we might know hia who
foUoweth the apostle^ from hia ^a(

270

E rayed, and gave thanks » before
is God, as he did aforetime.
11 Then these men assembled,
and found Daniel praying and mak
ing supplication before his God.
12 Then they came >> near, and
turneth back on his heels : though this
change seem a great matter, unless unto
those whom God hath directed. But God
will not render your faith of none effect;
for God is gracious and merciful unto
man. We have seen thee turn about thy
face towards heaven with uncertainty,
but we will cause thee to turn thyself
towards a keblah that will please thee.
Turn, therefore, thy face towards tbe holy
temple of Mecca j and wherever ye be,
turn your faces towards that place."
Sale's Koran, cb. ii. Wherever Mus
sulmen are, therefore, they tum their
faces towards tbe temple of Mecca when
they pray. Daniel complied with what
was probably tbe general custom of bis
countrymen, and wbat was natural in his
case, for there was, in the nature of the
case, a reaaon why he should turn his
face towards the place where God had
been accustomed to manifest himself. It
served to keep up in his mind the re
membrance of bis beloved country, and
in bis case could be attended witb no
evil. As all visible symbols of the divine
Being are now, however, withdrawn from
any particular place on the earth, there
is no propriety in imitating his example,
and wben we pray it is wholly immaterial
in wbat direction tbe face is turned.
^ He kneeled upon hia kneea three timea a
day. In accordance doubtless with his
usual custom. The amount of tbe state
ment is, that he did not vary his habit
on account of the command. He, evi
dently, neitfaer assumed a posture of
ostentation, nor did be abstain from what
be was accustomed to do. To have de
parted from his usual habit in any way
would have been a yielding of principle
in tbe case. It is not mentioned at what
time in the day Daniel thus kneeled and
prayed, but we may presume tbat it was
evening, and morning, and noon. Thus
the Psalmist says : " Evening, and morn
ing, and at noon, will I pray, and cry
aloud; and he shall hear my voice."
Ps. lv. 1?. No one can doubt the pro
priety of thus praying to God; and it
Would be well for ill thus to call upon

DANIEL. [B.C. 537.
spake before the king concerning
the king's decree ; Hast thou not
signed a decree, that every man that
shall ask a petition of any God or
man witiiin thirty days, save of theei
« Ph. 4. 6. 1) c 3. 8.

their God. ^Aa he did aforetime. With
out making any change. He neither in
creased nor diminished the number of
times each day in wbich be called upon
God; nor did be make any change in the
manner of doing it. He did not seek
ostentatiously to show that he was a wor
shipper of God, nor was bo deterred by
the fear of punishment from doing as he
had been accustomed to do. If it should
be said tbat Daniel's habit of worship
was ostentatious; tbatbis praying with
his windows open was contrary to the
true spirit of retiring devotion, and espe
cially contrary to the spirit required of
worshippers in the New Testament where
the Saviour commands us when we pray
to * enter into the closet, and to shut the
door,' (Matt. vi. 6,) it may be replied,
(1) that there is no evidence tbat Daniel
did tbis for tbe purpose of ostentation,
and the supposition. that he did it for that
purpose is contrary to all that we know
of bis cbaracter; (2) as we have seen,
this was the customary place for prayer,
and the manner of tbe prayer was that
which was usual ; (3) the chamber, or
upper part of tbe house was in fact tbe
most retired part, and was a place where
one would be least likely to be beard or
seen ; and (4) there is no evidence that
it would not have been quite private and
unobserved if these men had not gone to
his honse and listened for the very pur
pose of detecting him at his devotions.
No one could well guard against such a
purpose, 11. Then theae men aeaemblcd, Ac.
Evidently wilh a deaign of finding him
at his devotions.
12. Then they came near. That is, they
came near the king. They had detected
Daniel, as they expected and desired to
do, in a palpable violation of the law,
and they lost no time in apprising the
king of it, and in reminding him of the
law wbich be bad established. Informers
are not apt to lose time. ^ The king an
awered and said. The thing is true, Ac.
It is undeniable, whatever may be tha
consequences. There is no reason to

B. C.537.]

CHAPTER VI.

271

0 king, shall be cast into tho den
of _ liona ? Tho king answered and
said, The thing is true, according
to the la-w of the Modes and Per
sians, which altereth « not,
13 Then answered they, and said
Defore the king, That Daniel, which

» vor. 8.

bc. 6. 13.

suppose that ho as yet had any suspioion
of their design in asking this question.
It is not improbable that ho apprehended
there had beeu some violation of the law,
but it does not appear that hig suspicious
rested oo Daniel.
13. TJien answered they — That Daniel,
which is of the children of the captivity
of Judah. Who is one of the captive
Jews. There was art in thus referring
to Daniel, instoad of mentioning him
as sustaining au exalted office. It would
servo to aggravate his guilt to remind
tho kiug that one who was in fact a
fbreigner, and a captive, had thus dis
regarded his solemn commandment. If
ho had been mentioned as the primo
minister, there was at least a possibility
tbat tho king would be less disposed to
deal with hiui according to tho letter of
the statute than if he were mentioned as
a captive Jew. ^f Regardeth not thee, Ao.
Shows open disregard aud contempt for
tho royal authority by making a petition
to hia God three times a day.
14. Then the king, when lie heard theso
worda, waa aore displeased with himself.
That is, for having consented to sucii a
decree without deliberation, or with so
much haste — or for having consented to
it at all. It is remarkable that it is not
said that he was displeased with them for
having proposed it ; but it is clear tbat
he saw tbat the guilt was his own for
haying given his aeaent to it,' and that
he bad aoted foolishly. There is no evi
dence as yet that he saw that the de
cree had been proposed for the purpose
of securing the degradation and ruin of
Daniel — though be ultimately perceived
it (ver. 24); or if he did perceive it,
there was no woy of preventing the oon-
aequences from coming on Daniel — and
that was the point tbat now engrossed bis
attention. He was doubtless displeased
with himself, (I) because he saw that he
had done wrong in tVaming such a decree,
whioh interfered with what had been tole
rated — the froo exercise ofreligion by hia

' is of the children of the captivity
of Judah, regardeth 'not thee, 0
king, nor the decree that thou hast
signed, but maketh his petition
three times a day.
14 Then the king, when he heard
ihese words, was sore displeased
«c. 3.12. Ac. 6. 29.

subjects ; (2) because he now saw that it
was foolish, and unworthy of a king, thus
to assent to a law for whioh tbere was no
good reason, and the consequences of
wbich he had not foreseen, and (3) be
cause he now saw that he bad involved
the first officer of tbe realm, and a man
of unsullied character in ruin, unless some
way eould be devised by wbich tho con
sequences of tbe statute could be averted.
It is no uncommon thing fur men to be
displeased loith tJiemaeloea when they ex
perience the unexpected consequences of
tbeir follies and their sins. An instanco
strongly resembling that bere stated, in
its main features, occurred at a later pe
riod in the history of Persia — an instance
showing how tbe innocent may be in
volved in a general law, and bow much
perplexity and regret may be caused by tho
enactment of such a law. It occurred in
Persia, in tho persecution of Christiana,
A. D. 344. "An edict appeared, which
commanded tbat all Christians sbould be
thrown into chains and executed. Many
belonging to every rank died aa martyrs.
Among these was a eunuch of the palace,
named Azades, a man greatly prized by
the king. So much was the latter affected
by bis death, tbat he commanded tbat
the punishment of death should be in
flicted from thenceforth only on tho lead
ers of the Christiau sect; that is, only on
persons of the clerical order." Neander's
Church History, Torrey's Translation, vol.
ii. p. 110. % And aet hia heart on Daniel
to deliver him. In what way he sought
to deliver him is not said. It would seem
probable from the representation in the
following verse, that it was by an inquiry
whether tbo statute might not properly
be changed or cancelled, or whether the
penalty might not be commuted — for it
is said that his counsellors urged as a
reason fbr the strict infliction of the pun
ishment the absolute unchangeableness
of the statute. Perhaps he inquired
whether a precedent might not be found
for the abrogation of a law enacted by a

272

DANIEL.

[B. C. 537.

» with himself, and set his heart on
Daniel to deliver him : and he la-
aMa. 6. 26,

king hy tho same authority that enacted
it J or whether it did not come within
the king's prerogative to change itj or
whether the punishment might not he
commuted without injury; or whether
the evidence of the guilt was perfectly
clear J oi whether he might not be par
doned without anything being done to
maintain the honour of the law. This is
one of the most remarkable instances on
record of the case of a monarch seeking
to deliver a subject from punishment when
the monarch had absolute power, and is
a striking illustration of the difficulties
which often arise in the administration
of justice, where the law is absolute, and
where justice seems to demand the infiic
tion of the penalty, and yet where there
are strong reasons why the penalty should
not be inflicted ; that is, why an offender
should be pardoned. And yet, there is
no improbability in this statement about
the perplexity of tho king, for (1) there
were strong reasons, easily conceivable,
why the penalty should not be inflicted
in the cas_e, because (a) the law had been
evidently devised by the crafty enemies
of Daniel to secure just such a result;
(6) Daniel had been guilty of no crime —
no moral wrong, but bad done only that
which should commend him more to fa
vour and confidence; (c) his character
waa every way upright and pure ; (rf) the
very worship which he had been detected
in had been up to that period allowed,
and there was no reason why it should
now be punished, and (c) the infliction of
the penalty, though strictly according to
the letter of the law, would be manifestly
a violation of justice and equity ; or, in
other words, it was every way desirable
that it should not be inflicted. Yet
(2) -there was great difficulty in pardon
ing him who had ofi'ended, for (a) the
law wus absolute in the case ; (&) the evi
dence was clear that Daniel bad dono
what the law forbade; (c) the law of the
realm prohibited any change; (c?) the char
acter and government of the king were
involved in the case. If he interposed
and saved Daniel, and thus suff'ered the
law to be violated with impunity, the re
sult would be that there would be a want
«f stability in his administration, and any
f ^er Bubject could hopo that he might

boured till the g^ing doTTii of the
sun to deliver them.

violate the law with the same impnnity.
Justice, and tho honour of the govern.
ment, therefore, seemed to demand that
the law should be enforced, and the pen
alty inflicted. (3) It may be added, tha*
cases of this kind are frequently occur.
ring in the administration of law — cases
where there is a conflict between justice
and mercy, and where one must be sacri
ficed to the other. There are numerous
instances in which there can be no doubt
that the law has been violated, and yet in
which strong reasons exist why the of
fender should be pardoned. Yet thera
are great difficulties in the whole subject
of pardon, and there are more embar
rassments in regard to this than anything
else pertaining to the administration of
the laws. If an ofience is never pardoned,
then tbe government is stern and inex
orable, and its administration violates
some of the finest and most tender feelings
of our nature — for there are cases vhen
all the benevolent feelings of our nature
demand that there should be the remission
of a penalty — cases, modified by youth, or
age, or sex, or temptation, or previous
character, or former service rendered to
one's country. And yet, pardon in any
instance always does just so much to
weaken the strong arm of the law. It is
a proclamation that in some cases crime
may be committed with impunity. If
often exercised, law loses its force, aud
men arc little deterred frora crime by fear
of it. If it were alwaya exercised, and a
proclamation were sent forth that any one
who committed an ofl'ence might be par
doned, the authority of government would
be at an end. Those, therefore, who
are entrusted with the administration
of the laws are often substantially in
the same perplexity in which Darius was
in respect to Daniel— all whose feelinga
incline them to mercy, and who yet see no
way in which it can be exercised con
sistently with the administration of jus
tice and the prevention of crime. ^ And
he laboured. He sought to devise somt
way in which it might be done. ^ Till tke
going down of the snu. Houbigant under
stands this, •' Till the sun arose ;" but tho
common rendering is probably the correct
one. Why thot hour is mentioned, is not
known. It would seem from tke follow-

B. C. 537.]

CHAPTER VI.

273

15 Then these men assembled
nnto the king, and said unto the
king, Know, 0 king, tbat the law
of the Medes and Persians is. That
no decree nor statute which the king
establisbeth may be changed.
»Jc26.14. Ac. 25. 11.
ing verse that the king was pressed by
his counsellors to carry the decree into
execution, and it is probable that the king
Baw that the case was a perfectly clear
one, and that nothing could be hoped for
from delay. The law was clear, and it
wa-s equally clear that it had been vio
lated. There was no way then but to
suffer it to take its course.
15. Then these men assembled unto the
king. The Chaldee here is the same as
in ver. 6, 'they came tumultuously.'
They were earnest that the law should
be executed, and they probably appre
hended that if the king were allowed to
dwell upon it, the firmness of his own
mind would give way, and that he would
release Daniel. Perhaps they dreaded
the effect of the compunctious visitings
which he might have during the silence
of the night, and tbey, therefore, came
tumultuously to hasten his decision.
^Know, 0 king, that the law, &c. That
is a settled matter about which there can
be no debate or difference of opinion. It
would seem that this was a point so well
settled that no question could be raised
in regard to it, and, to their minds, it
was equally clear that if tbis were so, it
was necessary that the sentence should
be executed without delay.
16. Then the king commanded, &c. See
Notes on ver. 7. Some recent discoveries
among the ruins of Babylon have shown
that the mode of punishment by throwing
offenders against the laws to lions was
actually practised there, and these dis
coveries may be classed among the nu
merous instances in which modern inves
tigations have tended to confirm the state
ments in the Bible. Three interesting
figures illustrating this fact may be seen in
the Pictorial Bible, vol. iii. p. 232. The
first of those figures, from a block of stone,
was found at Babylon near the great
mass of ruin that is supposed to mark
the site of the grand western palace. It
represents a Hon standing over the body
wf a prostrate man, extended on a pedes-
lal which measures nine feet in length

16 Then the king commanded,
and they brought *Dauiel, and cast
him into the den of lions. Now the
king spake, and said unto Daniel,
Thy God, whom thou servest con
tinually, he will deliver ^ thee.
bPs-ST.SO.iO; c 3.15, 17.
by three in breadth. The head has been
lately knocked off; but when Mr. Rich
saw it, the statue was in a perfect state,
and he remarks that "the mouth had a
circular aperture into which a man might
introduce his fist." The second is from
an engraved gem, dug from the ruins of
Babylon by Captain Mignan. It exhibits
a man standing on two sphinxes, and en
gaged with two fierce animals, possibly
intended for lions. The third is from a
block of white marble found near tho
tomb of Daniel at Susa, and thus de
scribed by Sir Robert Ker Porter in his
' Travels,' (vol. ii. p. 416). *' It does not
exceed ten inches in width and depth,
measures twenty in length, and is hollow
within, as if to receive some deposit.
Three of its sides are cut in bas relief,
two of them with similar representations
of a man apparently naked, except a
sash round his waist, and a sort of cap
on his head. His hands are bound be
hind him. The corner of the stone
forms the neck of the figure, so that its
head forms one of its ends. Two lions
in sitting postures appear on either side
at the top, each having a paw on the
head of the man." See Pict. Bible in
loc. ^ Now the king apake and said unto
Daniel, Thy God, &c. What is here stated
is in accordance with what is said in
ver. 14, that the king sought earnestly
to deliver Daniel from the punishment.
He had entire confldence in him, and he
expressed that to the last. As to the
question of probability whether Darius,
a heathen, would attempt to comfort
Daniel with the hope that he would be de
livered, and would express the belief that
this would be done by that God whom he
served, and in whose cause he was about
1 to be exposed to peril, it may be remarked
(1) That it was a common thing among
the heathen to believe in the interposi
tion ofthe gods in favour of the righte
ous, and particularly in favour of their
worshippers. Bee Somer, passin. Hence
it was tbat they called on them; that
they committed themselves to them in

274

DANIEL.

[B. C. 537 >

17 And a stone *was brought,
and laid upon the mouth of the den ;
and the king sealed *> it with his own
signet, and with the signet of his
lords, that the purpose might not
be changed concerning DanieL
battle and in peril; that they sought
their aid by sacrifices and by prayers.
No one can doubt that such a belief pre
vailed, and that the mind of Darius, in
accordance with the prevalent custom,
might be under its infiuence. (2) Darins,
undoubtedly, in accordance with the pre
vailing belief, regarded tbe God whom
Daniel worshipped as a god, though not
as exclusively the true God. He had the
same kind of confidence in him that he
had in any god worshipped by foreigners —
and probably regarded him as the tute
lary divinity of the land of Palestine,
and of the Hebrew people. As he might
consistently express this belief in refer
ence to any foreign divinity, there is no
improbability that he would in reference to
the God worshipped by Daniel. (3) He
had the utmost oonfidence both in the in
tegrity and the piety of Daniel; and as
he believed that the gods interposed in
human affairs, and as he saw in Daniel
an eminent instance of devotedness to
his God, he did not doubt that in such a
case it might be hoped that he would
save him.
17. And a atone waa brought, and laid
vpon the mouth of the den. Probably a
large flat etone sufficient to cover the
mouth of the cave, and so heavy that
Daniel could not remove it from within
and escape. It was usual then, as it is
now, to close up the entrance to sepul
chres with a large stone. See Jofan
xi. 38; Matt xxvii. 60. It would be
natural to endeavour to secure this
vault or den in the same way — on the
one hand so that Daniel could not escape
from within, and on the other so that
none of his friends could come and rescue
him from without. ^ And the king sealed
it with his otcn signet. With his own aeal.
That is, he affixed to the stone, probably
by means of clay or wax, his seal, in such
a way, that it could not be removed by
any one without breaking it, and conse
quently without the perpetration of a
crime of tho highest kind — for no greater
•fibnce could be committed .against- his

18 T[Then the king went to his
palace, and passed the night fast
ing: neither were »= instruments of
music brought before him ; and hia
sleep went from him.
a La. 3. 53. *" Mat. 27. 66. « or, table.

authority, than thus to break his seal,
and there could be no greater security
tbat tho stone would not be removed.
On the manner of sealing" a stone in snch
circumstances, comp. Notes on Matt.
xxvii. 66. ^ And with tke aignet of kis
lords. That it might have all the security
which there could be. Perhaps this was
at the suggestion of his lords, and the
design, on their part may have been, so
to guard the den that the king should
not release Daniel. ^ That tke purpose
might not he changed concerning Daniel.
By the king. Probably they feared that
if there was not this security, the king
might release him ; but tbey presumed
that he would not violate the seal of the
great officers of the realm. It would seem
that some sort of concurrence between the
king and his nobles was required in mak
ing and executing the laws.
18, Then the Icittg went to his palace,
and passed the night fasting. Daniel was
probably cast into the den soon after the
going down of the sun, ver. 14. It was not
unusual to have suppers then late at night
as it is now in many places. The great
anxiety of tho king, however, on account
of what had occurred, prevented him
from participating in the usual evening
meal. As to the probability of what is
here affirmed, no one can have any doubt
who credits the previous statements. In
the consciousness of wrong done to a
worthy officer of the government; in
the deep anxiety which he had to de
liver him; in the excitement which must
havo existed against tbe cunning and
wiiked authors of the plot to deceive tho
king and to ruin Daniel ; and in his soli
citude and hope that after all Daniel
might escape, there is a satisfactory rea
son for the facts stated that he had no
desire for food; that instruments of music
were not brought before him; and that
he passed a sleepless night % Neither
were instrumenta of muaic brought before
him. It was usual among the ancients
to have music at their meals. This cus
tom prevailed among the Greeks anj

B. C: 537.]

CHAPTER "V I.

Z7S

19 Then tbe king arose very early
in the morning, and went in haste
unto the den of lions.
20 And when he oame to the den,
he cried -w'ith a lamentable voice
unto Daniel: and the king spake
and said to Daniel, O Daniel, ser-
Romans, and doubtless was common iu
the Orieutal world. It should be ob-
lerved, however, that there Is consider
able variety in the interpretation of the
Iforil here rendered instruments of music —
)jn^. The margin is table. The Latin
Vulgate, 'He slept supperless, neither
was food brought before him.' The Greek
Tenders it food — eiJw^ara. So tbe Syriac.
Bertholdt and Gesenius render it concu
bines, and Saadias dancing girls. Any
of these significations would be appro
priate ; but it is impossible to determine
which is the most correct. The word
does not occur elsewhere in the Scrip
tures. 19. Then the king aroae very early in
the morning, &c. No one can doubt the
probability of what is here said, if the
previous account be true. His deep
anxiety; his wakeful night; the re
morse which he endured, and his hope
that Daniel would bo after all preserved,
all would prompt to an early visit to the
place of his confinement, aud to his earn
estness in ascertaining whether he were
BtiU alive.
20. He cried with a lamentable voice.
A voice full of anxious solicitude. Liter
ally 'a voice of grief.' Such a cry would
be natural on such an occasion, f 0
Daniel, aervant of the living God. Tbo
God who has life ; who imparts life ; and
who oan preserve life. This was the
appellation, probably, which he had heard
Daniel use in regard to Godj and it is
one which he would naturally employ on
suoh an occasion as this, feeling that tbe
question of life was entirely in his hands.
^ Whom thou aerveat continually. At all
times, and in all circumstances: as a
captive in a distant land; in places of
honour and power ; when surrounded by
the great Tbo worship otber gods ; and
when threatened with death for your de-
Tstion to the service of G«)d. This had
been the character of Daniel, and it was
jatural to refer to it now.
21. Then said Daniel unto the king, 0

vant of the living God, is thy God,
whom thou servest continually, able
to deliver thee from the lions ?
21 Then said Daniel unto tha
king, 0 king, live forever.
22 My God hath sent his * angel,
»c. 3. 28.
king, live forever. The common form of
salutation in addressing tho king. See
Notes on eh. ii. 4. There might be more
tban mere form in this, for Daniel may
have been aware of the true source of the
calamities that had come upon him, and
of the innocence bf tbe king in the mat
ter ; and he doubtless recalled tbe interest
which the king had shown in him when
about to be cast into tbo den of lions, and
his expression of confidence tbat bis God
would be able to deliver him (ver. 16),
and he oould not bnt have been favour
ably impressed by the solicitude which
the monarch now showed for his wel
fare in thus early visiting him, and V
his anxiety to know whether he wer^
still alive.
22. 3fy God hath sent hia angel. It
was common among the Hebrews to attri
bute any remarkable preservation from
danger to the intervention of an angel
sent from God, and no one can demon
strate tbat it did not occur as they sup
posed. There is no more absurdity in
supposing tbat God employs au an
gelic being to defend his people, or to
impart blessings to them, than there
is in supposing that he employs ona
human being to render important aid,
aud to convey important blessings to an
other. As a matter of fact, few of the
favours which God bestows upon men
are conveyed to them directly from bim
self, but they are mostly imparted by
tbe instrumentality of others. So it is in
the blessings of liberty, in deliverance
from bondage, in the provision mado for
our wants, in the favour bestowed on u«
in infancy and childhood. As this prin
ciple prevails everywhere on the earth,
it is not absurd to suppose that it may
prevail elsewhere, and that on important
occasions, and on instances above the
rank of human intervention, Qod may
employ the instrumentality of higher
beings to defend bis people in trouble,
and rescue them from danger. Comp.
Ps. xxxiv. 7, xci. 11; Dan. ix. 21; Matb

276

DANIEL.

[B. C. 687,

and hath shut the » lions' mouths,
that they have not hurt me : foras
much as before him innocency •> was
found in me ; and also before thee,
0 king, have I done no hurt.
23 Then was tho king exceeding
glad for him, and commanded that
' He. 11. 33. * Ps. 18. 20, 24; 20. 6.
xviii. 10; Luke xvi. 22; Heb. i. 14.
Daniel does not say whether tbe angel
was visible or not, but it is rather to be
presumed that he was, as in tbis way it
would be more certainly known to him
that he owed his deliveranee to the inter
vention of an angel, and as tbis would be
to bim a manifest token of the favour i
and protection of God. ^ And hath ahut
the liona' mouths. It is clear that Daniel
supposed that this was accomplished by
a miracle; aud this is the only satisfac
tory solution of what bad occurred.
There is, moreover, no more objection to
tbe supposition tbat tbis was a miracle
than there is to any miracle whatever,
for (a) tbere is no more fitting occasion
for the divine intervention than when a
good man is in dR.nger, and {b) the object
to be accomplished on the mind of the
king, and through bim on the minds of
the people at large, was worthy of such
an interposition. The design was evi
dently to impress the mind of the mon
arch with the belief of the existence of the
true God, and to furnish in the court of
Babylon proof tbat should be convincing
that he is the only God. ^ Forasmuch
as before him innocency was found in me.
(1) Absolute innocency in refcrenie to
the question of guilton thepointin n^ich
he had been condemned — he having done
only that which God approved ; aud
(2) general integrity and uprightness of
cbaracter. We need not suppose that
Daniel claimed to be absolutely perfect
(comp. eh. ix.), but we may suppose that
he meaus to say that God saw tbat
he was what he professed to be, and
that his life was such as be approved.
f And alao before thee, 0 king, have I
done no hurt. Tbat is, be hnd in no man
ner violated his duty to the king; be
bad done nothing that tended to over
throw his government, or to spread dis
affection among bis subjects.
23. Then t^ie king waa exceeding glad
for him. On account cf Daniel. That

they should take Daniel up out of
the den. So Daniel was taken up
out of the den, and no manner of
hurt was found upon him, because
he believed in his God.
241[ And the king commanded, and
they brought those men "^ which had
clle.19.19.

is, be was rejoiced for the sake of Daniel
that he had received no hurt, and tfaat
he might be restored to bis place, and
be useful again in the government.
24. And the king commanded, and they
brought thoae men which had accused Dan- '
iei, &c. It would seem probable tbat tbe
king had been aware of their wicked de
signs against Daniel, and bad been satis
fied that the whole was the result of a
conspiracy, but he felt bimself under a
necessity of allowing tbe law to take ita
course on him whom he believed to be
really innocent. Thathad been done. All
that tbe law could be construed as requiring
had been accomplished. It could not be
pretended that the law required that any
other punishment should be infiicted on
Daniel, and the wny was now clear te
deal with tbe authors of tbe malicious
plot as they deserved. No one can rea
sonably doubt the probability of what is
here said in regard to the conspirators
Igainst Daniel. The king had arbitrary
power. He was convinced of tbeir guilt.
Uis wrath had been with difBculty re
strained when be understood the nature
of the plot against Dnnieh Nothing,
therefore, was more natural than tbat he
should subject the guilty to the same pun
isfament whicfa they had sought to bring
upon tbe innocent ; nothing more natural
tban that a proud despot wbo saw that,
by the force of a law whicb he eould not
control, he had been made a tool in sub
jecting the higbest officer of tbe realm,
and tbe best mnn in it, to peril of
deatb, that he should, without any delay,
wreak his vengeance on tbose who had
thus made use of him to gratify their own
malignant passions. If Them, and their
children, and their wives. Tbis was in
accordance with Oriental notions of jus.
tice, and was often done. It is said ex-
pressly by Ammianus Marcellinus f23 6.
81,) to have been a custom among thd
Persians: 'The laws among them [tht

B. C, 537.]

CHAPTER VI.

277

accused Daniel, and they cast them
into the den of lions, them, their
• children, and their wives ; and the
lions had the i' mastery of them, and
brake all their bones in pieces or
ever they came at the bottom of the
den. « De. 24. 16 ; 2 Ki. 14. 6 J Es. 9. 10. <> Ps. 64. 6.
Persians] are formidable; among which
those which are enacted against the un
grateful and deserters, and similar abom
inable crimes, surpass others in cruelty,
by whioh, on account of the guilt of one,
oil the kindred perish' — per quas ob nsxam
unius omnis propinquitas perit. So Cur
tius says of the Macedonians : ' It is en
roled by law tbat tbe kindred of tbose
who conspire against the king shall be
put to death with them.' Instances of
this kind of punishment arc found among
the Hebrews (Josh. vii. 24; 2 Sam. xxi. 5,
aeq.), though it was forbidden by the law
of Moses, in judicial transactions. Deut.
xxiv. 16. Comp. also Ezek. xviii. Mauer,
tn loc. In regard to this transaction, we
may observe fa) that nothing is more pro
bable tban tbat this would occur, since,
as appears from the above quotations, it
was often done, and there was nothing in
the character of Darius that would prevent
it, though it seems to us to be so unjust.
(b) It was the aot of a heathen monarch,
and it is not necessary in order to defend
the Scripture narrative, to vindicate the
justice of the transaction. The record
may be true, though the thing itself was
evil and wrong, (c) Yet the snme thing
substantially occurs in the course of Pro
vidence, or the administration of justice
now. Nothing is more common than that
the wife and children of a guilty man
should suffer on account of the sin of tbe
husband and father. Wbo ean recount
the woes that come upon a family
through the intemperance of a father?
And in eases where a man is condemned
for orime, the consequences are not con-
Bned to himself. In shame, and mortifi
cation, and disgrace ; in the anguish ex
perienced when he dies on a gibbet; in
the sad remembrance of that disgraceful
death; ip the loss of one who might have
provided for their wants, and been their
p» '.tector and counsellor, the wife and
ebildren alwaya suffer ; and, though this
took another form in anoienf times, and
24

25 IT Then "= king Darius w^te unto
all people, nations, and languages,
that dwell in all the earth ; Peace be
multiplied unto you.
26 I make a decree. That in every
dominion of my kingdom men ¦¦ trem
ble and fear before the Gud of Dan-

'=0.4.1.

^ Vs. 99. 1.

when adopted as a principle of punish
ment, is not in accordance with our sense
of justioe in administering laws, yet it is
a principle which pervades the world —
for the effects of crime eannot and do not
terminate on the guilty individual him
self. \ And the lions had the maatery of
them. As the divine restraint furnished
for tbe protection of Daniel was with
drawn, they acted out their proper nature.
^j And brake all their bones in pieces or
ever, &o. Literally, ' they did not come to
the bottom of tbe den until tbe lions had
tbe mastery of them, and brake all their
bones.' They seized upon them as they
fell, and destroyed them.
25. 7'Acji king Darius wrote unto all
people, Ac. Comp. Notes on cbs. ii. 47,
id. 29, iv. 1. If there is a probability that
Nebuchadnezznr would make such a pro.
clamation as he did, tbere is no less pro.
bability tbat the samo thing would be
done by Darius. Indeed, it is m.anifest
on the face of tbe whole narrative thai
one great design of all that ocourred was
to proclaim the knowledge of the true
God, and to secure his recognition. That
object was worthy of the divine interposi
tion, and the facts in the case show that
God hns power to induce princes and
rulers to recognize bis existence and per
fections, and his government over the
earth. 26. / make a decree. Comp. eh. iii. 29.
1[ That in every dominion of my kingdom.
Every department, or province. The en
tire kingdom or empire was made up of
several kingdoms, as Media, Persia, Ba
bylonia, Ac. The meaning is, that he
wished the God of Daniel to be honoured
and reverenced throughout the whole em
pire. ^ Men tremble and fear before the'
God of Daniel. That they honour and
reverence him as God. Thero is no cer
tain evidence thathe meant thathe should
be honoured as the only God, but tbe pro.
bability is, that he meant th.at be should
be recognized as a God of great power onJ

278

DANIEL.

[B. 0. 547,

iei : for « he is tho living God, and
steadfast for over, and his kingdom
''that which shall not bo destroyed,
and his dominion shall be even unto
the end.
27 lie « delivereth and roscuoth,
and ho worketh '' signs and wonders
«o.4. 3t. ''0.2.44. cPn. 18.60;32. 7.
glory, and as worthy of ujiivorsal rover
ence. How far this heathen monarch
might BtiU regard tho other deities wor
shipped in the empire as gods, or how far
his own heart might be disposed to bon
our tho God of Diiniel, there nro no means
of ascertaining. It was much, however,
that so great a monarch should bo led to
make a proolamntion aoknowlodging tbe
God of Daniel as having a real existonce,
and as cntitied to universal reverence.
^ For he is the living Ood. An appella
tion often given to God in tbe Scriptures,
and probably learned by Darius frorn
Daniel. It is not, however, absolutely
certain that Darius would attach all the
ideas to these phrases wbich Daniel did,
or whieh we would. The attributes faere
ascribed to God are oorroot, and the views
expressed are far beyond any that pre'
vailed aniong tho uoathcn, but still it
would not bo proper to suppose that Da
rius certainly bad all tbo views of Qod
wfaich these words would convey to us now.
f And ateadfaat forever. That is, he is
always tbe sume. He ever lives; he faas
power over all; bis kingdom is on an im
movable foundation. Ho is not, in fais
government, tu cease to exist, nnd to bo
succeeded by another who shall oeeupy
his throne, f And hia kingdom thnt which
shalt not be destroyed, A.c. See Notes on
cb. iv. 8, 34. The similarity between the
language used bere, and that employed
by Nebuehadnezzur, sfaows thnt it was
frobably derived from tho samo source.
t is to be presumed that both monarcfas
expressed tbe views which tbey hud
learned from Daniel.
27. He delivereth and reacueth. As In
the case of Daniel. Tfais attribute would
of course be prominent in tbe view of Da
rius, siLce 80 remarkable an instance ofhis
power bad been recently manifested in
rescuing Dnniel. f, Andhe worketh signs
«ni wondera, i.0. Performs miracles

in heaven ond in earth, who hath
delivered Daniel from the "power
of the lions.
28 So this Daniel prospered in
the reign of Darius, and in tho reign
of ' Cyrus the Persian.

1 0. 4. 3.
to, 1.

21.

" Jiand.
r.zT. 1. 1, 2.

far above all human power. If be had
done il; on earth in tfae ease of Daniel, it
was fair to infer that bo did it also in
heaven. Oomp. Notes ch iv. 2, 3. ^ The
power of the lions. Marg., hand. The
hand ia tho instrument of power. The
word paw would express the idea here,
and would accord with the meaning, as
it is usually with the paw that tho lion
strikes down his prey before bo de
vours it.
28. So this Daniel prospered in tha
reign of Dariua. That is, to the end of
his reign. It .is fairly implied bere tfaat
ho wan restored to his bunouri. V Xnet
in the reign of Cyrua the Persian. Cyrus
the Great, tho nephew and tuocetsor of
Darius. Tor nn account of Cyrus, eco
Notes on Isa. Ixi. 2. Uow long during tbo
rolgn of Cyrus, Daniel ' prospered' or lived
is not said. During a part of tho reign of
Dariua or Cyaxares, he was occupied
busily in aecurttig by hig inlluenoo the
welfare of his own people, and making
arrangements fur their return to their
land ; and hia high post in tho nation to
wbicb, under divino Providence, ho bod
doubtleas boen raised fur this purpose, en
abled bim tu render essential and invalu
able aervice at tbe court. In the third
year of Cyrus, wo aro informed (ch.
X — xii.), be bad a series of visions re
specting the future history and sufleringa
of his nation to tho period of their true
redemption through the Messiah, na nhio s
consolatory direction to himself to proceed
calmly and peaceably to the ond of hll
days, and tfaen await patiently tho resur
rection ofthe dead, oh. xil,12, 18. From
tfaat period the accounts respecting him
are vague, oonfuaed, and even strange,
and little or nothing ia known of tho tims
or circumBtancos of tbo deatb. (Comn.
Intro, g 1.)
From thie chapter we may derive lb*
following instructive practical

B.C. 837.1 CHAPTER VI 279

(1 ) AVo havo an Inotanoo of wlmt often occurs In tho world — of invr/ on ncrount r" tlio oxcol*
loncy ofothorH, and of tliohonourn which thoy obtnin by thoir talont und thdr worth, vs. 1—4.
^othlnK 1" moro fVunuunt thnn such onvy, nnd nothing moro common, oh a consuquuncu, thhn
a dotdrmlnutton to uimrndo thow) who nro tho nul^Jcotw of it, Knvy nlwnyn ncoks in pomo wny
to humbht nnd mortify tho«o wlio oru aistlnuutiihod. It Ih tlio pnhi, mortlllcatloM, chagrin, nnd
roKi'ut whitli wo hnvo itt thoir Hupurlor rxoullunco or proBpority, and thin propiptA u« to ondoa-
vour to hriuK thom down to our own lovol, or bolow it; to ouiumnlatu thi'lr cbnracturs; to hln-
flor their proHporlty ; to oinbnrrnfts thom tn thoir plana; totnko up and clrculuto rumoura to
Bh«ir dlnadvnntngo; to magnilV thoir faulta, or to fudton upon ihom tho auspicion of crime. In
tho inatiinru bulbro ua, wo aoo thoulTuot In a inottt ffiiilly conaplraoy OKalnpit n mnn of Incorruptl-
blo ohftrootor; a man full lu tho confldouoo of his soverolga ; a man umlnoutly tho fl'lund of
VU'tuoaudofaoa. Envy will morit, aa ita shodo, purfwo ;
Ilut llico a shadow, provos tho subetunno truo.
[Popo, JEsaay on Criticism.
lloao onvy wHhora at nnothor'a Joy,
And hatos that uxooUonoo It oaonot ronoh.[Thompson, Seasons.
Ho thou na ohnato aa Ico, nn puro as snow,
Thou shalt not oaoapu calumny. [Shakespeare,
Thnt thou art Mnmod ahalt not bo thy dcfoot;
X'or alanUor's mark wam uvur yot tho fair;
So thou ho pood, slrindor doth yot approve
Thy worth tho gruator. [Shakespeare.
(2) Wo hnvfl In thia chnptor (vs. *t— 0), a striking illuatration of tho nnturo and the ovlls of a
conmiravy to ruin othors. Tho plnn hom was dellburatoly formod to ruin Danlul— tho boat man
lu the Toalm— a mnn againat whom no ohargo of guilt oould bo nlloged, who hod dono tho con-
Rpiratora no wrong ; who had rundorod himsolf lu no way nmonablo to tho laws. A * consplrnoy'
ia n Qombiuatton uf mou fbr ovil purpo^os; nn agrocniontbutwoon two or moro por'^ons to commit
Honiu crinio in conoort, uaually truaaon* or an insurrootton ngainst a govurnment or t^tatii. In
thia oanc, it waa a plot growing wholly out of onvy or joalousyj aconrcrtod agroomont to ruina
piod man, whoro no wi-ung had bnnn dono or could ba protended, nndnocrimo hnd boon committed.
Tho tisaontlal thinga In thia conaplrncy.aa In all otht^roaftoa of oonaplracy,wnro two: (a) thattba
purpuHu was wil ; and (b) thnt it wns to bo ucconiv>llshod by tho couiblnod Influonoos ofnumbers,
Tho moans ou whioh thoy rollod, op tho grt^unUs of calculation on tlio succoas of thoirplot, woro
tho following: (1) that thoy could oalculatoontho unwavering intogrity of Daniol — ou his firm
and (lilthfiil adhoronoo to Uio prlnciploa of hia religion In all oiiTumatancoM, and In all times of
tomptation nnd trial i and (2) that thiiy could induou the king to paaa a law, Irropoalablo trom tlio
nature of iho cane, which Daniol would ho oertiilu to violate, nud to tlio penalty of which, there*
tora, ho would bo cortidnly oxpoaod. ^'ow lu thia purpoao thoro wns every elemont of iuliiulty,
and tho grossest couooivablo wrong, Thoro wero comblni'd oil tlio evils of onvy and ninllco;
of porverting and abusing thoir Intlucnro over tlio king ; of soorosy In taklug advantago of ono
whodld notsuspoot any smJi dustgn; and of Involving tho king himaelf in tho noccsalty of
opposing the boMt man In hia rootm, nnd tlio highest oflloer of stato, to tho rortnln danger of
dtMith. The result, howovor, showod, as is often the casu, that the ovil rein>llud on tliemsolvofl,
Qi.il that tJio very oolomity overwbolmod thom and their families whioh they bad designod for
another (A) We havo horo a striking Instance of what ofton occurs, and what should alwnys occur,
nmong tho fi'iends of raligion, that * no occasion can be (bund against them except in regard to
tho law of their God'— on tho score of their religion, vor. 0, Daniol was known to bo uprlKht
llli otuiraoter tbr Integrity wixa above suspioion. It won cortnln that there was no hopo of biing-
Ing any ohnrgo ngnlnst him thnt would lie, for any wnnt of uprightness or honesty; fbr any
t\ilUirQ In tlie discharge of tho duties of hia oflice ; fbr any malversation in adnilnlstorlng tho
alTiitra of tho government j fbr any ombosilomont of tho puhllo funds, or for any aot of injustioo
towartls hlfl A)llow*mon. It was oertain that his chnrncter was IrroproachablQ on all those
Soints) and it wns oqnally oortaln that ho did and would maintain unwavering fidelity In tbo
utlos of religion, whntovor conHoquoncps might (bllow ftY)m It, it wns oloarthat they oould
rnloulato on his malntalniug with ndthfulneas tho duties of ple^. Whatover plot, therofon!,
pould 1)0 ibrmod agnlnst him on tho basis either of his moral Integrity, or his piety, it was cer
tain would bo successful. Uut then* wns no hope In regard to tho ibrnier, Ibr no law could havo
been carried prohibiting his doing what waa right on the auhjoot of mornls. Tho ouly hope,
Iherotbro, vn\f\ In iiwpcot to his religion ; and tlio main idea In their plot— the thing whicii con
stituted thn basis of their plan wao, tJuit it tous certain that Danid would maintain liisjidetity to
his Gfni i* jvsjJiWtcd ({f any vonsegumcM whntrvta'. This certainty ought to exist In regard to
every good mnn; every mnn professing religion. Ills ohnracter ought tobe sowell-undoMtood;
hll ploty cught to bo so firm, unwnverlngi tuid consistent, that It oould be oaloulatod on^ust as
lertoinly as wo caloulato on the stability of the laws of nature^ that ho will be found lulthfu]

280 DANIEL. [B. C. 637
to his religious duties and obligations. There are such men, and the character of every ma«
ihould be such. Then indeed we should know what to depend on in the world ; then religion
would be respected as it should be. « i- •
(4) Me may learn what is our duty when we are opposed in the exercise of our religion, oi
when we are in any way threatened with loss of office, or of property, on account of our religion,
ver. 10. We are to persevere in the discharge of our rdigums duties, whatever may be the con£e~
quences. So far as tbe example of Daniel goes, tbis would involve two things : (a) not to swerve
from the faithful performance of duty, or not to be deterred from it ; and (6) not to change our
course from any desire of dLsplay. Theee two things were manifested hy Daniel. He kept
steadily on his way. He did not abridge the number of times of his daily devotion ; nor, as far
as appears, did he change the form or the length. He did not cease to pray in an andible voiee ;
he did not jfive up prayer in the day time, and pray only at night; he did not even close his
windows ; be did not take any precautions to pray when none were near; he did not witfadraw
into an inner chamber. At the same time, he made no changes in his devotion for the sake of
ostentation. He did not open his windows before closed ; he did not go into the street; he did
not call around him his friends or foes to witness his devotions ; he did not, as far as appears,
either elevate his voice, or prolong bis prayers, in order to attract attention, or to invite perse
cution. In all this he manifested the tme spirit ofreligion, and set an example to men to be
followed in all ages. Not by the losa of fame or money; by the dread of persecution, or con
tempt of death ; by the threatenings of law or the fear of sbame, are we to be deterred from
the proper and the usual performance of our religious duties; nor hy a desire to provoke perse
cution, and to win the crown of martyrdom, and to elicit applause, and to faave our names bla*
zoned abroad, are we to multiply our religious acts, or make an ostentatious display of tfaem,
when we are threatened, or when we know that our conduct will excite opposition. We are to
ascertain what is right and proper ; and then we are modestly and firmly to do it, no mattei
what may be the consequences. Comp. Matt. v. 16; Acts iv. lb — 20, v. 29.
(5)We have, in the case of Darius, an instance of what often happens, the regret and anguish
which the mind experiences in consequence of a rash act, when it cannot he repaired, ver.. 14.
The act of Darius in making the decree was eminently a rash one. It was done without
deliberation, at the suggestion of otfaers, and probably uuder tfae influence of some very im
proper feeling — ^tfae desire of being esteemed as a god. But it faad consequences whicfa he did
¦not ibresee— consequences wfaicfa, if fae faad foreseen them, would doubtless have prevented bis
giving a sanction to this iniquitous law. Tfae state of mind whicfa fae experienced when fac saw
how the act involved the faestofBcer in fais government, and tbe best man in his realm, was just
what might have been expected, and is an illustration of what often occurs. It was too late
now to prevent the effects of the act; and his mind was overwhelmed with remorse and sorrow.
He blamed himself for his folly; and he sougfat in vain for some way to turn aside tfae conse
quences wfaicfa he now deplored. Sucfa instances often occur: (a) many of our acts are rash,
Tfaey are performed without deliberation; under the influence of improper passions; attfae
suggestion of others who would be tfaought to be our friends ; and without any clear view of
the consequences, or any concern as to what the result may be. (fc)A8 an effect, they often
have consequences wfaich we did not anticipate, and wfaich would have deterred ns in each in
stance had we foreseen tfaem. (c)They often produce regret and anguish wfaen too late, and.
wben we cannot prevent the evil. Tbe train of evils which has been commenced it is now too
late to retard or prevent, and they now inevitably come upon us- We can only stand and weet
over the effects of our rnshuesfi and folly ; and muat now feel that if the evil is averted, it wiU
be by the interposition of God alone.
(6) We have in tfais chapter an affecting instance of the evils which often arise in a human
govemment from the want of something like an atonement, ver. 14, seff. As faas been remarked
in the ^fotes, casea often arise wfaen it is desirable that pardon sfaould be extended to tfae vio
lators of law. See Notes on ver. 14. In such cases, some such arrangement as tfaat of an atone
ment, by which tbe faonour of the law might be maintained, and at the same time tfae merciful
feelings of an executive might be indulged, and tfae benevoleut wisfaes of a community grati
fied, would remove difficulties which are now felt in every human administration. Tfae
difficulties in the case, and the advantage which would arise ftom an atonement, may be seen
by a brief reference to the circumstances of the case hefore us: (o)the law was inexorable.
It demanded punishment, as all law does— for no law in itself makes any provision Ibr par
don. If it did it would bea burlesque on all legislation. Law denounces penalty; it does
not pardon, or show mercy. It has become necessary indeed to lodge a pardoning power with
some man intrusted with the administration of the laws, but the pardon is not ext^-nded by tho
law Itself (o)lhe anxjety ofthe king in the case is au illustration of what often occurs in the
administration of law, for, as above observed, there are cases where, on many accounts, it would
eeemto be desirable that the penalty of the law should not be inflicted. Such a case was that
of Dr. Dodd, in London, in which a petition, signed by thirty thousand names, was presented,
praying for the remission of tfae penalty of death. Such a case -was that of Msjor Andr^ when
Washington shed tews at tfae necessity of signing tfae deatfa-warrant of so young and so accom-
phshed an officer. Such cases often occur, in which there is the deepest anxietv in the besom
of an executive to see if tfaere is not (-ome way by which the infliction ofthe penaltv of tht law
may be avoided, (c) Yet there was in the case of Darius no possibility of a chance and thia
too is an illustration of what often occurs. The law was inexorable. It could not be' renft-ded
Bo now there are histances where tfae penalty of law cannot be avoided consistentlv with
ttie welfare of a community. Punisfament must bo inflicted, or all law hecome a nullity jU

B.C. 537.] CHAPTER VI. 281
Instance of this kind was that of Dr. Dodd. He waa convicted of forgery. So important had n
been doomed for the welfare of a commercial community thnt tliat crime should bo proveutcl,
that no one ever had been pardoned for it, and ic was folt that no one should be. Such nn in-
Btance was that of Major Andr6. The safety nnd welfare of the whole army, and the success of
tho cause, soemed to demand that the offence should not go unpunished. Yot (¦;) there are
difflculties in extending pardon to the guilty : (I) If it is done al all, it always doea so much to
weaken tho atrong arm of tho law, and if oflen done, It makes law a nullity, and (2) If it is never
done, tho law seems stern and inexorable, and the finer feelings of our nature, and the benevo
lent wishes of the community, are disregarded, (d) Those difiicultica aro obviated by an atone
ment. Tho things which are accomplished in tho atonement made under tho divine govern
ment, wo think, 80 far aa thia point is concerned, aud whicli distinguishes pardon in the divine
administration ftom pardon everywhere else, relieving it from all the embarrassments felt in
other goverumonts, are tho foUowing: (I) there isthe utmost respect paid to the law. Itis
honoured (a) in tho personal ohedlenco of the Lord Jesus, and (6)ln the sacrifice which he modo
on the cross to maintain ita dignity, and to show that it could not be violated with impunity —
more honoured by far than It would bo by the perfect obedience of man himself, or by its pen
alty being borne by the sinuer. (2) Pardon can ho offered to any extent, or to any number of
offenders. All the feQlln;{s of boni^volence and mercy can bo Indulged and gratified in the most
fi-eo manner — for uow tfaat an atonement ia made, all proper honour has been shown to the
law aud to tho claims of justice, and no Interest will suffer though the most ample proclama
tion of pardon is Issued. Thero Is but one governmeut in the universe tliat can safely to itself
make an unlimited offor of pardon—that ia tho government of Qod. Tfaero is not a human
government that could safely mako the offer which wo meet everywlu're in the Bible, that
aU offences may be forgiven ; that all violators of law may be pardoned. If such a procla
mation were made, there la no earthly administration that could faope to stand; no com
munity which would not soon become the prey of lawless plunder and robbery. The reason,
and the sole reason, why it can bo dono In the divino administration is, thnt an atonement haa
been mado by which the honour of tho law has beon secured, and by which it is shown thnt,
while pardon is extended to all, the law is to bo honoured, and can never bo violated with
impunity. (3) Tho plan of pardon hy the atonement secures the observance of the law on
tho part of those who aro pardoned. This can never be depeuded on when an offender against
human laws is pardoned, and wlien a convict is discharged from the penitentiary. So faraa
the effect of punishmont, or any influence from the act of pardon is concerned, tfaero is no
security that the pardoned convict will not, as his flrst act, force a dwelling or commit murder.
But in tho case of aU who aro pardoned through tho atonement, it is made certain that they
wiil be obedient to tho laws of God, and that thoir lives will be changed fVom sin to holiness—
from disobedience to obedionco. Tbis bas been secured by incorporating into the plan a provi
alon hy which the heart shall bo changed 6^ore pardon is granted : not as the ground or reason
of pardon, but as essential to it. Tho heart of the sinuer is renewed by tho Holy Ghost, and ho
becomes in faot obedient, and Is disposed to lend a life of holiness. Thus every faindrance which
exists In a human government to pardon is removed in tho divine administration : the honour of
law is secured; the feelings of benevolence are gratified, and the sinner becomes obedient and
holy. (7) We have in this chapter (ver. 16) an instance of the confldence which wicknd men aro con
strained to express in tho true God, Darius had no doubt that the God whom Dauiel served
was able to protect and deliver him. Tho samo may be said now. Wicked men know that it
is safe to trust in God; that he Is able to savo his friends; that there Is more security in the
ways of virtue than lu the ways of siu ; and tfaat when human help falls, it Is proper to repose
ou tho Almighty arm. There is a feeling in tbe human heart that they who confide iu God
are safe, ond that it is proper to rely on hia arm; and oven a wicked father will not hesitate to
exhort a Christian sou or daughter to serve their God faithfully, and to confide in him iu the
trials and temptations of lifo. Kthan Alien of Vermont, distinguished in tho American revo
lution, was an Infidel, Ills wife was an eminent Christian. When fao wns about to die, he was
asked whioh of the two he wisbed his son to imitate in his religious views — ^his fatfaer or his
mother. Ho replied, * His mother.'
(8) The righteous may look for tho divino protection and favour fver. 22); that is. It ia
an advantage lu this world of danger, and tomptation, and trial, to be truly religious; or,
in othor words, thoso who aro righteous may confidently expect tho divine interposition in
their behalf. It la, indeed, a question of somo difficulty, but of much importance, to what
extent, and In what fbrms we are authorised now to look for tho divine intorposition in our
behalf, or what is the real benefit of religion lu thia world, so far aa tfae divine protection is
concerned ; and on this point it seems not Inappropriate to lay down a fow principles that
may be of use, aud that may bo a proper application of tho passage before us to our own cir
oumstancos :
(A) Thero ia then a class of Scripture promises that refer to such protection, and that lead us
to believe that wo may look for the divine interference in favour of tho righteous, or that thero
i«- in this respect, an advantage in truo religion. In support of this, reference may be made
tothe following, among other passages of Scripture: Ps. xxxiv. 7, 17—22; lv. 22; xci. 1 — 8;
Isa. xIlU. 1, 2 ; Luke xU. 6, 7 ; Hob. 1. 14, xlii. 6, 6.
(B) In regard to tho proper interpretation of these passages, or to the nature and extent of
tke mviue interposition which wo may expect In behalf of the righteous, ^t mny be reourked
24*

282 DANIEL. [B. C. 537
I. That we are not to expect now tfae following things :
(a) The divine interposition by miracle. It is tfae common opinion of the Christian world
lhat the age of miracles is past, and certainly there is nothing in the Bjble that authorizes ufl
to expect tfaat God will now interpose for us in that manner. It would be a wholly illogiuU
inference, however, to maintain that there never has been any such interposition in hehalf of
the righteous — since a reason may have existed for such an interposition in former times which
may not exist now.
(6) We are not authorized to expect that God will interpose by sending fais angela visibly to
protect and deliver us in the day of peril. The fair interpretation of those passages of Scripture
which refer to that subject, as Ps. xxxiv. 7, Heb. i. 14, does not require us to believe that there
will be sucfa interposition, and there is no evidence that such interposition takes place. This
fact, however, should not be regarded as proof, either (1) that no such visible interposition has
ever occurred in former times — since it in no way demonstrates that point; or (2) that tha
angels may not interpose in our behalf now, though to us invisible. For any thing that can be
proved to the contrary, it may still be true that the angels may be, invisibly, 'ministering
spirits to those who shall be heirs of salvation,* and that they may be sent to accompany the
souls of the righteous on their way to heaven, as they were to conduct Lazarus to Abraham'a
bosom. Luke xvi. 22.
(c) Wo are not authorized to expect that God will set aside the regular laws of nature in onr
behalf— that fae will thus Interpose for us in regard to diseases, to pestilence, to storms, to mil
dew, to the ravages of the locust or the caterpillar — ^for tbis would he a miracle, and all the
interposition which we are entitled to expect must be consistent with tfae belief tfaat the laws
of nature will be regarded.
(d) We are not authorized to expect that tfae righteous will never he overwhelmed with tbe
wicked in calamity — that in an explosion on a steamboat, in a shipwreck, in fire or fiood, in an
earthquake or in the pestilence, that they will not be cut down together. To suppose that God
would directly interpose in behalf of his people in such cases, would be to suppose that tfaere
would fae miracles still, and there is nothing in tho Bible, or in tfae facts that occur, to justify
such an expectation.
II. The divine interposition which we are authorized to expect, may be referred to under the
following particulars:
(a) All events, great and amall, are under the control of the God who loves righteousness —
the God of tbe righteous. Not a sparrow falls to tbe ground without his notice; not an event
happens without his permission. If, therefore, calamity comes upon the righteous, it is not
because the world is without control; it is not because God could not prevent it; it must be
because he sees it best that it sfaould be so.
(6) There is a general course of events tbat is favourable to virtue and religion ; that ia, there
is a state of things on earth wfaich demonstrates that there ia a moral government over men.
The essence of sucfa a government, as Bishop Butler (Analogy) has shown, is, that virtue, in tho
course nf things, is rewarded as virtue, and that vic« is punished as vice. This course of things
is 'so settled and clear as to show tfaat God is tfae friend of virtue and religion, and the enemy
of. vice and irreligion — that is, that, under his administration, tfae one, as a great law, has a
tendency to promote faappiness; the other to produce misery. But if so, there is an advantage
in -being righteous; or there is a divine interposition in behalf of the righteous.
(c) There are large classes of evils which a man will certainly avoid by virtue and religion,
and those evils are among the most severe that .affiict mankind. A course of virtue and reli
gion will make it certain tfaat those evils will never come upon faim or his family. Thus, for
example, by so simple a thing as total abstinence from intoxicating drinks, a man will certainly
avoid all the evils that afflict the drunkard — the poverty, disease, disgrace, wretchedness, and ruin
of body and soul which are certain to follow from intemperance. By chastity, a man will avoid
the woes that come, in the righteous visitation of God, onthe debauchee, in the form of the
most painful and loathsome of tbo diseases that affiict our race. By integrity, a man will avoid
the evils of imprisonment for crime, and the disgrace which attaches to its committal. And
by religion— pure religion— hy the calmness of mind wfaich it produces: the confidence in
God; the cheerful submission to his will; tfae contentment wfaich it causes, and the hopes of a
better world which it inspires, a man will certainly avoid a large class of evils which unsettle
tbe mind, and which fill with wretehed victims the asylum for the insane. Let a man take uu
the report of an insane asylum, and ask what proportion of its inmates would have been saved
from so fearful a malady by true religion— by the calmness which it produces in trouble; by
3ts influence in moderating the passions and restraining tfae desires; by the acquiesence iu
the will ofGod which it produces, and he will fae surprisM at the number wfaich would have
been sated it from tfae dreadful evils of insanity. As an illustration of this 1 look up the
Report of the Pennsylvania Hospital for tfae Insane for the year 1850, which happened to be
lying before me, and looked to see what were the causes of insanity in regard to tfae inmates
¦H the Asylum, with a view to the inquiry wfaat proportion of tfaem would probably have been
javed from it by the proper influence of religion. Of 1599 patients whose casea were referred
to, I found the following, a large part of wfaom, it may be supposed, would have been saved
ftem insanity if their mmds had been under the proper influence of the gospel of Christ re
straining them from sin, moderating their passions, checking their desires, and giving them
•almnesB and submission in the midst of trouble:— ft""*B "*«!ui

B. C. 555.]

CHAPTER VII.

Intemperance, -
Loss of property,
~ Dread of poverty,
Intense study,
Domestic difficuUies,
Grief for tfae loss of friends, -
Intense application to busineBS,
Religious excitement,
Want of employment, ¦
Slortificd pride.
Use of opium and tobacco,
Mental anxiety.

283
• B872 2
19
. 48 77
- 13 61
- 24 3
lO
77
(d) There are cases where God seems to interpose In behalf of tho righteous directly, in
answer to prayer, in times of sickness, poverty, and danger — raising them up from tfae faor*
ders of the grave; providing for their wants in a manner which appears to be aa providential
as when the ravens fed El^ah, and rescuing them from danger. There are numerous such
capes wfaich cannot be well accounted for on any other supposition than that God does directly
interpose in their behalf, and show them these mercies because they are hia friends. Theae are
not miracles. The purpose to do this was a part of the original plan when the world was made,
aud tho prayer and the interposition are only the fulfilling of the eternal decree.
(fl) God does interpose in befaalf of bis children in giving tfaem support and consolation ; in
sustaining them in the time of trial ; in upholding them in bereavement and sorrow, and ia
granting tbem peace as they go into the valley of the shadow of death. The evidence here is
clear, that tbere ts a degree of comfort and peace given to true Christians in such seasons, and
given in consequence of their religion, which is not granted to tbe wicked, and to which tbe de
votees of the world are strangers. And if these tfaings are so, then it is clear tfaat tfaere ts an
advantage In this life in being righteous, and that God does now interpose in the course of
events, and in tho day of trouble, in behalf of his friends.
(9) Ood often overrules the malice of meu to make himself known, and constrains the wicked
to acknowledge him, vs. 25 — 27. Darius, like Nebuchadnezzar, waa constrained to acknowledgo
him as the true God, and to make proclamation of this througfaout his vast empire. So, often
by his providence, God constrains the wicked to acknowledge him aa the true God, and as
ruling in the affairs of men. His interpositions are so apparent; hia works are so vast; the
proofs of fais administration are so clear; and he so defeats the counsels of the wicked, that
they cannot but feel that fae rules, and they cannot but acknowledge and proclaim it. It is in
this way that from age to age God Is raising up a great number of witnesses even among the
wicked to acknowledge his existence, and to proclaim the great truths of bis govemment ; and
it is in this way, among others, that he is constraining the intfillect of the world to faow before
him. Ultimately all this will be so clear, tfaat the intellect of the world will acknowledge it,
and all kinga and people will see, as Darius did, that 'he is the living God, and steadfast for
ever, and bis kingdom that which shall not bo destroyed, and his dominion shall he unto the
ei^d.»

CHAPTER VII.

g 1, ANALYSIS OF THE CHAPTER.
This chapter contains an account of a remarkable prophetic dream which Daniol had in the
first year of the reign of Belshazzar, and of the interpretation of the dream. After a brief stat^
ment of the content** of the chapter, it will be proper, in order to ita more clear exposition, to
state the different methods which have been proposed for interpreting it, or the different views
of its application which have faeen adopted. The chapter comprises the following main points :
ilie vision, va. 1 — 14, and the explanation, vs. 15 — 28.
I. The vision, vs. 1 — 14. The dream occurred in tfae first year of tho reign of Belshazzar, and
was immediately written out. Danici is represented as standing near tfae sea, and a violent
wind raged upon the sea, tossing the waves in wild commotion. Suddenly ho sees four mon
sters emerge from tfae agitated waves, each one apparently remaining fora little time, aud then,
disappearing, Tho first, in its general form, resembled a lion, but had wings like an eagle. On
this he attentively gazed, until tfae wings wore plucked away, and tfae beast was made to atand
npri-'bt as a man, and the heart of a man waa given to it. Notfaing is said aa to what became
of the beast after this. Then there appeared a second faoast, resembling a hear, raising itself up
on one side, and having three ribs in its mouth, and a command was given to it to arise and
devour much flesh. Nothing is said further of what became of this beast. Then tfaere arose
another heast like a leopard, with four wings, and four heads, and to this beast waa given wide

284 J[)ANIEL. [B. C. 555.
domini m. Nothing is said as te what became of thlf animal. Then ther* arose a fourth beasi
more remarkable still. Its form is not mentioned, but it was fierce and strong. It had great
iron teeth. It trampled down everything beforo it, and devoured and brake in pieces. This
beast had at first ten faorns, but soon tbere sprang up in the midst of them anotfaer— a smaller
horn at firat. but as this increased three of tfae ton horna were plucked up by the roots— a^ pi-
rently either by this, or In order to give place to it. What was more remarkable still, in thia
smaller horn their appeared tfae eyea ofa man — emblematic of intelligence and vigilance, and a
mouth speaking great things— indicative of pride and arrogance. Daniel looked on tfais singii<
lar vision till a throne was set up or established, aud then the Ancient of Daya did sit>— till tho
old forms of domination ceased, nnd the reign of God was introduced and established. H«
o.mtemplated it till, on account ofthe great words which the 'hom spake,* the beast was
slain, and bis body was destroyed, and given to burning flame. In the meantime the dominion
wns taken away from the other beasts ; tfaough tfaeir existence was prolonged for a little time.
Then appeared in vision one in the form of man, who came to the Ancient of Days, and
there waa given to him universal dominion over all people — a kingdom that should never be
destroyed. II. The interpretation of the visioij, vs. 15— 28. Danici was greatly troubled at tfae vision
wfaich he had seen, and he approached one who stood near, and aaked faim the meaning of it,
vs. 15, 16. The explanation with which he was favoured, wa.«, in general, the following: That
those four beasta, whicfa fae faad seen, represented four kings or kingdoms which would exist on
the earth, and that the great design of the vision was to state the fact that tbe saints of tfae
Most High would ultimately possess tfae kingdom, and would reign forever, vs. 17, 18. The
grand purpose of tfae vision was to represent the succeasion of dynasties, and tho particular
character of each one, until the government over the world would pass into the hands of the
people of God, or until the actual rule on the earth should be in the hands of tfae righteons,
1'he ultimate object, the thing to wfaich all revolutions tended, and which ivas designed to be
indicated In the vision, was the final reign of the saints on tbe earth. Tfaere was to be a time
when tfae kingdom under the whole beaven was to be given to the people of tfae saints of the
Most High; or, in other words, tfaere would be a state of tfaings on the eartfa, wfaen *all
dominions,* or all 'rulers* (Mugin, ver. 27) would ofaey faim. This general annonncemnnt
in reference to the ultimate thing contemplated, and to tho tbree first kingdoms, repre
sented by the three first beasts, waa satisfactory to Daniel, but he was still perplexed in regard
to the particular thing designed to be represented by the fourth beast, so remarkable in its
structure, so unlike all tfae others, and undergoing so surprising a transformation, vs, 19 — 22.
The sum of wfaat wns stated to him, in regard to the events represented by tho fourth beast, is
as follows : (1) that this wa.'' designed to represent a fourth kingdom or dynasty which would
arise upon the earth, in many respccta different from the three which would precede it. It was
to be a kingdom which would be distinguished for oppressive conquests. It would subdue tfae
whole earth, and it would crush, and prostrate, and trample down those wfaom it invaded.
The description would ofaaracterize a dominion that would be stern, and mighty, and cruel,
and successful; that would keep the nations whicfa it subdued under its control by the terror
of arms rather tfaan by tfae administration of just laws, ver. 23. (2) The ten horna that Dnniel
saw spring out of its faead, denoted ten kings that would arise, or a succession of rulers tfaat
would sway the authority of the kingdom, ver. 24. (3) The other horn that sprang np among
the ten, and after them, denoted another dynasty that would arise, and this would have pecu
liar characteristics. It would so fur have connection witfa tfae former that it would spring out
of them, hut in most important respects it would differ from tfaem. Ite characteristics may be
summwl up as follows : (a) it would spring from their midst, or be somehow attached, or con
nected with them — as the hom sprang from the head of tho beast — and this wnuld properly
denote that the new power somehow sprung from the dynai'ty denoted by the fourth beast— aa
the hom sprang from the head of that beast ; (J>) though springing from that, it would be ' diverse"
from it, faaving acfaaracter to be determined, not from the mere fact of itsorigin, but from some
thing else; (c) it would < subdue three of theso kings ;* tbat is, it would overcome and prostrate
a certain portion of the power and authority denoted by the ten homs — perhaps meaning that
it would usurp sometfaing like one-third of the power of tfae kingdom denoted by tbe fourth
beast ; (d) it would be characterized by arrogance and haughtiness— so much so that the fair con
struction of its claims would be tfaat of ' speaking against the Most High ;' (e) it would ' wear
out thesaints of tfae Most High'— evidently referring to persecution ; (/) it would claim legis
lative autfaorlty so as to 'cfaange times and laws' — or clearly referring to some claim «et up
over ostablipfacd laws, or to unusual authority, vs. 24, 25. (4) Into tfae band of tbis new power
all these things would be given for * a time, and times, and half a time :' implying tfaat it would
not bo permanent, but would come to an end, rer. 25. (5) After tfaat there would be a judg
ment — a judicial determination in regard to this new power, and the dominion would be taken
away, to be utterly destroyed, ver, 26. (R) There would come a period when the wfatle do
minion of the earth would pass into the hands of the saints ; or, in otfaer words, tfaere would
be a universal reign of tfae principles of trutfa and righleouaness, ver, 27,
In the conclusion of the chapter (ver. 28), Daniel says that these communications deeply
affected fais heart. He faad been permitted to look far into futurity, and to contemplate vauit
changes in tho progress of human affairs, and even to look forward to a period when all the
nations would be brought under the dominion of the law of God, and the friends of the Most
High nould be put in possession of all power. Such evente were fitted to fill the mind with
lolemn thought, and it is not wonderful that he contemplated them with deep emotion.

B. 0.555.] CHAPTER VII. 285
§2. VABIOUa HETOODS OF INTERPRETINO THIS CUAFTEn.
Tt la hardly neceasary to say that there havo been vory different methods of Interpreting thh
chapter, and that tho ilewa of Its proper Interprotation are by no meana agreed on by exposi
tors. It may be useful to refer to some of thoso methods beforo we advance to its exposition,
that they mny be before the miud in its considoration. We shall be the better able to ascor-
tain what is the truo interpretation by enquiring which of thtmi, if any, accords witfa tfae fair
exposition of the language employed by the sucred writer. Tho opinions entertained may be
reduced to tho following classes :
I. Hardt supposes that the four beasta hero denote four particular kings — Nebuchadnezzar,
Evll-Morodach, Belshazzar, and Cyrus.
II. Kphrinm, who is followed by Klcbhorn, supposes that tho flrst boast referred to tho Baby
lonish-Chaldean kingdom ; tho second tfae Medish empire under Cyaxares II., the three ' ribs *
of whicii denote the Medish, Persian, and Chaldean portions of that empire; tho third tho Per
sian empire, the four hoads and wings of which denote tho spread of the Persian empire to-
vards tfae four regions under heaven, or to all parts of tho world; tho fourth to tho Grecian
smplre under Alexander and his successors, the ton boms of which denote ten eminent kings
omong tho successors of Alexander, and tho 'little horn' that sprang up among th,em, Antlo-
ofaus EpiphanoB. The succeeding state of things, according to Ephraim and iHichhorn, refers to
the kingdom of tho Mosaiah,
III. Grutlus, representing another claaa of Interpretera, whom Hetzel followa, supposes that
tho Buccesalon of tho kingdoms horo referred to is the llahylonish Chaldean; tho Tersian ; the
kingdom of Alexander and his successors. The flfth Is the Itoman empire.
Iv. Tho moat common intorpretation which has prevailed in the church is that which sup-
pones that the flrst beast denotes the Chaldean kingdom; the second the Medo-Persian; the
third the Greek empire under Alexander and fais successors; tfae fourth tfae Koman empire.
The dominion of the sainte is tho reign of the Messiah and hia laws. But tfais opinion, particu
larly as far an pertains to the fourth and fifth of these kingdoms, has had a great variety of
modifications, especially In reference to tfae signiflcation of the ten horna, and the little horn
that sprang up among thom. Some, who under tho fifth kingdom, suppose tfaat the rolgn of
Christ ia referred to, regaM the fourth kingdom as relating to Kome under theCi&sars, and that
the ton horns refer to a succession of ten regents, and tho littio horn to Julius Csesar. . Others,
who refer the last emplro to the personal rolgn of Christ on tho earth, and tfae kingdom which
ho would sot up, suppose that the ten horns refer to ten kings or dynasties that sprang out of
the Koman power — either a succession of the emperors ; or those who came in after the invar*
¦lon ofthe northern hordes; or certain kingdoms of Europe which succeeded tfae Koman power
aftor it fell, and by tho little horn, they suppose that either tho Turkish power with ite various
branches la designated, or Mohammed, or the Papacy, or Anilchrlst.
V. Tho Jews, In general, suppoae that the fifth kingdom refers to the rclgn of the Messiah;
but still thoro has been great diversity of views among thom in regard to the application of
particular parts of the prophecy. Many of the older interpreters among them supposed tfaat
tfae ton homs denoted ten Koman Csesars, and that the last faorr referred to Titus Vespasian.
Most of the lator Jewish interpreters refer thia to tfaeir fabulous Gog and Magog,
YI. Another interprotation which has had its advocates is that wfaich supposes that the flrst
kingdom was the Chaldean ; the second tho Persian ; the third that of Alexander; the fourth
that of hia succossora, and the fifth that of the Asmonean princes who rose up to deliver tho
Jewish nation from the despotism of the Syrian kings.
VII, Aw a specimen ofone modo of interpretation which has prevailed to some extent in the
ohurch, tho opinion of Coctolua may bo referred to. Ho supposes that the firat beast, with tha
eagle's wiuga, denoted the reign of the christian emperors in Kome, and the spread of Chris
tianity under thom into remote regions of the Kast and West; the second, with the throe ribs
In his mouth, the Ariam Gotha, Vandals, and Lombards; the third, witfa the four heads and
four wings, tho Mohammedan kingdom with the four Caliphates; the fourtfa, th^ kingdom of
Cfanrlomngno, and tfae ton faorns In this kingdom, the Caroliugians, Saxons, Salisfa, Swedish,
Hollandish, English, &o., princes and dynasties or people ; and the littio horn, the Papacy as
the actual Antlohrist.
The slatoment of tfaese various opinions, and methods of intorpretation, I have translated
fVom Bertholdt, Daniol, pp. 419—426, To these should ho added tho opinion whieh Bertholdt
himself maintains, and which has been held by many others, and which Bertholdt has explained
and defended at length, pp, 426 — 446. That opinion la, substantially, that the first kingdom is
tho Babylonish kingdom under Nebuchadnezzar, and that the wings of the first beatit denote
the extended spread of tbat empire. Tho second beast, with the three ' ribs,* or fangs^ denotes
tho Median, Lydian, and Babylonish kingdoms, which were erected under ono sceptre, tlie Per
sian. Tho third boost, with the four wings and four heads, denotes the Grecian dynasty under
A lexnnder, and the spread of that kingdom throughout the four parts of the world. Tfae fourth
neast denotes tho kingdom of tho Lagiduo and Soleucidoj, under which the Hebrewa suffered so
much Tho statement respecting this kingdom (ver. 7). that ' it was diverse from all that went
Kiton it,' refers to tho ^plurality of the fourth kingdom,' or tfae fact that it wus an aggregate
matu? up of many others— a kingdom in a coUecHve sense. The ' ten horns ' denote ten auo-
ceoKlve princes or kings in that kingdom, and Bertholdt enumerates them in the following
order* 1, Seleucus Nicator; 2. Antiochus Soter; 3. Antiochus Theos; 4. Seloncus Kollinicus;
ft Seleucus Keraunus ; 6. Antiochus tho Great ; 7, Solftuous Philopater; S. Heliodorus; 9,Pto

286

DANIEL.

[B. C. 555.

leny Philometor; 10. Demetrius. The eleventh — denoted tythc little hom— was Antiochui
Epiphanes, who brought so many calamities upon the Hebrew people. His rtign lasted, iu>.
cording to Bertholdt, ' a time, and times, and half a time '—or three years and a half; and then
the kingdom was restored to the people of God to be a permanent reign, and, ultimately, under
the Messiah, to fill the world and endure to the end of time.
The interpretation thus stated, supposing that the ' little hom ' refers to Antiochus Epiphanes,
is also maintained by Prof Stuart. Hints on prophecy, 2d. cd. pp. 86 — 98. Compare also Com-
•ncntary on Daniel, pp. 173—194, and 205—211.
amidst such a variety of views, the only hope of arriving at any satisfactory conclusion respect
ing the meamng of this chnpter is by a careflil examination of the text, and the fair meaning of
the symbols employed by Daniel.

1 In the first year of Belshazzar
king of Babylon, Daniel «had a
>' dream and visions of his head upon

1. In the firat year of Belahazzar, king
of Babylon. On the character and reign
of Selshazzar, see Intro, to ch. v. ^ 2.
He was the last of the kings of Baby
lon, an4 this fact may cast some light
on tbe disclosures made in tbe dream.
^ Daniel had a dream. Marg. as in
Heb. aaw. He saw a series of events in
vision when be was asleep. The dream
refers to tbat representation, and was of
such a nature tbat it was proper to speak
of it as if be saw it. Comp. Kotes on cb.
ii. 1. ^ And viaiona of hia head upon his
bed. Notes on cb. iv. 5. TJien he wrote
the dream. He made a record of it at the
time. He did not commit it to tradition,
or wait for its fulfillment before it was re
corded, but long before the eventa referred
to occurred be committed tbe prediction
to writing, that wben tbe prophecy was
fulfiUed they might be compared witb it.
It was customary among the prophets to
record tbeir predictions, whether commu
nicated in a dream, in a vision, or by
words to tbem, that tbere might be no
doubt wben tbe event occurred tbat tbere
bad been an inspired prediction of it, and
tbat tbere might be an opportunity of a
careful comparison of tbe prediction witb
tbe event. Often tbe prophets were com-
manded to record tbeir predictions. See
Isa. viii. 1, IG, xxx. 8, Hab. ii. 2. Com
pare Kev. i. 19, xiv. 13, xxi. 5. In many
instances, as in the case before us, tbe
rccord'was made hundreds of years before
tbe event occurred, and as tbere is all the
evidence tbat tbere could be in a case that
Ibe record bas not been altered to adapt
it to the event, the highest proof is thus
furnished of the inspiration of the pro-
shetB. Tbe meaning here is, tbat Daniel
Kroie -mt tbe dream as soon as it occurred.
% And told the sum tf the matters. Cbal.,

his bed : then he vrrote the dream,
and told the sum of the ' matters.
'saw. ' Nu. 12. 6 ; c. 2. 28 ; Am. 3. 7.
e or, worda.

'And spake tbe bead of tbe words.' Tbat
is, be spake or told tbem by writing. He
made a communication of tbem in this
manner to the world. It- is not implied
tbat be made any oral communication of
tbem to any one, but tbat be communica
ted them — to wit, iu tbe way specified.
Tbe word sum here — B'NT — means head;
and would properly denote sucb a record
as would be a heading up, or a summary —
as stating iu a brief way tbe contents of
a book, or the cbief points of a thing with
out going into detail. Tbe meaning bere
seems to be that be did not go into de
tail — as by writing names, and dates, and
places ; or, perhaps, tbat be did not en
ter into a minute description of all tbat
be saw in regard to tbe beasts tbat came
up from tbe sea, but tbat he recorded
wbat might be considered as peculiar,
and as having special significancy. Tbo
Codex Cbisia. renders tbis, iypaif/sv etf
Ktj)a\ata Myai, — 'He wrote in beads of
words,' that is, be reduced it to a sum
mary description. It is well remarked
by Lengerke, on tbis place, tbat tbe pro
phets, when tbey described wbat was to
occur to tyrants in future times, conveyed
tbeir oracles in a comparatively dark nnd
obscure manner, yetsoastobe clear wben
tbe events should occur. Tbe reason of
this is obvious. If tbe meaning of many
of the predictions had been understood
by tbose to whom they referred, that fact
would bave been a motive to them to in.
duce them to defeat them, and as tha
fulfilment depended on tbeir voluntary
agency, tbe prophecy would bave been
void. It was necessary, therefore, in gen
eral, to avoid direct predictions, and th(
mention of names, dates, and places, and to

CHAPTER VII.

B. C. 555.]

2 Daniel spake and said, I saw
in my Tision by night, and behold,

28?

make use of aymbola whose meaning would
1)e obscure at the time wben the predio-
tian was made, but which would be plain
wben the event sbould occur. A com
parison of vs. 4, 9, 11, 14, will show that
only a summary of wbat was to occur was
recorded. *j Matters. Marg., as in Chald.,
worda. The term ivords, however, is of
ten used to denote things.
2. Daniel apake and aaid. That'is, he
spake and said in tbe manner Intimated
in the previous verse. It was by a record
made at tbe time, and thus be might be
said to speak to his own generation and
to all future times. ^ Isaw in my vision
by night. I beheld in tbe vision ; tbat
is, he siiw represented to him the scene
which he proceeds to describe. He
seemed to see the sea in a tempest, and
these monsters came up from it, and the
Etrange succession of events whicb fol
lowed. 1 And behold, the four winds of
the heaven. The winds tbat blow under
the heaven, or that seem to come from
the heaven — or the air. Comp. Jer.
xlix. 36. The number of tbe winds is
bete referred to as /our as they are now,
as blowing mainly from the four quarters
of the earth. Nothing is more common
now than to designate tbem in this raan
ner, as the East, tbe South, tbe West,
tho North wind. So tbe Latins — Eu
ros, Auster, Zephyrus, Boreas. ^ Strove.
jn'jo. Burst, or rushed forth; seemed
to conflict together. Tbe winds burst,
rushed from jTl quarters, and seemed to
meut on the sea, throwing it into wild
commotion. The Hebrew word — no —
means to break or burst forth, as a foun
tain or stream of waters. Job xl. 23; an
infant breaking forth from tbe womb.
Job xxxviii. 8 ; a warrior rushing forth
to battle, Ezek. xxxii. 2. Henoe the
Chaldean to break forth ; to rush forth as
the winds. The symbol here would na
turally denote some wild commotion
among tbe nations as if tbe winds of hea
ven should rush together in confusion.
^.l/pon the great sea. This expression
would properly apply to oiiy great sea or
ocean, but it is probable that the one
that would occur to Daniel would be tho
Mediterranean sea, as that was best known
to him and his contemporaries. A bea
ming ocean — or an ocean tossed with

the four ^inds of the heaven strove
upon the great sea.

storms, would be a natural emblem to
denote a nation, or nations, agitated with
internal conflicts, or nations in the midst
of revolutions. Among the sacred poets
and the prophets, hosts of armies invad
ing a land are compared to overflowing
waters, and mighty changes among the
nations to the heaving billows of the
ocean in a storm. Comp. Jer. xlvL 7, 8,
xlvii. 2 ; Isa. viii. 7, 8, xvii. 12, lix. 19 ;
Dan. xi. 40; Eev. xiii. 1. The classic
reader will be reminded in tbe descrip
tion bere of the words of Virgil, Mn,
I. 82, aeq.
Ac veluti agmine facto
Qua data portaruunt, et terras turbine perflant;
Incubuere mari, totumque a sedibus imis
Una Eurus, Notusque ruunt, creberqne procellis
Africus, et vastos volvunt ad littora fluctus.
Com. also Ovid, Trist. I. 2, 25, aeq. It
was from this agitated sea that tbe beasts
tbat Daniel saw, representing successive
kingdoms, seemed to rise ; and tbe fair
interpretation of tbis part of tbe symbol
is, that there wa.«, or would be, as it ap
peared in vision to Daniel, commotions
among the nations resembling tbe sea
driven by storms, and tbat from these
commotions there would arise succes
sive kingdoras having tbe characteristics
specified by tho appearance of tbe four
beasts. We naturally look, in the fulfil
ment of this, to some state of things in
which tbe nations were agitated and con
vulsed ; in which they struggled against
each other, us the winds strove upon tho
I sea; a state of things wbicb preceded
the rise of these four successive king
doms. Without now pretending to de
termine whether tbat was the tirae
denoted by this, it is certain tbat all
tbat is bere said would find a coun
terpart in the period which immedi
ately preceded the reign of Nebuchad
nezzar, or the kingdom which he founded
and adorned. His rapid and extensive
conquests ; the agitation of tbe nations
in self-defence, and their wars agaiust
one another, would be well denoted by
the agitation of the ocean as seen in
vision by Daniel. It is true tbat there
have been many other periods of the
world to wbich the image would be appli
cable, but no one can doubt that it was
applicable to thia period, and tbat would
bo all that would be necessary if the de-

288

DANIEL.

[B. C. 555

3 And four great beasts came
¦ up from the sea, diverse one from
another.

•Ke, 13. 1.

bJe. 4. 7.

sign was to represent a series of king
doras coramencing witb tbat of Nebu
chadnezzar. 3. And four great beasts came up from
the aea. Not at once, but in succession.
See tbe following verses. Their parti
cular form is described in the subsequent
verses. The design of mentioning them
here, as coming upfront the sea, seems to
have heen to show tbat tbis succession
of kingdoms sprang from tbe ngiUitions
and commotions among the nations re
presented by the heaving ocean. It is
not uncommon for the prophets to raake
use of animals to represent or symbolize
kingdoms and nations — usually by some
animal wbich was in a manner peculiar
to tbe land that was symbolized, or whicb
abounded there. Thus in Isa. xxvii. 1,
leviathan, or the dragon, or crocodile, is
used to represent Babylon. See Notes on
tbat passage. In Ezek. xxix. 3 — 5, tbe
dragon or tbe crocodile of the Nile is put
for Pharaoh ; in Ezek. xxxii. 2, Pharaoh
is compared to a young lion, and to a
whole in tbe seas. In Ps. Ixxiv. 13, 14,
the kingdom of Egypt is compared to
the dragon and the leviathan. So on
ancient coins, animals are often used as
emhlems of kingdoms, as it may be added,
the lion and the unicorn represent Great
Britain now, and tbe engle tbe United
States. It is well remarked by Lengerke,
{in loc) that wb m the prophets design to
represent kingdoms that are raade np of
other kingdoms, or that are combined by
being brought by conquest under the
power of others, tbey do this, not by any
si-ngle aniraal as actually found in na
ture, but by monsters — fabulous beings
that are compounded of others, in wbicb
the peculiar qualities of difl'erent animals
are brought together — as in tbe case of
tbe lion witb eagle's wings. Thus in
Rev. xiii. 1, the Bomish power is repre
sented by a beast coming out of tbe
sea having seven heads and ten boms.
Comp. ii. Ezra (Apocry.) xi. 1, where
an eagle is represented as coming from
tho sea with twelve feathered wings and
three heads. As an illustration of tbe
attempts made in the apocryphal writ-
irgs to imitate the prophets, the whole

4 The first was like a tiion, and
had eagle's 'vvings: I beheld till
the -wings thereof were plucked,
' De. 28. 49. Eze. 17. 3. Hab. 1. »
of ch. xi. and cb. xii. of the second book
of Ezra may be referred to. fl Diverse
onefrom another. Though they all came
np from the same abyss, yet they differed
from each other — denoting doubtless that
thouo'h the successive kingdoms referred
to would all rise out of tbe nations re
presented by the agitated sea, yet that
in important respects they would differ
from each other.
4. The firat was like a lion. It is to be
assumed in explaining and applyingtheso
symbols, tbat they are aignificant — that
is, tbat tbere was some adaptedness or
propriety in using these symbols to de
note tbe kingdoms referred to; or that
in eacb case there was a reaaon why tfae
particular animal was selected for a sym
bol rather than one of tbe others ; that is,
tbere was something in the lion that was
better fitted to symbolize tbo kingdom
referred to, than there was in the bear or
the leopard, and this was the reason why
this partictilar symbol was chosen in tbe
case. It is to be furtber assumed that all
the characteristics in the symbol were
significant, and we are to expect to find
them a^^ in the kingdom which tbey were
designed to represent, nor can the symbol
be fairly applied to' any kingdom unless
something shall be found in its cbaracter
or history that shall correspond alike to
tbe particular circumstances referred to
in the symbol, and to tbe grouping or
succession. In regard to the first beast,
there were five things that entered into
the symbol, all of which it is to be pre
sumed were significant: tbe lion, tbe
eagle's wings— tbe fact that tbe wings
were plucked — the fact that the beast
was lifted up so ns to stand up as a man —
and the faet that the heart of a man wos
given to it. It is proper to consider
these in tbeir order, and tben to enquire
whether they find a fulfillment in any
known state of things.
(a) Tbe animal that was seen: — thelion.
The lion, ' the king of beasts,' is tbe sym
bol of strength and courage, and becoraes
tbe proper emblem of a king — as when
the Mussulmans call Ali, Mohammed's
son-in-law, 'The Lion of God, always
victorious.' Thus it is often used in the

B. C. 555.1

CHAPTER VII.

289

• and it was lifted up from the earth,
and made stand upon the feet as a
*or, wherewitli.
Scriptures, Gen. xlix. 9, "Judah is a
li.in'ij whelp j from the prey, niy son, art
thou gone up; be stooped down, be
couched as a lion, and as an old lion ;
who shall rouse him up?" The warlike
character, the conquest, the supremacy,
of tiat tribe are here undoubtedly de-
noti.d. So in Ezek. xix. 2, 3. " Wbat is
thy mother ? A lioness : she lay down
among lions, she nourished her whelps
among young lions." Here is an allu
sion, says Grotius, to Gen. xlix. 9. Judea
was araong the nations like a lioness
among tbe beasts of the forest; she had
strength and sovereignty. The lion is
an emblera of a hero : 2 Sam. xix. 20,
" He slew two lion-like men of Moab."
Com. Gesenins zu Isa. i. 851. So Her
cules and Achilles are called by Homer
^ufioXiovTa, or ^covro^vftot, — lion-hearted.
II. c. 639, ». 288, Odys. X. 766. See the
character, the intrepidity, and tbe habits
of the lion fully illustrated in Bochart,
Hieroz. Lib. iii. c. 2, pp. 723—745. Cred-
ner, der Prophet Juel, s. 100, f. Com
pare also tho following places in Scrip
ture, Ps. vii. 3, xxii. 22, Ivii. 4, lviii. 7,
lxxiv. 4; 1 Sam. xvii. 37; Job iv. 8;
Jer. iv. 7, xlix. 19; Joel i. 6; Isa. x'xix. 2.
The proper notion here, so far as tbe
emblem of a lion is concerned, is that of
a king or kingdom that would be dis
tinguished for power, conquest, dominion;
tbat would be, in relation to other kings
and kingdoms, as the lion is among the
beasts of the forest — keeping thein in
awe, and maintaining dominion over
them — marching where he pleased, witb
none to cope witb him or to" visit him.
(6) The eagles' wings: — and had ea-
gleif wings. Hero appears one peculi
arity of the emblem — tbe union of things
wKiob are not found joined together in
nature — the representation of things or
qualities which no one animal would re
present. The Uon would den ote one thing,
or Oiie quality in the kingdom referred
to — power, dominion, sov«reignty — but
therd would be some characteristic in
that king or kingdom whieh nothing in
tlaa lion would properly represent, and
whiob eould be symbolized only by at
taching to him qualities to be found in
Rome other animal. Tke lion, distin-
2i

man, and a man's heart was given
to it.

guished for his power, bis dominion, hii
keeping other animals in awe — his spring,
and the severity of his blow — is not re
markable for his speed, nor for going forth
to conquest. He does not range far to
accomplish his purpose, nor are bis move
ments eminent for fleetnoss. Hence there
were attached to the lion the wings of an
eagle. A cut may give a more distinct
impression of the' image as it appeared to
Daniel. The proper notion, therefore, of

this symbol, would be tbat ofa dominion or
conquest rapidly secured, as if & lion, the
king of beasts, should move, not as be
commonly does, with a spring or bound,
confining himself to a certain space or
range, but sbould move as the eagle does,
with rapid and prolonged flight, extend
ing his conquests afar. The raeaning of
the symbol may be seen by comparing
this passage with Isa. xlvi. 11, where Cy
rus is compared to 'a ravenous bird* — ¦
" caUing a ravenous bird from the east,
the man that executetb ray counsels from
a far country." The eagle is an emblem
of swiftness : Jer. iv. 13, "his horses are
swifter than eagles ;" xlviii. 40, " Behold,
be shall fly as an eagle, and shall spread
his wings over Moab." See also ch. xlix.
22, Lam. iv. 19, Hab. i. 8.
(c) The clipping of the wings : — Ibeheld
till the wings thereof were plucked. Tbe
word used — tO'^D — means to pluck or pull,
as to pull out the beard, comp. Neh. xiii.
25, Isa. I. 6, .ind would here be properly
applied to some process of pulling ont the
feathers or quills from the wings of the
engle. The obvious and proper meaning
of this symbol is, that there was some
check put to the progress ofthe conqueror —

290

as there would be to an eagle by plnck-
ing off tbe feathers from bis wings ; that
is, tbe rapidity of his conquests would
cease. The prophet says, tbat be looked
on nntil this was done, iraplying that it
was not accomplished at once, but leaving
tbe impression that these conquests were
extended far. They were, however,
checked, and we see tbe lion again with
out tbe wings; the sovereign who bas
ceased to spread his triumphs over tbe
earth. (d) The lifting np from the earth : — and
it was lifted up from the earth, and made
stand upon t'he feet as a man. That is, the
lion, with tbe wings thus plucked off', was
raade to stand upright on his hind feet —
an unusual position, but the meaning of
tbe symbol is not difBcult. It was still
the lion — tbe monarch — but changed as
if the lion was changed to a man ; that
is, as if the ferocity, and tbe power, and
the energy of the lion had given place
to tbe coraparative weakness of a man.
There wonld be as much difference in tbe
case referred to as tbere would be if a
lion so fierce and powerful sbould be made
so far to change his nature as to stand
upright, and to walk as a man. This
would evidently denote some remarkable
change — something that would be unu
sual — something where there would be a
diminution of ferocity, and yet perhaps a
cbiinge to comparative weakness — as a
man is feebler than a lion.
(e) Tbe giving to it of a man's heart: —
and a man's heart was given to it. The
word heart in the Scriptures often has a
closer relation to the intellect or tbe un
derstanding tban it now has commonly
with us ; and here perhaps it is a general
term to denote something like human na
ture — thatis, there would
be as great a change in
the case as if the na
ture of tbe lion should
be transformed to that
of a man ; or, the mean
ing may be tbat this
mighty empire, carrying
itit arms with the ra
pidity of an eagle, and
tbe fierceness of a. lion
through tbe world, would
be checked in its career ;
its ferocity would be
tamed, and it would be ^,^]^^Jj^
•baractarized by compa- ^^^:^^^s=—
rative moderation and hndianity. The

DANIEL. [B. C. 555.

image here may be well represented bj
the preceding cut. It is indeed an im
age wbicb does not occur in natnre, but
it will, therefore, all tbe better represent
the great change referred to. In ch. iv.
16, it is said of Nebuchadnezzar, that 'bis
heart should be changed from man's, and
a beast's heart should be given to him;'
here, if the symbol refers to bim, it does
not refer to that scene of humiliation when
be was corapelled to eat grass like a beast,
but to the fact that he was brought to
look at things as a man should do ; he
ceased to act like a ravenous beast, and
was led to calm reflection, and to think
and speak like a man — a rational being.
Or, if it refers to tbe empire of Babylon,
instead of tbe monarch, it wonld raean
that a change bad come over the nation
nnder the succession of princes, so that
;the fierceness and ferocity of the first
princes of the empire faad ceased, and the
nation bad not only closed its conquests,
but had actually become, to some extent,
moderate and rationaL
Now, in regard to the application of
this symbol, there can be but little diffi
culty, and there is almost no difference of
opinion among expositors. All, or nearly
all, agree that it refers to the kingdom of
Babylon, of wbich Nebuchadnezzar was
the bead, and to the gradual diminution
of the ferocity of conquest under a suc
cession of comparatively weak princes.
Whatever view may be taken of the Book
of Daniel — whether it be regarded as in-
' spired prophecy composed by Daniel bim
self, and written at the tirae wben it
professes to bave been, or whether it be
supposed to have been written long af
ter his time by some one who forged it
in bis name, there can be no doubt that
it relates to the head of the Babylonian
empire, or to that to wbich the 'head of
gold,' in the image referred to in ch. iL,
represents. The circumstances all so well
agree witb tbat application that, adthongh
in tbe explication of tho dream (vs. 16 —
27) this part of it is not explained — for
the perplexity of Daniel related particu
larly to the fourth beast (ver. 19), yei,
there can be no reasonable doubt as to
what was intended. For (a) the lion 
tbe king of beasts — would accurately sym
bolize that kingdom in the days of Nebu
chadnezzar — a kingdom occupying tLa
same position among other kingdoms
which tbe lion does among other beasts,
and well represented in it» power aud

B. C. 656.]

CHAPTER VII.

201

6 And behold another • boast, a
second, like to a bear, and it raised
ferocity by tho lion. Seo tho character
nnd position of this kingdom ftilly illus
trated in the Notes on oh. ii. 37, 38.
(4) Tho eagles' wings would accurately
denote the rapid oonquosts of that king
dom — Ue leaving, ns it were, its own na
tive domain, and flying abroad. Tbe linn
nlono would have reprosontod the ohnr
acter of the kingdom eonsidered as already
having spread iUolf, or aa being at tho
head of other kingdoms ; tho wings of
tho Oiiglo, tho rnpidity with whioh the
nnns of the Babylonians were carried into
Palestine, Egypt, Assyria, Ao. It is truo
that thia symbol alone would not desig
nate Babylon any more than it would the
conquests of Cyrus, or Alexander, or
Cmsiir, but it is to be taken in the con
neotion in whioh it is here found, nnd
no ono cnn doubt that it hns a striking
applicability to Babylon, (o) Tbe clip
ping or plucking of those wings would
denoto tho cessation of conquest; ns if
it would extend no farther; that is, we
see a nation onoe distinguished for tho
invasion of other nntions, now ceasing
its conquests; nnd remarkablo, not for
Us viutories, but as stnnding at the hend of
all other nations us tho Hon stands among
the boiists of the forest. All who nro
acquainted with history know that, af
ter tbe conquests of that kingdom under
Kebuohadne/.znr, it oensod oharaotoristi-
onlly to bo a kingdom distinguished fur
conquest, but that, though under bis suc
cessors, it held a pre-eminonco or head
ship among the nations, yet thnt its vic
tories wore extended no farther. Tho
sucocsBura of Nobuohadnozznr wore oom-
pnralivuly weak and indolent princes —
va if tho wings of the monster had been
plucked, {d) Tho risiug up of tho lion
on the feet, and standing ou tbe feet as a
man, would denote, not inappropriately,
tlio change of the kingdom under the suo-
oessors of Nobuohadnozznr. See above in
the explanation of the symbol, (e) The
giving of a man's heart to it would not
bo inapplioable to the change produced in
tho empire after the time of Nebuchad
nezzar, and under a suocession of ooiu-
Jaratively weak and ineflioient princes.
nstoad of tho heart of tho lion — of being
lion-hearted' — it had tho heart of a man ;

up ¦'itself }n ono side, and it had
*c. 2. 39. "or, one dominion.

that is, tho character of wildness and
flei'oonoss denoted by an untamed beast
was sucoeodod by that which would be
bettor represented by a humnn being. It
is not the oharaotor of tho lion changed
to that of tbe bear, or the panther, or tho
loopard ; nor is it man eonsidered as a
warrior or conqueror, but man as ho ia
distinguished fVom tho wild and ferocious
beast of the desert. The change in tbe
oharaotor of tbe empire, until it ecased
under the feeble reign of Belshazzar,
would be well denoted by this symbol.
5. And behold another beaet, a aecond,
like to a hear. That is, after the lion had
appeared, and bo had watehed it until it
had undergone these surprising transfor-
inntions. Thoro are several oircum-
Btanoos, also, in regard to thia symbol,
all of which, it is to be supposed were
signiflcant, and all of which demand ex
plication before it is nttompted to apply
thom. In rcgiird to this symbol, also, it
may aid in the explanation to have a out
that shall represent it.

bc

For

(ffl) Tho nnimnl seen : — the
a full description of the boar, soo Boohart,
Iliernz. Lib. iii. c. ix. The animal ia
well-known, and hns properties quite dis
tinct from the lion and other animals.
There was doubtless somo reason why
this symbol wns employed to denote a
pnrtioular kingdom, and there waa some
thing in the kingdom that corresponded
with those peculiar properties, as there
was in tho case of the lion. The
bear might, in somo respects, have
been a proper roproscntntivo of Baby
lon, but it would not in all nor in the
main respects. According to Boohr.rt
(llieroz. vol. i. p. 812), the bonr is dis
tinguished mninly for two things, cun
ning and ferocity. Aristotle snys thnt
tho benr is greedy as well ns silly and
foolhnrdy. ('Wemyss, key lo tbe symholio
language of Bcriptuio.) Tho namo iu

292

DANIEL.

[B. C. 559

three ribs in the mouth of it be
tween the teeth of it : and they said
Hebrew is taken from bis grumbling or
growUng. Comp. Isa. lix. 11 :
" We roar all like bears."
Comp. Horace, Epod. 16, 51.
Nec Vespertinus circumgemit Ursus ovile.
Virgil mentions tbeir ferocity :
Atque in prsesepibus urri
gEevire. .^n. vii. 17.
The bear is noted as especially fierce
when hungry, or when robbed of its
whelps. Jerorae (on Hos. iii. 13,) re
marks, ' It is said by tbose who have
studied tbe nature of wild beasts, tbat
none araong them is more ferocious thnn
the bear when deprived of its young,
or when hungry.' Comp. 2 Sam. xvii. 8;
Prov. xvii. 12 ; Hos. xiii. 8. The cha
racteristics of the kingdora, therefore,
thnt would be denoted by the bear, would
be ferocity, roughness, fierceness in war —
especially wben provoked; a spirit less
manly and noble th.an that denoted by
the lion ; severe in its treatment of ene
mies, with a mixture of fierce and sav
age cunning.
(6) Its rising up on one of its sides : —
and it raised up itaelf on one aide. The
Chaldee word here used — "v^*.;' — occurs
nowhere else. It means aide (Geseniu.^),
and would be applied bere to the side of
an animal.^as if he lifted up one side
before the other when be rose. The
Latin 'Vulgate renders it, in parte eietit.
The Greek (Walton), ci; lupos ek iirraSi) —
'it stood on one part;' or, as Thompson
renders it, 'he stood half erect.' The
Codex Chisi. — ini too ecdj n-Xcupou iaraSn
'it stood upon one side.' Maurer renders
this, 'on one of its forefeet it was re
cumbent, and stood on tbe other,' and
says that this is the figure exhibited on
one of the stones found in Babylon, an
engraving of which raay be seen in Mun-
ter, Eeligion d. Babyl. p. 112. The ani
mal referred to here, as found in Babylon^
says Lengerke, 'lies kneeling on the
right forefoot, and is in the act of rising
on the left foot.' Bertholdt nnd Haver-
nick understand this as meaning that the
animal stood on the bindfeet, with the
forepart raised, as the bear is said to do ;
but probably the true position is tbat re-
lerred to by Maurer and Lengerke, that

thus unto ifc, Arise^ devour much
flesh.the aniraal was in tbe aot of raising itself
up from a recumbent postur«, and rested
on one of its forefeet while the other was
reached out, and the body on tb.at side
was partially raised. Tbis poaition would
naturally denote a kingdom that had been
quiet and at rest, but that was now rous
ing itself deliberately for some purpose,
as of conquest or war — as tbe bear that
had been couching down would rise when
hungry, or when going forth for prey.
(e) The ribs in its mouth : — and it had
three ribs in the mouth of it between the
teeth of it. Bertholdt understands this
of fangs or tusks — or fangs crooked or
bent like ribs, p. 451. But the proper
meaning of the Chaldee yigi is the same
as tbe Hebrew y^X — a Wi. (Gesenius.)
The Latin 'Vulgate is tree ordinet — three
rows; the Syriae and tbe Greek, three
riba. Tbis would be sufficiently charac
teristic of a bc.nr, and the attitude of tbe
animnl here seems lo be, tbat it had killed
sorae other animal, and bad, in devour
ing it, torn out three ribs from its side,
and now held them in its mouth. Itwas
slowly rising from a recumbent posture
with these ribs in its mouth, and about
to receive a command to go forth and
devour much flesh. The number three,
in this place, Lengerke supposes to be
a round nuraber, without any special sig
nificancy ; others suppose that it denotes
the number of nations or kingdoms which
the people here represented by tbe bear
had overcorae. Perhaps this latter would
be the more obvious idea as suggested
by the symbol, but it is not necessary in
order to a proper understanding of a sym
bol to press such a point too closely.
The natural idea whieh would be sug
gested by this part of the symbol would
be tbat of a kingdom or people ofa fierce
and rough character having already sub
dued others, and thon, after reposing,
rising up with the trophies of its former
conquests to go forth to new victories, or
to overcome others. The syrabol would
be a very striking one to represent a
conquering nation in such a posture.
(ri) The commnnd given to this beast : —
and they said thua unto it, Ariae, devour
much flesh. That is, it wns snid to it; or
some one having authority said it. A
voice was heard commanding it to go

B. C. 555.]

CIIAPrER VII.

293

forth nnd devour. Thia command is
wholly in accordunee with tbe nnture of
the boar. The bonr is called by Aristotle
aapKoipaytxii, — -fieah-eater, nnd <,uov wajj.payot'
— a benat devouring everything (Hist. Nnt.
viii. 5), and no belter desoripiiou could
be given of it. As a symbol, tbis would
properly be applienblo to a nation, about
receiving, as it wero, a command from
Qod to go forth to wider conquests than
it bad already made; to arouse itself
from its repose and to achieve new
triumphs. The application of this symbol was not
explained by tho angel to Dnniel ; but if
tho former appertained to Babylon, there
cnn be little difliculty in understanding
to what thia is to be applied. It is evi
dently to thatwhich succeeded the Baby
lonian — tho Medo-Persinn, the kingdom
ruled successively by Cyrus, Cambyses,
Smerdis, Darius, Xerxes, Artaxerxes, and
Darius Nothus, until it was overthrown
by Alexander the Great. Tho only en
quiry now is, ns lo the pertinency of the
symbol bere employed to represent this
kingdom. (a) Tbe symbol of the bonr. As
already seen, tho bear would denote any
fierce, rough, overbearing, and arbitrary
kingdom, and it is clear that while it
nHjf/il have applicability to any suoh king
dom, it would better represent tbat of
Medo-Persia thnn the lion would — for
while, in some respects, either syrabol
would be applicable to either nation, the
Medo-Persian did not stand so decidedly
at the head of nations ns the Babylonian.
As to its character, however, tbe benr was
not an inappropriate symbol. Tnking
the wbole nation together, it wns fierce
and rough, and unpolished, littio disposed
to friendliness with the nations, and dis
satisfied while any around it hnd peace
or prosperity. In the image seen ih
oh. ii., this kingdom, denoted bythe breast
nnd arms of silver (ver. 32), is deseribed
in the explanation (ver. 39) aa 'inferior
to thee;' that ia, to Nebuchadnezzar.
For a sufficiently full account of this
kingdom — of tho mad projects of Cam
byses, and his savage rngo againat the'
Ethiopians — well represented by the fero
city of tbe bear; of tbe ill-starred expe
dition to Greece nnder Xerxes — an expe
dition in its floroeness and folly well
represented by the bear, and of the de
generacy of the national character after
Serxoa — well represented by the bear
25 ?

ns compared with the lion, see Notei
on ch. ii. 39. No one acquainted with
the history of that nation cnn doubt the
propriety and applicability of the emblem.
(6) The rising up on its side — or from
a recumbent posture, os ifit had been in
a state of repose, and was now arousing
itself for action. Different interpreta
tions have been adopted of thia emblem
ns applicable to the Medo-Persians. The
ancient Hebrew interpreters, as Jerome
remarks, explaiflrit as meaning that that
kingdom was 'on one side' in tbe senss
of aeparate; that ia, that thia kingdom
kept itself aloof from Judea, or did not
inflict injury on it. Thus also Grotius ex
plains it as raeaning that it did not injure
Juden — Judeas nihil nocuit. Ephrene,
the Syrian, and Thcodorit, explain it as
meaning that the empire of the Medo-
Persians was situated on the aide of
Judea, or held itself within its proper
bounds, in the sense tbat it never ex
tended its dominion like Babylon over
tbe whole earth. Kosenmiiller explains
it as meaning that in relation to the
kingdom represented by the lion, it was
at ita aide, both occupying the regiona of
the East. J. D. Michmlis understands
it as denoting that, ns tbe bear was rais
ing itself up, one pnrt being more raised
than tbe other, the Medo-Persinn empire
was composed of two kingdoms, one of
wbich wns more exalted or advanced
than the other. Comp. Lengerke. The
true meaning, however, is tbat, as seen
by Daniel, the nation that had been in a
state of repose was now preparing itself
for new conquests— -a state descriptive in
every way quite applicable to the condition
of the Medo-Persian empire, nfter tbe
conquests by Cyrus, ns he overran tbe
kingdom of Lydia, Sac., then reposing,
and now about arousing to the conquest
and subjugation of Babylon. The pre
cise time, therefore, indicated would be
about B. C. 544 (Galmet), when having
overcome the Medea, nnd having secured
tbe conquest of Lydia, and the dethrone
ment of Croesus, be is meditating tho
destruction of Babylon. This interval
of repose lasted about a year, and it is
this time that tho united empire is seen,
under the image of the bear rising on its
side, arousing itself to go forth to new
conquests. (c) Tbe ribs in tbe mouth of the benst.
Thia, aa above remarked, would properly
refer to some previous eonquesti — a* a

294 DANIEL. [B. C. 65&
C After this I beheld, and lo an- other, like a leopard, 'which had

bear appearing in tbat manner would in
dicate that some other animal had been
overcome and slain by him, and torn in
pieces. The emblem would be fulfilled
if the power here symbolized bad been
Buccessful in forraer wars, and had rent
kingdoms or people asunder. That this
description would apply to the Medo-
Persian power before its- attack on Baby
lon, or before extending its dominion
over Babylon, and ita establishment as
the Medo-Persian kingdom, no one can
doubt. Comp. the Notes on ch. ii. 39.
It haa been commonly supposed that
Cyrus succeeded to the throne of Media
without war. But this is far from being
the case — though so represented in what
may be regarded as the romance of the
Cyropffidia. In the Anabasis of Xeno
phon, however, the fact of his having
subdued Media by arras, is distinctly
admitted, iii. 4, 7, 12. Herodotus, Ctesias,
Isocrates, and Strabo, all agree also in tbe
fact that it was so. The Upper Tigris
was the seat of one carapaign, where tho
cities of Larissa and Mespila were taken
by Cyrus. From Strabo we learn that
the decisive battle was fought on the spot
where Cyrua afterwards built Pasar-
g.ardae, in Persia, for his capital. See
Kitto, Cyclo. Art. Cyrus. In addition to
this, we are to remember the well-known
conquests of Cyrus, in Lydia and else
where, and the propriety of the emblem
will be apparent. It may not be certain I
that the number three is significant in
the erablem, but it is poasible tbat thero
may bave been reference to the three
kingdoras of Persia, Media, and Lydia,
that were actually nnder the dominion
of Cyrus when the aggressive movement
was made on Babylon.
(d) The command to 'arise and devour
much flesh.' No one can fail to see the
appropriateness of this, considered as
addressed to the Medo-Persian power 
that power wbich subdued Babylon ¦
which brought under its dominion a con
siderable part of the world, and whieh,
nnder Darius and Xerxes, poured its mil-
linns on Greece. The emblem here used
Ss, therefore, one of the most striking and
appropriate tbat could be employed, and
kt cannot be doubted that it had reference
to thia kingdom, and that, in all the par
ticulars, there was a clear fulfillment.

6. Aftei- this I beheld, and lo another,
like a leopard. That is, as before, a*"ter
the bear had appeared — in indicating that
this was to be a succeeding kingdom or
power. The beast which now appeared
was a monster, and, as in the former
cases, so in regard to this, tbere ars
several circumstances wbich demand ex
planation in order to understand the
symbol. It may assist us, perhaps, in
forming a correct idea of tbe symbol here
introduced to have before ns a represen
tation of the animal as it appeared to
Daniel. The following cut will furnish a
sufficiently correct representation.

(a) Tbe animal itself: — a leopard. The
word here used — n^i — or in Heb. it;} —
denotes a panther or leopard, so called
from his spots. This is a well known beast
of prey, distinguished for blood-thirsti
ness and cruelty, and these characteris
tics are especially applioable to the female
panther. The animal is referred to in the
Scriptures as emblematic of tbe following
things, or as having the following cbarao-
teristics : (1) As next in dignity to the
lion — ofthe same general nature. Comp.
Boohart, Hieroz. P. I. Lib. iii. c. vii.
Thus tho lion and the panther, or leopard,
are often united in tbe Scriptures. Comp.
Jer. V. 6, Hos. xiii. 7. See also in the
Apocrypha, Ecclesias. xxviii. 23. So also
they are united in Homer, II. p.
'OvTt ow irapliXiO! rdaeov iie„6s, Sure Xrai/TOf.
'Neither had tbe leopard nor the lion
such strength.' (2) As distinguished for
cruelty, or a fierce natnre, as contrasted
with the gentle and tarae animals. Iaa.
XI. 6, ' And the leopard shall lie dow»
with the kid." In Jer. v. 6, it is com
pared with the lion and the wolf: "A
lion out of the forest shall slay tbem, and
a wolf of the evening shall spoU them, •

B. C. 555.]

CHAPTER VII,

295

upon the back of it four •wings of a
•0,8.8,22.
leopard shall watch over thoir oitiea."
Comp. Uoa. xiii. 7. (3) Aa distinguished
for swiftnesa or fleetneaa. Habuk. i. 8 :
" Their horsea are swifter than tbe leop
ards." Comp. also the quotationa from
tho olnssics in Bochai't as above, p.
78S. Hia fleetnosa ia often referred to;
the celerity of his apring or bound espe
cially, by the Greek and Boman writers.
(4) As insidious, or as lying in wait and
springing unexpectedly upon the unwary
traveller. Comp. Hos. xiii. 7 : " Aa a
leopard by the way will I observe them ;"
that is, I will watoli — llE'ij — them. So
Pliny aaya of leopards : Insidunt pardi
condenea arborum, occultatique earum ra
mie in proitereuntia deailiunt. (5) They
are characterized by their spots. In the
general nature of the animal tbere is a
strong resemblance to the lion. Thus,
an Arabic writer quoted by Boohart, de-
finea the leopard to bo ' an animal resem
bling the lion, except thnt it is smaller,
and has a skin marked by black spots.'
The proper idea in thia representation,
when used as a symbol, would be of a nation
or kingdom that would have more noble
ness than tbe one represented by the bear,
but a less decisive headship over othera
than that represented by the lion ; a na
tion that was addicted to oonqneat, or
that preyed upon others ; a nation rapid
in its movementa, and springing upon
others unawares, and perhapa in its apota
denoting a nation or people made up, not
of homogeneous elementa, but of various
diff'erent people. See below iu the appli
cation of this.
(6) The four wings : — which liad upon
the back of it four wings of a fowl. The
first benst was seen with the wings of an
eagle, but without any specified number ;
thia appeara with wings, bnt without spe-
oifying any particular kind of winga,
though the »um6er is mentioned. In both
of them celerity of movement is undoubt
edly intended — celerity beyond what
would be properly denoted by the animal
itself — the lion or tbe leopard. If there
is a difTorence in tbe design of the repre
sentation, as there would seem to be by
mentioning the Icind of wings in the one
case, and tho number in the other, it ia
probable that the former would denote a
More bold and extended flight; the latter

fo-wl; tho beast had also four 'heads ;
and dominion was given to it.

a flight more rapid, denoted by the four
winga. Wo should look for tbe fulfil
ment of tbe former in a nation that ex
tended its conquests over a broader space ;
in the latter, to a nation that moved with
more celerity. But there ia aome dan
ger of pressing these similitudes too far.
Nothing is said in the passage about tho
arrangement of the wings, except that
they were on the back of the animal. It
is to be supposed that there were two on
each side.
(c) The four heads: — the beaathadalao
four heada. This representation must
have been designed to signify either that
the ono power or kingdom denoted by
the leopard was oomposed of four sepa
rate powers or nations now united in one ;
or that there were four successive kings
or dynasties that made up its history;
or tbat the power or kingdom actually ap
peared, na seen in its prevailing character
istic, aa a distinct dominion, as having four
heads, or as being divided into so many
aeparate sovereigntiea. It seems to me
that either one of these would be a pro
per and natural fulfilment of tbe design
of tbe image, though the aecond sug
geated would be less proper tban either
of tbe others, as tbe heads appeared on
tbe animal not in suooession — as the lit
tle horn sprung up in the midst of the
other ten, as represented in the fourth
beast — but existed simultaneously. The
general idea would be, that in some way
the one particular sovereignty bad four
sources of power blended into one, or
actually exerted the same kind of do
minion, and constituted, in fact, the one
kingdom as diatinguiahed from the others.
{d) Tbe dominion given to it : — and
dominion was given to it. That is, it was
appointed to rule where the former had
ruled, and until it shoald be aucceeded
by another — the beast with tho ten
horns. In regard to the application of this,
though the angel did not explain it ti
Dnniel, except in general that a kingdom
was repreaented Iby it (ver. 17), it would
seem that there could be little difficulty,
though there has been some variety in the
views entertained. Maurer, Lengerko,
nnd some othera, refer it to the Medo-
Peraiau empire — supposing that the ae-

296

DANIEL.

[B. C. 551

cond symbol referred to the kingdom of
Media. But the objections to this are so
obvious, and so numerous, that it seems
to me the opinion cannot be entertained ;
for (1) the kingdom of Media did not, in
any proper sense, succeed that of Baby
lon; (2) the representation of tbe bear
with three ribs has no proper applica
bility to Media; (3) tbe whole descrip
tion, as we have seen above, of the
second beast, accords entirely with the
history of the Medo-Persian empire. If
this be so, then we naturally look for the
fulfilment of this symbol — the third head
— in the kingdora or dynasty that fol
lowed directly that of Medo-Persia — the
Macedonian dynasty or kingdom founded
by Alexander the Great, extending over
the same countries before occupied by
Babylon and the Medo-Persian empire,
and continuing till it was swallowed up
in the conquests of Bome. We shall find
that all the circumstances agree with this
supposition: (a) The animal — the leopard. The
comparative nobleness of the animal ; a
beast of prey ; the celerity of its move
ments; the spring or bound with which
it leaps upon its prey, all agree well with
the kingdom of which Alexander was
the founder. Indeed there was no other
kingdom among the ancients to which
it could be better applied; and it will be
admitted that, on the supposition that it
was the design of Daniel to choose a sym
bol that would represent the Macedonian
empire, he could not have selected one
that was better adapted to it than the
leopard. All the characteristics of the
animal that have been noticed — (1) as
next in dignity to the lion ; (2) as distin
guished for a fierce nature; (3) as charac
terized by fleetness; (4) as known for
lying in wait, and springing- suddenly
upon its prey; and(5)in the point to be no
ticed soon — their spots — all agree with
the characteristics of Alexander, and his
movements among the nations, and with
the kingdom that was founded by him in
the East. (6) The four wings. These
represent well the rapidity of the con
quests of Alexander, for no more rapid
conquests were ever made than were his
in the Bast. It was noticed that the
leopard had four wings, as contrasted
with the first beast, in reference to which
ihe number is not mentioned; the one de
noting a broader fiight, and the other a
laore rapid one; and the one agrees well

witb the conquests of Nebachadnezzar^
and the other with those of Alexander.
(f) The four heads united to one body.
It is well known that when Alexandef
died, his empire was left to four of his
generals, and that they came to be at tha
head of as raany distinct dominions, yet
all springing from the same source, and
all, in fact, but the Macedonian empire.
This fact would not be so well represented
by four distinct and separate animals as
by one animal with four heads; that is,
as the bead represents authority or do
minion, one empire in fact now ruling by
four distinct authorities. The one empire
considered as Macedonian continued its
sway till it was swallowed up by the Ko
mans; that is, the Macedonian power or
dominion as distinct frora that of Baby.
lon or Medo-Persia; as having charac
teristics unlike these; as introducing a
new order of things, continued, though
that power wns broken up and exercised
under distinct manifestations of sove
reignty. The fact was, that, at the death
of Alexander, to whom the founding of
this erapire was owing, " Philip Aridseus,
brother of Alexander, and his. infant son
by Roxana, were appointed by the gen
erals ofthe army to succeed, and Perdic
cas was made regent. The empire was
divided into thirty-three governments,
distributed among as many general offi
cers. Hence arose a series of bloody,
desolating wars, and a period of confu
sion, anarchy and crime ensued, tbat ia
almost without a parallel in the history
of the world. After the battle of Ipsus, 301
B. C, in which Antigonus was defe<tted,
the empire was divided into four king
doras — Thrace and Bythinia under Lysi-
machus; Syria and the East under Seleu
cus; Egypt under Ptolemy Soter, and
Macedonia under Cassandar." Lyman,
Hist. Chart. It was these four powers,
thus springing out of the one empire
founded by Alexander, that was clearly
represented by the four heads, {d) The
dominion given to it. No ono can doubt
tbat a dominion was given to Alexander
and the Macedonian dynasty, which would
fully correspond with this. In fact the
dominion of the world was practically
conceded to that kingdom, (e) There ia
only one other circumstance *o be noticed,
though perhaps we are not to seek an ex
act accomplishment for that in any spe-
cific events. It is the fact that the leop
ard is marked by spots — a circiunstano*

B. C, 65&.]

CHAPTER VII.

297

7 After this 1 iaw in the night
visions, and behold a fourth ntjeast,
which many have supposed had a fulfil
ment in the fact that numeroua nations,
not bomogeneoua, were found in the em
pire of Alexander. So Bochart, Hieroz.
P. i. Lib. iii. c. vii. p. 789, says : ' The
apota of the leopard refer to the difi'erent
oustoraa of tbe nationa over which he
ruled. Among these, besides the Mace
donians, Greeks, Thracians, nnd lUyrinna,
in Europe, there were in Africa the Ly-
biana, Egyptians, nnd Troglodites ; in
Aaia almost all the nations to the Ganges.'
But, without insisting on this, no one can
compare the other particulars which were
clearly designed to be aymbolical, with
ont perceiving that they had a full ao-
oompliahment in tbe Macedonian em
pire. 7, 8. After thia I aaw in tlie night vi
aiona. The other beasts were seen also
in a drenm (ver. 1), and thia probably in
the aame night, though as a subsequent
part of tbe dream, for tbe whole vision
evidently paased before the prophet in a
ainglo dream. The succession, or the
fact that he saw one after tho other, in
dicates a succession in the kingdoms.
They were not to be nt the same time
upon the earth, but one was to arise aftor
another in the order here indicated,
though they were in some respects to
occupy the same territory. Tho singular
character of the beast that now appears ;
the number of the horns; the springing

dreadful and terrible, and strong
10. 2. 40. vor. 19, 23.

up of a new horn ; the might and terror
of the beast, and the long duration
of its dominion upon the earth, at
tracted nnd fixed the attention of Dan
iel, led him into a more minute explana
tion of the appenrance of the animal, and
induced bim particularly to aak an ex
planation of the angel of the meaning of
this part of the vision, ver. 19. f And
behold a fourth beaat. This beast bad
peculiar charaoteristica, all of wbich v^ere
regarded aa symbolical, and all of whieh
demand explanation in order that wo
may have a just view of the nature and
design of tbe symbol. ^Aa in the casea
of the other beasts, so in this we raay
be assisted in the explanation by hav
ing before us a cut representing in
general ita appearance. It is indeed in
some degree imaginary, for we are not
told as to the exact appearance of tbe
beast — whether it wns a lion or some other
form, but it is sufficiently accurate to
furnish the main idea in tbe vision. The
first out represents the animal ns be first
appeared witb the ten boms ; the second
ns he may have appeared with another
horn springing up iu the midst of them.
As in reference to the three former
beaata, also, so in regard to this, it vrill
be proper to explain first the signi
ficance of the difi'erent parts of the
symbol, and then in tbe exposition (vs.
19, aeq.) to inquire into the appUcation.

The particulars of this symbol are moro
numeroua, more striking, and more im
portant than in either of the previous
ones. These particulars are the follow-
'<«g, V6. 7—11 .

(a) Tho animal itself, (ver. 7):— o
fourth beast, dreadful and terrible, and
atrong exceedingly. The form or naturo
of tbe beast ie not given as in the pre
ceding oases — the lion, the bear, and tihe

DANIEL.

[B. C. 555,

exceedingly ; and it had great iron
teeth : it devoured and brake in
pieces, and stamped the residue with

leopard — but it is left for the imagination
*o fill up. It was a beast more terrific
in its appearance than either ofthe others,
ond was evidently a monster such as
could not be designated by a single name.
Tbe terma which are used here in de
scribing the benat — dreadful, terrible, ex
ceedingly atrong, are nearly synonymous,
and are heaped together in order to give
an impressive view of the terror inspired
by the beast. There can be no doubt as
to tbe general meaniny of tbis, for it is
explained (ver. 23,) as denoting a king
dom tbat 'should devour the whole
earth, and tread it down, and break it in
pieces.' As a symbol, it would denote
somo power much more fearful and much
more to be dreaded; having a wider
dominion ; and more stern, more oppres
sive in its cbaracter, more severe in its
exactions, aud more entirely destroying
the liberty of others; advancing more
by power and terror, and less by art and
cunning, than either. This cbaracter
istic is manifest throughout tbe symbol.
(t) The teeth (ver. 7) : — ond it had great
iron teeth. Not only teeth or tusks, such
as other animals m.iy have, but teeth
made of iron. Tbis is characteristic of a
monster, and shows that there waa to be
something very peculiar in the dominion
tbat was here aymbolized. The teeth are
of use to eat or devour ; and tbe symbol
here is that of devouring or rending —
as a fierce monster witb such teeth might
be supposed to rend or devour all that
was before it. Thia too would denote a
nation exceedingly fierce ; a nation of
savage ferocity ; a nation that would be
signally formidable to all othera. For
illustration, comp. Jer. xv. 12; Micah
iv. 13. Aa explained in ver. 23, it is said
tbat the kingdom denoted by this would
devour tbe whole earth.' Teeth — great
teeth, are often used aa the symbols of
cruelty, or of a devouring enemy. Thus
in Prov. xxx. 14, "There is a generation
whose teeth are as swords, and their jaw
teeth are as knivea, to devour the poor
from off the earth, and the needy from
araong men." So David usea tbe word
Jo denote the cruelty of tyrants : Pa. iii. 7.
" Thou hast broken the teeth of the un-

the feet of it: and it was diverso
from all the beasts that were before
it ; and it had ten ' horns.

»e. 2. 41, 42.

godly;" Ivii. 4, "whose teeth are speara
and arrows ;" lviii. 6, " break their teeth
in their mouth ; break out the great teeth
of the young lions."
(c) The stamping with the feet (ver.
7) : — it devouredMud brake in piecea, and
atamped the reaidue with the feet of it.
That is, like a fieree monster, whatever
it could not devour it stamped down and
ciaished in the earth. This indicates a
disposition or purpose to destroy, for
the aake of deatroying, or where no other
purpose could be gained. It denotes
rage, wrath, a determination to crush all
in its way, to have universal dominion ;
and would be applicable to a nation that
subdued and crushed others for the mere
aake of doing it, or because it was un
willing that any other should exist and
enjoy liberty — even where itself could
not hope for any advantage.
(<£) The fact that it was difi'erent from
all that went before it (ver. 7) : — ond it
waa diverse from all the beasts that were
before it. The prophet does not specify,
particularly, in what respects it was dif
ferent, for he does not attempt to give
its appearance. It was not a lion, a
bear, or a leopard, but he does not say
precisely what it was. Probably it was
such a monster that tbere were no ani
mals with which it could be compared.
He states some circumstances, however,
in which it was dififerent — ns in regard to
the ten boms, the little horn, the iron
teeth, Ac, but still tbe imagination is
left to fill up the picture in general.
The meaning of tbis must be, that the
fourth kingdom, represented by this beast,
would be materially different from those
which preceded it, and we must look for
the fulfilment in some features that
would characterize it by which it wonld
be unlike the others. There must be
aomething marked in the difference-
something that wonld be more than the
common difference between nations.
(e) The ten horns (ver. 7) -.—and it had
ten horna. That is, tbi prophet aaw on
it ten horns as characterizing the beast
The hom is a symbol of power, and is
frequently ao used as an emblem or sym.
bol in Daniel (vii. 7, 8, 20, 24, viu. 3—9,

B. C. 555.]

CHAPTER VII.

299

8 I eonsidered the horns, and,
behold, there came up among them
20—22), and Revelation v. 6, xiii. 1, 11,
xvii. 3, 12, 16. It is used as a symbol
because the great strength of horned
animals is fouud there. Thus iu Amos
vi. IS, it is said,
Yo that rhoice in a thing of nought,
That say, H&ve wo not taken dominion to onr
selves by our own strengtA, Heb. lun-ns.
Sj in Dent, xxxiii. 17.
His beanty shall be that of a young bull.
And Ms horns shall be the horns ofa rhin iccros,
'With these he shall push the people to i\Le ex
tremities of the land,
Such are the ten thousands of £phraim,
Such the thousands of Manasseh. ll^yss.
So in 1 Kings xxii. 11, we find horns
nsed in a symbolical aotion on the part
of the fiilse prophet Zedekiah. "He
made him horns of iron, and said, Thus
saith Jehovah, AVith these thou shalt push
tbe Syrians, until thon have consumed
tbem." In Zech. i. IS, tbe four horns
that ore seen by the prophet ore said to
be the four great powers which had scat
tered and wasted the Jews. Comp. 'We
myss on tbe symbolioal langnage of
Seripture, Art. honu. Tbere can be no
doubt as to the meaning of tbe symbol
bere, for it is explained in a subsequent
part of the ohapt«r (ver. 26), ' the ten
horns are the ten kings that shall arise.'
It wonld seem, also, from that explana^
tion, that they were to be ten kings that
would ' arise' or spring out of tbat king
dom at some period of its history. " And
tbe ten borns, out of this kingdora, are
ten kings that shall arise;" thatis, not
that the kingdom itself would spring out
of ten others tbat would be amalgamated
or consolidated into one, but that out of
tbat one kingdom tbere would spring np
(cn that would exercise dominion, or in
wbich tbe power of the one kingdom
wonld be nltimately lodged. Tbongb Dan
iel appears to have seen these borns as ap
pertaining to tbe beast when be first saw
him, yet tbe snbseqnent explanation is,
that these boms were emblems of the
maiser in irfaich the power of tbat one
kingdom would be finally exerted; or
lhat ten kings or dynasties would spring
out of it. 'We are, tben, naturally to
look for the fulfilment of this in some one
great kiagdom of huge power tbat would j
crush tbe nations, and from wliicb, while J

another little »horn, before 'nhom
« ver. 20, 21, 24.
the same general eharaeteristio would
remain, there would spring up fen kings,
or dynasties, or kingdoms, in whicb tbe
power would be concentrated.
(/) The springing up of the little
horn (ver. S) : — / conaidered the horns,
and, behold, there came vp among them
anotiier little horn. There are several
points to be noticed in regard to tbis :
(1) The fact that he 'considered tho
horns ;' that is, he looked on them until
another sprang up among them. This
implies tbat wben he first saw tbe mon
ster, it bad no such hom, aud tbat the
horn sprang np a considerable time after
he first saw it — intimating that it would
occur perhaps far on in tbe history of tbe
kingdom that was symbolized. It is
implied that it was not an event which
would soon occur. (2) It sprang np
'among' the others; — !n>l>3 — starting
from the same aource, nnd appertaining
to the same animal, and, tberefore, a de
velopment or putting forth of tbe same
power. Tbe language here used does not
designate, with any degree of certainty,
tbe precise place whicb it occupied, but
it would seem tbat the others stood close
together, and tbat this sprang out of the
eentre, or from the very midst of them,
implying tbat tbe new dominion sym-
boUied would not be a foreign dominion,
but one tbat would spring ont of tbe
kingdom itself, or that would seem to
grow np tn tbe kingdom. (3) It was a
little born ; that is, it was small at firat^
tbongb subsequently it grew so as to be
emblematic of great power. This would
denote tbat ths power symbolized would
be smalt at first — springing np gradually.
The fulfilment of this would be found,
neither in conquest, sor in revolution,
nor in a change of dynasty, nor in a sud
den change of a constitution, but in some
power that had an obscure origin, and
that was feeble and small at the begin.
ning, yet gradually increasing, till, by its
own growth, it put aside a portioi of the
power before exercised, and occupied ita
place. 'We sbould naturally look for the
fulfittment of this in the increase of some
power within the state thathad an hnmble
origin, and that slowly developed itself
until it absorbed ft consideraUe portioo

soo

DANIEL.

[B. C. 555

there 'were three of the first horns
S lucked up by the roots: and be-
old, in this horn were eyes like the
»Ke. 9. 7.
of the authority that essentially resided
in the kingdom repreaented by the mon-
ater. (4) In the growth of that ' horn,'
three of the othera were plucked up by
the roots. Tbe proper meaning of the
word used to express this — i^pi^HN —
is, tbat tbey were rooted out — as a tree is
overturned by the roots, or the roots are
turned ont from the earih. The process
by whicb thia was done seems to have
been by growth. The gradual increase
of tbe horn ao crowded on the othera
tbat a portion of tbem waa forced out,
and fell. 'What ia fairly indicated by tbis
was not any act of violence, or any sud
den convulsion or revolution, but such a
gradual growth of power that a portion
of the original power was removed, and
this new power occupied its place. There
was no revolution, properly eo called ;
no change of the whole dynasty, for
a large portion of the horns remained,
but the gradual rise of a new power that
would wield a portion of that formerly
wielded by others, and that would now
wield the power in ita place. The nura
ber three would either indicate that tfaree
parts out of the ten were absorbed in this ,
way, or that a considerable, though an I
indefin.te portion, was thus absorbed, j
(5) Tbe »yes : — and behold, in this horn
were eyea like the eyea of a man. Ej'ea '
denote intelligence, as we see objecta by i
their aid. Tbe riraa of the wheels in |
Ezekiel's vision were full of eyes (Ezek. !
i. 18), as symbolic of intelligence. This
would denote tbat the power here re
ferred to, would be remarkably sagacious.
'We should naturally look for the fulfil
ment of this in a power tjiat laid its plans
wisely and intelligently ; tbat had large
and clear views of policy; that waa
shrewd and far-seeing in its counsels
and purposes; thatwas skilled in diplo
macy, or that was eminent for statesman
like plans. This part of the symbol, if
it stood alone, would find its fulfilraent
in any wise nnd shrewd administration ;
as it stands bere, surrounded by others,
it would seem tbat this, aa contraated
with tbem, waa cbaracteriatically abrewd !
»nd far-seeing in its policy. Lengerke, I
foUowing Jerome, supposes that tbial

eyes of >man, and a mouth i> speak
ing great things.
9 1[ I beheld till the thrones 'were
b Re. 13. s.

means that the object referred to would
be a man, * as the eyes of men are keener
and sharper tban those of other animals.'
But the more correct interpretation is that
above referred to — that it denotes intelli-
gence, shrewdness, sagacity. (6) Tbe
mouth : — and a mouth apeaking great
things. A niouth indicating pride and
arrogance. Thia ia explained in ver. 25j
as meaning that he to whom it refers
would ' apeak great worda against the
Most High ;' that ia, would be guilty of
¦ blasphemy. There would be such arro-
' gance, and auch claima set up, and such
j a spirit evinced, tbat it would be in faet
a speaking against God. 'We naturally
look for the fulfilment of this to some
haughty aud blaspheming power: some
power that would really blaspheme reli-
I gion, and that would be opposed to ita
progress and prosperity in the world.
I Tbe Sept. in Cod. Chis. adds here, 'and
' shall make war against the saints ;' but
these words are not found in the original
Chaldee. They accord, however, well
with the explanation in ver. 25. 'What
has been bere tonsidered erabraces all
that pertains pi iperly to tbis symbol —
the symbol of tbe fourth beast — except
the fact stated in ver. 11, that tbe beast
was slain, and that bis body was given
to the burning flame. Tbe inquiry as to
the fulfilment will be appropriate when
we come to consider the explanation
given at the request of Daniel, by the
angel, in vs. 19 — 25.
9. I beheld. 'I continued looking on
these strange sights, and contemplating
these transformations.' Tbis impliea tbat
aome time elapsed before all these things
had occurred. He looked on till he saw
a aolemn judgment pasaed on this fourth
beast particularly aa if God had come
forth in his mnjesty and glory to pro
nounce that judgment, and to bring tho
power and arrogance of the beast to nn
end. ^ Till the thronea were eaat down.
Tbe Chaldee word — Jjijip- means pro
perly (Jj-oncs— seats on which monarcha
sit. So far ns the word is concerned, it
would apply either to a throne occupied
by an eavtb'v u orareh, or to the throno
OfGod. TKur*n'fiivj.jM»l%Y„^e„jj

B. C. 555.]

CHAPTER VII.

801

cast "down, and the Ancient 'of
days did sit, whose garment 'was
»c. 2. 44; 1 Co. 15. 24, 25. "'Ia, 9. 6; ver. 22.
leem to imply, at leaat, that the reference
is not to the throne of God, but to sorae
other throne. Maurer and Lengerke sup
pose that tbe allusion is to the thrones
0:11 which tbe celestial beings sit in tbe
solemn judgment tbat was to b« pro
nounced- — the throne of God, and tbe
thrones or seats of the attending inhabit
ants of heaven, coming with him to the
solemn judgment. Lengerke refera for
illuatration to 1 Kinga xxii. 19 ; Iaa. vi. 1,
Job i. and Rev. v. 11, 12. But the word
itself might be properly applied to the
thronea of earthly monarcha as well as to
the throne of God. The phrase 'were
cast down' — vpT — in our translation,
would seem to suppose that th'sre was
some throwing down, or overturning of
thrones, at tbis period, and tbat the so
lemn judgment would follow this, or be
consequent on tbis. The Chaldee word—
Nipn — means, as explained by Gesenius,
to cast, to throw, Dan. iii. 21, 24; vi. 17;
to aet, to place, e. g. thrones ; to impoae
tribute, Ezra vii. 24. Tbe passage is ren
dered by the Latin 'Vulgate, throni positi
sunt — ' thronea were placed ;' by the Greek,
iTcirii'av — ' were placed.' So Luther, atiihle
geaetzt ; and so Lengerke, atithle aufgea-
iellet — tho thrones were placed, or set up.
The proper meaning, therefore, of the
phrase would seem to be — not, as in our
tranalation, that the 'thrones would be
eaat down' — aa if tbere was to be an over
turning of thrones on tbe earth to mark
tbis particular period of history — bnt that
there_was, in tbe vision, a aetting up, or
a placing of thrones for the purpose of ad-
miniatering judgment, &c., on the beaat.
The use of the plural is, doubtless, in ac
cordance with the language elsewhere em
ployed, to denote the fact that tbe great
Judge would be surrounded with others
who would be, as it were, associated in
administering justice — either angels or
redeemed spirita. Nothing is more com
mon in tbe Scripture tban to repre
sent others as thus associated with God
in pronouncing judgment on men. —
Comp. Matt. xix. 28, Luke x.xviii. 30,
1 Cor. vi. 2, 3, 1 Tim. v. 21, Kev. ii. 26,
It. 4. Tbe era, or period, therefore,
marked bero, raould be when a solemn
26

'white ^ as snow, and the hair of his
head like the pure wool : his throne
= Ps. 45. 8 ; Ph. 3. 9. <> Ke. 1. 14.

divine judgment was to be pasaed on the
* beast,' or wben aome eventa were to
take place, aa if such a judgment were
pronounced. The eventa pertaining tf,
the fourth beast were to be tbe last in the
series preparatory to the reign of tbo sainta,
or the setting up of the kingdom of the
Messiah, and therefore it is introduced in
tbis manner, aa if a solemn judgment
acene were to occur. ^ And Ihe Ancient
ofdayadidait. 'Was seated for tbe purposea
of judgment. The phrase 'Ancient of
diiya ' — iipii p'nj —is one that denotes an
elderly or old person; meaning, he who
ia moat ancient as to days, and is equiva
lent to the French L'eternel, or English
The Eternal. It occurs only in this chap
ter (9, 13, 22), and is a representation of
one venerable in years, sitting down for
tbe purpoaea of judgment. The appella
tion doea not of itself denote eternity, but
it is employed, probably, with reference
to the fact that God is eternal. God ia
often represented under aome auch appel
lation, as be that is ' from everlasting to
everlaating' (Ps. xc. 2), ' the first and the
last' (Isa. xliv. 6), &c. There can be nc
doubt tbat tbe reference here is to God ae
a judge, or as about to pronounce judg
ment, though tbere ia nonecessity of sup
posing that it will be in a visible and
literal form, any more than there ia
for supposing that all that is here rep
resented by aymbola will literally take
place. If it should be insisted on that
the proper interpretation demands that
there will be a literal and visible judg-
! ment, such aa ia here deacribed, it may be
[ replied tbat tbe sarae rigid interpretation
would demand that there will be a literal
f'alaying ofthe beast, and a giving of bia
I body to the flame' (ver. 11), .ind more
' gener.-illy atill, that all that is here re
ferred to by symbols will literally occur.
i The fact, however, is, that all these
[ events are referred to by symbols — sym-
I bois whieh have an expressive meaning,
but whicb, by their very nature and de-
I sign, are not to be literally understood.
All tbat ia fairly implied here is, tha
events would occur in regard to this fourth
I beast aa if God should sit in solemn judg-
I ment on it, and should condemn it in th*

302

DANIEL,.

[B. C. 565

twas like the fiery flame, and his
wheels !> as burning fire.
10 A fiery ' stream issued and
•Ac. 2. 80, 83. "¦ Eze. 1. 16, 16.
manner here referred to. 'We are, doubt
less, in the fulfilment of this, to look for
some event that will bo of ao deciaive
and marked a character that it may be
regarded as a divine judgment in the case,
or thnt will show the strongly-marked
divine disapprobation — as really aa if the
judgment-seat were formally set, and God
should appear in majeaty to give sen
tence. Sitting was the usual posture
araong the ancients, as it ia among the
moderns, in pronouncing judgment. —
Among the ancients the judge ant on a
throno or bench while tho parties atood
before him (comp. Zech. i. 3), and with
the Greeks and Komans so essential was
the aitting posture for a judge, that a sen
tence pronounced in any other posture
waa not vnlid. L engerke. It was a maxim.
Animus sedendo magia anpit, or as Servius
on the Mn. i. 66, remarks, JEat enim eu-
rantia et aolliciti sedere. ^ Whoae gar
ment waa white aa anow. Whoae robe.
The reference hero ia to the long flowing
robe that was worn by ancient princea,
noblemen, or priests. See Notea on Isa.
vi. 1. Comp. Notea on Rev. i. 13. White
waa an emblemof purity nnd bonour, and
was not an improper aymbol of the purity
of the Judge, and of the juatncaa of tbe
sentence which he would pronounce. So
in hia celebrated speech against eraploy
ing Indians in the war with the American
people, the elder Pitt besought the Bish
ops to ' interpose the unsullied purity of
their lawn.' Lengerke supposes aa Prof.
Stuart doea, on Kev. i. 13, that tho white-
nefs here referred to waa not the mere
colour of tho material of which tbe robe
waa made, but wna a celestial splendour
or brightness, as if it were lightning or
fire — Bucb as ia appropriato to the divine
majesty. Lengerke refers here to Ex.
xix. 18—24, Daniel ii. 22, Matt. xvii. 2,
1 Tira. vi. 16, Ezra vii. 66, Aecenaion of
Ian. viii. 21—26, Prov. i. 1 3, iv. 2. But the
more correct interpretation ia to auppoae
that thia refers to a pure whito robe, such
aa judgea might wear, and wbich would
not be on improper aymbol oftheir ofiice.
^ And the J lir of liia head like the pure
wool. That ia, for whiten ees — a chnrnc-
'eiietic of venerable age. Comp. Notes

came forth from beforo him : thou
sand thousands ministered unto
him, and ten thousand times ten
cPs. 60. 8. Ib. 66. 16, 16.

on Rev. i. 14. The image hore aet be
fore us is that of one venerable by yean
and wisdom. ^ Hia throne was like the
fiery flame. The seat on which he sat
seemed to be firo. That is, it waa brilliant
and aplendid, as if it were a maaa of flame.
^ And hia wheels aa burning fire. The
wheels of his throne — for, aein Ezek. i. 10,
the throne on which Jehovah sat appeared
to be on wheels. In Ezekiel (i. 16, x. 9),
the whcela of the throne appeared to be
of the colour of beryl; that ia, they wero
like precious atones. Here, perhaps, they
bad only the appearance of a flame — as
such wheels would aeem to flash flames.
So Milton, in describing the chariot of
the Son of God :
Forth rush'd with whirlwind sound
The chariot of Paternal Deity,
Flashing thick flames, wheel within wheel un.
drawn.
Itself instinct with ppfrit, but conveyed
By four cherubic shapes ; four faces each
ifafl wondrous ; as with stars tbeir bodies all,
And wings were set with eyes ; with eyes the
wheelfl
Of Beryl, and careening firex hetween.
Far. Lost, B. vl.
10. .<4 fiery atream iaaued and cam£ forth
from before him. Streams of flre seemed
to burst forth from bis throne. Bepre-
scntntiona of this kind abound in the
Scriptures to illustrate the mnjesty nnd
glory of God. Comp. Rev. iv. 6, " And
out of the throne proceeded lightninga,
and thunderings, and voices." Ex. xix.
16; Habak. iii. 4; Ps. xviii. 8. f Thou
aand thouaanda miniatered nnto him. ' A
thousand of thousands;' that is, thou
aands multiplied a thouaand times. Tho
mind ia struck with the fact tbat there
are thouaanda present — and then the
number seema ns great as if thoso thou
aanda were multiplied a thousand timeo.
The ideo ia that there was nn immense —
a eountlesa boat. The reference here ia
to the angels, and God is often repre
aented ns attended with grent numbera
of these celestial beings when hn comel
down to our world. Dent, xxxiii. 2.
' lie eame witb ten thousands of enints;'
that is, of boly ones. Pa. Ixviii. 17,
" The chariots of God are twenty thou.

B. 0. 565.

CHAPTER VII.

303

thousand stood •bofora hitn; the
judgmrnt i-was sot, and the books
wero opened.
«1 Kl. 22, 19 J P». 08. IT ; lie. 12. 22.

Blinds, oviiii Ihousnnda of luigolH." Comp.
Juile, vor. M. Tho word ' ministered'
inoniia that thuynttondod on hiiu. f /»<<
lea thouaand times len thousand stood he-
font him. An innumornble boat. These
woro not to bo judged, but wore attend-
nnta on bim ns ho pronounced aeiitenoo
The JuilKnient horo rol'enoil to wna not
on tbo world nt largo, but on tho boast,
pri'piiriitory to giving tho kingdom to tho
ono who wns like tlio Son of Man, v».
13, l-l. ^1 Thn judgment waa act. 'riiat
In, nil the iirriingoMionta for a solemn aot
of jndgmenl^ were innde, and tho proeeas
of tho judgment onmmonood. % And Ihe
books -were opened. Aa eoutiiining tho
rooord of tho doeila of thoao who wero to
bo Juiln'i'd. Comp. Rev. xx. 12. Tho
?;i'Oat Judge ia I'epn'soiil.eil na having bo-
ui'o him tho rooiiril of all tho deeds on
whioh Jiiilgini'nt waa to he pronouneod,
and to bo nlumt lo pvonouneo sontonoo
neeordliig to thoao dei'da. The Jmlgmont
horo rol'errod to, aeoins to have been somo
•olemu ttot on the pnrt of tiod linnaror-
ring tho power over tho world, froin tlnU.
wliToh hnd long awii.vi'd it, to tho saints.
Aa nlronily romnrkeil, tho iieooasiiiy in-
tcrprotntion of the pnaaago doos not re
quire ua to undoralnnd this of a litonil
and visible Judginent — of a personal np-
peiiring of tho ' Anoient of Dny.s' — of a
fni'iunl npplieatlon to hini by 'one liko
tha Son ol' Man' (ver. 13)— or of a publio
und vlilblo making over to him of n king
dom upon tho earth. It is to bo renunn-
bcrod thut nil this paaaod in vision before
tho uiliul of the prophet — thnt it ia a sym
bolioal reproseutntlon — and that wo nro
to lind the fulllluient of thia In aome
evont changing the enurao of empire —
putting a period to tho power represented
ny tho 'benst' nnd tho ' horn' — nnil cnus-
iug that power to pnas Into other linnds —
produiing a ehnngo ns great on tho earth
o» (/suoli a aolonin net oljiiilgnient woro
passed. Tho nnturo of the reprosontotion
roquiroa thnt wo abuuUI look for the I'ul-
Uliner.u of thia in noiuo gront nnd mo-
inentoua eliunge in bunuin nlVnirs— some
eventa Hint wouhl taUo nway the power
tf the 'boost,' und that wonlil cause tho
dominion to pass inlo other hiinda.

Ill behold then because of ths
voioe of tho great words whioh tho
horn spako : I boliold even till tlio
bite. 20. 4, 12.

On tho fulfilment, soo tho Notea ou
vor. 26.
11. I behi'ld thru brrni.ac nf the voice of
Ihc great worda which the horn apake. I
was attracted by theae words — by their
arrogance, nnd haughtinoaa, and pride;
and I saw that it was on nooount of tlieso
mainly thnt tho aolomn judgment pro-
ooodoil against tho benst. Tho attitude
of tho Seer hero ia thia— ho hoard arro-
gant and proud worda uttered by tho
' horn,' and ho waited In deep attention,
and in earnest oxpootntion, to learn what
judginent oould be pronounced. He had
seen (vor. 8) that horn apring up nnd
grow to grent power, and utter great
thinga; ho had thon aeen, iiniuediatoly
on this, asoleinn and aubliine preparation
fur judgment, and he now waited anx
iously to lonrn what sentoncu would be
pronounced. Tho result ia Btntod in tho
snlLsoquent part of the ver,io. If / beheld,
I continued beholding. Thia would seom
lo imply that it wns not done nt onoe,
but that some time intervened. ^Even
lill thf brasl waa alain. Tho fourth benat:
that whieh hnd the ton horns, nnd on
whioh tho little horn had sprung np.
Tills was tho re.iult of tho judgment. It
ia evidently implied here that tho beast
wn* slain un aacotint of tho words uttered
by the horn thnt sprang up, or that the
lulilo and arrogance douutod by that
aymbol woro tho onuso of tho faot that
tiio benst waa put to death. Itia not snid
6,1/ whom tho lionst would bo alain, but the
fair meaning ia, thnt tbe procuring oiuiae
of thnt death would bo the divino judg
ment on aecount of the pride and arro-
gnney of the ' horn' that sprung up in
tlio midat of the othera. If tho 'boost'
repretenta a mighty monnrohy thntwould
exist on the onrtli, nnd tho 'little horn'
a now power that would spring nut of
thnt, tben tho fiilfiliuent ia to oe found
in suoh tt fnet na this — that thia power so
mighty and terrible formerly, nnd that
erushod down the nations, would, under
tho divine Judgment, bo ultimately de
alroyed on account of tho nnturo of tho
nnlhorlty clnimod. Wo nre to look lor
tho aooouiplishmout of this iu somo sueh
atate of things ns that of a new power

304

Deasi, was a slain, and his body de
stroyed, and given to the burning
flame. a Re. 19, 20.
* a prolonging in life wa,s given them.
Bpringing out of an existing dominion,
tbat tbe existing dominion still remains,
but was so much controlled by tbe new
poTrer that it would he necessary to de
stroy the former on account of tbe arro
gance and pride of tbat wbicb sprang
from it. In other words, tbe destruction
of the kingdom represented by the fourth
heast, would be, as a divine judgment, on
account of the arrogancy of that repre
sented by tbe little horn. ^ And kia
body destroyed, Tbat is, there would be
a destruction of tbe kingdom here repre
sented as much as tbere would be of tbe
beast if his body was destroyed. Tbe
power of that kingdom, as sucb, is to
come to an end. f And given to the
burning flame. Consumed. Tbis would
represent, in strong terms, that tbe power
bere symbolized by the beast would be
utterly destroyed. It is not, however,
necessary to suppose that this is to be
the mode in wbich it would be done, or
that it would be by fire. It is to be re
membered tbat all tbis is symbol, and no
one partof the symbol should be taken
literally more than another, nor is it con
gruous to suppose tbere would be a literal
consnmingyire in the case any more tban
that there would be literally a beast, or
ten horns, or a little born. Tbe fair
meaning ia, tbat there would he as real a
destruction as ifit were accomplished hy
fire ; or a destruction of wbich fire would
be the proper emblem. Tbe allusion is here,
probably, to the fact tbat the dead bodies
of nnimals were often consumed by fire.
12. As concerning the rest of tke beaata.
They had been superseded, but not de
stroyed. It would seem that tbey were
still represented in vision to Baniel, as
retaining their existence, though tbeir
power was taken away, and tbeir fierce
ness subdued, or that they still seemed to
remain alive for a time, or while tbe
vision was passing. Tbey were not cut
down, destroyed, and consumed as the
fourth beast was. ^ They had tkeir
dominion taken away. They were super-
Bcded, or tbey no longer exercised power.
Ihey no more appeared, exerting a
«onctol over the nations. They still

DANIEL. [B,C. 56Si
12 As concerning the rest of the
beasts they had their dominion
taken away : yet •* their lives were
prolonged for a eeason and time.

existed, but they were subdued and
quiet. It was possible to discern them,
but tbey no longer acted the conspi
cuous part whicb tbey had done in tho
days of tbeir greatness and grandenr.
Their power had passed away, Thia
cannot be diflScult of interpretation. We
sbould naturally look for tbe fulfilment
of tbis in the fact tbat the nations refe.*Ted
to by these first tbree beasts were still in
being, and could be recognized as na
tions — in their boundaries, or customs, or
languages, but that the p^oioer wbich they
¦had wielded bad passed into otber hands.
^ Yet their lives were prolonged, Marg.,
as in Chald. — *a prolonging in life waa
given them.' That is, tbey were not
utterly destroyed and consumed as tbe
power of the fourth beast was after
the solemn judgment The meaning is,
tbat in these kingdoms there would be
energy for a time. They had life
still, and the difl'erence between them
and tbe kingdom represented by tbe
fourth beast, was that wbich would exist
between wild animals subdued but still
living, and a wild animal killed and
burned. We sbould look for the fulfil
ment of this in some state of things where
tbe kingdoms referred to by the three
beasts were subdued and succeeded by
others, though they still retained some
thing of their national character, while
the other kingdom had no successor of a
civil kind, but where its power wholly
ceased, and the dominion went wholly
into other hands — so tbat it might be
said that tbat kingdom as such had
loholly ceased to he. ^ For a aeaaon and
time. Corap. Notes on ver. 25. Tha
time mentioned here is not definite.
The phrase used — ]y\ ipT-nj — refera to
a definite period, both the^words ia
the original referring to a designated oi
appointed time, though neither of thera
indicates anything about tbe length of
the time, any more than our word tim»
does. Luther renders this, 'for tbere
was a time and an hour appointed to then/
how long each one should continue.*
Grotius explains thia as meaning, 'be
yond the time fixed by God they eoulat

B. C. 555.]

CHAPTER VXI.

305

13 I saw in the night ¦visions,
and, behold, one like the Son of man
came with the clouds of heaven,
• Matt. 24. 30 ; 26. 31 ; 26. 64 ; Ro. 1. 7, 13 ; 14. 14.
not continue.' The true meaning of the
Chaldee is probably this : ' for a time,
even a definite time.' The mind of the
prophet is at first fixed upon the fact that
thoy continue to live; then upon tbe
fact, somehow apparent, tbat it is for a
definite period. Perhaps in the vision
he saw them one after another die or dis
appear. In tbe words bere used, how
ever, tbere is nothing by which we can
determine hmo long they were to con
tinue. The time that the power repre
sented by tbe little horn ia to continue,
ia explained in ver. 25, but there is no
clue by which we can ascertain how long
the exiatence of tbe power repreaented
by tbe first tbree beaata was to continue.
All tbat ia clear ia, that it waa to be
lengthened out for some period, but that
tbat waa a definite and fixed period.
13. / aaw in the night viaiona. Evi
dently in the same night visions, or on
the same occasion, for the visions are
connected. See vs. 1, 7. The meaning
ia, that he continued beholding, or that a
new vision pasaed before him. ^ And,
heJiold, one like the Son of Man, &c. It
is remarkable that Baniel does not at
tempt to represent tbis by any symboL
The representation by symbols ceases
witb the fourth beast, and now tbe de
scription assumes a literal form — the set
ting up of the kingdom of the Messiah
and of tbe saints. Why this change of
form occurs is not atated or known, but
the sacred writers seem carefully to have
avoided any representation of the Mes
siah by symbols. The phrase ' the Son
of Man' — E'jN. 13 — doea not occur elae-
where in tbe Old Testament, in sucb a
oonnection, and with such a reference as
it bas here, though it is often found in
the New, and is, in fact, the favourite
term by wbich the Saviour designates
jbimself. Tn Dan. iii. 25, we bave the i
phrase 'the Son of God,' (see Notes on
that passage,) as applicable to one wbo
appeared with the three 'children' that
were cast into tbe burning furnace, and
in Ezekiel tbe phrase ' Son of Man' often |
occurs as applioable to himself as a pro
phet, being found more than eighty timea
in bis propbeciea, but the expression here]
it*

and »came to the Ancient i> of days,
and they brought him near before
him.

used does not elsewhere occur in tbe Old
Testament as applicable to the personage
intended. As occurring bere, it is im
portant to explain it, not only in view of
tbe events connected with it in the
prophecy, but as having done much to
mould the language of the New Testa
ment. There are three questions in re
gard to its meaning. 'What does it sig
nify? To whom does it refer? And
wbat would be ita proper fulfilment?
(1) The phrase ia more than a mere He
brew or Chaldee expression to denote
man, but is always nsed witb some pecu
liar significancy, and with relation to
some peculiar characteristic of tbe per
son to whom it is applied, or with some
special design. To ascertain tbis de
aign, regard should be had to the ex
pression of tbe original. "'While the
words iyiK and he'n are used simply aa
designations of sex, E'l'jji, which ia etymo
logically akin to E»!|!, is employed with
constant reference to its original mean
ing, to be weak, aick; it is the ethical
designation of man, but Dn(i denotes man
as to his physical, natural condition,
whence the use of the word in sueh pas
sages as Ps. viii. 4; Job xxv. 6, and also
its connection with |2, are satisfactorily
explained. The emphatic address Son
of Man is therefore [in Ezekiel] a con
tinued admonition to tbe prophet to re
member that he is a man like all tbe reat."
Havernick, com. on Ezek. ii. 1, 2, quoted
in the Bibliotheca Sacra, v. 718. The
expression here used is E'l:.!!!. 13, and
would properly refer to man as weak and
feeble, and aa liable to be aick, &e. Ap
plied to any one as 'the Son of Man,' it
would be used to denote that he partook
of the weakness and infirmities of the
race ; and, as the phrase ' Son of Man' ia
used in the New "Testament when applied
by the Saviour to bimself, tbere is an
undoubted reference to this fact — that ho
sustained a peeuliar relation to our race;
that he was in all respects a man ; that
he was one of us ; that he had so taken
our nature on bimself that thero was a
peculiar propriety ' that a tei n wbich

301)

DANIEL.

[B. 0. 655

would at onoe deaignate thia should bo
given to him. Tbe phrase here uaed by
l)aniel wonld denote aome one (a) in tho
human form; (6) aome one aualnining a
peeuliar relation to man — aa if human
nature were embodied in him. (2) Tho
next inquiry hero ia, to whom this refers?
'Who, in faet, waa tho one that wns thua
Been in viaion by the prophet? Or who
was designed to be set forth by this ?
This inquiry is not so much, 'Who did
Daniol suppoae or understand this to
be, as, Who was in faot designed to bo
repreaented? Or in whom would the ful-
filincntbe found? For, on the supposition
that this wns a heavenly vision, it ia clear
that it waa intended to designate somo one
in whom tho complete fulfilment was to be
found. Now, admitting that this was a
heavenly vision, and that it was intended
to represent what would occur in futuro
times, there ore tho clearest reasons for
supposing that the Meaaiah waa referred
to, and indeed this is so plain, that it
may be aasumed aa one of the indiaput-
able things by which to determine tho
character nnd design of the prophecy.
Among thea' reaaona are the follow
ing : (n) The namo itaelf, as a name na-
aumed by the Lord Jeaua — the favourite
name by which ho choae to designate
himaelf when on the earth. This name
bo naed technically; housed it as one
that would be understood tn denote the
Mossinh ; he used it as if it needed no
explanation ns having a reference to tho
Messiah. Butthis usage could have beon
derived only from this passage in Daniel —
for there ia no other place in the Old Tes
tament where the name could refer witb
propriety to the Messiah, or would bo un
deratood to be applicable to him. (i) Thia
interprotation bns been given to it by the
Jewish writers, in general, in all ages.
I refer to thie, not to any that their ex
planation ia authoritative, but to show
that it ia the natural and obvioua mean
ing, ond becauae, ns wo ahall aee, it ia
tbat whieh haa given abapo and forra to
tbe language of tho New Teatainent, and
ia fully annetioned there. Thua in tho
oncient Book of Zohar it is aniil, " In tho
times of the Mesaiab, Israel ahall bo one
people to tho Lord, arid he shall make
th'.m one nation in the earth, and they
¦hall rule above and below; as it is writ
ten, beliold one like the Son of Man oame
aith ihe clouds of heaven ; thie is the king
Meaaiah, of whom it ia written, ani? in the

I daya of theae kings shall the God of /leaem
set vp a kingdom tohioh ahall uo"«r 60 eie.
atroyrd," &a. So in tho Talmua, and ao
the nin,iority of the ancient Jewiah Rnb-
jbine. See Gill, com., in loo. It ia truo
I that thia interpretation haa not been uni
form ainong the Jewiah Iliibbina, but atill
it has prevailed ninong them, na it hn>
araong Chriatian interpretera. (0; A sanc
tion aeema to be given to thia interpreta
tion by the adoption of tbe title ' Sun of
Man' by the Lord Jesua, aa tbat by which
he choae to designate himself. That title
wns sueh as would eonatantly anggest thia
place in Daniel aa referring to himaelf,
and especially na he connected with It the
declaration that ' tbo Son of Man would
come in the clouds of heaven,' Ac. It
wna hardly possible that he should use
tbe title in suoh a connection without
suggesting thia place in Daniel, or with
out lenvlng the impreaaion on the ininda
of hia hearers that he meant to bo under
stood ua applying this to himself, {d) It
may be added, that it cannot with pro
priety be applied to any other. Porphyry,
indeed, auppoaed that Judaa Maccabcua
waa intended; Grotiua thnt it referred to
the Koman people ; Aben Ezra to tho
people of larael ; and Cocceiua to the peo
ple of the Moat High ( Gill) ; but all theso
are unnatural interpretations, and are oon-
trnry to thnt whioh one would obtoin by
allowing the language of the New Teata-
mont lo influence hia mind. Tbo title —
eo often used by the Saviour himself; the
attending circumatancea of the elouda of
heaven; the /i^ace which tbo viaion occu-
pioa — ao immediately preceding tho act-
ting up of the kingdom of tho aainta;
ond tho fact that that kingdom can be
aet up only under the Meaaiah, all point
to him as tho personage represented in
the viaion. (3) But if it refers to the
Meaaiah, the next enquiry ia, 'What ia to
be regarded na tho proper fulfilment of
the viaion? To what prooiaely doea It
relnte ? Are we to auppoae that there
will be ft literal appearing of the Son
of Man — tho Meaaiah — in the elouda of
heaven, nnd a paaalng over of tho kine^
dom in a public and aolemn manner into
the banda of tho sainta? In reply to
these questions, it raay bo remarked,
(n) that this cannot be underatood na re
lating to tho last judgment — for it ia not
introduced with reference to that at oil.
Tho ' Son of Man ' ia not horo repreaootod
as coming with a view to judge th« world

B. C. 655.]

CHAPTER VII.

30J

at the winding up of human affairs, but
for tbe purpose of sotting up a kingdom,
™ procuring o kingdom for his saints.
There is no assembling of tbe people of
the world together; no aetof judging the
righteous and the wicked; no pronounc-
mg of a sentence on either. It ia evident
that the world is to continue much longer
nnder the dominion of the sainta. (i) It
is not to be taken literally ; that ia, we
are not, from this passage, to expect a
literal appearance of the Son of Man in
tbe clouds of heaven, preparatory to the
setting up of the kingdom of the saints.
For if one portion is to be taken lit
erally, there is no reason why all sbould
not be. Tben we are to expect, not
merely tbe appearing of the Son of Man
in tbe clouds, but also tbe following
things, as a part of tbe fulfilment of the
vision, to wit: the literal placing of a
throne, or seat; tbe literal streaming
forth of flame from his throne; tbe literal
oppearing of the 'Ancient of daya,' with
a garment of white, and hair as wool ; a
literal approach of the Son of Man to him
as seated on hia throne to aak of bim a
kingdom, Ac. But no one can believe
that all this is to occur ; no one does
believe tbat it will, (o) The proper in
terpretation ia to regard thia, as it was
Been by Daniel, as a vision — a repreaen
tation of a state of thinga in the world aa
if wbat ia here deacribed wonld occur.
That is, great events were to take place,
of which this would be a proper symboli
cal representation — or as if tbe Son of
Man, the Messiah, would thus appear;
would approach the 'Ancient of days;'
would receive a kingdom, and ffould
make it over to the sainta. Now, there
is no real difficulty in understanding what
is here meant to be taught, and what we
are to expect ; and these points of fact
are the following, viz : — 1. Tbat he who
is here called the ' Ancient of days,' ia
the source of power and dominion. —
2. That there would be some severe ad-
judicotion in tbe power here represented
by tbe beaat, and the horn. 3. Tbat the
kingdom or dominion of tbe world is to
be in faot given to him who is here called
the 'Son of Man' — the Mesaiah — a fact
represented here by bia approaching the
'-•-ncient of days,' and wbo is the source of
all power. 4. That there is to be some
pasaing over of tbe kingdom or power
into the handa of the aainta ; or some set
ting up of a kingdom >n the earth, of

which he is to be the bead, tnd in which
tbe dominion over the world shall be in
fact in tbe hands of his people, and the
lawa of the Messiah everywhere prevau.
'What will be the essential characteristics
of that kingdom we may learn by the ex
position of ver. 14, compared with ver. 27.
1 Came with the elouda of heaven. Tliat
is, he seemed to come down from the sky
encompassed with clouds. So the Saviour,
probably intending to refer to this lan
guage, speaks of himaelf, when he ahall
come to jndge the world, as coming in
clouds, or encompassed by clouds. Matt.
xxiv. 30, xxvi. 64, Mark xiii. 26, xiv. C2.
Comp. Rev. i. 7. Clouds are an appro
priate symbol of the divinity. See Ps.
xcvii. 2, civ. 3. The same symbol was em
ployed by the faeathen, representing their
deities as appearing covered with a cloud ;
Tandem venial, precamur,
Nube candentes bumeroe amictus.
Augur ApoUo.
The allusion in the place before ns, is not
to the last judgment, but to the fact that
a kingdom on the earth would be passed
over into the hands of the Messiah. He
is represented as coming sublimely to the
world and aa receiving a kipgdom that
would aucceed thoae represei ted by the
beasts. ^ And came to the Ancient of
daya, ver. 9. Thia ahows that tbe passage
cannot refer to tbe final judgment. He
comes to the ' Ancient of days' — to God
as the source of power, as if to ask a pe
tition for a kingdom ; not to pronounce a
judgment on mankind. The act here
appropriately denotes that God is the
source of all power ; that all who reign
derive their authority from him, and that
even the Messiah, in setting up his king
dom in the world, receives it at the band
of the Father. This is in accordance
witb all the representations in the New
Testament. We are not to auppose that
thia will occur literally. There la to be
no such literal aitting of one with the
appearance of age — denoted by the ' An
cient of days' — on a throne ; nor ia there
to be any auch literal approaching bim
by one in the form of a man to receive a
kingdom. Sueb paaaagea ahow the ab
surdity of the attompta to interpret the
language of the Scriptures literally. All
that this symbol fairly means must be,
that tbe kingdom that was to be set up un
der the Mesaiah on the earth was received
from God. % And they brought \im neat

SOS

DANIEL.

[B. C. 555

14 And 'I jere was given him do
minion, and glory, and a kingdom,
that all people, nations, and lan
guages should serve him : his do-
•P8.2 6—8; Matt.28.18; Jn.3.35jlCo.l6.27;
Ep. 1.20. 22.
hefore him. Thatia, he was broughtnear
before him. Or, it may mean that hia
attendants brought bim near. All tbat
the language neceasarily implies is, that
he came near to his seat, and received
from bim a kingdom.
14. And there waa given him domin
ion. That is, by bim wbo is repreaented
as the 'Ancient of days.' The fair inter
pretation of thia ia, that he received the
dominion from bim. Thia is the uniform
repreaentation in the New Testament.
Comp. Matt, xxviii. 18; John iii. 35;
1 Cor. XV. 27. The word dominimi here
meana rule or authority — auch as a prince
exercises. He waa aet over a kingdom
as a prince or ruler. ^ Andglory. Tbat
ia, the glory or bonor appropriate to one
at the head of such an empire. ^ And a
kingdom. That is, he would reign. He
would have sovereignty. Tbe nature and
tbe extent of this kingdom is iuimediately
deaignated aa one that would be uni
veraal and perpetual. What ia properly
implied in this language as to the quea
tion whether it will be literal and visible,
will be appropriately conaidered at the
cloae of the verse. All that is necessary
tobe noticed here ia, thatit ia everywhere
promised in the Old Tcatament that the
Meaaiah would be a king, and have a
kingdom. Comp. Pa. ii., lea. ix. 6. 7.
^ That all people, nationa, and languagea
should serve him. It would be univer
sal; would embrace all nationa. Tbe
language bere ia auch aa would emphati
cally denote universality. See Notea on
ch. iii. 4; iv. 1. It implies that that king
dom would extend over all the nations of
the earth, and we are to look for the ful
filment of tbis only in such a universal
reign of the Messiah. ^ His dominion is
an everlaating dominion, Ac. Tbe othera,
represented by tbe four beasts, would all
pass away, bnt tbis would bo permanent
and etemal. Nothing would destroy it.
It would not have, as most kingdoms of
the earth have had, any such internal
weakneas or aource of discord aa would
be the cauae of ita destruction, nor would
there be any external power that would

minion is an everlasting idominion,
which shall not pass away, and hij
kingdom that which shall not «b«
destroyed.

•> Ps. 146. 13.

' He. 12. 28.

invade or overthrow it. Thia declaration
affirma nothing aa to the form in which
the kingdom would exist, but merely aa-
aerts the fact tbat it would do so. Ke-
specting the kingdom of tbe Messiah, to
wbicb this undoubtedly alludes, the same
thing is repeatedly and uniformly aflirmed
in tbe New Testament. Comp. Matt xvi.
18; Heb. xii. 28 ; Rev. xi. 16. The form
and manner in which this will occur, ia
more fully developed in the New Testa
ment; in the vision seen by Daniel the
fact only ia stated.
The queation now ariaea. What would
be a fulfilment of this prediction respect
ing the kingdom that will be given to the
aaints? What, from tbe langnage naed
in the vision, sbould we be legitimately
authorized to expect to take place on the
earth? In regard to these qneatipna,
there are but two viewa whieh can be
taken, and the interpretation of the paa-
sage must sustain the one or tbe otber.
(n) One ia that which suppoaes that thia
will be literally fulfilled in the sense that
tbe Son of God, the Messiah, will reign
personally on ear.b. According to tbis,
be will come to set up a visible and glori
ous kingdom, making Jerusalem hia cap
ital, and swaying his sceptre over the
world. All nationa and people will be
subject to bim ; all authority will be
wielded by bis people under him. (6) Ac
cording to tbe other view, there will be
a spiritual reign of the Son of God over
the earth ; that is, the principles of hia
religion will everj-wbere prevail, and the
rightcoua will rule, and the laws of tbe
Redeemer will be obeyed everywhere.
There will be such aprevalence of his gos
pel on the hearts of all — rulers and peo
ple; the gospel will so modify all laws,
and control all customs, and remove all
abuses, and all tbe forms of evil ; men will
be ao generally under the influence of that
goapel, that it may bc aaid that ht reiguB
on the earth, or that the govemment ac
tually adminiatered is hia.
In regard to these difi'erent viewa, and
to the truo interpretation of the pasaage,
it may be remarked, (1.) that we ar<

B. 0. 555.]

CHAPTEB VI '..

300

16 T I Daniel was grieved in my
ipirit in the midst of «iy" body, and
the visions of my head troubled mo.
16 I caine near unto ono of them
'tluath 2Pe. 1. U.
not to look for the lilm-al fulfilment of
thia; we nre not to expect that wbat ia
horo deacribed will literally occur. The
wholo is evidently a symbolical repreaen-
Uition, and tbe fulfilment is to be found
In aomething that the aymbol would pro
perly denote. No ono can protend that
thero la to bo an actual sitting on tbe
throne, by one in tho form of an old man —
' the Anoient of daya' — or that there ia to
be a literal coming to biin by one 'like
tho Sun of Man,' to receive a kingdom.
But if ono part of tho repreaentation ia
Dot to bo literally interpreted, why should
tho other be ? It may be added, that it
ia nowhere said that this would literally
oocur. (2) All that ia fairly implied
hero ia found in the latter interpreta
tion. Suoh a prevalence of the princi
plea of the gospel, would meet the force
of tho language, and every part of
the viaion would find a real fulfilment in
thnt. (a) '1'he fact that it prooooda from
Ood— ^repreaented aa 'the Ancient of
days.' (4) The faot that it ia given by
hlin, or that the kingdom ia made over
by him to tho Messiah, (o) The fact
thnt tho Measiiih would have auch a king
dom ; that is, that ho would reign on the
earth, in the hearta and lives of mea.
{d) Tho faot that thnt kingdom would bo
universal — extending over all people.
And (d) tho fact that it would be por-
pelunl ; that ia, that it would extend
down to tbo end of timo, or the oonsum-
miitiun of all things bore, and that it
would be then eternal in tbo heavens. For
a very full and ample illustration of thia
paasiigo — ao full and omplo aa to auper-
seilo flio noooasity of any ndditional illua
tration hero, 800 tho notoa on oh. ii. 44, 45.
15. I Daniel was grieved in my apirit.
That ia, I was troubled; or tho heart wns
mado heavy and sad. Thia wna probably
in port booauao he did not fully undor-
Btand the moaning of tho vision, und
partly on account of tho feai-M nnd
momentous nature of that which wii-s in
dien ted by it. So tho npostio John,
(Rev. V. 4), aiiya, " And I wept muoh bo
oauao no man waa found worthy to opon
uid to read tho book." fl In tJie midst of

that stood by, and asked him the
truth of all this. So he told me,
and made mo know the interpreta
tion of tho things.
17 Theso great beasts, whioh are

my body. Marg., aa in tho Chnld., ahealh.
Tho body is undoubtedly referred to, and
ia eo called aa tho envelope of tbe mind
er aa that in which the aoul is inserted, as
tho sword ia in tho sheath, and from
whioh it ia drawn out by death. The
snme metaphor ia employed by Pliny:
Donee orcmato co inimici remeanti animce
velut vaginani adenierint. So, too, a cer
tain philosopher, who waa alighted by
Alexander the Great, on occount of hia
ugly face, ia aaid tu have replied. Corpus
lioniinia nil eat niai vagina gladii, in qua
anima tanquam in vagina reconditur.
Geseniua. Oomp. Lengerke, in loo. Seo
also Job xxvii. 8, "When God taketh
away hia aoul;" or rather drawa out his
aoul, as o aword ia drawn out of tho
aheath. Comp. Notes on that place. See
olao Buxtorf'a Lex. Tal. p. 13U7. Tho
meaning here is plain — that Daniel felt
aad and troubled in mind, ond lhat this
produced a senaible eifect on hia body.
^[ And Ihe viaiona ofmy head troubled me.
'ihe head ia hore regarded as the seat of
the intellect, ond he speaka of these viaiona
OS if they were seen by the head. That
is, tbey aeemed to pass before bia eyea.
I 0. / came near unto one of them that
atood by. Thot ia, to one of the angels
wbo appeared to atand near the throne,
ver. 10. Comp. oh. viii. 13, Zech. iv. 4, 5,
Rev. vii. 13. It was natural for Daniel
tu auppoae that the angela who were aeen
encircling tho throne, would be able to
give him information on the aubject, and
the anawers wbich Daniel reoeived ahow
that ho waa not mietaken in hia expecta
tion. Ood haa often employed ongela to
communicate Important trutha to men, or
has made tbem tbe medium of coinuiuni-
coting hia will. Comp. Kev. i. 1, Acta
vii. 53, Heb. ii. 2. f So he told me, and
made me know the interpretation of tho
thinga. lie explained tho meaning of tbe
aymbola ao that Daniel understood them.
It would seem probable that Daniel has
not recorded aH that tho angels coinmu-
niootod icapooting the viaion, but he has
preaerved so much tbat we may under
stand its general signiflcation.
17. Theae great beaata, whieh are /our.

&10

DANIEL.

[B. C. 6Sfi.

four, are four kings, wJiieh shall possess the kingdom i> for over, ovoa
 '.  i. .. I* xl.  ..ll- 2*..u n».>» n(^i4 n\mt<

arise out ofthe earth.
18 But tho saints of the

'Most

10 ii\n tno saints oi tne 'jjiobi is/ xnuii j viuum ain.n mc muu
High shall take tho kiiijjidoin, and of tho fourth boast, which was di

a High imes, I. o. tilings or placa. llji. 1.
ore four kings. Four kings or four dy-
EnatioB. There ia no reaaon for auppoi-
iiig thot thoy refer to indiviilual kinga,
but tlie obvioua meaning la, that they re
fer to four dominiona or enipirva thnt
would aucceed one another on tho earth.
Bo tho whole reproaontation leoda ua to
suppoae, and ao the pnsaoge hna been al
waya interpreted. Tho Lntln vulgate
roniliTB it regna; tho Sept. /I/uoiXEioi ;
Liiihcr, Reiche, Lengerke, Konlgreichc.
Thia Interprotation is confirmed, alao, by
vor. 23, whero it ia cxpreaaly said that
'the fourth boaat ahall be tho fourth
kingdom upon earth.' Soo alao ver. 24.
% Which ahall arise out of the cnrih. In
ver, 2 the beaata are represented oa com
ing up f^om tho aea — the emblem of agi
tated nations. Hero the same idea ia
presented moro literally — that thoy would
Boem to apring up uut of tho eorth, thua
thrown into wild commotion. Theae dy-
nostiee woro to bo upon tho earth, nnd
they wero in all things to indicate their
earthly origin. Perhapa, iiIho, it is de-
eigned by thoae worda to denote a marked
eontrnat between theae four dynnetlea,
and the one thot would follow — which
would bo of heavenly origin. Thia waa
tho general intimation which waa given
to tho meaning of the vision, and ho woa
snliaflcd ot once as to tho explanation, eo
far aa the firat throe woro ounoerneil, but
the fourth acenied to indicate more inya-
teriouB und iraportant evente, und ro-
epecting thia he wna induced tu ask a
moro pnrtioulnr explnnatlon.
18. But the aainla of Ihe Moat High
ahall lake the kingdom. That In, they
ahall ultimately take poaacsslon of Ihe
rule over oil tho world, aid ahall control
it from thot timo onward to the end.
'Thia ia tho grand thing which tbo vieion
ia deelgncd to diaclose, ond un thia It waa
evidently the intentiun to flx tho mind.
Evory thing before was preparatory and
Buoordinate to thin, nnd to thia all thinga
tended. Tho phraae rendered the Moat
High- -in tho margin 'high onea, i. e.
tilings or placet' — IV*?!!, — la in tho plural
¦umber, and monna literaiy high ones,

for over and over.
19 Then I would know the truth

'¦110.3. 21.

but there can be no doubt thnt it refert
here to (lod, and la given to him na tha
word Elohim is (Oen. i. 1, ct tae.), to de
noto mnjcaty or honor — pturatia crcellcn-
ti'n'. The word rendered «aiii(« mennB
the holy, and tho reference la undoubtedly
to the people of God on the earth, meau
ing here tbat they would toko poaacaalon
of tho kingdom, or that they would rule.
When true religion ahall ovorywhoro pro-
vail, nnd whon nil ofilooa ehall bo in tho
hnnda of good mon — of men that fear Ood
ond that keep hls coininundmcnts — in
atead of being in tho handa of bad men
ns tbey gcnernlly have been, thon thia
prediction will be aocompliehed in reapoot
tu all that is fairly implied in it. ^ And
pttaacaa the kingdom for ert' r, even for ever
and corr. Thia is a atrong and ouipholie
doclnrotlon, aflirming thnt this dominion
will bo perpetual. It will not pnaaawny,
like tho olher kingdoina, to be suooeedod by
another one. 'What la hero aflirmed, ns
above remarked, will bo truo if such n
reign abuuld cuntinuo on earth to the
winding up of all thinga, nnd should then
be aucceeded by nn eternal rolgn of holi
nesa in tho lieavena. II ia notneceaaary
to interpret thia ae mruning that thero
would bo literally nn eternal kingdom on
thia onrth — fur It la oveiywhoro Inughl In
tho Scripturea thot tho preaent order of
things will comc to o cloae. But il doea
aeem necoscary to undorHlnnd this ua
teaching that there will be u atote of pre
valent rightooUHnean on tho earlh here-
ol'tcr, and that whon thot ia introduced it
will contihuo to the end of timo.
111. 77icn / ii)oii/i/ know the truth of the
fourth beast. I deaired to know purlirii-
lurly what waa flymbollzed by thot. Jlo
appears to have been aotiaflod with tho
moat general inliiniitlonB in regord to tbo
firat three beaata, for Ihc kingdome repro-
Bentod by them Bccmod lo bavo nothing
very remarkable. But It wae ilifl'cront In
regard to tho fourth. Tho benat liaolf
waa ao rcmaiknblo — so flerce nnd terrlfle |
tho number uf the horna waa an great;
tho springing up uf the littio horn wna ae
surpriaing; tho cliaracter uf that hom

B. 0. 555.]

tilAPTER VII,

311

verso from all » the othors, exceeding
dreadful, whose teeth were of iron,
and his nails of brass ; which de
voured, brake in pieces, and stamped
tbe residue with his feet ;
20 And of the ten horns that were
iu his head, and of the other which
came up, and before whom three
» Those.
was 80 unusual ; the judgment passed on
It was so solemn ; ond the vision of one
like tbo Son of Man coming to take
possession of the kingdom — all theso
things were of ao fearful, and .so uncom
mon a character, thot the mind of Daniel
was peculiarly affected in view of them,
and ho sought earnestly for a further ex
planation. In the description that Dan-
iei here gives of the beast and the horns,
he refers in the main to the same circum-
Etancea whieh he had before deacribed,
but be adds a few whicb he bad before
omitted, all tending to impress the mind
more deeply with tbe fearful character,
ond tbe momentous import of the vision
— as for instance, the fact that it bad nails
of braas, and made war with the saints.
fl' Which waa diverae from all the othera.
Different in its form and character : — so
different as to attract particular attention,
and to leave the impression that some
thing very peculiar and reraarkable was
denoted by it. Notos ver. 7. I^ Exceed
ing dreadful. Notea ver. 7. ^ And hia
nails of brass. Tbis oircumatance is not
mentioned in the first statement, ver. 7.
It accords well with the other port of the
description that his teeth were of iron,
and ia deaigned to denoto the fearful and
terrific character of the kingdom, aym
bolized by tbe beast. % Which devoured,
Ao. See Notes on ver. 7.
20. And of the ten horna, Ac. See
Notes on va. 7, 8. % Whoae look was
more atout than hia fellowa. Literally,
•whose aspect was greater than thatof
its companions.' This does not mean
that ita took or aspect was more fierce or
aevere than that of the others, but that
tho appearance of the horns vmsgrealer —
31. In ver. 8, thia is described as a ' little
horn,' ond to understand this, and recon-
eile tho two, wo must suppose that the
Boer watched this as it grew until it be
came the largest of the number. Three
foU before it, ond it outgrew in size oil

fell ; even o/'that horn that had eyes,
and a mouth that spake very great
things, whose look was more stout
than his fellowa.
21 I beheld, and ¦¦ the same horn
made war with the saints, and pre
vailed against them ;
22 Until the Ancient of dayt
b Bo. 13. 7, Ste.
the others until it became the most pro
minent. This would clearly denote tbat
the kingdom or the authority referred to
by this eleventh burn would be more dis
tinct and prominent thon either of the
others — would become so conspicuous and
important as in fact to concentrate and
embody all tho power of the beast.
21. / beheld, and the aame horn made
xoar with the aainta. I continued to look
on this until I saw war made by thia horn
with the people of God. This circum
stance, also, is not referred to in the flrst
description, and the order of time in the
description would seem to imply that the
war with tbe saints would be at a conai
derable period after the first appearance
of the horn — or would bo only when it
bad grown to its great size and power.
This ' war' might refer to open hostilities,
carried on in the usual manner of war ;
or to persecution, or to any invasion
of the rights and privileges of others.
As it is a 'war with the aainta' it would
be most natural to refer it to persecution.
^ And prevailed againat them. That is,
he overcame and subdued tbem. He was
stronger than they were, and they were
not able to resist him. The same eventa
ore evidently referred to, and in almost
similar language — borrowed probably
from Daniel — in Rev. xiii. 5 — 7 : " And
tbere was given bim a mouth speaking
great things and blasphemies, and power
waa given unto him to continue forty and
two months. And he opened his meuth
in blasphemy against God, to blaspheme
his name, and hia tabernacle, ond them
that dwell in heaven. And it waa given
bim to make war with the saints, and to
overcome them : and power was given
him over .ill kindreds, and tongues, and
nations." 22. Until the Ancient of days came.
Notes vor. 9. That is, this was to occur
after the horn grew to its full size ; and
i^er the war was made with the aainta

312

DANIEL,

[B. C. 555,

came, and judgment was given to
Jhe saints of the Most High ; and
(he time came that the saints pos-
Eessed the kingdom.
23 Thus he said. The fourth beast
shall be the fourth kingdom upon
and they had been overcome. It doea
not affirm tbat this would occur imme
diately, but that at aome subsequent pe
riod the Ancient of days would come,
and would set up a kingdom on the earth,
or would make over the kingdom to the
Baints. Thero would be as real a trans
fer and as actual a setting up of a pecu
liar kingdom, aa if Ood bimself should
oppear on the earth, and should publicly
make over the dominion to them. H And
judgment waa given to the aainta of the
Moat High. That is, there was a aolemn
act of judgment in the case by which the
kingdom was given to tbeir hands. It
was as real a transfer aa if tbere had beeu
a judgment pronounced on the beast, and
he bad been condemned and overthrown,
aud as if the dominion which he once
had should be made over to the servants
of the Most High. ^ And the time came
that th.e aaints posaeased the kingdom.
Tha^ they ruled on the earth ; tbat good
men made and administered the laws ;
tha* theprinciples ofreligion prevailed —
inflv.encing tbe hearts of all men, and
cau<$ing righteoiisness and justice to be
dore. The universal prevalence of true
ri^rgion — in controlling the hearts and
liv ?s of men, and disposing them to do
what in all circumstances ought to be
d'ine, would be a complete fulfilment of
»U that is here said. Thus far the de
acription of what Daniel saw, of which he
was 80 desirous to obtain an explanation.
The explanation follows, and embraces
the remainder of the chapter.
23 — 27. Thus he said, &,e. That is, in
explanation of the fourth symbol which
appeared — the fourth beast, and of the
events connected with his ¦ appearing.
This explanation embraces tbe remainder
of tho chapter, and aa the whole subject
appc2jed difficult and momentous to Da
niel before the explanation, so it may be
Bald to be in many respects difficult, and
in all reepects momentous still. It is
a question on wbich expositors of the
Scriptures are by no means agreed, to
what it refers, and whether it haa been
already accomplished, or whether it ex-

earth, which shall be diverse from
all kingdoms, and shall devour thp
whole earth, and shall tread it down,
and break it in pieces.
24 And the ten horns out of this
kingdom are ten kinga that shall
tends still into tbe future ; and it is of im
portance, therefore, to determine if pos
sible, what is its true meaning. The two
points of inquiry which are properly be
fore us are, first. What do tbe words of
explanation as used by the angel, fairly
imply ; that is, what, according to tbe
fair interpretation of these words, would
be tbe course of events referred to, or
what sbould we naturally expect to find
as actually occurring on the earth in the
fulfilment of this ; and secondly. To what
events the prophecy is actually to be ap
plied — whether to what bas already oc
curred, or what is yet to occur ; whether
we can flnd anything in what is now past
which would be an accomplishment of
tfais, or whether it is to be applied to
events a part of which are yet future.
This will lead us into a statement of the
points wbich it ia affirmed would occur in
regard to tbis kingdom; and then into an
inquiry respecting the application.
I. What is fairly implied in the expla.
nation of the angel. This would em
brace the folluwing points :
(1) There was to be a fourth kingdom
on tbe earth : — the fourth beast shall be the
fourth kingdom upon earth, ver. 23.
Tbis was to aucceed the other three, sym
bolized by tho lion, tbe bear, and the leo
pard. No furtber reference is made to
them, but the characteristics of this are
fully stated. Those characteristics, which
have been explained in the Notes on ver.
7, are, as here repeated, (o) that it would
be in important respects different from
tbe others; (i) that it would devour or
subdue tho whole earth; (c) that it would
tread it down, and break it in pieces; —
tbat is, it would be a universal dynasty,
of a fierce and warlike cbaracter, tbat
would keep the whole world subdued and
subject by power.
(2) Out of thia sovereignty or domin
ion, ten powers would arise (ver. 24):
and the ten hums out of this kingdom are
ten kings tbat ahall ariae. Comp. Notea
on ver. 7. That is, they would spring
out of this one dominion, or it would be
broken up into these minor sovereignties,

B, C. 555.]

CHAPTER VII.

313

arise: and another shall rise after I 25 And he shall speak great
them ; and he shall be diverse from I words against the Most High, and
the first, and he shall subdue three | shall wear out the saints of the Most
kings. I High, and think to change times

yet all manifes'Jy springing from the one
kingdom, and wielding tbe same power.
We would not naturally look for the ful
filment of thin in a aucceaaion of kings —
for tbat would have been aymbolized by
tbe beast itself representing the entire
dominion or dynasty, but rather to a
number of contemporaneous powers tbat
had somehow sprung out of tbe one
power, or that now possessed and wielded
the power of tbat one dominion. If the
kingdom here referred to should be broken
up into such a number of powers, or if in
any way these powers became possessed
of this authority, and wielded it, such a
fact would expreaa what we are to expect
to find in thia kingdom.
(3) From the midst of these sovereign
ties or kingdoms there was to spring up
another one of peculiar characteristics,
va. 24, 25. Theae characteriatica are the
following : (a) That it would spring out
of the ethers, or be, as it were, one form
of the administration uf the aame power —
OS the eleventh born sprang from tbe
same source as the ten, and we are, there
fore, to look for the exercise of tbis power
somehow in connection with the same
kingdom or dynasty. (6) This would not
spring up contemporaneously with the
ten, but wonld ' after them' — and we are
to look for this power as in some sense
aucceeding tbem. (c) It would be small
at flrst — OS was tbe born (ver. 8), and
we are to look for the fulfilment in some
power tbat woiild be feeble at first, (d) It
would grow to be a mighty power — for
tbe little bom became so powerful as to
pluck up three of the others (ver. 8),
and it is said in the explanation (ver.
24), that 'he would subdue three of
the kings.' (e) It would subdue 'three
kings ;' thnt is, three of the ten, and
we are to look for the fulfilment in some
manifestation of that power by which,
either literally three of them were over
thrown, or by wbich about one-third of
their power waa taken away. The
mention of tbe exact number oi 'three,'
however, would rather seem to imply tbat
we are to expect some such exact fulfil
ment, or some prostration of three sove
reignties ^y the new power that wiuld
27

ariae. (/) It would be proud, and am
bitious, and particularly arrogant against
God : — ' and he ahall apeak great words
against the Most High,' ver. 25. Tbe
Chaldee here rendered againat — "ij'p —
means, literally, at, or againat th,e part
o/i£, andthen againat. 'Vulg. Contra. Gr.
Tpo'j. This would be fulfilled in one who
would blaspheme God directly; or who
would be rebellious against bis govern
ment and authority ; or who would com
plain of his. administration and laws; or
who would give utterance to harsh and
reproachful words against his real claims.
It would find a fulfilment obviously in
an open opposer of the claims and tbe
authority of the true Ged; or in one the
whole spirit and bearing of whoae pre
tensions might be fairly construed as in
fact an utterance of great words against
him. (g) This would be a persecuting
power : — ' and ahall wear out the aaints of
the Most High,' ver. 25. That is, it would
be characterized by a persecution of the
real saints — of those who were truly
the friends of God, and who served him.
(A) It would claim legislative power, the
power of changing established customs
and laws : — ' and think to change times and
lawa,' ver. 25. The word rendered think —
13P — means more properly to hope ; and
tbe idea bere is, thot he hopes and trusta
to be able to change times and laws.
"Vulg., Putabit quod poaait mutare tem,
pora, &e. The state of mind here re
ferred to would be that of one who would
deaire to produce changes in regard to
the times and laws referred to, and who
would hope tbat he would be able to
effect it. If there was a atrong wiah to
do this, and if there was a belief tbat
in any way he could bring it about,
it would meet wbat is implied in the
use of the word here. There would
be the exercise of some kind of authority
in regard to existing times for festirala,
or other occasions, and to existing laws,
and there would be a purpose so to
change tbem as to accomplish bis own
ends. The word timea — |i:ffl — would
seem to refer properly to some stated or
designated timea — as timea appointed for

314 DANIEL.
and laws : and they shall be given

[B. C, 565.

festivals, &c. Gesenius, 'time, specially
an appointed time, season.' Eccl. iii. 1 j
Keh. ii. 6 ; Esther ix. 27, 31. Lengerke
renders the word Fest-Zeiten—' fe^tiYsl
times,' and explains it as meaning the
holy times, festival daya, Lev. xxiii. 2, 4,
Z*i, 44. The allusion is, undoubtedly, to
such periods set apart as festivals or
fasts — seasons consecrated to the services
of religion ) and the kind of jurisdiction
which the power here referred to would
hope and desire to set up would be to have
control of these periods, and bo to change
and alter them as to accomplish his own
purposes — either by abolishing those in
existence, or by substituting others in
their place. At all times these seasons
have had a direct connection with the
state and progress ofreligion, and he who
has power over them, either to abolish
existing festivals, or to substitute others
in their places, or to appoint new festi
vals, has an important control over tbe
whole subject of religion, and over a na
tion. The word rendered laioa here —
nn — while itmight refer to any law, would
more properly designate laws pertaining
to religion. See Dan. vi. 6, 9, 13; Ezra
fli. 12, 21. So Lengerke explains it as
referring to tho laws of religion, or to
religion. The kind of jurisdiction, there
fore, referred to in this place, would be
that which would pertain to tbe laws and
institutions of religion; it would be a
purpose to obtain the control of tfaese; it
would be a claim of right to abolish such
as existed, and to institute new ones; it
would be a determination to exert this
power in such a way as to promote its
own ends, (i) It would continue for a
definite period: — and they shall be given
into kia handa until a time ond timea and
the dividing of a time, ver. 25. Th^y ; tbat
is, either those laws, or the people, the
powers referred to. Maurer refers this
to the 'saints of the Most High,* as
meaning that they would be delivered
into his hands. Though this is not de
signated expressly, yet perhaps it is
the most natural construction, as mean
ing that he would have jurisdiction over
the saints during this period, and if so,
then the meaning is, tbat he would have
ftbsoluto control over them, or set up a
dominion over them, for the time speci-

into his hands antil a time jaid times
and the dividing of time.

fied- — the time, and times, <fcc. In re
gard to this expression *a time and
times,' &c., it is unnecessary to say thai
there has been great diversity of opinion
among expositors, and that many of the
controversies in respect to future events
turn on the sense attached to this and to
the similar expressions which ocenr in
the book of Eevelation. The first and
main inquiry pertains, of course, to its
literal and proper signification. The
word used here rendered tijnej timea, time —
X^P X'yjV. — is a word which, in itself, would
no more designate any definite and fixed
period than our word time does. See
ch. ii. 8, 9, 21, iii. 5, 15, iv. 16, 23,25, 32,
vii. 12. In some of these instances, the
period actually referred to was a year, .
(ch. iy. 16, 23), but this is not necessarily
implied in the word used, but the limita
tion is demanded by the circumstances
of the case. So far as the word is con
cerned, it would denote a day, a week, a
month, a year, or a larger or smaller
division of time, and the period actually
intended to be designated must be de
termined from the connection. The
Latin Vulgate is indefinite — ad tempua;
so the Greek, Z&jj Kaipov\ so the Syriac,
and so Luther— einc Zeit, and so Len
gerke, eine Zeit, The phrase * for a
time,' expresses accurately the meaning
of the original word. The word rendered
* timea* is the same word in the plural,
though evidently with a dual significa
tion, Gesenius, Lex. Lengerke, in loc,
Tho obvious meaning is two such times
as is designated by the former time. The
phrase 'and the dividing of a time,*
raeans clearly half of such a period.
Thus, if the period denoted by a ' time'
here be a year, the whole period would
be three years and a half. Designations
of time like this, or of this same period,
occur several times in the prophecies
(Daniel and Revelation), and on their
meaning much depends in regard to th€
interpretation of the prophecies pertain
ing to the future. This period of three
years and a half equals forty-two months,
or twelve hundred and sixty days — the
periods mentioned in Eev. xi. 2, xii. 6,
and on which so much depends in the in
terpretation of that book. The only
question of importance in regard to the

B. C. 555.]

CHAPTER Vll.

316

26 But the judgment shall sit, and they shall take away his dorainion.

period of timo here designated ia, whether
thia is to be taken literally to denote
three years and a half, or whether a sym
bolical method is to be adopted, by
making each one of tbe days represent
a year, thus making the time referred
to, in fact, twelve hundred and sixty
years. On tbis question expositors are
divided, and probably will continue to be,
and according aa one or the other view is
adopted they refer the events here to An-
tiochns Epiphanes, or to the Papal power ;
or perhaps it should be said more accu
rately, according as tbey are disposed to
refer the events here to Antiochus or to
tbe Papacy, do they embrace one or the
other method of interpretation in regard
to tbe meaning of the days. At this
point in the examination of tbe passage,
the only object is to look at it exegetically ;
to examine it aa language apart from tbe
application, or unbiassed by any purpose of
application ; and though absolute certainty
eannot perhaps bo obtained, yet the fol
lowing may be regarded as exegetically
probable : — (1) The word time may be
viewed as^ denoting a year ; I mean a
year rather than a week, a month, or any
other period — because a year is a more
marked and important portion of time,
and because a day, a week, a month, is so
abort that it canuot be reaaonably sup
posed tbat it is intended. As there is no
larger natural period than a year — no
cycle in nature tbat ia so marked and ob
vious as to be properly suggested by the
word time, it cannot be supposed that any
BUch cycle is intended. And as there is so
much particularity in tbe langnage used
here, ' a time, and times, and half a time,'
it is to be presumed that some definite
and marked period is intended, and that
it is not time in general. It may be pre
sumed, tberefore, that in some sense of
tbe term, the period of a year ia referred
to. (2) The language dues not forbid
the application to a literal year, and then
the actual time designated would be tbree
yeara and a half. No laws of exegesis ;
nothing in tho language itself could be
regarded as violated, if such an interpre
tation were given to the language, and so
far as thia point is coneerned, there would
be no room for debate. (3) Tbe same
remark may be made as to the symbolical
application of the language — taking it for
• maot longer period than literally tbree

years and a half; that is, regarding each
day as standing for a year, and thua con-
aidoring it as denoting twelve bundred
and si.\ty years. This could not be shown
to be a violation of prophetio usage, or to
be forbidden by the nature of prophetio
language, because nothing is more eom
mon tban symbols, and because there are
actual instances in which sucb an inter
pretation must be underatood. Thus iu
Ezekiel iv. 6, where the prophet was com
manded to lie upon hia right side forty
days, it is expressly said that it was sym
bolical or emblematical: "I have ap
pointed thee each day for a year." No
one ean doubt tbat it would be strictly
consistent with prophetic usage, to sup
pose that the time here might be symboli
cal, and tbat a longer time might be re
ferred to tban tbe literal interpretation
would require. (4) It may be added that
there are some circumstances, even con
sidering the passage with reference only
to the interpretation of the language, and
with no view to the question of its appli
cation, which would make tbis appear
probable. Araong these circumstances
are the following : (a) The fact that, in
tbe prophecies, it is unusual to designate
tbe time literally. Very few inatancea
can be referred to in which thia ia done.
It is commonly by some aymbol; some
m.ark; some peculiarity of tbe time or
age referred to, tbat the designation is
made, or by some symbol that may be
understood when the event has occurred.
(b) Thia designation of time occurs in
the midst of aymbola — where all ia sym
bol — tbe beasts, the horns, the little
horn, Ac, — -and it would seem to be
much more probable that such a method
would be adopted as designating the time
referred to than a literal method, (c) It
is quite apparent on the mere perusal of
tbe passage here that the events do ac
tually extend far into the future — far be
yond what would be denoted by the brief
period of three and a half years. Thia
will be considered more fully in another
place in the inquiry as to the meaning
of these prophecies.
(4) A fourth point in the explanation
given by the interpreter to Daniel is, tbac
tbere would be a solemn judgment in re
gard to this power, and tbat tbe df aiin-
ion conceded to it over the saints- ibr a
time would be utterly taken away, aud

DANIEL.

[B. C. 555.

to couv u Uv il d x> at-5troy it unto
the enu.
27 And tlie kingCobi o-iJ domin-

a dominions shall serve and obey
him. 28 Hitherto is the end of the mat

ion, and the greatness Oi tfa. king- ter. As for me, Daniel, my cogita^
dom under the whole heaven, chall tions much troubled me, and my
be given to the people of the gai^jts : countenance changed in me : but I
of the Most High, whose kinj;dt.m [kept tbe matter in my heart.
18 an everiasting kingdom, and ail { » or, rulers.

the power itself destroyed : — hut the judg
ment ahall sit, and they ahall take away
his dominion, to consume, artd to destroy
it unto the end, ver. 26. That is, it
shall be taken away ; it shall come en
tirely to au end- The interpreter does
not say bi/ wkom this wonld be done, bnt
be asserts the fact, and tbat the destruc
tion of the dominion would be final.
That is, it would entirely and forever
cease. This would be done by an act of
divine judgment, or as if a solemn judg
ment should be held, and a sentence pro-
'' nounced. It would be as manifestly an
'"'¦ act of God as if he should sit as a judge,
r and pronounce sentence. See Notes on
vs. 9— n.
(5) And a fifth point in tbe explana
tion of the interpreter is, that the domin
ion under the whole heaven would be
given to the saints of tbe Most High, and
that all nations shonld serve him ; that
is, tbat there would be a universal preva
lence of righteousness on the earth, and
that God would reign in the hearts and
lives of men, (ver. 27.) See Notes on vs.
13, 14.
28- Hitherto is the end of the maiter.
That is, the end of what I saw and heard.
This is the sum of wbat was dipclosed to
the prophet, bnt he still says that be
meditated on it with profound interest,
and that he bad mnch solicitude in regard
to these great events. The words ren
dered hitherto, mean, so far, or thua far.
The phrase 'end of tbe matter,* means
' the close of the saying a thing ;' that is,
this was all the revelation whieh was
made to bim, and he was left to his own
meditations respecting it. ^ As for me
Danici. So far as I was concemed; or
so far as this had any effect on me. It
was not unnatural, at tbe close of tbis
remarkable vision, to state the efiect that
it had oo himself. ^ My cogitations much
troubled me. My thoughts in regard to
it. It was a subject which he conld not
avoid reflecting on, and which could not

but produce deep solicitude in regard to
tlid events which jrere to occur. TSTjo
ecuVJ look into the future without anz-
ionsand .ij;itating thought? These events
were such xs to engage the profoundest
attention ; ^uoh as to fix tfae mind in so
lemn thougLJL Comp. Notes on Eev.
v. 4, ^ And »,.»/ countenance changed in
me. The efi'ect J\ these revelations de
picted themselves on my conntenance.
Tbe prophet does loi say in wbat way —
whether by makinj^ \jm pale, or care
worn, or anxious, bat ^lerely that it pro
duced a change in his a/t^earance. The
Chaldee is brightness — \\ - -and the mean
ing would seem to be that his bright and
cheerful countenance was changed; that
is, that his bright looks wtrc changed,
either by becoming pale {Gea^n'vs, Len
gerke), or by becoming ser^oag and
thongfatfuL f But I kept the n.a,ler in
my heart. I communicated to no i.ne tbe
canse of my deep and anxious thoughts.
He hid tbe wbole subject in his own
mind, until he thought proper to m^ke
this record of what he had seen and hearX
Perhaps there was no one to whom be
could communicate the matter wbo would
credit it: perhaps tbere was no one at
court wbo would sympathize witb faim;
perhaps be thought that it might savour
of vanity if it were known ; perhaps fae
felt that as no one conld throw any new
light on the subject there would be no
use in making It a subject of conversa
tion ; perhaps he felt so overpowered thai
he could not readily converse on it
We are prepared now, having gone
through with au exposition of this chap
ter, as to the meaning of the symboU,
the words, and the phrases, to endeavor
to ascertain what events are referred to
in this remarkable prophecy, and to ask
, what events it was designed should bt
portrayed. And in reference to this there
are but two opinions, or two classes of in
terpretations, that require notice — tfaat
I wfaich refers it primarily and exclusively

B. C. 555.J

CHAPTER VII.

317

to Antiochus Epiphanes, and that which
refers it to the rise and character of the
Papal power; tbat wbich regards the
fourth beast as referring to tbo empire
of Alexander, ond the little horn to
Antiochus, and that which regards tho
fourth beast as referring to the Ro
man empire, and tbe little born to the
Papal dominion. In inquiring wbich of
these is tbe true interpretation, it will
be proper, tirst, to consider whether it is
appUcable to Antiochus Epiphanes; se
cond, whether it in fact finds a fulfilment
in the Roman erapire and the Papacy;
and, third, if such is the proper applica
tion, whatare we to look for in the future
in wbat remains unfulfilled in regard to
the prophecy.
I. The question whether it is applica
ble to the case of Antiochus Epiphanes.
A large class of interpreters of the most
respectable cbaracter, among whom are
Lengerke, Maurer, Prof. Stuart (Hints on
the Interpretation of Prophecy, p. 86,
aeq ; also Com. on Daniel, pp. 205 — 211,)
Eichhorn, Bertholdt, Bleek, and mnny oth
ers, suppose tbat the allusion to Antiochus
is clear, and tbat the primary, if not tbe
exclusive, reference to the prophecy is to
him. Prof. Sinart (Hints, p. 86) says,
" The passage in Dan. vii. 25 is so clear
as to leave no reasonable room for doubt.
In vs. 8, 20, 24, the rise of Antiochus
Epiphanes is described; for the fourth
beast is beyond all reasonable doubt tbe
divided Grecian dominion which suc
ceeded the reign of Alexander the Great.
From this dynasty springs Antiochus, vs.
8, 26, who is most graphically described
in ver. 25 " as one who shall speak great
words against the Most High," Ac.
The/ac<« in regard to Antiochus, so far
as they are necessary to be known in the
inquiry, are briefly these : Antiochus Epi
phanes {the Illuatrioua, a name taken on
himself, Prideaux, III. 213), was the son
of Antiochus the Great, but succeeded
bis brother, Seleucus Philopator, wbo
died B. C. 176. Antiochus reigned over|
Syria, the capitol of which was Antioch, '
on tho Orontes, from B. C. 176 to B. C.
164. His character, as that of a cruel
tyrant, and a most blood-thirsty and bit
ter enemy of tbe Jews, is fully detailed
In the first and second Book of Macca
bees. Comp. also Prideaux, Con. Vol.
[II. 213--234. The facts in tbe case
of Antiodius, so far as tbey are sup
posed to bear on the application of the'
27 »

prophecy before us, are thus stated by
Prof. Stuart (Hints on the Interpretation
of Prophecy, pp. 89, 90) : " In the year
168 before Christ, in the month of May,
Antiochus Epiphanes was on his way tv
attack Egypt, and he detached Apol.
lonius, one of his military confidents,
with 22,000 soldiers, in order to subdue
and plunder Jerusalem. The mission was
executed with entire success. A terrible
slaughter was made of tbe men at Jerusa
lem, and a large portion of the women and
children being made captives, were sold
and treated as slaves. The services of
tho temple were interrupted, and its joy
ful feasts were turned into mourning.
1 Mac. i. 37—39. Soon after tbis the
Jews in general were compelled to cat
swine's flesh, and to sacrifice to idols. In
December of that same year, the temple
was profaned by introducing tbe statue
of Jupiter Olympius ; and on the 25th of
that month sacrifices were offered to that
idol on tbe altar of Jehovah. Just three
years after this last event, viz. Dec. 25,
165 B. C. the temple was expurgated by
Judas Maccabeus, and tbe worship of
Jehovah was restored. Thus three yeare
and a half, or almost exactly tbis period,
passed away, while Antiochus had com
plete possession and control of every
thing in and around Jerusalem and the
temple. It may be noted, also, tbat just
three years passed, from the time when
the profanation of the temple was carried
to its greatest height, viz., by sacrificing
to the statue of Jupiter Olympius on the
altar of Jehovah, down to the time when
Judas renewed the regular worship. I
mention this last circumstance in order
to account for the three yeara of Antio
chus' profanations, which are named as
the period of them in Josephus, Ant. xii.
7, g 6. This period tallies exactly with
the time during which the profanation as
consummated was carried on, if we reckon
down to the period when the temple wor
ship was restored by Judas Maccabeus.
But in Proem, ad Bell. Jud. § 7, and Bell.
Jud. L. 1, 2 1, Josephus reckons 3i
years as the period during which Antio
chus ravaged Jerusalem and Jud.->h."
In regard to this stntement, while t'ne
general facts are correct, there are somo
additional statements whicb should be
made, to determine as to its real bearing
on tbe case. The act of detaching Apollo
nius to attack Jerusalem was nn^, as is
stated in this extract when Aniiiochuf

318

DANIEL.

[B. C. 555.

was on his way to Egypt, but was on his
retnm from Egypt, and was just two years
after Jerusalem had been taken by Anti
ochus. Prideaux, III. 239. The occaaion
of his detaching Apollonius, was that
Anticchus was enraged because be had
been defeated in Egypt by the Romans,
and resolved to vent all bis wrath upon
the Jews, who, at that time, had given
him no particular offence. Wben, two
years before, Antiochus bad himself taken
Jerusalem, he slew forty thousand per
sons; he took as many captives, and sold
them for slaves ; be forced himself into
the temple, and entered the most boly
place ; be caused a great sow to be offered
on tbe altar of burnt-offering, to show his
contempt for tbe temple and the Jewish
religion ; he sprinkled the broth over
every part of the temple for the purpose
of polluting it; be plundered the temple
of tbe altar of incense, the shew-bread
table, and the golden candlestick, and
then retnrned to Antioch, having ap
pointed Philip, a Phrygian, a man of a
cruel and barbarous temper, to be gov
ernor of the Jews. Prideaux, iii. 231.
When Apollonius again attacked the city,
two years afterwards, be waited quietly
until the Ssbbath, and then made his as
sault. He filled the city with blood, set
it on fire, demolished the bouses, pulled
d.'^wn the walls, built a strong fortress
over against the temple, from wbich the
garrison could fall on all who should at
tempt to go to worship. From this time
'the temple became deserted, and the
dally sacrifices were omitted,' until the
eerv'ce was restored by Judas Maccabeus,
tbrei years and a half after. The time
during which tbis continued was, in fact,
just three years and a half, until Jnda£
Maccabeiw succeeded in expelling tbe
heathen from the temple and from Jeru
salem, whin the temple was purified, and
was solemnly reconsecrated to the wor
ship of God. See Prideaux, Con. III.
240, 241, and the anthorities there cited.
Now, in reference to this interpretation,
supposing that tho prophecy relates to
Antiochus, it mustbe admitted thnt there
are coincidences wbich are remarkable,
and it is on the ground of these coinci
dences that the prophecy has been ap
plied to him. These circumstances are
such as the following: {a) The general
character of the authority that would ex
ist as denoted by the 'little born,' as
that of eeverity and craelty. None could

be better fitted to represent that than the
cbaracter of Antiochus Epiphanes. Comp.
Prideaux, Con. III. 213, 214. (6) Hia
arrogance and blasphemy — * speaking
great words against tbe Most High.'
1 Nothing is easier tban to find wbat would
j be a fulfilment of this in tbe character of
Antiochus — in his sacrilegious rntrance
I into the mostholy places; in his setting up
the statue of Jupiter; in bis offering a
I swine as a sacrifice on the great altar; in
his sprinkling the broth of a swine on the
temple in contempt of the Hebrews and
tbeir worship, and in bis causing the daily
sacrifice at tbe temple to cease, (c) His
making war witb the 'saints,' and 'wear
ing out the saints of the Most High' —
all this could be found accomplished in
I the wars which Antiochus waged against
the Jews in the slaughter of so many
thousands, and in sending so many into
I hopeless slavery, (d) His attempt to
' change times and laws' — this could be
fonnd to have been fulfilled in tbe case
of Antiochus — in his arbitrary character,
I and in bis interference with the laws of
tbe Hebrews, (e) 'Xhe time, as above
stated, is tfae most remarkable coinci
dence. If this is not to be regarded
as referring exclusively to Antiochus it
must be explained on one of two sup
positions — either that it is one of those
coincidences whicfa will be found to faap
pen in history — as coincidences happen
in dreams: or as having a double refer
ence — intended to refer primarily to An
tiochus, but in a secondary and more im
portant sense referring also to other
events having a strong resemblance to
this ; or, in other words, tbat the langnage
was designedly so couched as to relate to
two similar classes of events. It is not
to be regarded as very remarkable, how
ever, that it is possible to find a fulfil
ment of these predictions in Antiochus,
though it be supposed that tbe design
was to describe the Papacy, for some of
tbe expressions are of so genei;al a char
acter that tbey could be applied to many
events which bave occurred, and, from
the nature ofthe case, there were strong
points of resemblance between Antiochus
and the Papal power. It is not abso
lutely necessary, tberefore, to suppose
that this bad reference to Antiochus Epi-
phanes, tnd there are so many oi;ec«ton»
to this -Slew as to make it, it seems to me,
morally impossible- that it should bar*

B. C. 555.]

CHAPTER VIl.

319

had suoh a reference. Among these ob
jections are the following :
(1) This interpretation makes it neces
sary to divide the kingdom of the Medes
anct Persians, and to consider them two
kingdoms, as Eichhorn, Jahn, Dereser, De
Wette, and Bleek, do. In order to tbis
interpretation, the following are the king
doms denoted by the four beasta — by the
first, the Chaldee; by the second, the
Medish ; by the third, the Persian ; and by
tbe fourth, tbe Macedonian, or the Mace
donian-Asiatic kingdom under Alexander
tbe Great. But to say nothing now of
any other difficulties, it is an insuperable
jbjection to this, that so far as the king
doms of tfae Modes and Persians are men
tioned in Seripture, and so far as tbey
play any part in the fulfilment of pro
phecy, they are always mentioned as one.
They appear as one; tfaey act as one;
tfaey are regarded as one. The kingdom
of the Medes does not appear until it is
nnited with that of the Persians, and
this remark is of special importance when
they are spoken of as aucceeding the king
dom of Babylon. Tfae kingdom of tfae
Modes was contemporaneous with that of
Babylon ; it was the Medo-Persian king
dom that was in any proper sense the suc
cessor of tbat of Babylon, as described in
thesesymbola. The kingdom ofthe Medes,
as Hengstenberg well remarks, could in no
sense be said to have succeeded that of
Babylon any longer than during the reign
of Cyaxares II., after tfae taking of Baby-
Ion ; and even dnring tfaat short period of
two years, tfae government was in fact in
tfae faand of Cyrus. Die Autfaentie des
Daniel, p. 200. Scblosser, p. 243, says
' the kingdom of tfae Medes and Persians
is to be regarded as in fact one and the
eame kingdom, only that in the change
of tfae dynasty another branch obtained
the authority.' See particularly Rosen
muUer, Alterthuraknnde, i. 200, 201
Tfaese two kingdoms are in fact always
blended — tfaeir laws, tfaeir customs, their
religion, and they are mentioned as one.
Comp. Esther i. 3, 18, 19; x. 2; Dan. v.
28; vi. 8, 12, 15.
(2) In order to this interpretation, it is
necessary to divide the empire founded
by Alexander, and instead of regarding
it as one, to consider that which ex
isted wfaen he reigned as one, and tfaat
of AntiocfauB, one of the successors of
Alexander, as another. Tbis opinion is
maintained by Bertholdt, wfao supposes

that the first beast represented the Baby.
Ionian kingdom ; the second, tfae king
dom of tfae Medes and Persians ; tbe third,
tbat of Alexander, and the fourth the
kingdoms tfaat sprang out of that. In
order to this it is necessary to sup
pose that the four faeads and wings, and
tfae ten borns, equally represent tbat king
dom, or sprang from it; — the four faeads,
tfae kingdom wfaen divided at tfae deatfa
of Alexander, and tbe ten horns powers
tfaat ultimately sprang up from tbe same
dominion. But this ia contrary to tfae
wfaole representation iu regard to tfae
Asiatic-Macedonian empire. In cfa. viii.
8, 9, where there is an undoubted refer
ence to tbat empire, it is said "the he-
goat waxed very great, and when be was
strong the great horn was broken, and
from it came up four notable ones, toward
tbe four winds of heaven. And out of
one of tfaem came forth a little born,
wbich waxed exceeding groat, toward the
South," &e. Here is an undoubted allu
sion to Alexander, and to fais followers, and
particularly to Antiocfaus, but no mention
of any such division as is necessary to bc
supposed if the fourth beaat represents tbe
power tfaat sucoeeded Alexander in tfae
East. In no place is tfae kingdom of tfae
successors of Alexander divided from his
in tbe same sense in which the kingdom
of tfae Medes and Persians is from that
of Babylon, or tbe kingdom of Alexander
from that of tfae Persians. Comp. Heng-.
stenberg, as above, pp. 203 — 205.
(3) The supposition tbat the fourth
beast represents either tbe kingdom of
Alexander, or, according to Bertholdt and
others, the suecessora of Alexander, by
no means agrees witfa the character of
that bea^t as compared witfa tfae otfaers.
Tfaat beast was far more formidable, and
more to be dreaded, than either tfae
otfaers. It had iron teeth and brazen
claws ; it stamped down all before it, and
broke all to pieces, and manifestly re
presented a far more fearful dominion
tban either of tbe otfaers. Tfae same is
true in regard to tfae parallel representa
tion in cfa. ii. 33, 40, of tfae fourtfa king
dom represented by tfae legs and feet of
iron, as more terrifie tfaan either of those
denoted by tfae gold, tfae silver, or the
braas. But tfais representation by no
means agrees with the character of tho
kingdom of either Alexander or fais suc
cessors, and in fact would not be true of
tfaan. It would agree well, as we shaJl

320

DANIEL.

[B.C. 555.

see, with the Roman power, even as con
trasted witb tbat of Babylon, Persia, or
Macedon, but it is not the representation
whicfa would, witfa propriety, be given
of the empire of Alexander, or his suc
cessors, as contrasted with those which
preceded them. Comp. Hengstenberg,
as above, pp. 205 — 207. Moreover, this
doea not agree with what is expressly
said of this power that should succeed
that of Alexander, in a passage un
doubtedly referring to it, in ch. viii. 22,
where it is said, " Now tbat being broken,
whereas four stood up for it, four king
doms shall stand up out of the nation,
hut not in hia poiver."
(4) On tbis supposition, it is impossible
to determine who are meant by the 'ten
horns' of the fourth beast (ver. 7), and
the ' ten kings' (ver. 24,) that are repre
sented by these. All the statements in
Daniel tfaat refer to the Macedonian
kingdom (ch. vii. 6, viii. 8, 22), imply
that tbe Macedonian empire in the East,
when the founder died, would be divided
into four great powers or monarchies —
in accordance with what is well-known to
have been the fact. But wbo are the ten
kings or sovereignties that were to exist
under tbis general Macedonian power, on
tbe supposition that the fourth beast re
presents this? Bertholdt supposes lhat
tbe ten horna are 'ten Syrian kings,'
and tfaat the eleventh little horn is An
tiochus Epiphanes. The namea of these
kings, according to Bertfaoldt, (pp. 432,
433,) are Seleucus Nicator, Antiochus
Soter, Antiochus Theos, Seleucus Cal
linicus, Seleucus Ceraunos, Antiochus
tfae Great, Seleucus Philopator, Helio
dorus, Ptolemy Philometor, and Deme
trius. So also Prof. Stewart, Com. on
Dan. p. 208. But it is impossible to
make out thia exact number of Syrian
kings from faistory, to say notfaing now
of tfae improbability of supposing that
their power was represented by the
fourth beast. These kings were not of
tbe aame dynasty, of Syria, of Mace
donia, or of Egypt, but the list is
made up of difierent kingdoms. Gro
tius (ill foe.) forms the catalogue of ten
kinga out of the lists of the kings of
Syria and Egypt — five out of one, and
flve out of tbe other ; but tbis is mani
festly contrary to the intention of the
prophecy, which is to represent them
as springing out of one and the same
(over. It ia a furtber objection to thia

view, that these are lists of auccesaive
kings — rising up one after the otber;
whereas the representation of the ten
borns would lead us to suppose tbat they
existed simultaneously; or that somefaow
tbere were ten powers tfaat sprang out of
the one great power represented by the
fourtfa beast.
(5) Equally difficult ia it, on tfais sup
position, to know wfao are intended by
the ' three horns' that were plucked up
by tbe little horn tbat sprang up among
the ten, ver. 8. Grotius, wbo regards tbe
'little born' as representing Antiochus
Epiphanes, supposes tbat tbe three borns
were his elder brothers, Seleucus, Deme
trius tbe son of Seleucus, and Ptolemy
Philopator, king of Egypt. But it is an
insuperable objection to thia that tbe
tbree kings mentioned by Grotius are not
all in his list of ten kings, neither Pto
lemy Philometor (if Philometor be meant),
nor Demetrius being of the number. —
Newton on the Proph., p. 211. Neither
were they plucked up by the roots by An
tiochus, or by bis order. Seleucus waa
poisoned by his treasurer, Heliodorus,
whose aim it was to usurp the crown fee
himself, before Antiocfaus came from
Bome, where he had been detained as a
hostage for several years. Demetrius
lived to dethrone and murder the son of
Antiochus, and succeeded him in tbe
kingdom of Egypt Ptolemy Philopator
died king of Egypt almost thirty years
before Antiocfaus came to tbe throne of
Syria; or if Ptolemy Philometor, aa is
most probable, waa meant by Grotius,
though be suffered much in the wars with
Antiochus, yet be survived him about
eighteen years, and died in possession of
tbe crown of Egypt. Newton ut mipra,
Bertholdt supposes that the three kings
were Heliodorus, wbo poisoned Seleucus
Philopator, and sought, by tbe help of a
party, to obtain tbe throne ; Ptolemy Phi
lometor, king of Egypt, who, aa sister's
son to the king, laid claim to tbe throne ;
and Demetrius, who, aa son of a former
king, was legitimate heir to the throne.
But there are two objections to this viewr
(«) That the representation by tbe pro
phet is of actual kings — which these were
not; and (6) that Antiochus .iscended tbe
throne ^eoceoi/j;/ Demetrius, who would
have been regarded as tbe king of Syria,
not being able to make his title good, and
was detained as a hostage at Rome.
Hengstenberg, pp. 207, 208. Prof. Stuart,

B. C. 556.]

CHAPTER VII.

321

Com. on Dan., pp. 208, 209, supposes that
the three kings referred to were Heliodo
rus, Ptolemy Philometor, and Deme
trius I. ; but in regard to these it sbould
be observed, that they were mere pretend
ers to the throne, whereas tbe text in
Daniel supposes tbat they would be actual
kings. Comp. Hengstenberg, p. 208.
(6) Tbe time bere mentioned, on tbe
supposition that literally tbree years and
a half (ver. 25) are intended, does not
agree With the actual dominion of Antio
chus. In nn undoubted reference to him
in ch. viii. 13, 14, it is said that ' the vis
ion concerning the daily sacrifice, and
the transgression of desolation,' would
be 'unto two thousand and three hun
dred days ; then shall the sanctuary be
cleansed;* tfaat is, one thousand and forty
days, or some two years and ten- montfas
more than the time mentioned faere. I am
aware of the difficulty of explaining this
(see Prof. Stuart, Hints on the Interpre
tation of Prophecy, p. 98, aeq.), and the
exact meaning of the passage in ch. viii.
13, 14, will come up for consideration
hereafter; but it is an objection of some
force to the application of the ' time, and
times, and dividing of a time' (ver. 25)
to Antiochus, that it is not the aame time
wfaich is applied to faim elsewhere.
(7) And one more objection to this ap
plication is, tbat, in tbe prophecy, it is
said tfaat he wfao was represented by tbe
'little horn,' would continue till 'the An
cient of days sbould sit,' and evidently
till tfae kingdom shonld be taken by tbe
one in the likeness of tbe Son of Man, vs.
9, 10, 13, 14, 21, 22, 26. But if tfais re
fers to Antiochus, then tfaese events must
refer to tbe coming of the Messiah, and
to the setting up of his kingdom in the
world. Yet, as a matter of fact, Antio
chus died about 164 years before tbe Sa
viour came, and there ia no way of show
ing tbat he continued until the Messiah
came in the fiesh.
Tfaese objections to tbe opinion tbat
this refers to Antiochua Epiphanes, seem
to me to be insuperable
IL Tfae question wfaetfaer it refers to
tbe Roman empire and tfae Papal power.
The fair inquiry is, whether the tfaings
referred to in tbe vision actually find sucb
a correspondence in the Roman empire
»nd tbe Papacy, that they would fairly
represent them if tfae symbols faad been
made use of after the events occurred.
Are they sjoh as wo might properly use

now as describing the portions of those
events that are paaaed, on the supposi
tion tbat tbe reference was to thoso
events? To determine this, it will be
proper to refer to the things in the sym
bol, and to inquire whether events cor
responding to them bave actually occurred
in the Roman empire and the Papacy.
Recalling tbe exposition whicb bas been
above given of the explanation furnished
by tfae angel to D.iniel, tfae things there
referred to will find an ample and a strik
ing fulfilment in the Roman empire and
tbe Papal power.
(1) Tbe fourth kingdom, symbolized by
the fourth benst, is accurately represented
by tfae Roman power. This is true iu
regard to the place which tfaat power
would occupy in tfae history of the world,
on the supposition that tbe first tbree re
ferred to the Babylonian, the Medo-Per
sian, and the Macedonian. On this sup
position there is no need of regarding the
Medo-Persian empire as divided into two
represented by two symbols; or the king.
dom founded by Alexander — the Asiatic
Macedonian — as distinct from tbat of hir
successors. As the Medo-Persian was in
faot one dominion, so was the Macedonian
under Alexander, and in the form of tfao
four dynasties into whicfa it was divided
ou fais deatfa, and down to tfae time when
the whole was subverted by tbe Roman
conquests. On tbis supposition, also,
everything in the symbol is fulfilled.
Tbe fourth beast, so migbty, so terrific,
so powerful, so unlike all the others —
armed with iron teeth, and with claws of
brass — trampling down and stamping on
all tbe eartfa — well represents the Roman
dominion. The symbol is such an one
as we would now use appropriately to
represent that power, and in every respect
that empire was well represented by the
symbol. It may be added, also, tbat this
supposition corresponds witb the obvious
interpretation of tbe parallel place in
chapter ii. 33, 40, where tfae eame empire
is referred to in the image by the legs
and feet of iron. See Notes on tbat pas
sage. It afaould be added, tbat tbis fourth
kingdom is to be considered as prolonged
through tfae entire continuance of the
Roman power, in the various forms in
whicb tbat power faas been kept up on tbe
earth — alike under the empire, and when
broken up into separate sovereignties, a,nd
when again concentrated and embodied
under tho Papacy. Ih&i fourth povfer or

822

DANIEL.

[B. C. 555.

dominiot was to he continued, according
to the prediction here, until the establish
ment of the kingdom of the saints. —
Either, then, that kingdom of the saints
bas come, or hae been set up, or the fourth
kingdom, in some form, still remains.
i The truth is, that in prophecy tbe entire
"^Komau dominion seems to be contem-
' plated as one — one mighty and formida
ble power trampling down the liberties
of the world ; oppressing and persecuting
tbe people ofGod — the true chureh; and
{ maintaining an absolute and arbitrary do-
^ minion over the souls of men — as a
' mighty domination standing in the way
of the progress of truth, and keeping
back the reign of the saints on the earth.
In these respects the Papal dominion is,
and has been, but a prolongation, in an
other form, of the iufluence of heathen
Rome, and the entire domination may
he represented as one, and might be sym
bolized by the fourth beast in the vision
of Daniel. When that power shall cease,
we may, according to the prophecy, look
for the time when the 'kingdom shall be
given to the saints,* or when the true
kingdom of God shall be set up all over
the world.
(2) Out of this one sovereignty, repre
sented by the fourth beast, ten powers or
' sovereignties, represented by the ten
horns, were to arise. It was shown in the
exposition, that these would all spring
out of that one dominion, and would
wield the power that was wielded by that;
that is, that the one great power would
be broken up and distributed into the
number represented by ten. As the horns
all appeared at the same time on tbe beast,
and did not spring up after one another,
so these powers would be simultaneous,
and would not be a mere succession ; and
as the horns all sprang from the beast, so
these powers would all have the same
origin, and be a portion of the same one
power now divided into many. The
question then is, whether the Roman
power was in fact distributed into so many
sovereignties at any period such as would
be represented by tbe springing up of the
little horn — if that refers to the Papacy.
Now, one has only to look into any his
torical work, to see how in fact the Ro
man power became distributed and broken
up in this way into a large number of
kingdoms, or^ comparatively petty sove
reignties, occupying the portions of the
world once governed by Rome. In the

decline of tbo empire, and as the new
power, represented by the * little horn,'
arose, there was a complete breaking np
of the one power that was formerly
wielded, and a large number of states
and kingdoms sprang out of it. To see
tbat there is no difficulty in making out
the number ten, or that some such distri
bution and breaking up of the one power is
naturally suggested, I east my eye on ths
historical chart of Lyman, and found the
following kingdoms or sovereignties spe
cified as occupying the same territory
which was possessed by the Roman em
pire, and springing from that, viz: The
Vandals, Allans, Suevi, Heruli, Franks,
Visigoths, Ostrogoths, Burgundians, Lom
bards, Britons. The Roman empire as
such had ceased, and the power was dis
tributed into a large number of compara
tively petty sovereignties — well repre
sented at tbis period by the ten horns on
the head of the beast. Even the Romanists
themselves admit that the Roman empire
was, by means of the incursions of the
northern nations, dismembered into ten
kingdoms, {Calmet on Rev. xiii. 1 ; and
he refers likewise to Berangaud, Bossuet,
and DuPin. See Newton, p. 209) ; and
Machiaveli (Hist, of Elor. 1. i.), with no
design of furnishing an illustration of
this prophecy, and probably with no re
collection of it, has mentioned these
names :-^l. The Ostrogoths in Moesia;
2. the Visigoths in Pannonia; 3. the
Sueves and Alans in Gascoign and
Spain; 4. the V&ndals in Africa; 5. the
Franks in Eranie; 6. the Burgundians
in Burgundy; 7. the Heruli and Turingi,
in Italy; 8. tbe Saxons and Angles in
Britain; 9. the Huns in Hungary; 10.
the Lombards at first upon the Danube,
afterwards in Italy. The arrangement
proposed by Sir Isaac Newton is the fol
lowing : 1. the kingdom of the Vandals
and Alans in Spain and Africa; 2, the
kingdoms of the Sucvians in Spain; 3.
the kingdom of the Visigoths; 4. the
kingdom of the Alans in Gallia; 5. the
kingdom of the Burgundians; 6. the
kingdom of the Franks; 7. the kingdom
of the Britons; 8. the kingdom ofthe
Huns; 9. the kingdom ofthe Lombards j
10. the kingdom of Ravenna. Comp. also
Duffield on the prophecies, pp. 279, 280.
For other arrangements constituting the
number teti, as embracing the ancient
power of the Roman empire. See Newton
on ihe prophecies, pp. 209, 210. There

B.C. 55^.]

CHAPTER VII.

323

is some sligfat variation in the arrange
ment proposed by Mr. Mede, Bishop
Lloyd, and Sir Isaac Newton, but still it
is remarkable tbat it is easy to make out
tbat number with so good a degree of cer
tainty, and particularly so tbat it sbould
have been suggested by a Romanist him
self. Even if it is not practicable to
make out the number witli strict exact
ness, or if all writers do not agree in
regard to the dynasties constituting the
Eamber ten, we sbould bear in remem
brance the fact that these powers arose
in the midst of great confusion; tfaat
ono kingdom arose and another fell in
r.apid succession; and that there waa
not tbat ei^tire certainty of location and
boundary which there is in old and estab
lished states. One tfaing is certain, tfaat
there never has been a case in which an
empire of vast power has been broken up
into small sovereignties, to which tfais
description would so well apply as to the
rise of tbe numerous dynasties in tfae
breaking up of the vast Roman power ;
and another thing is equally certain, that
if we were now to seek an appropriate
symbol of tbe mighty Roman power — of
its conquests, and of tfae extent of its
dominion, and of the condition of tfaat
empire about the time tfaat tfae Papacy
arose, we oould not find a moro striking
or appropriate symbol tfaan that of tbe
terrible fourth beast with iron teeth and
brazen claws — stamping the earth beneatfa
his feet, and with teu faorns springing out
of fais faead.
(3.) In tfae midst of tfaese tfaere sprang
up a little horn tfaat had remarkable char
acteristics. Tfae inquiry now is, if tfais
does not represent Antiocfaus, wfaetfaer it
finds a proper fulfilment in the Papacy.
Now, in regard to this inquiry, the slight
est acquaintance with the history and
claims of the Papal power will show
that there was a, striking appropriateness
in the symbol — suoh an appropriateness,
thatif we desired 7iot(7 to'find a symbol
tbat would represent tbis, we could find no
one better adapted to it than that em
ployed by Daniel, (a) The little horn
would spring up among tbe others, and
Btand amongtfaem — as dividing tfae power
witfa them, or sharing or wielding that
power. That ia, on the supposition tfaat
it refers to tfae Papacy, the Papal power
would spring out of tfae Roman empire ;
wouH be one of the sovereignties among
which that vast power wjuld be divided.

and share witfa the other ten in wield
ing authority. It would be an eleventh
power added to the ten. And who can
be ignorant tbat tbe Papal power at tha
beginning, when it first asserted civil au
thority, sustained just such a relation to
the crumbled and divided Roman empire
as tfais ? It was just one of the powers
into which that vast sovereignty passed.
(6) It would not spring up contemporane
ously witfa tfaem, but would arise in tfaeir
midst, when they already existed. They
are seen in vision as actually existing to
gether, and this new power starts up
among them. Wfaat could be more strik
ingly descriptive of tfae Papacy — as a
power arising when the great Roman
authority was broken to fragments, and
distributed into a large number of sove
reignties ? Tben this new power was seen
to rise — small at first, but gradually gain
ing strength, until it surpassed any one
of them in strength, and assumed a posi
tion in tbe world which no ono of tfaem
had. Tfae representation is exact. It is
not a foreign power that invaded them ;
it starts np in the midst of tfaem — spring
ing out of tfae head of the same beast, and
constituting a part of the same mighty
domination that ruled the world, (c) It
would be small at first, but would soon
become so powerful as to pluck up and
displace tbree of the others. And could
any symbol have been better chosen to
describe the Papal power than this ?
Could we find any nom tfaat would better
describe it? Any one needs to have bui
tbe sligfatest acquaintance with tfae fais
tory of tfae Papal power, to know tfaat it
was small at its beginnings, and tbat its
ascendency over the world was tbe conse
quence of slow bat steady growth. In
deed, so feeble was it at its commence
ment, so undefined was its first appear
ance and form, tbat one of tbe most diffi
cult tfaings iu faistory is to know exactly
when it did begin, or to determine tfae ex
act date of its origin as a distinct power.
Different scfaemes in the interpretation
of prophecy turn wholly on this. "We
see, indeed, that power subsequently
strongly marked in its character, and ex
erting a mighty influence in the world —
baying subjugated nations to its control ;
we see causes for a long time at work
tending to this, and can trace their gra
dual operation in producing it, but the
exact period whon its dominion began.
wbat was the first charactei is'.io aot of

324

DANIEL.

[B. G. 5«5

the Papacy as sucfa, what constituted its
precise beginning as a peculiar power
blending and combining a peculiar civil
and ecclesiastical authority, no one is
able witfa absolute certainty to determine.
Who can fix tfae exact date ? Who can
tell precisely when it was ? It is tme
that there were several distinct acts, or
the exercise of civil authority, in tfae
early history of tbe Papacy, but what
was tfae precise beginning of that power,
no onc has been able to determine with
so mucfa certainty as to leave no room for
doubt. Any one can see witb what pro
priety the commencement of sucb a power
would be designated by a little horn
springing up among others, (rf) It would
grow to be mighty, for lhe 'little horn'
thus grew to be so powerful as to pluck
up tbree of tbe horns of the beast. Of
the growth of the power of the Papacy,
no one can be ignorant who has any ac
quaintance witb faistory. It held na
tions in subjection, and claimed and
exerciaed tbe right of displacing or dis
tributing crowns as it pleased. (e) It
would subdue 'three kings;' thatis, tfaree
of the ten represented by the ten borns.
The prophet saw tfais at some point in its
progress when three fell before it, or were
overthrown by it. Tbere might faave
been also other points in its history wfaen
it might have been seen as having over
thrown more of tfaem — perhaps tfae wfaole
ten, but tfae attention was arrested by tfae
fact tfaat, soon after its rise, tfaree of the
ten were aeen to fall before it. Now, in
regard to the application of this, it may
be rem.arked, (l)tbat it does no/ apply,
as already afaown, to .Antiochus Kpi-
pfaanes — there being no sense in which
he overthrew three of the princea that
occupied the throne in tfae succeasion
from Alexander, to say notfaing of the
lact liliat tfaese were contemporaneous
kings or kingdoms. (2) Tfaere is no
otfaer period in faistory, and tfaere are no
otfaer events to which it could be applied
except either to Antiochus or the Papacy.
(3) In tfae confusion tfaat existed on tfae
breaking up of tbe Boman empire, and
tbe imperfect accoun ts of tbe transactions
which occurred in the rise of the Papal
power, it would not be wonderful if it
should be difficult to find events distinctly
recorded that would be in all respects an
accurate and absolute fulfilment of the
vision. Yet (4) it is possible to make out
tbe fulfilment of this with a good degree

of certainty in tbe history of tho Pa
pacy. If applicable to the Pap^l power,
what seems to be demanded is, that
three of these ten kingdoms, or sovereign
ties, would be rooted np by tbat power;
that they would cease to exist a.s sepa
rate sovereignties; that they would ba
added to the sovereignty that ahonld
spring up; nnd tbat, as distinct kingdoms,
they would cease to play a part in the
faistory of the world. The three sove
reigntiea thus transplanted, or rooted up,
are supposed by Mr. Mede to have been.
tbe Greeks, the Longobards, and the
Franks. Sir Isaac Newton supposes they
were tbe Exarchate of Ravenna, the Lom
bards, and tfae senate and dukedom of
Rome. The objectiona wbich may be
made to tbis supposition, may be seen i&
Newton on the Prophecies, pp. 216, 217.
The kingdoms wbich he supposes are
to be referred to, were the following:
Firat. Tfae Exarchate of Ravenna. This
of rigfat belonged to the Greek emperors.
This was tbe capitol of their dominiona
in Italy. It revolted at the instigation
of tbe Pope, and was seized by Aistul-
phus, king of the Lombards, wbo thought
to make himself maater of Italy. Tho
Pope in his exigency applied for aid to
Pepin, king of I'rnnce, who marched into
Italy, .besieged the Lombards in Pavia,
and forced tfaem to surrender the Exar
chate and otfaer territories in Italy.
These were not restored to tfae Greek
emperor, as tfaey in justice should have
been, but, at the solicitation of the Pope,
were given to St. Peter and his succes
sors for perpetual possession. "And
so," says Platina, "the name of the
Exarchate, which had continued from
the time of Narses to the taking of Ra
venna, one faundred and seventy years,
was extinguished." Lives of tfae Popes.
This, according to Sigonius, was effected
iu the year 755. See Gibbon, Dec.
and Fall, IL 224, III. 332, 334, 338.
From tbis period, says Bp. Newton,
tfae Popes, being now become temporal
princes, no longer date tfaeir epistles
and bulls by the year of tfae emperor's
reign, but by the years of tfaeir own ad-
v.ancement to the Papal chair. Seeond,
The kingdom of tfae Lombards. Thia
kingdom was troublesome to tfae Popes.
Tfae dominions of tfae Pope wero in
vaded by Deaiderius, in the time of
Pope Adrian I. Application was again
made to the king of France, and CharleJ

B. C. 555.]

CHAPTER TII.

325

tho Great, the son and successor of
Pepin, invaded the Lombards, and de
sirous of enlarging his own dominions,
conquered the Lombards, put an end to
their kingdom, and gave a great part of
their territory to the Pope, This was
the end ofthe kingdom ofthe Lombard.s,
in the 206th year after their obtaining
possessions in Italy, and in the year of
our Lord 774. See Gibbon, Dec. and
Fall. IIL 335. Third, The Roman
States subjected to tho Popes in a
civil sense. Though aubject to the Pope
spiritually, yet for a long time the
Roman people were governed by a
Senate, and retained many of their old
privileges, and elected both the Western
emperors and the Popes. This power,
however, as is well known, passed into
the hands of the Popes, and has been re
tained by them to tho present time, the
Pope having continued to be the civil as
well as the ecclesiastical head. See Bp.
Newton, pp. 319, 320. All semblance of
tbs freedom of ancient Rome passed
away, and this Roman dominion, as such,
ceased to be, being completely absorbed in
the Papacy. The Saxons, the Franks, Ac,
continued tkeir independence as civil
powers ; these States passed entirely into
the dorainion of the Pope, and, as in
dependent kingdoras or sovereignties,
ceased to be. This is the solution in re
gard to the ' three horns' that were to be
plucked up, as given by Bp. Newton.
Absolute certainty in a case of this kind
is not to he expected in the confusion
and indefiniteness of that portion of his
tory, nor can it be reasonably demanded.
If there were threeof these powers planted
in regions that becarae subject to the
Papal power, and that disappeared or
were absorbed in that one dominion con
stituting the peculiarity of tbe Papal
dominion, or which entered into the Ro
man Papal state, considered as a sove
reignty by itself among the nations of the
earth, this is all that is required. Mr.
Faber supposes the three to have been
these : the Herulo- Turin gic, the Ostro
gothic. and the Lombardic, and says of
them, that they "were necessarily eradi
cated in the immediate presence of the
Papacy, before which they were geogra
phically standing — and that the temporal
principality wbich bears the name of St.
Peter's patrimony, was carved out of the
mass t." their subjugated dominions."
Sacred Calendar, vol. II, p. 102. Prof.
28

Gaussen (Discourse on Popery, Geneva,
1844), supposes that the three kings or
kingdoms here referred to were the He
ruli, the Ostrogoths, and the Lombards.
According to Bower (Lives of the Popes,
II. 108, Dr. Cox's Edition, Note), the
temporal dominions granted by Pepin to
the Pope, or of which the Pope became
possessed in consequence of the inter
vention of the kings of France, were the
following: (1) The Exarchate of Ra
venna, which comprised, according tc
Sigonius, the following cities : Ravenna,
Bologna, Imola, Fienza, Forlimpoli, Forli,
Cesena, Bobbio, Ferrara, Commachio,
Adria, Servia, and Seochia. (2) The
Pentapolis, comprehending Rimini, Pe-
Siiro, Concha, Fano, Sinigalia, Ancono,
Osirao, Uinona, Jesi, Fossombrone, Mon-
teferetro, Urbino, Cagli, Lucoli, and Eu-
gubio. (3) The city and dukedom of
Rome, containing several cities of note,
which bad withdrawn themselves from
all subjection to the emperor, had sub
mitted to St, Peter ever since the time
of Pope Gregory II. See also Bower,
II. 134, where he says, "The Pope had,
by Charlemagne, been put in possession
of the Exarchate, the Pentapolis, nnd
the dukedom of Spoleti," [embracing the
city and dukedom of Rome]. And again,
on the same page (Note). " The Pope
possessed tbe Exarchate, the Pentapolis,
and the dukedom of Spoleti, with the
city and dukedom of Rome." It should
be remembered that these statements are
made by historians with no reference to
any supposed fulfilraent of this prophecy,
aid no allusion to it, but as matters of
simple historical fact, occurring in the
regular course of history. The material
fact to be made out in order to show tfaat
this description of the * little born' is
applicable to the Papacy is, that nt the
commencement of what was properly the
Papacy — that is, as I suppose, the union
of the spiritual and temporal power, or
the assumption of temporal authority by
bim who was Bishop of Rome, and whc
had been before regarded as a mere spi
ritual or ecclesiastical ruler, there was a
triple jurisdiction assumed or conceded ?
a three-fold domination; or a union un
der himself of what had been three sove-
; reignties, that now disappeared as inde
pendent administrations, and whose dis
tinct governraents were now merged ic
the 07*6 single sovereignty of the Pope.
Now, that there was, just at this timo, or

826

DANIEL.

[B. C. 555

at the beginnir-g of the Papacy, or when
it had so increased that it could be re
cognized as having a place among the
temporal sovereignties of the earth, such
a united domination, or such a union of
three separate powers under one, will be
apparent from an extract from Mr. Gib
bon. He is speaking of the rewards con
ferred on the Pope hy the Carlovingian
race of kings, on account of the favour
shown to them in his conferring the
crown of France on Pepin the Mayor of
the palace — directing in his favour over
Childeric, the descendant of Clovis.
Of this transaction, Mr. Gibbon ob
serves, in general (IIL 336), that "The
mutual obligations of the Popes and
the Carlovingian family, form the im
portant link of ancient and modern, of
civil and ecclesiastical history." He then
proceeds, I. to specify the gifts or favours
which the Popes conferred on the Carlo
vingian race, and II. those which, in re
turn, Pepin and Charlemagne bestowed
on the Popes. In reference to the latter,
he makes the following statement (III.
338) ; "The gratitude of the Carlovingi-
ans was adequate to these obligations,
and their names are consecrated as the
saviours, and benefactors of the Roman
Church. Herancientpatrimony of farms
and houses was transformed by their
bounty iuto the temporal dominion of citiea
and provinces, and tke donation of the
Exarchate waa the firat fruita of the con-
queata of Pepin, Astolphus [king of the
Lombards] with a sigh relinquished his
prey ; the keys and the hostages of the
principal cities were delivered to the
French ambassador; and in his master's
name he preaented them before the tomb
of St. Peer. The ample measure of
^e Exarchate might comprise all the
provinces of Italy which had obeyed
the emperor or his vicegerent; but its
strict and proper limits were included in
the territories of Ravenna, Bologna, and
Ferrara; its inseparable dependency was
the Pentapolis, which stretched along the
Adriatic from Reraini to Ancona, and
advanced into the midland country as far
as the ridge of the Apennine. In this
transaction, the ambition nnd avarice of
tbe Popes had been severely condemned.
Perhaps the humility of a Ohristian priest
should bave rejected an earthly kingdom,
which it was not easy for bim to govern
without renouncing the virtues of his
profession. Perhaps a faithful subject, or

even a generous enemy, would have been
less irapatient to divide the spoils oi' the
Barbarian; and if the emperor had en
trusted Stephen to solicit in hia name the
restitution of the Exarchate, I will-not
absolve the Pope from the reproach of
treachery and falsehood. But, in the
rigid interpretation of the laws, every one
may accept, without inquiry, whatever
his benefactor may bestow without injus
tice. The Greek emperor had abdicated
or forfeited his right to the Exarchate;
and the sword of Astolphus was broken
by tbe stronger sword of the Carlovingian.
It was not in the cause of the Iconoelast
that Pepin had exposed his person and
army in a double expedition beyond the
Alps; he possessed and he might law
fully alienate his conquests; and to tho
importunities of the Greeks he piously re
plied that no human consideration sbould
tempt bim to resume tbe gift which he
had conferred on the Roman pontiff for
the remission of his sins and tbe salva
tion of his soul. Tfae splendid donation
was granted in supreme and absolute do
minion, and tke world beheld for the first
time a Christian bishop invested with the
prerogatives of a temporal prince, the
choice of magistrates, tfae exercise of
justice, the imposition of taxes, and the
wealtfa of the palace of Ravenna. In tfae
dissolution of tfae Lombard kingdom, the
inhabitants of the duchy of Spoleti
sougfat a refuge from the storm, shaved
their faeads after the Ravenna fashion, de
clared themselves the servants and sub
jects of St. Peter, and completed by thia
voluntary aun-ender, the present circle of
the Eccleeiastical State." The following
things are apparent from this extract:
(a) That here, according to Mr. Gibbon,
was the heginning ofthe temporal power
of the Pope, (b) That tfais was properly,
in tfae view above taken, the commence
ment of the Papacy as a distinct and pe
culiar dominion, (c) That in this there
was a three-fold government, or three
temporal sovereignties united under him,
and constituting at that time, in the lan
guage of Mr. Gibbon, " the present circle
of the ecclesiastical state." There was
firat tfae Exarchate of Ravenna; aecond,
the Pentapolis, ' which,' he says, was it»
* inseparable dependency;' and third, tfae
' ducfay of Spoleti,' which, he says, 'com
pleted the present circle of the ecclesias
tical State.' This was afterwards, Mr.
Gibbon goes on to say, greatly *en-

B. C. 555.]

CHAPTER VII,

327

larged,' but this was the form in which
tfae Papal power first made its appear
ance among tfae temporal sovereignties
of Europe. I do not find, indeed, that
the kingdom of the Lombards was, as is
commonly stated, among the number of
the temporal sovereignties that becnme
subject to the authority of tfae Popes, bnt
I do find tbat tbere were tfaree distinct
tomporal sovereignties tbat lost their in-
' dependent existence, and that were united
under that one temporal authority — con-
' stituting by tbe union of the spiritual
and temporal power that one peculiar
kingdom. In Lombardy tbe power re
mained in tbe possession of tbe kings of
the Lorabards themselves, until that king
dom was subdued by the arms of Pepin
and Cfaarlemagne, and then it became
subject to the crown of Prance, though
for a time under the nominal reign of its
own kings. See Gibbon, iii. 3.14, 335,
338. If it should be said, that in tbe in
terpretation of this passage respecting tbe
'three horns' that were plucked up, orthe
three kingdoms tfaat were thus destroyed,
it would be proper to look for them among
the ten into which the one great kingdom
was divided, and that the three above re
ferred to— tfae Exarchate of Ravenna, the
Pentnpolis, and the dukedom of Spoleti
and Rome, were noe properly of thnt num
ber, according to tbe list above given, it
is necessary in reply to this, to advert
only to tfae two main facts in the case ;
(1) that the great Roman power was ac
tually divided into a large number of
sovereignties ; that sprang up on its ru
ins — usually, but not in fact exactly, re
presented byeen; .and (2) that tbe Papacy
began its career witfa a conceded domin
ion over the tfaree territories above referred
, to — a part, in fact, of tfae one great do
minion constituting the Roman power,
nnd are tfae same territory. It is a re
markable fact, tbat tho Popes to this day
wear a triple crown — a fact tbat exists in
regard to no other monarchs — aa if they
had absorbed under tbemselves tbree se
parate and distinct sovereignties, or aa if
tfaey represented tfaree separate forms of
dominion. Tfae sum of wh,it is said in
the exposition of these verses may be
tfaus exjiressed:— (1) That there was ori
ginally oMe great sovereignty represented
here by the ' fourth beast'— the Roraan
empire. (2) That, in fact, as is abund
antly coiflrmed by faistory, this one groat
and united power was broken up into a

large number of separate and independent
sovereignties — most naturally and obvi.
ously described by ten, or sucfa ns would
appear in a propfaetic vision to bo ten, and
such as is actually so represented by histo
rians ha ving no in teres tin the fulfilment of
tfae prophecy, and no designed reference to
wha t may be syinb(dized by the ' ten horns i'
(3) that there was another peculiar and dis
tinct power that sprang out of tbem, and
tfaat grew to be migbty — a power unlike
tfae others, and unlike any thing tfaat had
before appeared in the world — combining
qualities to be found in no otber sove
reignty — having a peculiar relation at the
same time to the one original sovereignty,
and to the ten into which thatwas divided
— the prolongation, in an important sense,
ofthe power of the one, and springing up
in a peculiar manner among tfae otfaerS' —
that peculiar ecclesiastical and civil power
— the Papacy- — well represented by tfao
'little faorn;' (4) thatin fact this one power
absorbed into itself three of these sove
reignties — annihilating them as independ
ent powers, and combining them into one
most peculiar dominion — properly repre
sented by 'plucking them up;' (5) that
as a proper symbol, or emblem of some
sucb domination, a crown or diadem is
still worn, most naturally and obviously
suggesting such a three-fold absorption of
dominion; (6) that alf this is actually
prefigured by the symbols employed by
the prophet, or that the symbels are such
as would be naturally employed on the
supposition tbat tfaese events were de
signed to be referred to; and (7) tbat
tbere have been no o(Aer historical events
to whicb these remarkable symbols could
be naturally and obviously applied. And
if these tfaings are so, faow are tbey to be
explained except on tfae supposition that
Daniel was inspired ? Has man any nat
ural sagacity by which such symbols rep
resenting the future could be suggested?
(/) It would be arrogant and proud,
'speaking great words against the Most
High.' No Protestant will doubt that
this is true of the Papacy; no one ac
quainted with history will presume to
call it in question. ' The arrogant preten
sions of tbe Papacy faave been manifested
in all the history of tbat prwer, and no
one can doubt that its assumptions have
been, in fact, by fair construction, 'a
speaking of great words against God.'
Tbe Pope has claimed, or allowed to be
conferred on him, names and preroga-

328

tives which can belong ouly to God. See
tbis fully shown in the Notes on 2 Thess.
ii. 4. The facts there referred lo are all
tbat is necessary to illustrate this passage,
on the supposition that it refers to the
Papacy. Comp. also the * Literalist,' vol.
. pp. 24 — 27. (g) This would be a perse
cuting power — 'making war with the
saints,' and 'wearing out the saints of
the Most High.' Can any one doubt that
tfais is true of tbe Papacy ? The Inqui
sition; the 'persecutions of the Walden
ses ;' the ravages of tbe Duke of Alva ;
tfae fires of Smitfafield; tfae tortures at
Goa — indeed, tfae wfaole history of the
Papacy may be appealed to in proof tbat
this is applicable to tbat power. If any
tfaing could have 'worn out the paints of
tbe Most High' — could have cut them off
from tbe earth so that evangelical religion
would have become extinct, it would
have been tbe persecutions of the Papal
power. In tfae year 1208, a crusade was
proclaimed by Pope Innocent III. against
tbe Waldenses and Albigenses, in which
a million of men perished. From tbe be
ginning of the order of tbe Jesuits, in
the year 1540 to 1580, nine bundred
thousand were destroyed. One hundred
and fifty thousand perished by tfae Inqui
sition in thirty years. In the Low coun
tries flfty thousand persons were hanged,
beheaded, burned, and buried alive, for
the crime of heresy, within the space of
thirty-eight years from the edict of
Charles V., against the Protestants, to
the peace of Chateu Cambreses in 1559.
Eighteen thousand suffered by the hand
of the executioner, in the space of five
years and a half, during the administra
tion of tfae Duke of Alva. Indeed, tfae
sligfatest acquaintance witfa the history
of tfae Papncy, will convince any one thnt
what is here said of 'making war with
the saints' (ver. 21), and 'wearing out
the saints of the Most High' (ver. 25), is
strictly applicable to that power, and will
accurately describe its history. There
have been, indeed, otfaer persecuting
powers, but none to which this language
would be so applicable, and none which
it would so naturally suggest. In proof
of tfais, it is only necessary to refer to tfao
history of tbe Papacy, and to wfaat it faas
done to extirpate tfaose wfao faave pro
fessed a difi'erent faith. Let any ono re
call (a) the persecution of the Waldenses ;
lb) tfae acts of the Duke of Alva in the
Low countries; {<,) the persecution in

DANIEL. [B.C. 555

England under Mary; {d) the Inquisi
tion ; (e) the attempts, too successful, to
extinguish all the efforts at Reformation
in Italy and Spain in the time of Luther
and Calvin (see McKrie), and (/) the at
tempts to put down the Reformation in
Germany and Switzerland, nil which were
either directly originated or sanctioned
by tbe Papacy, and all for tbe same end,
and he will see no reason to doubt that
the language bere is strictly applicable to
tfaat power, and tfaat tfaere faas been no
government on earth whicfa would be so
naturally suggested by it. Cunninghame,
in the Literalist, i. 27, 28. Indeed, vrho
can number up all that baTC perisfaed iu
tbe Inquisition alone? (A) It wonld
claim legislative power—' thinking to
change times and laws.' The original
Chaldee bere mny be rendered, as is done
by Gesenius and De Wette, set timea,
atated timea, or fcatival seaaona. The word
bere, says Gesenius {Lex.), is 'spoken of
sacred seasons, festivals,' and there can
be no doubt that in tbis place it refers to
religious institutions. The meaning is,
tbat he would claim control over such in
stitutions or festivals, and that he woulr
appoint or change tfaem at his pleasure
He would abolish or modify existing tti
stitutions of that kind, or he would insti
tute new ones, as should seem good t(
him. This would bo applicable, then, ti
some power tfaat sfaould claim authority
to prescribe religious institutions, and to
change the laws of God. No one, also,
can fail to see a fulfilment of this in the
claims of the Papacy, in setting up a ju
risdiction over seasons of festival and
fast; and in demanding that the laws of
kingdoms should be so moulded as to
sustain its claims, and modifying the laws
of God as revealed in tbe Bible. The
right of deposing and setting up kings ;
of fixing the boundaries of nations ; of
giving away crowns and sceptres ; and
of exercising dominion over the sacred
seasons, the customs, the amusements of
nations — all these, as illustrated under
the Papacy, will leave no doubt thnt nil
this would find an ample fulfilment in the
history of that power. Tbo Pope has
claimed to be the head of the cfaurcfa, and
has asserted and exercised tbe right of
appointing sacred seasons ; of abolishing
ancient institutions ; of introducing num
berless new festival occasions, practically
abrogating tbe laws of God on a great V»-
riety of subjects. We need only refer, is

B.C. 555.]

CHAPTER YII.

329

illustration of thij, (a) to the claim of in
fallibility, by whicfa an absolute jurisdic
tion is asserted tbat covers tbe whole
ground ; (b) to all the laws pertaining to
image-worship, so directly in tbe face of
the laws of God ; (c) to the celibacy of
the clergy, rendering void one of tfae laws
of heaven in relation to marriage; {d) to
the whole doctrine respecting purgiitory;
(e) to tfae doctrine of transubstantlation ;
(/ ) to tbe practical abolition of the chris
tian sabbath by appointing numerous
saints' days to be observed as equally
sacred ; (g) to tfae law witfafaolding tfae
cup from the laity — contrary to the com
mandment of tfae Saviour, and (A) in
general to the absolute control claimed
by the Papacy, over tfae wfaole subject of
religion. Indeed, nothing would better
characterize this power than to say that
it asserted the right to ' change times and
laws.' And to all this should be added
anotfaer cfaaracteristic (ver. 8), that 'it
would have tbe eyes of a man ;' that is,
would be distinguished for a far-seeing
sagacity. Could tfais be so appropriately
applied to anytfaing else as to tfae deep,
tfae artful, and the far-reaching diplomacy
of tbe court of Rome ; to tfae sagacity of
tbe Jesuit; to the skilful policy whicfa
subdued the world to itself?
These illustrations will leave no doubt,
it seems to me, tbat all that is faere said
will find an ample fulfilment in the Pa
pacy, and that it is to be regarded as
having a reference to that power. If so,
it only remains
III. To inquire what, according to this
interpretation, we are to expect will yet
occur, or wfaat ligfat this passage throws
on 'events tfaat are yet future. Tfae
origin, tfae growtfa, the general charac
ter and influence of this poi er up to a
distant period, are illustrated by tbis in
terpretation. What remaina is the in
quiry, from the passage before us, how
.long this is to continue, and wbat we are
to anticipate in regard to its fall. The
following points, then, would seem to be
clear, on the supposition that this refers
to the Papal power.
It is to continue a definito period from
its establisfament, ver 25. Tfais duration
is mentioned as 'a time, and times, and
tfae dividing ofa time:' — tfaree years and
a faalf — twelve hundred and sixty days-
twelve hundred and sixty years. See
the Notes on tfaat verse. The only diji-
mtlty in regard to this, if that interpretar-
28*

tion is correct, is to determine the time
when the Papacy actually began — the
terminua a quo — and tfais faas given rise
to all tfae diversity of explanation among
Protestants. Assuming any one time as
tfae period when the Papal power aroae,
as a date from which to calculate, it ii
easy to compute from that date, and to
fix some period — terminua ad quem — to
wfaicfa tfais refers, and which mny be
looked to as the time of the overthrow of
that power. Bat there is nothing more
difficult in history than tfae determination
of the exact time when the Papacy pro
perly began : — tfaat is, when the peculiar
domination whieh is fairly understood by
that system, commenced in tfae world ;
or wfaat were its first distinguisfaing acts.
History faas not so marked tfaat period tfaat
tfaere is no room for doubt. It bas not
afiixed definite dates to it; and to tfais day
it is not easy to make out tfae time wben
tfaat power commenced, or to designate any
one event at a certain period that will
surely mark it. It aeems to have been a
gradual growth, and its commencement
has not been so definitely characterized
as to enable us to demonstrate witfa
absolute certainty the time to wfaich
the twelve hundred and sixty years will
extend. Different writers have assigned differ
ent periods for the rise of the Papacy,
and different acts as tfae first act -of tfaat
power ; and all tfae propfaecies ns to its
termination depend on the period which
is fixed on as tbe time of its rise. It is
tbis whicfa faas led to so mucfa tfaat is
conjectural, and wfaicfa faas been the oc
casion of so mucfa disappointment, and
whicb throws so mucfa obscurity now
over all calculations as to the termi
nation of that power. In nothing is
tfae Scripture more clear tfaan tfaat that
power sfaall be destroyed ; and if we could
ascertain with exactness tfae date of its
origin, tfaere would be little danger of
erring in regard to its close. The dif
ferent periods whicfa h.ave been fixed on
as the date of its rise, faave been princi
pally tfae following: (1) An edict pub
lished by Justinian (A. D. 533), and a
letter addressed by him at the same time
to the Pope, in wfaicfa he a.cknowledged
him to be the bead of tfae churches, thus
conferring on faim a title belonging only
to tfae Saviour, and putting bimself and
empire under tfae dominion of tfae Bishop
of Rome. Duffield on the Propheoie?.

330

DANIEL.

[B.C. 555,

p. 281. (2) The decree of lie emperor
Phocas (A. D. 606), confirm! jg what had
been done by Justinian, and giving his
sanction to the code of laws promulgated
by him : a code of laws based on the
acknowledged supremacy of the Pope,
and which became the basis of European
legislation for centuries ; and conferring
on bim the title of ' Universal Bishop.'
(3) The act of Pope Stephen, by which,
when appealed to by the claimant to the
crown of France, he confirmed Pepin in
the kingdom, and set aside Childeric III.,
and, in return, received from Pepin tbe
Exarchate of Ravenna and the Penta
polis. See Ranke's Hist, of the Papacy,
vol. L 23. This occurred about A. D. 752.
(4) Tbe opinion of Mr. Gibbon (IV. 363,)
that Gregory, the Seventh was the true
founder of the Papal power. " Gregory
the Seventh," says be, " wbo may be
adored or detested aa the founder of the
Papal monarchy, was driven from Rome,
and died in exile at Salerno." Gregory
became Pope A. D. 1073. These different
dates, if assumed as the foundation of tbe
Papal power, would, by the addition to
eacfa of tfae period of 1260 years, lead re
spectively to tbe year 1793, 1866, 2105,
and 2333, as the period of tfae termination
of tfae Papal dominion. As this is a
point of great importance in the expla
nation of the prophecies, it may be pro
per to examine these opinions a little
more in detail. But in order to tfais, it is
necessary to bave a clear conception of
wbat tbe Papacy as a distinct domina
tion is, or wbat constitutes its peculiarity,
as seen by the sacred writers, and as it
bas in fact existed, and does exist in the
world ; and in regard to this tbere can
be little difference of opinion. It is not
a mere ecclesiastical power — not a mere
spiritual domination — not the control of
a bisfaop as such over a church or a dio
cese — nor is it a mere temporal dominion,
but it is manifestly the nnion of the two :
that peculiar domination which the Bishop
of Rome bas claimed, as growing out of
his primacy as the head of the church,
and of a temporal power also, asserted at
first over a limited jurisdiction, but ulti
mately, and as a natural consequence,
«ver all other sovereignties, and claim-
mg universal dominion. We shall not
flnd tbe Papacy, or the Papal dominion
as such, clearly, in tfae mere spiritual rule
of tbe first Bisfaop of Rome, nor in tbat
Here spiritual dominion, however en

larged, but In that junction of the two,
wben, in virtue of a pretended divine
right, a temporal dominion grew np, that
ultimately extended iteelf over Europe,
claiming the authority to dispose of
crowns ; to lay kingdoms under interdict,
and to absolve subjects frum theii alle
giance. If we can find the beginjing of
this claim — the germ of this peculiar kind
of domination — we shall doubtless havo
found the commeneementof the Papacy —
the terminua a quo — as itwas seen by the
prophets — tbe point from which we are
to reckon in determining the question of
its duration.
With tfais view, tfaen, of tbe nature of
the Papacy, it is proper to inquire when
it commenced, or which of the periods
referred to, if eitfaer, can be properly re
garded as the commencement.
(I) Tbe Edict of Justinian, and the
letter to the Bishop of Rome, in which
he acknowledged faim to be the head of
the church, A. D. 533. This occurred
under Johu II., reckoned as the fifty-
fifth Bisfaop of Rome. The nature of this
application of Justinian to the Pope, and
the bonour conferred on him, was tfais :
On an occasion of a controversy in tfae
cfaurch, on the question whether " one
person of tbe Trinity suffered in tfae
flesfa," tfae monks of Constantinople, fear
ful of being condemned under nn edict
of Justinian for heresy in denying this,
applied to the Pope to decide the pbint
Justinian, wbo took great delight in in
quiries of tfaat nature, and wbo main
tained the opposite opinion on that sub
ject, also made his appeal to the Pope.
Having, therefore, drawn up a long creed,
containing the disputed article among
the rest, ho despatched two bishops with
it to Rome, and laid the wfaole matter
before the Pope. At tfae same time he
wrote a letter to the Pope, congratulating
bim on his election, assuring him tbat
the faith contained in tbe confession
which he sent him was tfae faith of tfae
whole eastern church, and entreating
him to declare in his answer that he re
ceived to his communion all who pro
fessed thai; faitfa, and none who did not.
To add weight to the letter, be accom.
panied it with a present to St. Peter,
consisting of several chalices, and otfaer
vessels of gold, enricfaed witfa precioua
stones. From this deference to tbe Pope,
on the part of the emperor, and this sub
mitting to him, as the head of tho whole

B. C. 555.J

CHAPTER VII,

331

church, of an important question to be
determined, it hos been argued that this
was properly the heginning of tfae Pa
pacy, and that the twelve faundred and
sixty years are to be reckoned from that.
But against tfais opinion tfao objections
are insuperable : for (a) tfaero was here
nothing of that wfaiefa ^roper^y constitutes
tfae Papacy — tfae peculiar union of the
temporal and spiritual power; or tfae
peculiar domination which that power
has exerted over the world. All tbat
occurred was the mere deference whicfa
an emperor showed to one who claimed
to be the apiritual head of the church,
and who had long before claimed tfaat
There was no change — no beginning, pro
perly so called — no commencement of a
new form of domination over mankind,
sucfa as the Papacy faas been, (b) But,
as a matter of fict, there was, after all,
little real deference to the Pope in tfais
case. " Little or no aceount," says Bower,
"ougfat to bo made of tbat extraordinary
deference [tho deference shown by car
rying tfais qUostion beforo the Pope],
Justinian paid great deference to the
Pope, as well as to all other bishops, when
they agreed with him; but none at all
when they did not; tfainking himself, at
least, as well qualified as the best of them,
and so ho certainly was, to decide con
troversies concerning the faitfa j and we
sfaall soon see him entering tfae lists with
his holiness himself." Lives of tfae
Popes, L ^36.
IL The second date wfaich has been
assigned to tbe origin of tfae Pnpacy, is the
decree made bythe emperor Phocas (A. D.
606), by whicfa, it is said, he confirmed
the grant made by Justinian. Tfais act
was tfae following: Boniface IIL, wfaen
he had been made bishop of Rome, rely
ing on the favour and partiality which
Phocas had shown him, prevailed on him
to revoke the decree settling the title of
' Universal Bishop' on the bishop of Con
stantinople, and obtained another settUng
that title on himself and fais successors.
The decree of Phocas, conferring tfais
title, has not indeed come down to us j
butit has been the common testimony of
historians tfaat such title was conferred.
See Mosheim L 513, Bower L 426. The
Tact asserted faere faas been doubted, and
Mosheim supposes that it rests on tfae
authority of Baronius, " Still," says he,
"it is certain that something of tfais kind
occurred." But there are serious objec

tions to our regarding tfais as properly
the commencement of tfae Papacy as such.
For (a) this was not the beginning of that
peculiar domination, or form of power,
which the Pope has asserted and main
tained. If this title were conferred, it im
parted no new power; it did not chang©
tbe naturo of this domination ; it did not, in
fact,make the Roman bishop diff'erent from
what he was before. He was stili, in all
respects, subject to the civil power of the
emperors, and had no control beyond that
which he exercised in tfae church. (6) And
even tkia little was withdrawn by tfae
same authority wfaich granted it — the au
thority of tfae emperor of Constantinople
— thougfa it has always since been claimed
and asserted by tfae Pope himself. See
Bower, I. 427. It is true that, as a con
sequence of tfae fact tfaat this title was
conferred on the Popes, they began to
grasp at power, and aspire to temporal
dominion ; but still there was no formal
grasp of such power growing out of tfae
assumption of this title, nor was any such
temporal dominion set up as the immedi
ate result of sucfa a title. The act, tfaere
fore, was not sufficiently marked, distinct,
and decisive, to constitute an epocfa, iu
the beginning of an era, in tbe history of
the world, and the rise of the Papacy can
not witfa any propriety be dated from thai.
This waa undoubtedly one of the steps by
whicfa tfaat peculiar power' rose to its
greatness, or which contributed to lay tfae
foundation of its subsequent claims, its
arrogance, and its pride; but it is doubt
ful whether it was so important an event
characterizing the Papacy as to be re
garded as the origin, or the terminua a quo
in ascertaining the time of its continu
ance.* It was, however, in view of tfais,
*Mr. Hallam (Middle Ages, 1, 420, Note)
urges the following arguments substantially,
against the supposition that the Papal suprem
acy had its rise from this epoch, and is to be
dated from the concession of the title of Uni
versal Bishop made by Phocas to Boniface III,
viz: (1) Its truth aa commonly stated, ap
pears more thnn questionable. (2) " But if the
strongest proof could be advanced for the au
thenticity of this circumstance, we may well
deny its importance. The concession of Phocas
could have been of no validity in Lombardy,
France, and other western countries, where
nevertheless, the Papal supremacy was incom
parably more established than in the east."
(3) " Kven within the empire it could have had
no efficacy after the violent death of that usurp.
er, which occurred socn afterwards." (4; *' The
title of Universal Bishop isnot very intelligiible,
but whatever it means the patriarchs of Cod-

832

DANIEL.

[B. C. 655

and with this considered as properly the
origin of the Papacy, that the Bev. Rob
ert Fleming, in his work on the *Rise and
FnU of the Papacy,' first published in 1701,
uttered the following remarkable lan
guage, as based on his calculations re
specting the continuance of that power :
"If we may suppose that Antichrist be
gan his reign in tbe year 606, tbe addi
tional one thousand two bundred and
sixty years of his duration, were they
Julian or ordinary years, would lead down
to tfae year 1S66, as the last period of the
seven-headed monster. But seeing they
are prophetical years only [of 360 days],
we must cast away eighteen years in or
der to bring them to the exact measure
of time that the Spirit of God designs in
this book. And thus the final period of
the Papal usurpations {auppoaing tkat ke
did indeed riae in tke year 606) must con
clude with the year 1848." P. 25. Ed.
New York. Whether this be considered
as merely a happy conjecture — the one
successful one among thousands that have
failed, or as the result of a proper calcu
lation respecting tfae future, no one in
comparing it with the events of the year
1848, wheu tfae Pope was driven from
Rome, and wfaen a popular government
was establisfaed in the very seat of tfae
Papal power, can fail to see that it is re
markable considered as having been lit
tered a century and a faalf ago. Wfaetfaer
it is tfae correct calculation, and that tem
porary downfall of the Papal Government
is to be regarded as tfae first in a series
of events that will ultimately end in its
destruction, lime must determine. The
reasons mentioned above, however, and
tfaose which will be suggested in favour
of a different beginning of that power,
make it, at present, more probable tbat a
different period is to be assigned as its
close. III. The third date which has been
assigned as tfae beginning of tfae Papacy,
stantinoplehad bome it before, and continued to
bear it afterwards." (5) ¦' The preceding Pope?,
Pelagius II. and Gref^ory I., had constantly dip-
claimed the appellation ; nor does it appear to
have been claimed hy the PucccFPora of Boniface,
at least for Fomc centuries." (6.) " The Popes had
undoubtedly exercised a species of supremacy
for more than two centuries before tbis time,
wuich had lately reached a high point of au
thority under Gregory I." (7.) "There are
riu sensible marks of this supremacy making
a more rapid progress for a century and a half
itier the protended grant of thia emperor."

lis tfae grant of Pepin above referr»d to,
A. D. 752, This grant conferred by Pe
pin was confirmed also by Charlemagne
and bis successors, and it was undoubt
edly at this period that tbe Papacy began
to assume its place among the sovereign-r
ties of Europe. In favour of this opin
ion — that this was properly the rise of
tho papacy — tbe terminua a quo of pic-
phecy, the following considerations may ba
urged : (a) We have here a definite act—
an act whicfa is palpable and apparent, as
characterizing the progress of tbis domi
nation over men. (6) We bave bere pro
perly the beginning of the temporal do
minion, or the first acknowledged exercise.
of that power in acts of temporal sove
reignty — in giving laws, asserting domin
ion, swaying a temporal sceptre, nnd
wearing a temporal crown. All the acts be
fore faad been of a spiritual character, and
all the deference to the Bishop of Rome
faad been of a spiritual nature. Hence
forward, however, fae was acknowledged
as a temporal prince, and took his placo
as such among the crowned faeads of Eu
rope, (c) This is properly the beginning
of tbat mighty domination which the
Pope wielded over Europe — a beginning,
wfaicfa, however small at first, ultimately
became so powerful and so arrogant as to
claim jurisdiction over all the kingdoms
of the earth, and the right to absolve sub
jects from tbeir allegiance, to lay king
doms under interdict, to dispose of crowns,
to order the succession of princes, to tax all
people, and to dispose of all newly discov
ered countries, {d) This accords better
with tfae prophecies than any other one
eventwhich haa occurred in tbe world — es
pecially with the propfaecy of Daniel ofthe
springing up of the little faorn, and tfae
fact tfaat that little horn plucked up three
others of the ten into which the fourth
kingdom was divided. And (e) it should
be added that tbis agrees with the idea
all along held up in the prophecies, that
this would he properly tke fourth empire
prolonged. The fifth empire or kingdoca
is to be the reign of tfao saints, or tfae
reign of rigfateousness op the earth: the
fourtfa extends down in its infiuences and
power to that. As a matter of fact, this
Roman power was thus concentrated iu
tfae Papacy. Tfae forra was cfaanged, but
it was the Roman power that was in the
eye ofthe prophets, and this was contem
plated under its various pha&.^fi, as hea-.
then aud nominally Christian nntl! the

B. C. 555.]

CHAPTER VII,

333

reign of the saints shonld commence, or
tbe kingdom of God should be set up.
But it was only in the time of Stephen,
and by the act of Pepin and Charlemagne,
that this change occurred, or that this
dominion of a temporal character was set
tled in the Papacy — and that tl.e Pope
was acknowledged as having tbis temporal
power. This was eonaummated indeed in
Hildebrand, or Gregory VII. (Gibbon iii.
353, iv. 363), bnt thia migbty power
properly had its origin in the time of
Pepin. IV. The fourth date assigned for the
origin of tbe Papacy is tbe time of Hil
debrand, or Gregory VII. This is the
period assigned by Mr. Gibbon. Respect
ing this, he remnrks (vol. iv. p. 363),
" Gregory the Seventh, who may be
adored or detested aa the founder of the
Papal monarchy, was driven from Rome,
and died in exile at Salerno." And again
(vol. iii. p. 353), be says of Gregory,
** After a long series of scandal, tbe apos
tolic See was reformed and exalted, by
tbe austerity and zeal of Gregory VII.
That ambitious monk devoted bis life to
the execution of two projects : I. To fix
in the college of Cardinals tbe freedom
and independence of election, and for
ever to abolish tbe right or usurpation of
the emperors and the Roman people.
II. To bestow and resurae the Western
empire as a fief or benefice of tbe church,
and to extend his temporal dominion
over the king? and kingdoms of the earth.
After a contest of fifty years, the first of
these designs was accomplished by the
firm support of the ecclesiastical order,
whose liberty was connected with that of
the chief. But tbe second attempt,
though it was crowned witb some appa
rent and partial success, bas been vig
orously resisted by the secular power,
and finally extinguished by the improve
ment of human reason."
If the views above suggested, however,
are correct ; or if we look at the Papacy
as it was in tbe time of Hildebrand, it
must be apparent that tbis was not the
riae or origin of tbat peculiar domination,
Hut was only the carrying out and com
pleting of tbe plan laid long before to set
up a temporal dominion over mankind.
It should be added, that whichever of
the three first periods referred to be re
garded asthetimeofthe rise of the Papacy,
if we add to them the prophetic period of
1260 years, we are now in the midst of

scenes on wbich the prophetic eye rested.
and we cannot, as fair interpreters of
prophecy, but regard this migbty domi
nation as hastening to its fall. It would
soem probable, then, that according to
the most obvious explanation of the sub-
ject, we are at present not far from the
termination ond fall of that great power,
and that events may be expected to >;-
cur at about tbis period of the world
which will be connected with its fall.
(B) Its power is to be taken awoy as
by a solemn judgment — aa if tbe throne
was set, and God was to come forth to
pronounce judgment on tbis power to
overthrow it, vs. 10, 11, 26. This de
struction ofthe power referred to is tobe
absolute and entire — as if the "beast
were slain, and the body given to tho
burning flame" — "and they shall take
away bis dominion, to consume and de
stroy it unto the end." This would de
note the absolute destruction of this pe
culiar power — its entire cessation in the
world ; that is, the absolute destruction
of that which had constituted its peculi
arity — the prolonged power of the beast
of the fourth kingdom — concentrated and
embodied in that represented by the little
born. If applied to the Roman power,
or the fourth kingdom, it means that
that power, which would bave been pro
longed under the dominion of tbat repre
sented by the little horn, would wholly
ceaso — as if the body of the beast had
been burned. If applied to the power
represented by the 'littie born' — the Pa.
pacy — ^it means tbat that power which
sprang up amidst the othors, and which
became so mighty — embodying so much
of tbe power of the beast, would wholly
pass away as an ecclesiastico-civil power.
It would cease its dominion, and as one
of the ruling powers of the earth would
disappear. This would be accomplished
by some remarkable divine manifesta
tion — aa if God sbould come in majesty
and power to judgment, and should pro
nounce a sentence ; that is, the overthrow
would be decisive, and as manifestly the
result of tbe divine interposition, aa if
God should do it by a formal act of judg
ment. In tbe overthrow of that power,
whenever it occurs, it would be natural,
from this prophecy, to anticipate that
there would be eome scenes of commo
tion and revolution bearing directly on
it, as if God were pronouncing sentence
ou it ; some important changes in tbt

S34

DANIEL.

[B. C. 555,

nations that had acknowledged its au
thority, aa if the great Judge of nations
was coming forth to assert his own power,
and his own right to rule, and to dis
pose of the kingdoras of the earth as he

(C) It is to be anticipated that the
power referred to, will be destroyed on
account of its pride and arrogance. See
Notes on ver. 11. That is, whatever
power tbere is upon the earth at the time
referred to that shall be properly tbat of
the fourth beast or kingdom, will be
taken away on account of the claims set
up and maintained by the ' little horn :' —
" I beheld because of the voice of the great
words which the born spake; I beheld
till the beast was slain," Ac, ver. 11.
On the supposition that this refers to the
Papacy, what is to be expected would be,
tbat the pride and arrogance of that
power as such — that is, as an ecclesiasti
cal power claiming dominion over civil
things, and wielding civil authority, would
be such that the Roman power — the lin
gering power of the fourth kingdom —
would be taken away, and its dominion
over the world would cease. Tbat vast
Roman domination that once trod down the
earth, and tbat crushed and oppressed
the nations, would still linger, like the
prolonged life of the beast, until, on ac
count of the arrogance and pride of the
Papacy, it would be wholly taken away.
If one were to judge of tbe meaning of
this prophecy without attempting to ap
ply it to particular passing events, he
would say that it would be fulfilled by
some such events as these : — if tbe peo
ple over whom the prolonged Roman
civil power would be extended, and over
whom the ecclesiastical or Papal sceptre
should be swayed, would on account of
the pride and arrogance of the Papacy
rise in their might, and demand liberty —
that would be in fact an end of the pro
longed power of the fourth beast; and it
would be on account of tbe ' great words
which the horn spaie,' and would be in
all respects a fulfilment of the langnage
of this prophecy. Whether sueh an end
of this power is to occur, time is to de
termine. (D) Simultaneously with this eveni, as
the result of this, we are to anticipate
dach a spread of truth and righteousness,
ana such a reign of the sainte on the
earth, as would be properly symbolized
by tho coming of the Son of Man to the

Ancient of days to receive the kingdom,
vs. 13, 14. As shown in the interpreta.
tion of those verses, this does not neces
sarily imply that there would be any visi
ble appearing of the Son of Man, or any
personal reign (see tbe Notes on these
verses), but there would be snch a mak
ing over of the kingdom to tbe Son of
Man and to the saints, as would be pro
perly symbolized by such a representa
tion. That is, there would be great
changes; there would be a rapid pro
gress of tbe truth; there would be a
spread of the gospel ; there would be a
change in the governments of the world,
so that the power would pass into the
hands of the righteous, and tbey would
in fact rule. From that time the 'saints'
would receive the kingdom, and the af
fairs of the world would be put on a new
footing. From tbat period it might bo
said that the reign of the saints would
commence ; that is, there would be sueh
changes in this respect tbat that would
constitute an epoch in the history of the
world — the proper beginning of the reign
of the saints on the earth — the setting up
of the new and final dominion in the
world. If there should be such changes
— such marked progress — sucb facilities
for the spread of truth — such new me
thods of propagating it — and such cer
tain success attending it, all opposition
giving way, and persecution ceasing, as
would properly constitute an epoch or era
in the world's history wbicb would be
connected with tho conversion of tbe
world to God, this would fairly meet the
interpretation of this prophecy ; this oc
curring, all would have taken place wbich
could be fairly shown to be implied in
tbe vision.
(E) We are to expect a reign of righte
ousness on the earth. On the character
of wbat we are fairly to expect from the
words of the prophecy, see Notes on ver.
14. The prophecy authorizes us to anti
cipate a time when tbere shall be a gen
eral prevalence of true religion ; when
the power in the world shall be in the
hands of good men — of men fearing God ;
when the divine laws shall be obeyed —
being acknowledged as the laws that are
to control men ; when tbe civil institu
tions of tbe world shall be pervaded by
religion, and moulded by it; when tbere
shall be no hindrance to tbe free exercise
of religion, and when in fact the reign
ing power on the eartli shall be the king.

B.C.553.] CHAPTER VIII. 335

dom which the Messiah shall set up.
There is nothing more certain in the fu
ture than snch a period, and to that all
things are tending. Such a period would
fulfll all tbat is fairly implied in tbis
wonderful prophecy, and to that faith and
hope should calmly and confidently look

forward. For that they who love thei!
God and their race should labour and pray ;
and by the certain assurance that such a
period will come, we should be cheered
amidst all tbe moral darkness that exists
in the world, and in all tbat now discour
ages us in ovr endeavours to do good.

CHAPTER VIII.

ANALYSIS OF THE CHAPTBB,
Thh chapter contains an account of a vision seen by the prophet in tho third year of the
reign cf Belshazzar. The prophet either waa, or appeared to be, in the city of Shushan — after
wards the capital of the Persian empire, in the province of Elam. To that place, then an im
portant town, there is no improhability in supposing that he had gone, aa he was then uncon
nected with the govemment, or not employed by the government (ch. v.), and as it is not un
reasonable to suppose that he would he at liberty to visit other parts of the empire than Baby
lon. Possibly there may have been Jews at that place, and he may have gone on a visit to
them. Or perhaps the scene of the vision may have been laid in Shushan, by the river Ulai,
and that the prophet means to represent himself as if he had been there, and the vision had
seemed to pass there before his mind. But there is no valid objection to the supposition that he
waa actually there, and this seems to be affirmed in ver. 2. While there, he saw a ram with
two horns, one h;p:her tban the other, pushing westward, and northward, and southward, so
powerful that nothing could oppose him. As he was looking on this, he saw a he-goat come
from the "West, bounding along, and scarcely touching the ground, with a single remarkable
horn betweeu his eyes. This he-goat attacked the ram, broke his two horns, and overcame him
entirely. The he-goat became very strong, but at length the horn was broken, and there came
up four iu ita place. From one of these there sprang up a Uttle horn that became exceeding
great aud mighty, extending itself toward the South, and the East, and the pleasant land — tho
land of I'alestine. This horn became so mighty that itscemed to attack ' the host of heaven' —
the stars; it cast some ofthem down to the ground ; it magnified itself against the Prince of the
host; it caused the daily sacrifice in the temple to cease, andthe sanctuary ofthe Prince ofthe
host was cast down. An earnest inquiry was made by one saint to another how long this was
to continue, and the answer was, unto two thousand and three hundred daye, and that then the
sanctuary would be cleansed. Gabriel is then sent to explain the vision to the prophet, and he
announces that the ram with the two horns represented the kings of Media and Persia; the
goat the king of Greece ; the great horn between his eyes the first king ; the four horns that should
8,iring up after thatwas broken, the four dynasties into which the kingdom would be divided,
and the little hom a king of fierce countenance, and understanding dark sentences, and that
would stand up againtit the Prince of princes, and that would ultimately be destroyed. The
effect of thia was, that Daniel was overcome by the vision for a certain time; afterward he re
vived, and attended to the business ofthe king, but none understood tbe viaion.
This is one of the few prophecies in the Scriptures that are explained to the prophets them
selves, and it becomea, therefore, important aa a key to explain other prophecies of a similar
character. Ofthe reference to the kingdom of Media and Persia, and to the kingdom of Greece,
there is an express statement. The application of a portion of tbe prophecy to Alexander tho
Great, an,d to the four monarchies into which hia kingdom was divided at hia death, is equally
certain. And there cau be as little doubt of the application of the remainder to Antiochua
Epiphanes, and in this nearly all expositors are agreed. Indeed, so striking and clear ia the
application to this series of historical events, that Porphyry maintained that this, as well aa
other portions of Daniel, were written after the events occurred. One of two things, indeed, is
certain — either that this was written after the events here referred to occurred; or that Daniel
-va^ inspired. No man by any natural sagacity could have predicted these events with so much
accuracy and particularity.
Tbe portion of Daniel which follows is in pure Hebrew. The portion of the book fi-om tho
fourth verse of the second chapter to tbe end of the seventh chapter was written in ChaJde*
Ou this point see Intro. g4. IU. (1).

336

DANIEL,

[B. C. 563.

1 In the third year of the reign
of king Belshazzar a vision appeared
unto me, even unto me Daniel, after
that which appeared unto me at the
first. 1. In the third year of the reign of Bel
ahazzar, In regard to Selshazzar, see
Intro, to ch. v. g 2. ^ A viaion appeared
unto me. This vision appears^ to hare
occurred to him when awake, or in an
testacy J the former one occurred when
he was asleep, ch. vii. 1. Corap. vs. 17,
18, of this chapter, where the prophet
represents bimself as overpowered, and
ns falling down to tbo earth on account
of the vision. The representation would
seem to bave been made to pass before
his mind in open day, and when he was
fully awake. Comp. the case of Balaam,
Kum. xxiv. i: "Which saw the vision
of the Almighty, falling into a trance,
out having his eyes open." ^ After that
which appeared unto me at the firat. That
occurred in tbe first year of Belshazzar,
cb. vii. 1.
2. And I aaw in a viaion. I looked as
tbe vision appeared to me j or I saw cer
tain things represented to me in a vision.
On the word viaion, see Notes on cb. i. 11.
Tbe meaning here would seem to be tbat
a vision appeared to Daniel, and that he
contemplated it with earnestness to un
derstand what it meant. If That I was
at Shuahan. As remarked in tbe intro
duction to tbis chapter, this might mean
that he aeemed to be there, or that the
vision was represented to him as being
there, but the most natural construction
is to suppose that Baniel was actually
there himself. Why he was there, be
has not inforraed us directly, whether he
was on public business, or on bis own.
Trom ver. 27, however — 'Afterward I
rose up, and did the king's business' —
it would seem most probable that he was
then in the service of the king. This
supposition will not conflict with tbe
statement in ch. v. 10, 11, in which the
queen of Belshazzar, when the band writ
ing appeared on the wall of the palace,
informs the king that there was " a man
in bis kingdom in which was the spirit
of the holy gods," <fcc. — from which it
might be objected that Daniel w.as at that
time unknown to the king, and could not
have been in his employ, for it might have
Wen a iact thathe was in tbe employ of the

2 And I saw in a vision ; and it
came to pass, when I saw, that I
was at « Shushan in the palaoe,which
is in the province of jClam ; and I
>Es. 1, 2.

king as an officer of the govemment, and
yet it may have been forgotten tbat be
had this power of disclosing the meaning
of visions. He may have been employed
in tbe public service, but bis sen-ices to
the father of the king, and his extraordi
nary skill in interpreting dreams and vis
ions may not at once have occurred to tho
affrighted monarch and his courtiers.
Shushan, or Susa, the chief town of Susi
ana, was the capitol of Persia after the
time of Cyrus, in which the kings of Per
sia bad their principal residence. Neh i. 1.
Esther i. 2 — 5. It was situated on the
Eulaeus or Choaspes, probably on the spot
now occupied by tbe village Shus. Ben-
nel, Geog. of Herodotus; Kinneir, Mem.
Pers. Empire; K. Porter's Travels, II.
4,11; Bitter, Erdkunde, Asien, iz. 294.
Pict. Bib. in loc. At Shus tbere are ex
tensive ruins, stretching perhaps twelve
miles from one extremity to the other, and
consisting, with the other ruins in that
country, of hillocks of earth, and rubbish,
covered witb broken pieces of brick and
coloured tile. At the foot of these mounds
is tbe so-called tomb of Daniel, a small
building erected on the spot where the
remains of Daniel are believed in that re
gion to rest. It is apparently modern,
but nothing but the belief that this was
the site of tbe prophet's sepulchre could
j have led to its being built in tbe place
where it stands. Malcom, Hist, of Per
sia, i. 255,^256. The city of Shus is now
a gloomy wilderness, inhabited by lions,
hyenas, and other beasts of prey. Kitto,
Cyclop. Art. Shushan. Sir John Kin .
neir says that the dread ofthese animals
compelled Mr. Monteith and himself to
take shelter for the night within the walls
tbat encompass Daniel's tomb. Of that
tomb, Sir John Malcolm says, "It ib a
small building, but sufficient to shelter
some dervishes wbo watch the remains of
the prophet, and are supported by the
alms of pious pilgrims, who vi^¦it the
holy sepulchre. The dervishes aia now
the only inbabitants of Susa; and every
species of wild beast roams at large over
the Spot on which some of the proudest
palaces ever raised by human art ouc>

B. C. 553.]

CHAPTER VIII.

337

saw in a vision, and I was by the
river of Ulai.
stood." Vol. I. pp. 255, 256. For a de
scription of the ruins of Susa, see Pict.
Bib. in loc. This city was about 450 Ro
man miles from Seleucia, and was built,
according to Pliny, 6. 27, in a square of
about 120 stadia. It was the summer
lesidence of the Persian kings, (Cyrop.
8, 6, 10), as they passed the spring in
Ecbatana, and tbe autumn and winter in
Babylon. See Lengerke, in loc. It was
iu this city that Alexander the Great
married Stateira, daughter of Darius Co
domanus. The name means a lily, and
was probably given to it on account of
its heauty. Lengerlie. Kosenmiiller sup
poses tbat the vision here is represented to
have appeared to Do,niel in this city be
cause it would be the future capitol of Per
sia, and because so much ofthe vision per
tained to Persia. See Maurer, in loc.
Tbe annexed cut represents the present

3 Then I lifted up mine eyes, and
saw, and, behold, there stood before

appearance of that city. ^ In the palace.
This word — n^iO — means a fortress, a
castle, a fortified palace. Geseniua. See
Neh. i. 1. Esth. i. 5 ; ii. 5 ; viii. 14; ix.
6, 11, 12. It would seem to have been
given to tho city because it was a forti
fled place. The word applied not only to
the palace proper, a royal residence, but
to the whole adjacent city. It is not ne
cessary to suppose that Daniel was in the
palace proper, but only that he was in
the city to which the name was given.
^ Which is in the province of Elam. See
Notes on Isa. xi. 11. This province was
bounded on the east by Persia proper, on
the west by Babylonia, on the north by
Media, and on tlie south by the Persian
Gulf. It was about half as large as Per
sia, and not quite as large as England.
Kitto's Cyclo. It was probably con

quered by Nebuchadnezzar, and in tlie
time of Belshazzar was subject to the
Babylonian dominion. Shushan had been
doubtless the capitol of the kingdora of
Elam while it continued a separate king
dom, and remained the capitol of the
province while it was under the Babylo
nian yoke, and until it was subdued as a
part of the empire, by Cyrus. It was
then made one of the capitols of the
united Medo-Persian empire. It was
when it was the eapitol of a province that
it wus visited by Daniel, and thathe saw
the -ision there. Possibly he may havo
dwe! there subsequently, and died there.
•] And I waa by the river of Ulai. This
river flowed b-f the city of Shushan or Su-
29

sa, and fell into the united stream of tbe
Tigris and the Ennhrates. It is called
by Pliny (Nat. Hist. vi. 81) Eulaens; but
it is described by Greek writers generally
under tho name of Choaspes. Herod, v.
49. Strabo, xv. p. 728. It is now known
by tbe name Kerah, called by the Turks
Kcraso. It passes on the west of the ru
ins of Shus (Susa), and enters the Shat-
ul-Arab about twenty miles below Korna
Kinneir. Geog. Mem. of tbe Persian em
pire, pp. 96, 87. See Kitto's Cyc. Art. Ulai.
3. Then I lifted vp mine eyea and aaw.
And saw in vision, or there seemed to be
before me. IT There stood before the river.
On the bank of the river. % A ram,
whieh had two horns. There can be no

338

DANIEL.

[B. C. 553

the river a ram which had iwo horns :
and the iwo horns were high; but
one was higher than the " other, and
the higher came up last.
4 I saw the ram pushing west
ward, and northward, and south
ward ; so that no beast might stand
¦ second.
error in explaining the design of this sym
bol, for in ver. 20, it is expressly said that
it denoted the two kings of Media and Per
sia. Tbe united power of the kindom was
denoted by tbe ram itself; tbe fact tbat
there were two powers or kingdoms com
bined by the two horns of tbe ram. ^And
the two horns were high. Both indicating
great power, ^ But the one was higher
than the other, and Ihe higher came up last.
The higher horn springing up last denotes
Persia, that became the more mighty
power of the two, so that the name Me-
dia became flnally almost dropped, and
the united kingdom was known in Gre
cian history as the Persian. The Median
or Assyrian power was tbe older, but the
Persian became the most mighty.
4. I saw the ram pushing westward, and
northward, and southward. Denoting tbe
conquests of the united kingdom. The
east is not mentioned, for none of tho con
quests of the Medo-Persian empire ex
tended in that direction. Yet nothing
could better express the conquests actu
ally made by the Medo-Persian empire
than tbis representation. On tbe west
the conquests embraced Babylonia, Mes
opotamia, Syria and Asia Minor; on the
north, Colchis, Armenia, Iberia, and the
regions around the Caspian sea; and on
tbe south, Palestine, Ethiopia, Egypt, and
Lybia. Lengerke. This ¦Medo-Persian
power is represented as coming from the
east, Isa. xli. 2 : " Who raised up tbe
righteous man from the eaat," &e. Isa.
xlvi. 11 : " Calling a ravenous bird
from the eaat, &.e. ^ He did according lo
hia will, and became great. This expresses
well also the character of the Medo-Per
sian empire. It extended over a great
part of the known world, subduing to it
self a large portion of the earth. In its
(ariy conquests it met with no successful
opposition, nor was it stayed until it was
subdued by Greece — as at Leuctra and
Marathon, and tben as itwas finally over
thrown by Alexander the Great.

before him, neither was ihere any
that could deliver out of his hand ;
but he did according to his ^ will,
and became great.
5 And as I was considering, be
hold, a he-goat =oame from the west
on the face of the whole earth, and
biB.lO. 13, 14; C.6. 19. 11; 3,16. ever.21.

5. And aa I waa eonaidering. As I was
looking on this vision. It was a vision
which would naturally attract attention,
and one which would not be readily un
derstood. It evidently denoted some
combined power that was attempting
conquest, but we are not to snppose tbat
Daniel would readily understand what
was meant by it. The whole scene was
future — for the Medo-Persian power was
not yet consolidated in the time of Bel
shazzar, and the conquests represented
by tbe ram continued through many
years, and denoted by the he-goat ex
tended still much further into futurity.
^ Behold, a he-goat came from the weat.
In ver. 21, this is called the 'rough-
goat.' There can be no doi4>t as to the
application of this, for in ver. 21, it is ex
pressly said that it was 'the king of
Grecia.' The power represented is that
of Greece when it was consolidated under
Alexander the Great, and when he went
forth to the subjugation of this vast Per
sian empire. It may serve to illustrate
this, and to show tbe propriety of repre
senting the Macedonian power by the
symbol of a goat, to remark that this
symbol is often found, in various ways,
in connection with Macedon, and tbat,
for some reason, the goat was used as
emblematic of that power. A few facts,
furnished to tbe Editor of Calmet's Dic
tionary, by Taylor Combe, Esq., will
show the propriety of tbis allusion to
Macedonia under tbe emblem of a goat,
Vnd that tbe allusion would be readily
understood in after times. They aro
condensed bere from his account in Tay
lor's Calmet, V. 410—412. (1) Caranus,
the flrst king of the Macedonians, com
menced bis reign 814 years before the
Christian era. The circumstance of his
being led by goats to the city of Edessa,
tbe name of whicb, when he established
there tbe seat of bis kingdom, he eon-
verted into .Jigce, is well worthy of rC'
mark. Urbem Fdesaam, ob memoriam

B. C. 553.]

CHAPTER VIII.

339

touched not the ground: and the
^ or, none touched him in the earth.
^ a horn of sight.
muncria, ,^gaa, populum j^geadas. Jus
tin Lib. vii. c. 1. The adoption of tho
goat as an emblem of Macedon, would
have been early suggested by an important
event in their history. (2) Bronze flgures
of a goat have been found as the symbol
of Macedon. Mr. Combe says, " I have
lately had au opportunity of procuring
an ancient bronze figure of a goat with
one horn, wbich was the old symbol of
Macedon. As figures representing the
types of ancient countries are extremely
rare, and as neither a bronze nor marble
symbol of Macedon bas been hitherto
noticed, I beg leave to trouble you with
the few following observations," &c. Ho
tben says, " The goat which is sent for
your inspection, was dug up in Asia
Minor, and was brought, together with
other antiquities, into this country by a
poor Turk." The following cut is a re
presentation of this figure. The slightest

inspection of tbis figure will show tbe
propriety of the representation before
us. Mr. Combe then says, "Not only
many of tbe individual towns in Mace
don and Thrace employed this type, but
the kingdom itself of Macedon, whioh is
the oldest in Europe, of which we have
any regular and connected history, was
represented also by a goat, with this
peculiarity, that it had but one horn.
(3) In the reigu of Amyntas the first.

goat had a t notable horn between
his eyes.

nearly 300 years after Caranus, and about
547 years before Christ, the Macedonians,
upon being threatened with an invasion,
became tributary to the Persians. In
one of the pilasters of Persepolis, thia
very event seems to be recorded in a
manner that throws considerable light on
tbis subjeot. A goat is represented with
an immense horn growing out of the
middle of his forehead, and a man in a
Persian dress is seen by his side, hold
ing the horn with his left hand, by whicb
is signified the subjection of Macedon.
Tbe following is the figure referred to,
and it strikingly shows how early this

3 -I

V

--•'
340

DANIEL.

[B. C. 553

symbol was used. In the reign of Ar
chelaus of Macedon, B. C. 413, there
occurs, on the reverse of a coin of that

king, the head of a goat having only on«
born. Of this coin, so remarkable for
the single horn, there are two varietioB,

one, No. 1, engraved hy Pellerin, and the - the late Dr. W. Hunter. (5) " There jl
other, No. 2, preserved in the cabinet of | a gem," says Mr. Combe, " engraved in

tbe Florentine collection, whicb, as it con- 1
firms wbat has been already said, ond,
has not hitherto been understood, I think
worthy of mention. It will be seen by|
the drawing of this gem tbat nothing
more or less is meant by the ram's head'
with two borns, and the goat's head with
one, tban the kingdoms of Persia andi
Mncedon, represented under their appro
priate symbols. From the circumstance,
however, of these characteristic types
being united, it is extremely probable
that the gem was engraved after the con
quest of Persia by Alexander the Great."

Ihose remarks and illustrations will show
the propriety of the symbol used here,
and show also how readily it would be

understood in after times. There is no
evidence that Daniel understood that tbis
ever had been a symbol of Macedonia, or
that, if he had, he could have conjectured,
by any natural sagacity, that a power re
presented by that symbol would have
become tbe conqueror of Media and Per
sia, and every circumstance, therefore,
connected with this, only shows the more
clearly that ho was under the influence
of inspiration. It is affirmed by Jose
phus (Ant. B. xi. ch. viii.) that when
Alexander was at Jerusalam, the pro
phecies of Daniel respecting him were
(shown to bim by tbe high priest, and
that this fact was the means of his con-
ferring important favours ou the Jews.
If such an event occurred, the circum
stances here alluded to show how readily.
Alexander would recognize the reference
to his own country, and to himself, and
how probable the account of Josephus is^
that this was tbe means of conciliating
him towards the Jewish people. The
credibility of the account, which has beea
called in question, is examined in New
ton on the Prophecies, pp. 241 — 246,
^ On the face of the whole earth. He
seemed to move over the whole world — ¦
well representing the movements of Aleit'

B. C. 553.]

CHAPTER VIII.

341

6 And he came to the ram that
had iwo horns, which I had seen
standing before the river, and ran
unto him in the fury of his power.
ander, who conquered the known world,
and who is said to have wept because
there were no other worlds to conquer.
^ And touched not the ground. Marg.,
none touched him in the earth. The
translation in the text, however, is more
correct than tbat in the margin. He
seemed to bound along as if he did not
touch the ground — denoting the rapidity
of bis movements and conquests. A
similar description of great beauty occurs
in Virgil, ^n. vii. 806, seq. of Camilla :
Cursu pedum prsevertere ventos,
Ilia vel inthcta segetis per summa volaret
Gramind, nec teneras cursu Isesisset aristas,
Vel mare per medium fluctu suspensa tumenti
Ferret iter, celercs nec tingeret sequore plautas.
Nothing would better express the rapid
conquests of Alexander the Great, than
the language employed by Daniel. He
died at the early age of thirty-three, and
having been chosen generalissimo of tbe
Greeks against the Persians at the age
of twenty-one, the wbole period occupied
by him in his conquests j and in bis pub
lic life, was but twelve years, yet in that
time he brought tbe world in subjection
to bis arms. A single glance at his rapid
movements will show the propriety of
the description bere. In the year 334
B. C, he invaded Persia, and defeated
the Persians in the battle of the Granicus ;
in the year 333, he again defeated them
at the battle of Issus, and conquered
Parthia, Bactria, Hyrcania, Sogdiana,
and Asia Minor. In the year 332,
he conquered Tyre and Egypt, and
built Alexandria. In the year 331,
he defeated Darius Codomannus, and in
330 completed the conquest of the Per
sian empire. In the year 328, he defeated
Porus, king of India, and pursued his
march to tbe Ganges. In these few years,
therefore, he had overrun nearly all the
then known world, in conquests more
rapid and more decisive than bad ever
before been made. If And the goat had a
notable horn between his eyes. The goat
represented the Macedonian • power, and
all this power was concentrated in the
person of Alexander — undoubtedly de
noted by the single horn— as if all the
power of Greece was concentrated in him.
29*

7 And I saw him come cloie unto
the ram, and he was moved with
choler against him, and smott the
ram, and brake his two horns : and
The margin is, a horn of sight. This
corresponds with the Hebrew, tbe wcrd
rendered notable — niTp — meaning pro
perly look, appearance, and then some
thing conspicuous, or remarkable, Tho
literal translation would be, a horn of
appearance; that is, conspicuous, large.
Gesenius, Lex.
6. And he came to the ram, Ac. Rep
resenting the Medo-Persian power. %And
rail unto him in the fury of hia power.
Representing the fierceness and fury with
which Alexander attacked the Persians
at the Granicus, at Issus, and at Arbela,
with which he invaded and overthrew
them in their own country. Nothing
would better express this than to say
that it was done in 'the fury of power.*
7. And I aaw him come cloae unto the
ram. The ram standing on the banks of
the Ulai, and in the very heart of the em
pire. Tbis representation is designed un
doubtedly to denote that the Grecian
power would attacl^ the Persian in its
own dominions. Perhaps the vision was
represented at the place whicb would be
the capital of the empire in order to de
note this. ^ And he was moved wifh
choler against the ram. With wrath or
anger. That is, he acted as if he were
furiously enraged. This is not an impro
per representation. Alexander, though
sparred on by ambition as his ruling mo
tive, yet might be supposed without im
propriety to represent the concentrated
wrath of all Greece on account of the re
peated Persian invasions. It is true the
Persians had been defeated at Leuctra,
and at Marathon, and at Salamis, and
that their hosts had been held in check
at Thermopylae, and that they had never
succeeded in subduing Greece, and that
the Grecians in defending their country
had covered themselves with glory. But
it is true, also, tbat the wrongs inflicted
or attempted on the Greeks bad never
been forgotten, and it cannot be doubted
that tbe remembrance of these wrongs
was a motive that influenced many a
Greek at the battle of the Granicus and Is
sus, and at Arbela. It would be one of the
most powerful motives to which Alexan
der could appeal in stimulating his army.

342

DANIEL.

fB. C. 553

there was no power in the ram to
Btand before him, but he cast him
down to the ground, and stamped
upon him ; and there was none that
f And brake hia two horna. Completely
prostrated his power — as Alexander did
when he overthrew Darius Codomannus,
and subjugated to himself the Medo-Per
sian empire. That empire ceased at that
time, and was merged in that of the son
of Philip. ^ And there waa no power in
the ram to atand before him. To resist bim.
^ But he eaat him down to the ground, and
atamped upon him. An act strikingly ex-

could deliver the ram out of hi,
hand. 8 Therefore the h»-goat waxed
very great : and when he was strong,

pressive of the conduct of Alexander.
The empire was crushed beneath bia
power, and, as it were, trampled to the
earth. ^ And there waa none that could
deliver the ram out of hia hand. No aux
iliaries that the Persian empire could call
to its aid that could save it from the Gre
cian conqueror. The following is the
usual representation of the head of Alex
ander tbe Great.

8. Therefore the he-goat waxed very
great. Tbe Macedonian power, especially
nnder the reign of Alexander, f And
when he wna atrong, the great hom waa
broken. In the time, or at the period, of
its greatest strengtb. Then an event oc
curred which broke tbe born in which
was concentrated its power. It is easy
to see the application of this to tbe Ma
cedonian power. At no time was the
empire so strong as at tho death of Alex

ander. Its power did not pine away; it
was not enfeebled, os mpparchics are of
ten, by age, and luxury, and corruption ;
itwas most flourishing and prosperous just
at the period when broken by the death
of Alexander. Never afterwards did it
recover its vigour; never was it consoli
dated again. From that tim« this mighty
empire, broken into separate kingdoms,
lost its influence in tbe world. % And
for it came up four notable onea. In the

B. 0. 553.]

CHAPTER VIII,

343

the great horn was broken ; and for
it came up four "notable ones to
ward tho four winds of heaven.

place of this one horn in wbicb all the
power was concentrated, tbere sprang up
four others that were distinguished and
remarkablo. On the word notable, see
Notes on ver. 5. This representation
wonld lead us to suppose that the power
whicb had thus been concentrated in one
monarchy, would be divided and distri
buted in to four, and that instead of that one
power there would be four kingdoms that
would fill up about the same space in the
world, occupy about the same territory,
and have about tbe same characteristics
— so that they might be regarded as the
succession to the one dynasty. The same
representation we have of this one power
in ch. vii. 6: "And the beast bad four
heads." See also eh. xi. 4: "His king
dom shall be broken, and shall be divided
towards the four winds of heaven." This
accords with tbe accounts in history of
the effect of Alexander's death, for though
'the kingdom was not by him divided into
four parts, yet, from the confusion and
conflicts that arose, power was ultimately
concentrated into four dynasties. At bis
death, his brother Aridseus was declared
king in his stead, and Perdiccas regent.
But the unity of tbe Macedonian power
was gone, and disorder and confusion,
and a struggle for empire, immediately
succeeded. The author of the books of
Maccabees (1 Mao. i. 7, 8, 9,) says : " So
Alexander reigned twelve years, and then
died. And his servants have rule every
one in his plaoe. And after his death,
they all put crowns upon themselves ; so
did their sons after them many years;
and evils were multiplied in the earth."
Alexander died B. C. 323; Antipater suc
ceeded Perdiccas, B. C. 321; Ptolemy
Lagus the same year took possession of
Egypt; Cassander assumed the govern
ment of Macedon, B. C^317 ; Seleucus
Nicator took possession of Syria, B. C.
311 ; in 305 B. C. the successors of Alex
ander took the title of kings, and in 301
B. C'. there occurred the battle of Ipsus,
in which Antigonus, who reigned in Asia
Minor, was killed, and then followed in
that year a formal division of Alexander's
empire between tho four victorious princes,
Ptolemy, Seleucus, Cassander, and Lys-
inachus. This great battle of Ipsus, a

9 And h out of one of them came
forth a little horn, which waxed cx-
"0.7.6, Ac. 'e.n. K,Sk.

city of Phrygia, was fought between An
tigonus and his son Demetrius, on the
one side, and tbe combined forces of these
princes on tbe other. Antigonus had
aimed at universal sovereignty; be had
taken and plundered the island of Cy
prus ; had destroyed the fleet of Ptolemy
Lagus, and bad assumed the crown. —
Against him and bis usurpations, Pto
lemy, Cassander, and Lysinachus, com
bined their forces, and the result was his
complete overthrow at the battle of Ipsus.
Lengerke, in loc. In this battle, Antigo
nus lost all his conquests and his life.
In the division of the empire, Seleucus
Nicator obtained Syria, Babylonia, Me
dia and Susiana, Armenia, a part of Cap
padocia, Celicia, and bis kingdom, in name
at least, extended from the Hellespont to
the Indies. The kingdom of Lysina
chus extended over a part of Thrace,
Asia Minor, part of Cappadocia, and the
countries witbin tbe limits of Mount
Taurus. Cassander possessed Macedo
nia, Thessaly, and a part of Greece.
Ptolemy obtained Egypt, Cyprus, and
Cyrene, and ultimately Coelo-Syria, Phoe
nicia, Judea, and a part of Asia Minor
and Thrace. Lengerke, in loe, ^[ To
ward the four winda of heaven. Towards
the four quarters of the world. Thus the
dominions of Seleucus were in the East;
those of Cassander in the West ; those of
Ptolemy in the South, and those of Lys
inachus in the Nortb.
9. And ont of one of them came forth a
little horn. Emblematic of a new power
tbat should spring up. Comp. Notes on
ch. vii. 8. This little horn sprang up
out of oue of the others ; it did not spring
up in the midst of the others as the little
horn in cb. vii. 8, did among the ten oth
ers. This seemed to grow out of one of
the four, and the meaning cannot be mis
understood. Erom ono of the four pow
ers or kingdoms into which the empire of
Alexander would be divided, there would
spring up this ambitious and persecuting
power. If Which waxed exceeding great.
Whieh became exceedingly powerful. It
was comparatively small at first, but ulti
mately became mighty. There can be no
doubt tbat Antiochus Epiphanes is de
noted here. All the circumstances of

344

DANIEL.

[B.C. 553

ceeding great, toward the south, and
»Ps. 48. 2; Eze. 20. 15.
ibe prediction flnd a fulfilment in him,
and if it were supposed that this was
written after he had lived, and that it was
tbe design of the writer to describe him
by these symbols, he could not have found
symbols that would have been more
striking or appropriate than this. The
Syriac version has inserted bere, in the
Syriac text, the words 'Antiochus Epi
phanes,' and almost without exception,
expositors have been agreed in the opin
on that he is referred to. For a general
account of him, see Notes on ch. vii. 24,
seq. The author of theBoolt of Maccobees,
after noticing iu tbe passage above quoted,
the death of Alexander, and the distrac
tions thatfoUowed his death, says, "And
there came out of them a wicked root,
Antiochus, surnamed Epiphanes, son of
Antiochus the king, who had been a host
age at Rome, and he reigned in the bun
dred and thirty and seventh year of tho
kingdom of the Greeks." 1 Mac. i. 10.
A few expositors have supposed that this
passage refers to Antichrist — what will
not expositors of the Bible suppose ? But
the great body of interpreters have under
stood itto refer to Antiochus. This prin ce
was a successor of Seleucus Nicator, wbo,
in the division ofthe empire of Alexander,
obtained Syria, Babylonia, Media, &c.,
(see above on ver. 8), and whose capitol
was Antioch. The succession of princes
who reigned in Antioch from Seleucus to
Antiochus Epiphanes was as follows :
1. Seleucus Nicator, B. C. 312—280.
2. Antiochus Soter, his son, 280 — 261.
3. Antiochus Theus, his son, 261 — 247.
4. Seleucus Callinicus, his son, 247 —
226. 5. (Alexander), or Seleucus Ceraunus,
his son, 226—223.
6. Antiochus the Great, his brother,
223—187. 7. Seleucus PhUopator, his son, 187 —
176. 8. Antiochus Epiphanes, bis brother,
176—164. Clinton's Fasti Hellenici, roi.
III. appendix, ch. iii. The succession
of the Syrian kings reigning in Antioch
W.IS continued, until Syria was reduced
to the form of a Roman province by Pom
pey, B. -C. 63. Seleucus Philopator, the
immediate predecessor of Antiochus, hav
ing been assassinated by one of bis cour- {

toward the eust, and toward the plea
sant ' land.

tiers, his brother Antiochus hastened to
occupy the vacant throne, although the
natural heir, Demetrius, son of Seleucus,
was yet alive, but a hostage at Rome.
Antiochus assumed tbe name of Epi
phanes, or Illustrious. In Dan. xi, 23, it
is intimated that be gained the kingdom
by fialteries; and there can be no doubt
that bribery, and the promise of reward to
others, was made use of to secure bii
power. See Kitto's Cyclo. i. 168 — 170.
Of the acts of this prince there will be oc
casion for a fuller detail in the Notes on
the remainder of tbis chapter, and ch. xi.
^ Toward the south. Toward the coun
try of Egypt, Ac. In the year B. C. 171,
bo declared war against Ptolemy Philo
metor, and in the year 170 be conquered
Egypt, and plundered Jerugalem. 1 Mac.
i. 16 — 19: "Now when the kingdom was
established before Antiochus, he thought
to reign over Egypt, thathe might bave
the dominion of two realms. Wherefore
he entered Egypt witb a great multitude, -
with chariots, and elephants, and horse
men, and a great navy. And made war
against Ptolemee king of Egypt: but
Ptolemee was afraid of him, and fled ; and
many were wounded to deatb. Thus they
got the strong cities in the land of Egypt^
and he took the spoils thereof." ^ And
toward the east. Toward Persia and the
countries of the east. He went there —
these countries being nominally subject
to him— according to the author of tho
book of Maccabees (1 Mac. iii. 28 — 37),
in order to replenish his exhausted treas
ury, that he might carry on his wars with
the Jews, and that he might keep up the
splendour and liberality of his court;
"He saw tbat the money of his treasures
failed, and that the tributes in the coun
try were small, because of the dissension
and plague which he had bronght upon
the land, and he feared that he shonld not
be able to bear tbe charges any longer, nor
to have such gifts to give so liberally as
he did before, wherefore being greatly
perplexed in his mind, he determined to
go into Persia, there to take the tribute!
of tbe countries, and to gather much mo
ney. So the king departed from Anti-
och, hia royal city, the hundred, fifty anij
seventh year ; and having passed the river
Euphrates, he went through tlie high

B 0.553.]

CHAPTER VIII.

10 And it waxed great, even *to
the host ''of heaven; and it cast
down "some of the host and of the
* or, against. ^ Is. 14. 13. ": Ke. 12. 4.

<J ver. ^u.

" or, against.

countries." f And toward the pleaaant
land, The word bere used — ox — means
properly aplendour, beauty. Isa. iv. 2 ;
xxiv. 16 ; xxviii. 1, 4, 5. It is applied in
Isa. xiii. 19, to Babylon — 'the glory ot
kiiigdoms.' Here it evidently denotes the
land of the Israelites, or Palestine — so
often described as a land of beauty, as
flowing with milk and honey, Ac. This
is such language as a pious Hebrew would
naturally use of his own country, and es
pecially if he was an exile from it as Dan
iel was. Nothing more would be neces
sary to designate the land so as to be
understood, than such an appellation — as
nothing more would be necessary to de
signate bis country to an exile from China
than to speak of 'the flowery land.'
Antiochus, on his return from Egypt,
turned aside and invaded Jndea, and ulti
mately robbed the temple, destroyed Jeru
salem, and spread desolation through the
land. See 1 Mac. i.
.10. And it waxed great. It became
very powerful. This was eminently true
pf Antiochus, after having subdued Egypt,
Ac, ^ Even to the hoat of heaven. Marg.,
against. The Hebrew word — n>l — means
to or unto, and the natural idea would
seem to be tbat be wished to place him
self among the stars, or to exalt himself
above all that was earthly. Comp. Notes
on Isaiah xiv. 13: "For thou hast said
in thine heart, I will ascend unto heaven.
I will exalt my throne above the stars of
God." Lengerke supposes that the mean
ing here is, that he not only carried his
conquests to Egypt and to the East, and
to the holy land in general, but that he
made war on the boly ormy of God — the
priests and worshippers of Jehovah, here
spoken of as the host of heaven. So
Maurer understands it. In 2 Mae. ix.
10, Antiochus is described in this lan
guage: "And the man that thought a
little afore he could reach the stars of
heaven," Ao. The connection wonld seem
lo demand the interpretation proposed by
Lengerke and Maurer, for it is immedi
ately said tbat he cast down some of the
fcost and the stars to the ground. And {

345
stars to the ground, and stamped
upon them.
11 Yea, he "magnified himself
even e to the prince of the host, and

I such an interpretation accords with the
j language elsewhere nsed of the priests
I and rulers of the Hebrew people. Thus
in Isa. xxiv. 21, they are called " tho
host of the high ones that are high."
See Notes on that passage. This lan
guage is by no means uncommon in the
Scriptures. It is usual to compare princea
and rulers, and especially ecclesiastical
rulers, with the sun, moon, and stars.
Undoubtedly it is the design here to de
scribe the pride and ambition of Antio
chus, and to show tbat he did not think
any thing too exalted for bis aspiration.
None were too high or too sacred to be
secure from his attempts to overthrow
them, and even those who, by their posi
tion and character, seemed to deserve to
he spoken of as suns and stars, as '.' the
host of heaven," were not secure. ^ And
it cast down some of the host and of the
stars to the ground. The horn seemed to
grow up to the stars, .and to wrest them
from their places, and to cast them down
to the earth. Antiochus, in the fulfilment
of this, cast down and trampled on the
princes, and rulers, and people, of the holy
host or army of God. All that is implied
in this was abundantly fulfilled in what
he did to the Jewish people. Comp. 1
Mac. i. and 2 Mac. viii. 2. ^f And
stamped upon them. With indignation
and contempt. Nothing conld better ex
press the conduct of Antiochus towards
tbe Jews.
11. Yea, he magnified bimself even to
the prince of the hoat. Grotius, Epbra?m
tbe Syrian, and others, understand this
of Onias the high priest, as the chief
officer of the holy people. Lengerke
supposes that it means God himself. This
interpretation is tbe more probable, and
the idea in the phrase 'prince ofthe host'
is, that as God is the ruler of tbe host of
heaven — leading on the constellations,
and marshalling the stars, so he may he
regarded as the ruler of the holy army
here below — the ministers of religion,
and his people. Against him aa the Ru-^
ler and Leader of his people Antiochus
exalted himself, particularly by attempt
ing to change his laws, and to cause hia

S46

DANIEL.

[B. C. 553

«by him the daily ^sacrifice was
taken away, and the place of his
sanctuary was cast down.
'¦or, from. ''Ex.29, 38.
worship to cease. ^ And by him. Marg.,
'from him.' The meaning is, that the
command or authority to do this pro
ceeded from bim. ^ The daily sacriflce
was takeii away. The sacrifice that was
ofl'ered daily in the temple, morning and
evening, waa suspended. A full account
of this may be found in 1 Mac. i. 20 — 24,
29 — 32, 44 — SO. In the execution of the
purposes of Antiochus, be " entered tbe
sanctuary, and took away the golden altar,
a-nd the candlestick, and all the vessels
thereof; and the table of shew-bread, the
pouring vessels, Ac, and stripped the
temple of all the ornaments of gold."
After two years be again visited the city,
and " smote it very sore, and destroyed
much people of Israel, and wben ho had
taken tbe spoils of the city he set it on
fire, and pulled down the walls thereof
on every side." Everything in Jerusalem
was made desolate. " Her sanctuary was
laid waste like a wilderness, her feasts
were turned into mourning, her Sabbaths
into reproach, her bonour into contempt."
Subsequently, by a solemn edict, and by
more decisive acts, he put a period to the
worship of God in the temple, and pol
luted and defiled every part of it. "For
the king had sent letters by messengers
unto Jerusalem and the cities of Judah,
that they should follow tbe strange laws
of the land, and forbid burnt-offerings,
and sacriflces, and drink-offerings in tbe
temple; and that they should profane tbe
Sabbaths and festival days ; and pollute
the Ba.nctuary and holy people ; set up
altars, and groves, and chapels of idols,
and sacrifice swine's flesh, and unclean
beasts; that they should also leave their
children uncircumcised, and make their
souls abominable witb all manner of un
cleanness and profanation; to the end
tbey might forget the laws, and change
all tbe ordinances." 1 Mac. i. 44 — 49.
It was undoubtedly to these acts of Anti
ochus that the passage before us refers,
and tbe event accords with the words of
the prediction as clearly as if whatis a
predietion had been written afterwards,
a,nd had been designed to represent what
actually occurred as a matter of histo
iical record. The word which is rendered

12 And «a host was given hitr.
against the daily sacrifice by reason
« or, tlie host was given over for the transgres
sion against the daily sacrifice.

daily sacrifice' — the word ' sacrifice' be
ing supplied by the translators — TCO —
means properly continuance, perjietuity,
and tben thatwhich is continuous or con
stant—as a sacrifice or service daily oc
curring. The word sacrifice, is pro
perly inserted here. Gesenius, Lex. Tho
meaning of the word bere rendered 'was
taken away' — mn — (Hophal from dit to
exalt, to lift np), here is, tbat it was
lifted up, and then was taken away; tjiat
is, it was made to cease — aa if it had
been carried away. Gesenius. ^ And
the place of hia sanctuary. Of the sanc
tuary or holy place of the 'Prince of the
host,' that is, of God. The reference ia
to tbe temple. % Was cast down. The
temple was not entirely destroyed by
Antiochus, but it was robbed and rifled,
and its boly vessels were carried away.
The walls indeed remained, but it was
desolate, and the whole service then was
abandoned. See the passages quoted
above from 1 Mac.
12. And a hoat waa given him. The
Vulgate renders this, 'and atrength —
robur — was given him,' Ac. Theodotion,
'and sin was permitted — id6ST} — against
the sacriflce ; and this righteousness was
cast on tbe ground ; so be acted and
was prospered.' Luther renders it, ' and
such might (or power, macht) was given
him.' The Syriao renders it, 'and
strength was given biro,' Ac. Bertholdt
renders it, Stalt jenea atellte man den
Greuel auf, 'instead of this [the temple]
tbere was set up an abomination.' Dathe,
'andthe stars were delivered to him' —
tradita ei fuerunt aatra, ac populua Ju-
daicua. Maurer understands it also of
the Jewish people, and Interprets it,
'and an army — exercitua — the people of
the Jews was delivered to destruction,
at tbe same time with the perpetual saeri
fice, on account of wickedness, that is,
for a wicked thing, or for impure sacri
fices.' Lengerke renders it, as in onr
translation, ' an host — ein Heer — ^waa
given up to him at the same time with
the daily offering, on account of evil.'
Theword ho^t — Kp^ — is doubtless to ba
i taken here in the same sense as in ver.

B. C. 553.]

CHAPTER VIII,

of transgression, and it cast down
the truth to the ground ; and it
practised and prospered.

347
13 If Then I heard one saint » speak
ing, and another saint said untc
»lPet. 1. 12.

10, where it is connected with heaven —
' the host of heaven.' If it refers there
to the Jewish people, it doubtless does
hero, and the appellation is such an oue
as would not unnaturally be nsed. It is
equivalent to saying ' the army of the
Lord,' or the people of the Lord, and it
should have been rendered bere, ' and the
host was given up to him ;' that is, the
people of God, or the holy people, were
given into bis hands. % Againat the daily
sacrifice. This does not convey any clear
idea. Lengerke renders it, aammt den
bestiindigen, opfer — 'at the same time
with the permanent sacrifice.' He re
marks that the preposition Sj); — (rendered
in our version againat) like the Greek
ini, may denote a connection with any
thing, or a being with a thing — Zuaam-
menaeyn — and thus it would denote a
nnion of time, or that the things occurred
together. Gen. xxxii. 12 ; Hos. xiii. 14;
Amos iii. 15. Comp. Gesenius, Lex. on
the word Vi'i 3. According to this, the
meaning is, that the ' host,' or the Jewish
people, were given to hira at the aame time,
or in connection with the daily sacrifice.
The conquest over the people, and the
command respecting the daily sacrifice,
were simultaneous. Both passed into his
hands, and he exercised jurisdiction over
them both. %By reason of tranagresaion —
jE's?' That is, all this was on account
of the troBsgression of the people, or
on account of abounding iniquity. God
gave up the people, and tbeir temple,
and their sacriflces, into the hands of
Antiochus, on account of the prevailing
impiety. Comp. 1 Mac. i. 11 — 16. The
author of that book traces all tbose
calamities to the acts of eertain wicked
men, who obtained permission of Anti
ochus to introduce heathen cnstoms into
Jerusalem, and who aotually established
many of those customs there. ^And
't cast down the truth to the ground.
The true system of religion, or the true
method of worshipping God — represented
here as truth in tho abstract. So in Isa.
lix. 14, it is said : " Truth is fallen in the
street, and equity oannot enter." The
meaning here is, that the institutions of
the true religion would be utterly pros

trate. This was fully accomplished by
Antiochus. See 1 Mao. i. ^ And it prac
tised. Heb. 'it did,' or it acted. That
is, it undertook a work and was success
ful. So in Ps. i. 3, where the same ex
pression occurs: "And whatsoever ha
doeth shall prosper." This was fully
accomplished in Antiochus, who was en
tirely Buccessful in all his enterprises
against Jerusalem. See 1 Mac. i.
13. Then I heard one saint speaking.
One holy one. The vision was now ended,
and the prophet represents himself now
as hearing earnest inquiries as to the
length of time during whioh this desola
tion was to continue. This conversation,
or these inquiries, he represents himself
as hearing among those whom he calls
' saints' — or boly ones — 'ey\p^. This word
raight refer to a saint on earth, or to an
angel — to any holy being. As one of
these, however, was able to explain the
vision, and to tell how long the desola
tion was to continue, it is more natural
to refer it to angels. So Lengerke un
derstands it. The representation is, that
one holy ono, or angel, was beard by Daniel
speaking on tbis subject, but nothing is re
corded of what he said. It is implied
only that he was conversing about the
desolations that were to come upon the
holy city and the people of God. To him
thus speaking, and who is introduced as
having power to explain it, another holy
one approaches, and asks how long thia
state of things was to continue. The answer
to this question (ver. 14) is made, not to
the one who made the inquiry, but to
Daniel, evidently that it might be re
corded. Daniel does not say where this
vision occurred — whether in beaven or
on earth. It was so near to him, how
ever, that he could hear what was said.
\And another saint. Another boly
one — probably an angel. If so, we may
conclude, what is in itself every way pro
bable, that one angel haa more knowledge
than another, or that things are commu
nicated to some whicb are not to oth
ers. \ Unto that certain saint which spake.
Palmoni, or, the numberer of secrets, or,
the wonderful numberer. The Hebrew
word — 'jiD^9 — iiaiment, occurs nowhere

348

DANIEL.

[B. C. 553,

» that certain saint which spake, | transgression of ^ desolation, to giva
How long shall he the vision con- ' ' " '  " " ' ¦ ¦
cerning the daily sacrifice, and the

» Palmoni, or, the numberer of secrets, or, the
wonderful numberer.
else in the Hebrew scriptures. The simi
lar form — ^JiS? — peloni, occurs in Ruth
iv. 1 : "Ho, such a, one, turn aside;" in
1 Sam. xxi. 2: "appointed my servants
to such and such a place;" and 2 Kings
vi. 8 : "In auch and such a place." The
Italic words denote the corresponding
Hebrew word. The word, according to
Gesenius, means aome one, a certain one;
in Arabic, one who is distinct or deflnite,
whom one points out as with the finger,
and not by narae. It is derived frora an
obsolete noun, pS? —palon, from the verb,
¦^7? — paid, to distinguish, and is united
oommonly witb the word '3'dSn — mean
ing properly ono concealed, or unknown.
It iS-language, therefore, which would be
properly addressed to an unknown per
son witb whom we would desire to speak,
or whom we would designate by the finger,
or in some such way, without being able
to call the name. Thus applied iu the
passage here, it means that Daniel did
not know the names of tbe persons thus
speaking, but simply saw that one was
speaking to another. He bad no other
way of designating or distinguishing them,
than by applying a term which was oom
monly used of a stranger, when one wished
to address him, or to point him out, or to
call him to bim. There is no foundation
¦ in the word for tbe meaning suggested in
the margin. Theodotion doos not attempt
to translate the word, but retains it —
)pt\iiou't — Phelmoni. The Latin Vulgate
well expresses the meaning, dint unua
eanctua alteri neseio cui loquenti. The
full sense is undoubtedly conveyed by tbo
two ideas, (o) that the one referred to
was unknown by name, and (6) that he
wished to designate him in some way, or
to point him out. %How /onj/ shall be
the vision. Concerning the daily sacriflce.
How long is that which is designed to be
represented by tbe vision to continue;
that is, how long in fact will tbe offering
of the daily sacriflce in the temple be sus
pended. ^ And the transgreaaion of deao-
lation. Marg., making deaolate. That is,
the act of iniquity on the part of Antio-
abns producing such desolation in the

both the sanctuary and the host tc
be trodden under foot?
14 And he said unto me, Untc
^ or. making desolate ', c. 11. 31, 12. 11.

holy city and the temple — how long is
that to continue? ^ To give both the
sanctuary. The temple; the holy place
where God dwelt by a visible symbol, and-
where he was worshipped. ^And the
host. Tho people of God — the Jewish
people. ^ To be trodden under foot. Te
be utterly despised and prostrated — as
any thing which is trodden under our
feet. 14. And. he eaid unto me. Instead of
answering the one wbo raade the inquiry,
the answer is made to Daniel, doubtless
that be might make a record of it, or com
municate it to others. If it had been
made to tbe inquirer, the answer would
have remained with him, and could have
been of no use to the world. Forthe en
couragement, however, of tbe Hebrew
people, when their sanctuary and city
would be thus desolate, and in order to
furnish an instance of the clear fulfilment
of a prediction, it was important tbat it
sbould be recorded, and hence it was
mado to Daniel, if Unto two thousand
and three hundred daya. Marg., evening,
morning. So the Hebrew, ii'j': any. So
the Latin Vulgate, ad vesperam et mane.
And so Theodotion — cajj iancpai koi irpbi-: —
'to the evening ond morning.' The lan
guage here is evidently that which was
derived from Gen. i., or which was cora
mon among the Hebrews, to speak ofthe
' evening and tbe morning' as constituting
a day. Thero can be no doubt, however,
that a day is intended by this, for this is
tbe fair and obvious interpretation. The
Greeks were accustomed to denote the
period of a day in tbe snme manner by
the word wxSiiiisiim, (see 2 Cor. xi. 25), in
order more emphatically to designate one
complete day. See Prof. Stuart's ' Hints
on Prophecy,' pp. 99, 100. The time then
specified by this would be six years and
an hundred and ten days. Much diflSculty
has been felt by expositors in reconciling
tbis statement witb the other designations
of time in the book of Daniel supposed to
refer to the same event, and with the ao
eount furnished by Josephus in regard to
the period which elapsed during whioh
the sanctuary was desolate, and the

B. C. 553.]

CHAPTER vm.

349

two thousand and three hundred
* evening, moming.

daily sacrifice suspended. The otber de
signations of time wbich have been sup
posed to refer to the same event in Dan
iol, are ch. vii. 25, where the time raen
tioned is three years and a half — or
twelve hundred and sixty days, and chap
ter xii. 7, where the same time is men
tioned, 'a time, times, and an half,' or
tbree years and an half, or, as before,
twelve hundred and sixty days, and ch.
xii. 14, where tbe period mentioned is 'a
thousand two bundred and ninety days,'
and ch. xii. 12, where the time mentioned
is ' a thousand three hundred and thirty
days.' The time mentioned by Josephus
is three years exactly from the time wben
'their divine worship was fallen off, and
was reduced to a profane and common
use,' till the time when the lamps were
lighted again, and the worship restored,
for he says that the one event happened
precisely three years after the other, on
the same day of the month. Ant, B. xii.
ch. vii. 2 6. In his Jewish wars, however,
B. i. oh. i. 2 1, he says that Antiochus
'spoiled the temple, and put a stop to the
constant practice of offering a daily sacri
fice of expiation for three years and six
months.' Now, in order to explain the
passage before us, and to reconcile the
accounts, or to show that there is no con
tradiction between them, the following
remarks may be made: (1) We may
lay out of view the passage in ch. vii. 25.
See Notes on that passage. If the rea
soning there be sound, then that passage
had no reference to Antiochus, and though,
according to Josephus, there is a remark
able coincidence between tbe time men-
*ioned there and the time during which the
daily sacrifice was suspended, yet that does
not demonstrate that the reference there is
to Antiochus. (2) We may lay out of
view, also, for the present, the passages in
ch. xii. 11, 12. Those will be the subject
of consideration hereafter, and for the
present onght not to bo allowed to embar
rass- ns in ascertaining the meaning of
the passage before us. (3) On the as
sumption, however, that those passages
refer to Antiochus, and that the accounts
in Josephus above referred to are correct
 though he mentions different times,
and though different periods are referred
to by Daniel, the variety may be accounted
SO

• days ; then shall the sanctuary b«
'cleansed.

for bythe supposition that separato epochs •
are referred to at the starting point in tho
calculation — the terminus a quo. The
truth was, there were several decisive
acts in tbe history of Antiochus that led
to the ultimate desolation of Jerusalem,
and at one time a writer iu.iy have con
templated one, and at another timo an
other. Thus, there was the act by wbich
Jason, made high priest by Antiochus, ,
was permitted to set up a gymnasium in
Jerusalem after the manner of tbe hea
then (Prideaux iii. 216; 1 Mac. i. 11 —
15) ; the act by which he assaulted and
took Jerusalem, entering the most holy
place, stripping the temple of its treasures,
defiling the temple, and offering a great
swine on the altar of burnt offerings,
(Prideauxiii. 230, 231; 1 Mac. i. 20—28) ; ,»
the act, just two years after this, by <
wbich having been defeated in his expe
dition to Egypt, he resolved to vent all
hia wrath on the Jews, and, on his re
turn, sent Apollonius with a groat army
to ravage and destroy Jerusalem^when
Apollonius, having plundered the city,
set it on fire, demolished the bouses,
pulled down tbe walls, and with the ru
ins of the demolished city built a strong
fortress on Mount Aera which overlooked
the temple, and from which he could at
tack all who went to the temple to wor
ship (Prideaux iii. 239, 240 ; 1 Mac. i.
29---40) ; and the act by which Antiochua H
solemnly forbade all burnt offerings, and
sacrifices, and drink offerings in the tem
ple. Prideaux iii. 241, 242 ; 1 Mac. i. 44
— 51. Now, it is evident, that one writ
ing ofthese calamitous events, and men
tioning how long they would continue,
might at one time contemplate one of
these events as the beginning — the termi
nua a quo, and at another time, another
of these events might be in his eye.
Each one of tbem was a strongly marked
and decisive event, and each one might
be contemplated at a period whicb, in an
Important sense, determined the destiny
of the city, and put an end to the wor
ship of God there. (4) It seems proba
ble tbat the time mentioned in the pas
sage before us, is designed to take in the
whole series of disastrous events, from
the -first decisive act which led to the
offering the daily sacriflce, or the ter-

350

DANIEL.

[B. C. 553.

mination ofthe worship of God there, to
the time when the 'sanctuary waa cleans
ed.' That tbis is so, would seem to be
probable from the series of visions pre-
Bcnted to Daniel in the chapter before us.
The acts of the 'little born' representing
Antiochus, as seen in vision, began with
bis attack on the 'pleasant land' (ver. 9),
and the things which attracted the atten
tion of Daniel were, that he 'waxed
great,' and made war on 'the host of
heaven,' and ' cjist some of the host and
of the stars to the ground' (ver. 10), and
'magnified himself against tbe prince of
the host' (ver. 11) — acts which refer
manifestly to his attack on the people of
God, and the priests or ministers of reli
gion, and on G-od hiniself as the 'prince
of the host* — unless this phrase should be
understood as referring rather to the high
priest. We are then rather to look to the
whole series of events as included witfain
the two thousand and three hundred days,
tban the period in which literally tbe daily
sacrifice was forbidden by a solemn sta
tute. It was practically suspended, and
the worship of God interrupted during
all that time. (5) The terminua ad
quem — the conclusion of the period, is
marked and settled. This was the * cleans
ing of the sanctuary.' This took place,
under Judas Maccabeus, Dec. 25, 165 B.
C. Prideaux iii. 265—268. Now, reck
oning hack from this period two thousand
and three hundred days, we come to Au
gust 5, 171 B. C, The question is,
whether there were in this year, and at
about this time, any events in the series
of sufficient importance to constitute a
period from which to reckon ; events an
swering to what Daniel saw as the com
mencement of the vision, when 'some of
the host and the stars were cast down
and stamped upon.' Now, as a matter
of fact, there commenced in the year 171
B. C, a series of aggressions upon the
priesthood, and temple, and city of the
Jews on the part of Antiochus, which ter
minated only with his death. Up to this
year, the relations of Antiochus and the
Jewish people were peaceful and cordial.
In the year 175 B. G., he granted to the
Jewish people, who desired it, permission
to erect a gyn.nasium in Jerusalem, as
above stated. In the year 173 B. C,
demand was made of Antiochus of the
provincefj of Coele-Syria and Palestine by
the young Philometor of Egypt, who had
just come to the throne^ and by his

mother — a demand which was t&» origin
of the war between Antiochus and the
king of Egypt, and the beginning oi all
the disturbances. Prideaux iii. 218. In
tbe year 172 B, C, Antiochus bestowed
the office of high priest on Menelaus, who
was the brother of Jason the high priest
Jason had sent Menelaus to Antioch to
pay the king his tribute money, and
while there Menelaus conceived the de
sign of supplanting his brother, and by
offering for it more than Jason had, he
procured tbe appointment and returned
to Jerusalem. Prideaux iii. 220 — 222.
Up to this time all the intercourse of An
tiochus with .the Jews had been of a
peaceful character, and nothing of a hos
tile naturo had occurred. In 171 B. C.
began the series of events which finally
resulted in tbe invasion and destmction
of the city, and in the cessation of the
public worship of God. Menelaus, having
procured tbe high-priesthood, refused to
pay the tribute money which he had pro-
raised for it, and was summoned to An
tioch. Antiochus being then absent,
Menelaus took advantage of his absence,
and having, by means of Lysimachus,
whom he had left at Jerusalem, procured
the vessels out of the temple, he sold
them at Tyre, and thus raised money to
pay the king. In the meantime, Onias
IIL, the lawful high-priest, wbo bad fled
to Antioch, sternly rebuked Menelaus for
his sacrilege, and soon after, at the insti
gation of Menelaus, was allured from his
retreat at Daphne, where he had sought
an asylum, and was murdered by Andro
nicus, the vicegerent of Antiochus. At
the same time, the Jews in Jerusalem,
highly indignant at the profanation by
Menelaus, and the sacrilege in robbing
the temple, rose in rebeUion against Lysi-
machus and the Syrian forces who de
fended him, and bolh cut oflT this 'sacri
legious robber' (Prideaux), and the guards
by whom he was surrounded. This as
sault on the officer of Antiochus, and re
bellion against him, was the commence
ment of the hostilities which resulted in
the ruin of the city, and the closing of
the worship of God. Prideaux iii. 224 —
226; Stuart's Hints on Prophecy, p. 102.
Here commenced a series of aggressions
upon the priesthood, and the temple,
and the city ofthe Jews, which, with oc
casional interruption continued to the
death of Antiochus, and which led to all
that was done in profaning the temple

B. C. 553.]

CHAPTER YIII.

351

15 T[ And it came to pass, -when I,
even I Daniel, had seen the vision,
and sought for the meaning, then,
and in suspending the public worship of
Crod, and it is doubtless to this time that
the prophet here refers. Tbis is the nat
ural period in describing the series of
events which were so disastrous to the
Jewish people ; this is the period at which
one who should now describe them as
liistory •vrouid begin. It may not, indeed,
be practicable to make out tbe precise num
ber of daya, for the exact dates are not
preserved in history, but tbe calculation
brings it into the year 171 B. C, the
year which is necessary to be supposed in
order tbat the two thousand and three
hundred days should be completed.
Comp. Lengerke, in toe. p. 388. Various
attempts bave been made to determine
the exact number of the days by historic
records. Bertholdt, whom Lengerke fol
lows, determines it in this manner. Ke
regards tbe time referred to as that from
the command to set up heathen altars to
the victory over Nicanor, and the solemn
celebration of that victory, as referred to
in 1 Mac. vii. 48, 49. According to this
reckoning, the time is as follows : — The
command to set up idol altars was issued
in the year 145, on the 15tb of the month
Kisleu. There remained of that year,
after the command was given,
Half of the month Kisleu, 15 days
The month Thebet, 30
" Shebath, 29
" Adar, 30
The year 146 354
" 14r 354
" 143 354
" 149 364
« 150 364
The year 161 to the 13th day
of tbe month Adar, when
the victory over Nicanor was
achieved, 317 "
Two intercalary months du
ring this time, according to
the Jewish reckoning 60 "
2271
This wonld leave but twenty-nine days
of the 2300 to be accounted for, and this
would be required to go from tbe place
of tbe battle— between Beth-Horon and
Adasa (1 Mao. vii. 39, 40) to Jerusalem,
and to make arrangements to celebrate

behold, there stood hefore me as the
appearance of a man.
16 And I heard aman's voice be-

the victory. See Bertholdt, pp. 501 — 503.
The reckoning bere is from the time of
founding the kingdom of the Seleucidse,
or the era of the Selucidae. ^ Then ahall
the aanctuary be cleansed. Marg. justified.
The Hebrew word pij — raeans tb be right
or straight, and then to be just or right
eous; then to vindicate or justify. In
the form here used (Niphal), it means to
be declared just; to be justified or vindi
cated, and, as applied to the temple or
sanctuary, to be vindicated from violence
or injury; that is, to be cleansed. See
Gesenius, Lex. There is undoubtedly
reference here to the act of Judas Macca
beus, in solemnly purifying the temple,
and repairing it, and re-dedicating it, af
ter the pollutions brought upon it by An
tiochus. For a description of this, see
Prideaux, Connexion, iii. 265 — 269. Ju
das designated a priesthood again to
serve in the temple ; pulled down the al
tars which the heathen had erected; bore
out all the defiled stones into an un-
clftan place ; built a new altar in place of
the old altar of burnt oiferings wbich they
had defiled ; hallowed tbe courts j made
a new altar of incense, table of shew
bread, golden candlestick, &c., and sol
emnly re-consecrated the whole to tha
service of God. This act occurred on
the twenty-fifth day of the ninth month,
(Kisleu), and the solemnity continued for
eigbt days. This is the festival whieh ia
called "the feast of dedication" in the
New Testament (John x. 22), and which
our Saviour honoured with bis presence.
See 1 Mac. iv. 41—58, 2 Mac. x. 1—7.
Josephus, Ant. B. xii. ch. vii. g 6, 7.
15. And it came to pass, Ac. Daniel
saw the vision, but was unable to explain
it. f And sought for the meaning. Evi
dently by meditating on it, or endeavour
ing in his own mind to make it out.
^ There stood before me as the appearance
of a man. One having the appearance of
a man. This was evidently Gabriel (ver.
16), who now assumed a human form, ana
wbo was addressed by the voice from
between the banks of the Ulai, and com
menced lo make known the meaning of
the vision.
16. And I heard a man's voice between
the banks of Ulai, Notes on vei. 2. Tbe

352

DANIEL

LB. C. 553

tvreen the hanks of Ulai, which
called, and said, » Gabriel, make this
man to understand the vision.
17 So he camenear where I stood:
and when he came, I was afraid,
and fell upon my face: but he said

voice seemed to come from tbe river — as if
it were that ofthe Genius of the river, and
to address Gabriel, wbo stood near to Dan
iel on the shore. This was doubtless the
voice of God. The speaker was invisible,
and this method of explaining the vision
was adopted, probably to make the whole
scene more impressive. If Which called,
and said, Gabriel. Gabriel is mentioned
in the scripture only in Daniel viii. 1 6 ;
ix. 21; Luke i. 19, 26. In Luke i. 19, he
is mentioned as saying of himself. " I am
Gabriel, that stand in the presence of
God." The word means, properly : "man
of God." Nothing more is known of him,
nnd he is mentioned only as bearing
messages to Daniel, to Ziicbarias the fa
ther of John the Baptist, and to Mary.
^ Make thia man to underatand the vision.
Explain it to him so that he will under
stand its meaning.
VI. So he came near where I atood.
He had seen him, evidently, at first in
the distance. He now drew near to Dan
iel, that he might communicate with him
tbe more readily. ^ And when he came,
I wns afaid, and fell upon my face.
Doubtless perceiving tbat he was a celes
tial being. See Notes on Rev. i. 17.
Comp. Ezek. i. 28, and Dan. x. 8, 9.
He was completely overpowered by the
presence of the celestial stranger, and
sank to the ground, ^f But he aaid unto
me, Understand, 0 aon of mnn. Give
attention, that you may understand the
vision. On the phrase * son of man,'
eee Notes on ch. vii. 13. It is here sim
ply an address to him as a man. ^For at
the time of the end shall be the viaion.
line design of this expression is undoubt
edly to cheer and comfort the prophet
with some assurance of what was to oc
cur in future tiraes. In what way this
was done, or what was tbe precise idea
indicated by these words, interpreters
have not been agreed. Maurer explains
it, * for this vision looks to the last time ;
thatis, the time which would imraediately
precede the coming of the Messiah, which
would be a time of calamity in which the

unto me, Understand, 0 son of man s
for at the time of the end shall bi
the vision.
18 Now as he was speaking with
me, I was in a deep sleep ^ on my
aLn. 1.19, 26. be. 10. 9, 10.

guilt of the wicked would be punished;
and the virtue of the saints would be
tried, to wit, the time of Antiocfaus
Epiphanes.' Lengerke supposes that the
end of tbe existing calamities — the suf
ferings of the Jews, is referred to, and
that tbe meaning is, that in tbe time of
tbe Messiah, to which the vision is ex
tended, there would be an end of their
sufferings and trials. The design of the'
angel, says he, is to support and comfort
the troubled seer, as if be should not
I be anxious that these troubles were to
occur, since they would have an end,
or, as Miobselis observes, that the secr-
should not suppose tbat tbe calamities
indicated by the vision would have no
end. Perhaps the meaning may be this;
* The vision is for the time of the end ;*
that is, it has respect to the closing period
of the world, under whicb tbe Messiah is
to come, and necessarily precedes tbat,
and leads on to that. It pertains to a
series of events which is to introduce tbe
latter tiraes, wben the kingdom of God
shall be set up on the earth. In justifi-
c.T tion of this view of the passage, it may
be remarked that tbis is not only the
raost obvious view, but is sustained by
I all those passages which speak of the
coming of the Messiah as 'the end,' the
'last days,' &c. Thus 1 Cor. x. 11:
"upon whom the ends of the world are
come." Comp. Notes on Isa. ii. 2. Ac--
cording to this interpretotion, tbe mean
ing is, 'the vision pertains to the end,
or the closing dispensation of things;'
tbat is, it has a bearing on the period
wben the end will come, or will introduce "
that period. It looks on to future timea,
even to tbose times, though now remote
(comp. ver. 26), when a new order of
things will exist, nnder wbicb the aflain
of the world will be wound up. Comp.
Notes on Heb. i. 2.
18. Now as he was speaking with mt,
I waa in a deep aleep on my face toward
the ground. Overcome and prostrate with
the vision. That is, hc had sunk down
stupefied or senseless. See ob. z. 9. Hia

B. C. 553.]

CHAPTER VIII.

35o

face toward the ground: but he
touched me, and » set me upright.
19 And he said. Behold, 1 will
make thee know what shall be in the
last end of the indignation : for at
the time appointed t the end shall be.
20 The ram « which thou sawest
having iwo horns are the kings of
Media and Persia.
21 And the rough goat is the

king of Grecia : and the great horn
that is betweeu his eyes is tbo first
king. 22 Now that being broken, where
as four stood up for it, four king
doms shall stand up out of tue na
tion, but not in his power.
23 And in the latter time of theii
' mude me stand upon my standing.
b Hab. 2. 3 ; Ke. 10. 7. c ver. 3.

strength bad been entirely taken away
by the vision. There is nothing impro
bable in this, that the sudden appearance
of a celestial vision, or a heavenly being,
shuuld take away the strength. Comp.
Gen. XV. 12 ; Job iv. 1 3, aeq. ; Judg. yi.
22, xiii. 22 ; Isa- vi. 5 ; Luke i. 12, 29,
ii. 9 ; Acts ix. 3, 8. ^ But hs touched me,
and set me upright, Marg., as in Heb.,
'made me stand upon ray standing.' He
raised rae up on ray feet. So the Saviour
addressed Saul of Tarsus, when he had
been suddenly smitten to the earth, by
his appearing to him on tbe way to Da
mascus: "Else, and stand upon thy
feet," &e. Acts xxvi. 16.
19i And he aaid. Behold, I will make
thee know what ahall be in the laat end of
the indignation. In the future time when
the divine indignation shall be manifest
toward tbe Hebrew people ; to wit, by suf
fering tbe evils to come upon them which
Antiochus would inflict. It is every
where represented that these calamities
would occur as a proof of the divine dis
pleasure on account uf their sins. Comp.
cb. ix. 24, xi. 35 ; 2 Mao. vii. 33. f For at
the time appointed the end shall be. It shall
not always continue. There is a definite
period marked out in the divine purpose,
and when that period- shall arrive, the
end of all this will take place. See Notes
on ver. 17.
20. The ram which thou aaweat, Ac. See
Notes on ver. 3. This is one of the in
stances in the Scriptures in which sym
bols are explained. There can be no
doubt, therefore, as to the meaning.
21. And the rough goat. Notes on
Ter. 5. In ver. 6, he is called a he-goat.
Here the vori rough, or hairy — -\'i:& —
is applied to it. This appellation is often
given to a goat. Lev. iv. 24, xvi. 9; Gen.
xxxvii. 31. It would seem that either
term — a he-goat, or a hairy-goat, would
«erve to designate the animal, and it is
SO*

probable that the terms were used indis
criminately. \ Is the king of Grecia.
Represents the king of Greece. The
word here rendered Grecia — Ji; — Javan,
denotes usu.ally and properly Ionia, the
western part of Asia Minor, but this
narae was extended so as to embrace the
whole of Greece. See .^schyl. Acharn.
604, ibique Schol. Pers. 176, 561. Ge
senius, Lex. The Latin Vulgate, and
Theodotion, here render it ' the king of
the Grecians,' and there can be no doubt
tbat the royal power among the Greelo
is here referred to. See Notes on ver. 5.
^ And the great horn that is between his
eyes is the first king. Alexander the
Great. The first that consolidated the
whole power, and tbat was known in the
East as the king of Greece. So he is ex
pressly called in 1 Mac. i. 1 : ' The first
over Greece.' Philip, bis father, was
opposed in his attempts to conquer Greece, .
and was defeated. Alexander invaded
Greece, burnt Thebes, compelled the
Athenians to submit, and was declared
generalissimo of the Grecian forces against
the Persians.
22. Now that being broksn. By tbe
death of Alexander. ^ Whereaa four
atood up for it. Stood up in its place.
^ Four kingdome ahall atand up. Ulti
raately. It is not necessary to suppose
that this would be immediately. If four
sucb should in fact spring out of this ono
kingdom, all that is implied in the pro
ph ecy would be fulfilled. On tho fulfilment
of tbis, see Notes on ver. 8. ^ But not in
hia power. No one of these four dynas
ties had at any time the power which
was wielded by Alexander the Great.
23. And ill the latter time of their king
dom. Wben it shall be drawing to an
end. All these powers were ultimately
absorbed in the Roman power, and the
meaning here is, that taking the time
from the period of their formation — the

354

DANIEL.

[B. C. 553

kingdom, when the transgressors are
» come to the full, a king of fierce
countenance, and understanding
dark sentences, shall stand up.
24 And his power shall be mighty,
* accomplislied.
division of the empire after the battle of
Ipsus (Notes on ver. 8), till the time
when all would be swallowed up in the
Roman dominion, what is here stated — to
wit, the rise of Antiochus, would be in
tbe latter portion of that period. The
battle of Ipsus was fought 301 B. C, and
tbe Roman power was extended over all
those regions gradually from 168 B. C. —
the battle of Pydna, wben Perseus was
defeated, and Macedonia was reduced to a
Roman province, to 30 B. C, — when
Egypt was subjected — the last of these
kingdoms that submitted to tbe Roman
arras. Antiochus began to reign 175 B.
C. — so that it was in the latter part of
this period. ^ When the tranagreasors
are come to the fulL Marg., accompliah^d.
That is, when the state of things — the
prevalence of wickedness and irreligion
In Judea — shall have been allowed to
continue as long as it can be — or so tbat
the cup shall be full — then shall appear
this formidable power to inflict deserved
punishment on tbe guilty nation. The
sacred writers often speak of iniquity as
hein^full — of the cup of iniquity as be
ing full — as if tbere was a certain limit
or capacity beyond which it could not be
allowed to go. When that arrives, God
interposes, and cuts otf tbe guilty by some
heavy judgment. Comp. Gen. xv. 16 : —
" The iniquity cf tbe Amorites is not yet
full." Matt, xxiii. 32 : " Fill yo up then
the measure ofyour fathers." 1 Thess. ii.
16 : " to fill up their sins alway." The
idea is, that there is a certain measure or
amount of sin which can be tolerated, but
beyond that the divine compassion can
not go, witb safety to tbe universe, or
consistently with the honour of God, and
that the punishment maybe expected;
then punishment must corae. This is
true, doubtless, of individuals and nations,
and tbis period h.ad arrived in regard to
the Jews when Antiochus was permitted
to lay their temple, city, and country
waste. ^ A king of fierce countenance.
iStem and severe. This expression
would be applicable to many who have

bbut not by his own power: and
he shall destroy wonderfully, and
¦^ shall prosper, and practise, and
shall destroy the mighty and the
4 holy people.
<> Ke. 17. 13, &c. « ver. 10, 12, ke.
d people ofthcholy ones.

held the kingly office, and no one can
doubt that it may be applied with strict
propriety to Antiochus. If And under
atanding dark aentencea. Gesenius {Lex.)
explains the word here rendered ' dark
sentences' to mean artifice, trick, alrata-
gem. This will better agree with the
character of Antiochus, who was more
distinguished for craft and policy than be
was for wisdom, or for explaining enig
mas. The meaning seems to be that be
would be politic and crafty, seeking to
make bis way, and to accomplish his
purpose, not only by the terror tbat be
inspired, but by deceit and cunning.
That this was his character iswell known.
Comp. Notes on ver. 25. If Shall atand
up. Shall succeed, or there shall be such
a king. 24. And hia power shall bemighty. He
shall be a powerful monarch. Though not
as mighty as Alexander, yet his conquests
of Egypt and other places show that bo
deserved to be numbered among the
raighty kings of tbe earth, f But not by
hia own power. That is, it shall not bo
by any strength of his own, but by tbo
power which God gives him. This is
true of all kings and princes (Comp. John
xix. 11 ; Isa. x. 5, seq.), but it seems to be
referred to here particularly to show that
tbe calamities which he was about to
bring upon tbe Hebrew people were by
divine direction and appointment. This
great power was given bim in order that
be might be an instrument in the divine
hand of inflicting deserved punishment
on tbem for tbeir sins. ^ And he shall
destroy wonderfully. In a wonderful or
extraordinary manner shall he spread
desolation. This refers particularly to
the manner in wbich he would lay waste
the holy city, and tbe land of Judea.
The history in the books of Maccabees
shows that this was literally fulfilled.
If And ahall proaper. Antiochus was
among the most successful kings in hia
various expeditions. Particularly was
he successful in his enterprises against
the holy land. ^And practiee. Heb., do.

B. C. 553.]

CHAPTER VIII.

355

25 And through his policy also
he shall cause craft to prosper in his
hand; and he shall mugmfy himself
in his heart, and by * peace shall
destroy many : he shall also stand

^or, prosperity.

Tbat is, he shall be distinguished not
only for forming plans, but for executing
tbera ; not merely for purposing, but for
doing, f" Arid shall destroy the mighty
and the holy people. The people of God
— the Jewish nation. See Notes on vs.
9—12. 25. And through his policy, Theword
rendered policy here — hji^ — means, pro
perly, intelligence, understanding, wis
dom, and then, in a bad sense, craft, cun
ning. So it is rendered bere by Gesenius,
and the meaning is, that he wonld owe
his success in a great measure to craft
aud snbtilty. ^f He shall cause craft to
prosper in his hand. He shall owe bis
success in a great raeasure to a crafty
policy, to intrigue, and to cunning.
Tbis was true in an eminent sense of
Antiochus. See bis history in Prideaux,
above referred to, and the books of Mac
cabees. Comp. Notes on ch. xi, 21. Tbe
same cbaracter is given of bira by Poly
bius, Relig. lib. xxxi. c. 5. Tora. iv. p.
601. Bd. Schweigbaeuser. Appian, de.
reb. Syr. xlv. T. 1. p. 604. Ed.Schweigb.
Comp. 2 Mao. v. 24—26. He came to the
kingdom by deceit (Prideaux III. 212),
and a great part of bis success was owing
to craft and policy. If And he shallmag-
nify himself in hie heart. Shall be lifted
up with pride, or esteem himself of great
consequence. % And by peace shall de
atroy many. Marg., proaperity. The He
brew word — rpyw' — means, properly,
tranquillity, security, ease, carelessness.
Here the pbrase seems to mean 'in tbe
midst of security' (Gesenius, Lex.), that
is, while they were at ease, and regarded
tbemselves as in a state of safety, be
would come suddenly ond unexpectedly
npon them, and destroy them. He would
raake sudden war on them, invading
their territories, so that they would have
no opportunity to make preparation to
meet him. Comp. ch. xi. 21, 24. It
would seem to mean tbat he would en
deavour to produce the impression that
he was coming in peace ; that be pre- 1

up against the Prince of princes ;
but he shall be broken without hand.
26 And the vision ofthe evening
and the morning which was told is
true : wherefore shut i" thou up the
I" Ro. 10. 4.

tended friendship, and designed to keep
those whom he meant to invade and de
stroy in a state of false security, so that
he might descend upon them unawares.
This was his policyrather than to declare
war openly, and so give his eneraies fair
warning of what he intended to do. Thia
description agrees every way with the
character of Antiochua, a leading part of
whose policy always was to preserve the
appearance of friendship, that he might
accomplish his purpose while his enemiea
were off their guard. ^ He ahall alao
atand up againat the Prince of princea.
Notes ver. 11. Against God, the Ruler
over the kings of tbe earth. ^ But he
ahall be broken without hand. That is,
without tbe hand of man, or by no visi
ble cause. He shall be overcome by a
divine, invisible power. According to
the author of the first book of Maccabeca
(ch. vi. 8 — 16), be died of grief and re
morse in Babylon. He was on an expe
dition to Persia, and there laid siege to
Elymais, and was defeated, and fled to
Babylon, when learning that bis forcea
in Palestine had been repulsed, pene
trated with grief and remorse, be sick
ened and died. According to the account
in the second book of Maccabees (ix.), his
death was most distressing and horrible.
Corap. Prideaux III. 272—275. AU the
statements given of his death, by the au
thors of the books of Maccabees, by Jose
phus, by Polybius, by Q. Curtius, and by
Arrian (see the quotations in Prideaux),
agree in representing it as attended jvith
every circurastance of horror tbat can be
well supposed to accompany a departure
from this world, and as having every
mark of the just judgment of God. The
divine prediction in Daniel was fully ao- .
complished, that his death wc uid be ' with
out hand,' in the sense tbat it would not
be by human instrumentality, but that it
would be by a direct divine infliction.
Wben Antiochus died, the opposition to
the Jews ceased, and their land again
had peace and rest.
26. And the viaion of Ihe evening and

356

DANIEL.

[B. C. 55a

vision; for it shall he for many
days. 27 And I Daniel fainted, and was
sick certain days ; afterward I rose
the morning. That is, of the two thou
sand three bundred days. See ver. 14,
and the margin on that verse. Tbe
meaning here is, ' the vision pertaining
to that succession of evenings and morn
ings.' Perhaps this appellation was given
to it particularly because it pertained so
much to the evening and morning sacri
fice, f Is (rtie. Shall be certainly ac
complished. This wns said by the angel,
giving thus to Daniel the assurance tbat
wbat he had seen (va. 9 — 14,) was no
illusion, but would certainly come to pass.
f Wherefore shut thomip the viaion Seal
it up. Make a record of it, tbat it may
be preserved, and that its fulfilment may
be marked. See Notes on Isa. viii. 16.
1 For it shall be /or many days. That is,
many days will elapse before it will be
accomplished. Let a fair record, there
fore, be made of it, and letit be scaled up,
that it may be preserved to prepare tbo
people for these events. When these
things would comc thus fearfully upon the
people of Judea, they would be the better
able to bear these trials, knowing the pe
riod when they would terminate.
27. And I Daniel fainted. Heb., ' I
was' — 'JP'^CiJ. Comp. Dan. ii. 1. The
meaning, according to Gesenius {Lex.)
is, 'I was done up and was sick;' — I was
dono over, Ac. Perhaps the reaaon of
his using this verb bere is, that he repre
sents himself as having been sick, and
then as fainting away, as if his life bad
departed. The Latin Vulgate renders it,
laiigui. Theodotion, eKoipiriirii> — ' was laid
in my bed.' The general idea is plain,
tbat be was overcome and prostrate at
the effect of the vision. He had been
permitted to look into the future, and the
scenes were eo appalling — the changes
that were to occur were so great — tbe ca
lamities were so fearful in their charac
ter, and, above all, bis mind was so af
fected that the daily sacrifice was to cease,
and the worship of God be suspended,
that he was entirely overcome. And who
of ns, probably, could bear a revelation
of what is to occur hereafter 1 Where is
there strength that conld endure the dis
closure of what may happen even in a
few years ? ^ And was tick certain days.

up, and did the king'a business,
and I was astonished at the vision,
but none understood it.

The exact time is not specified. The na
tural interpretation is, tbat it was for a
considerable period. ^ Afterwards I rcae
up, and did the king's buaineaa. Comp.
Notos on ver. 2. From tbis it would ap
pear that he had been sent to Shushan on
sorae business pertaining to the govem
raent. What it was we are not inforraed.-
As a raatter of fact, he was sent there for
a more important purpose than any which
pertained to the government at Babylon —
to receive a disclosure of most momen
tous events that were to occur in distant
tiraes. Yet this did not prevent him from
attending faithfully to tbe business en
trusted to him — as no views whieh we
take of heavenly things, and no disclo
sures made to our souls, and no absorp
tion in the duties and enjoyments of re
ligion, should prevent us from attending
witb fidelity to whatever secular duties
may be entrusted to us. Sickness justi
fies US, of course, in not attending to them ;
the highest views which we may have of
God and of religious truth, should only
make us more faithful in the discharge
of our duties to our fellow men, to our
country, and in all tbe relations of life.
He who has been favoured witb the clear-
est views of divine things, will be none
the less prepared to discbarge witb^ faith
fulness tbe duties of this life; he wbo is
permitted and enabled to look far into
the future will be none the lees likely te
be diligent, faithful, nnd laborious in
meeting the responsibilities of tbe present
moment. If a man conld see all tbat
there is in heaven, it would only serve to
impress him with a deeper conviction of
his obligations in every rebitim ; if he
could see all that there is to come in tho
vast eternity before him, it would only
impress him with a profonnder sense of
the consequences which may follow from
tho discharge of present duty, f And I
waa astonished at the vision. He was siu-
pefied— he was overcome— at the splendid
appearance, ond tbe momentous nature
of the disclosures. Comp. Notes on ch.
iv. 19. 1^ But none understood it. It
would seem probable from this, that ha
communicated it to others, but no one
was able to explain it. Its general ti*.

B. 0. 538.]

CHAPTER IX.

357

turoB woro plain, but no one oould follow
out tho detnilg, and toll precisely what
would occur, beforo tbo vision wna ful
filled. This Is tho genoriil nature of
propheey; nnd if nuithor Daniel nor any
of (lis friends oouM o.xpliilu this vision
il iutail, arc we tu hopo that wc shall bo
tuocersful in disclosing the full moaning
of thoso which aro not yot fulfilled ? Tbo
truth Is, that in all such revelations of
tho I'uturo, thoro must bo much in detail
whiob is not now fully understood. The
general foatures may be plain — as, in
this case, it was clear that a mighty king
would riao; that he would bo a tyrant;
that ho would upprojs the people of God ;
that ho would invade the holy land; that
he would for a timo put a jicriod to the
olfering of the dnllysaerillcc ; and that
this would continue for a dollnilo period
and that then he would bo cut olf without
huiuau instrumentality; but who from

this would have boen able to draw out, in
detail, all tho events whieh in fact oc
curred? Who oould have told pre
cisely how theso things would eome to
pft,«.s? Who oould have ventured on «
biography of Antiochus Epiphanes 1 Yot
these Ihri'o things nro truo in regard to
this : (1 ) that no ono by human sagacity
could have forosoen those events so ns to
have been ablo to furnish those akotcboB
uf whatwas to be; (2) that these were
suflicient to apprise those who were in
terested particularly, of what would oo
cur; and (3) that when thoso eventa oc
ourred, it waa plain to all persons that
tbe prophecy had reference to them. Su
plain ia this — so clear is the application
of tho predictions in Ibis Book, that Por
phyry maintnincd thnt it wns written
alter the events hnd occurred, and that
the book must have boon forged.

CHAPTER IX.

ANALYSIS or inn onAPTsn.

Tmn ohantor la properly dlvldoi) Into thrco parts, or oomprlsos throo tblURa :
1, Tbo Inquiry of Uuniol Into tho time thut tbo do.tolatlons of Joruaaloni woro to continue.
niui bla dotornilTiallon to auok tho Lord to prny thnt his purpose In rognrd to tho rostorntion of'
tbo oity nnd tompio ml^ht bo i^poodily nooonipltahod, vs. 1---3. Dunlol snya (vor. 1), that thii
ooourrod In thu first yonr of Bnrlua of tho aood of tho Modoa. IIo was onitngod In tho study of
tho hooka of joronilidi. Uo lonrnod from thoso books thut sovonty yonra woro to olnpao during
wbloli tbo temple, tho city, nnd tbo land woro to bo dciolnto. By n ouloulntion ns to tho timo
whuu this oommonood, ho wua onnblod to nsourtnln tho period whon It would oloso, nnd ho Ibund
thnt thot period wai nonr, nnd thut, nooordlnst to tho prodiotlon, it might bo oxpootod that tlio
timo of tho roatorallon wns nt hnnd. Ula mind wna, of courao, fllled with tho doopoat Bolloitudo.
It would aooni not Improbable thnt bo did not puivoivo auy propnratlon for tliia, or nny ton-
donrv to It, nud It oould not but bo thnt ho would bo fllliHl with nuxloly In ro|tui>l to it. llo dooa
not lipponr to bivvo eutortnlnod nuy doubt tliut tho pri'Ulotlons would ho fulfllloU, nnd tho fliot
thut llioy woi-o BO olonr and so positive, wns a stronji; i-onsou why ho ahould pray, nnd wns t/i«
ronaon why ho pruyod ao ourniwlly nt llila time. Tho pruyor whioh ho offorod Is an lllustrntloo
of tho truth thnt uwu will pray moro onrnoatly whon thoy hnvo ninson to auppoao thut God in-
tonda to Impart a bloaalnir, nnd thot nn nasurunoo that an ovon t la to occur ia oiio of tlio strongest
ouoournaomonta nnd tncltomonta to prayor. So mon will pray with more fiUth whon thoy soo
thut Ood la bloaslnii tho mouna of roatorotlou to honJtli, or whon thoy soo tndlontiona of nn
ibumlHUt iHirvoat ; ao tlioy will prny with tho moro fcrvnurfbr Qod to hloa-i hia word whon thoy
aoo ovlJoncoa of n revival of rollglon, or thnt tho timo boa como whon God la about to dlapluy
bla nowor In Iho oonvoralon of alnnora ; und »i undoubtedly thoy will prOT wiUi tho moro onrn-
oatiioas ns tho proofa ahull bo multlpllod Uiut Ood Is about lo fulfll all bla nnciont prodioUons
lu Iho oonvorslon of tho wholo world to hlniaolf. A bollof thnt Ooit lutunds to do u thing la
novor nny hlndrnnoo to roul prnyor; n bollof that ho la In fliot about to do U doos mow tban
•nvihlnir olao cnn do to nrouso tbo aoul to oiill with onrnostnosa on hls niimo.
11 Thoiruvorof Dnnlol, va. 4— 19. Thia prnyor Is romnrkablolbr ItaaluipUolty, its forvoui,
Ila iiunroorlnlonoss, Its (-arnostuoaa. It la a tVnnk confosslon that tho Hobrow pooplo, in whoae
Bo.no it wns olTorod, hnd doaorvod all tbo oalumltloa whiob hnd como upon thooi, nooouipnnled
w t ll 0 irnoit lntor>osslon thnt God would now hour thta prayor.nud romovo the Judgmonta tton
«i"l>ooi)l«, and nooompllsh his purpose of moroy towards the dty and tomple. Jl>« long cup.
Sflty^ nearly sovonty years j the uttor doaoloUon of the oity and tompio during that thae;

858 DANIEL. [B. C. 53&
tbe numberless priTations and cTilg to wbich during that period they had heen exposed, had
demongtratC'l the greatness of the sina for which these calamities had come upon tho oation,
and Daniel dow, in the name, and uttering the sentimeuta, of the captive people, confessed
their guilt, and the justness of the divine dealings with them. Never has there been au in
stance in which punishment has had more of its deaigni d and appropriate e£Fect than in prompt
ing to the sentiments which are uttered in this prayer : and the prayer, therefore, ia just the
expression of what we sluyidd feel when tbe hand of the Lord has been long and severely laid
upon us on account of our sins. The burden of the prayer is confespion ; tbe object which he
who offers it seeks is, that God would cause tbe severity of his judgments to cease, and the city and
temp»a to be restored. The particular points in the prayer.wiU he more appropriately eluci
dated in the exposition of this part of the chapter.
III. The answer to the prayer, va. 20 — 27. The principal diflBculty in tbe exposition ofthe chapter
is in this portion ; and indeed there is perhaps no part of the prophecies of the Old Testament
that is, on some accounts, more difficult of exposition, as there is, in some respectp, none
more clear, and noue more important. It is remarkable, among other things, as not being a
direct answer to the prayer, and as seeming to have no bearing on the sulyect of the petition-
that the city of Jeruaalem might be rebuilt, and the temple restored, hut it directs the mind
onward to another and more important event — tbe coming of the Messiah, and the final closing
of sacrifice and oblation, and a more entire and enduring destruction of the temple and ciiy,
after it should have been rebuilt, than had yet occurred. To give tbis information, an angel —
the same one whom Daniel had seen before, was aent forth from heaven, and came near to him
and touched bim, and aaid that be was commissioned to impart to him skill and understanding, .
TS. 20 — 23. " The speediness of his coming indicates a joyful messenger. The substance of that
message is as follows : As a compensation fijr the seventy years in which tbe people, the city,
and tbp temple bad been entirely prostrate, seventy weeks of years, seven times seventy years
of a renewed existence would be secured to them by the Lord ; and the end of this period, £ar
from bringing the mercies of Ood to a cloae, would for tbe first time bestow on tbem tbe Theo-
cracy in tbeir complete and full measure." Hengstenberg, Cbiatology, I. 293. The painU of
information which the angel gives in regard to the future condition ofthe city are these:
(a) That the whole period determined in respect to the holy city, to finish transgression, and
to make an end of sina, and to make reconciliation for the people, and to bring in everlasting
righteonpness, and to seal up tho vision and propheey, and to anoint the Moat Holy, was seventy
weeks — evidently seventy prophetic weeks, that is, regarding eacb day as a year, four hundred
and ninety years, ver. 24. The time when this period would commence — termini^ a qux> — is
not indeed distinctly specified, hut the fair interpretation is, from tbat time when the vision
appeared to Daniel, tbe first year of Darius, vor. 1. The literal meaning of tbe phrase ' seventy
weeks,' according to Prof. Stuart (Hints on the Interpretation of Prophecy, p. 82), is seventy
sevens, that ia, seventy sevens of years, or four hundred and ninety yeara. " Dauiel," says he,
" had been meditating on the accomplishment of tbe seventy years of exile for the Jews, which
Jeremiah had predicted. At the clof^e of the fervent supplication for the people whicb be makes,
in connection with his meditation, Gabriel appears, and announces to him that ^seventy sevens
are appointed fur his people,* as it respects the time tben future, in whicb very serious and
very important events are to take place. Daniel had been meditating on the cloae of the seventy
years of Hebrew exile, and the angel now discloses to him a new period of seventy times seven,
in which still more important events arc to take place."
(6) Thia period of seventy sevpns, or four hundred and ninety yeara, is divided by the angel
Into amaller portions, each ofthem determining aome important event in the fnture. He says,
therefore, (ver. 25,) that from the going forth of tbe command to rebuild the temple, until the
time when the Messiah ahould appear, the wbole period might he divided into two portions —
one of seven sevens, or forty nine years, and the other of threescore and two sevens — sixty-
two sevens, or four huudred and thirty-four years, making together four hundred and eighty-
three years. This atatcment is accompanied with the assurance that tho " street would he built
again, and the wall, even in troublous times." Of these periods of aeven weeks;, sixty-two weeks,
and one week, the close of the first is distinguished by the completion of the rebuilding of the
city ; that of the second by the appearing of the Anointed One, or the Messiah, the Prince ; that
of the third by the finished confirmation of the covenant with the many for whom the saving
blessings designated in ver. 24, aa belonpring to tbe end of tbe whole period, arfe designed. The
last period of one week is again divided into two halves. While the confirmation of tfae cove
nant extends through it, from beginning to end, tbe cessation of tbe sacrifice and meat-offer
ing, and tho death of tbo Anointed One, on which this depends, take place in the middle ofit.
(c) The Messiah would appear after the seven weeka — reaching to the time of completing the
rebuilding of tbe city, and the sixty-two weeks following that — that ia, sixty-nine weeka alto
gether, would have been finished. Throughout half of the other week, after his appearing, he
would labour to confirm the covenant with many, and then die a violent death, hy which the
sacrifices would be made to cease, while the confirmation ofthe covenant would continue even
after bis death.
{d) A people of a foreign prince would come and destroy the city and the sanctuary. The
end of all would be a * flood' — an overflowing calamity, till the end of the desolations ahould be
determined, vs. 26, 27- TMs fearful desolation is all that tbe prophet sees in the end, except
that there is an obscure intimation that there would be a termination of that. But the deaign
tf the vision evidently did not reach thus fax. It was to show the series of events after tti«

B. C. 538.]

CHAPTER IX.

359

rebuilding of the city ond temple up to tho time when the Mossinh wonld come; when tht
groat atonement would be mode for sin, nnd wben tho oblations and aacrificos of the temple
would finally censo : ceaao. in fuet and naturally, for tbe one groat sacriflce, eupersoding them
all, bad boen offered, and bocauso tho people of a foreign princo would come and sweep the
temple and tho altar away.
Tbe desi>rn of tbo wholo annunciation ia, evidently, to produce consolation in the mind of the
prophet. He wna engaged in profound meditntlon on the present stato, and the long-continued
desolations of tho city and temple. IIo gave his miud to tbe study of the prophecies to learn
whether the.ee dosolationa were not soon to ond. He ascertained beyond a doubt that the period
orew near. He devoted himsolf to earnest prayor that the de-eolatiou raight not longer continue ,
ihat God, provoked by the sius of tbe nation, would no longer exeouto bis fearful judgments,
but would graciously interpose, and restore the city and temple. Ho confessed ingenuously and
humbly the sins of his people; acknowledged tbat tho judgments of God were just, but plead
earnestly, in view of his former mercies to tho same people, that he would now have compas-
Bion, and fulfil his promises that the city and tomple sbould bo restored. An answer is not
given directly, and In tbo exact form in whicb it might bave been hoped for, but an answer is
given in wbich it is implied that theso blessings so earnestly sought would be bestowed, and in
which it is promised that there would be far greater blessinga. It is assumed in the answer
(vor. 25), that the city would bo rebuilt, and then the mind is directed onward to the assurance
that it would stand through seven times seventy years — aeven times as long aa it had now
been desolate, and that then that wbich had been tbe object of tbo desire of the people of God
would be accomplished ; that for whioh tho city and temple had been built would be fulfilled —
the Mesaiah would como, the great aacrifice for sin would bo made, and all tbe typical arrange-
monta of the temple would come to an ond. Thus, in fact, thongh not in form, the communi
cation of the angel was an anawer to prayer, and that occurred to Daniel which often occura to
thoso who pray — that tbo direct prayer which ia offered receives a gracious answer, and that
there accompanies tho answer numberless otber mercies which are drawn along in tbe train ; or,
in other words> that God gives us many more blessings thau wo ask of bim.

1 In tho first year of » Darius the
son of Ahasuerus, of the seed of the
a c. 6. 31. '^ or, in which he.
1. In the first year of Dariua. See
Notes on ch. v. 31, and Intro, to eh. vi.
g 2. Tbe king here referred to under this
name was Cyaxares II., who lived be
tween Astyages and Cyrus, and in whom
was the title of king. He was the imme
diate successor of Belshazzar, and was
tho predecessor of Cyrua, and was the
first of the foreign princes that reigned
over Babylon. On tbe reasons why he
is called in Daniel Darius, and not Cy
axares, see the Intro, to ch. vi. g 2. Of
course, as he preceded Cyrus, who gave
the order to rebuild the temple (Ezrai. 1),
this occurred before the cloae of the sev
enty years of the captivity. If ^''^ '°"
of Ahasuerua. Or the son of Astyages.
See Inlro. to ch. vi. § 2. It wos no unu
sual thing for tbe kings of the East to bave
several names, and one writer might refer
to them under one name, and another un
der another. 1[ Of the aeed of the Medea.
Of tbe race of tbe Medes. See as above.
% Wliich waa made king ox r- the realm of
ate Chaldeana. By conquest. He suo-
eoeded Belshazzar, and waa the immedi
ate predecessor of Cyrus. Cyaxares II.
aaeended the throne of Media, according
to tha eommon ohronology, B. C. 661.

Medes, '¦which was made king over
the realm of the Chaldeans.
2 In the first year of his reign I

Babylon waa taken by Cyrus, acting .un
der the authority of Cyaxares, B. C. 538,
and, of course, the reign of Cyaxares, or
Dariua, over Babylon commenced at that
point, and that would be reckoned as tbe
' firat year' of hia reign. Ho died B. C.
536, and Cyrua succeeded him; and as the
order to rebuild the temple waa in the
first year of Cyrua, the time referred to
in thia chapter, when Daniel represents
himaelf as meditating on the close of the
captivity, and offering this prayer, can
not long have preceded that order. He
had ascertained tbat the period of tbe
captivity waa near ita close, and he na
turally inquired in what way the restora
tion ot the Jews to their own land was
to be effected, and by wbat means tho
temple was to be rebuilt.
2. / Daniel underatood by hooka. By
the aacred books, and especially by the
writings of Jeremiah. It has been made
a ground of objection to the genuineness
of Daniel that be mentions 'books' in thif
place — cnp't) — as if there were at that
time a collection of the sacred books, or
as if they had been enrolled together in a
volume. The objection is, tbat the writer
ipcaks as if tbe canon of the Scriptures

360

DANIEL.

fB. C, 53«

Baniel understood by books the nnm-
ber of thti years, whereof the word
of the Lord came to Jeremiah * the
propbf t, lhat he would accomplish
" Je. 25. U, 12.

nas fwmpleted, or that fae uses sucb
lan^a^e as the Hebrews did wfaen tfae
canon of the Scriptures was finisfaed,
and thas faetrays faimself. See Bertholdt,
Comm. p. 78. Comp. Be Wette, Einl.
§ 13. Tfais objection has been examined
by HeDgstenberg, Beitrag. pp. 32 — 35.
It is sufficient to reply to it, tfaat there is
every probability that the Jews in Baby
lon would be in pusseE^sion of the sacred
books of tbeir nation, and that, though
the canon of the Scriptures waa not yet
completed, tbere would exist private col
lections of tfaose writings. Tfae word faere
used by Daniel is just sucb as fae would
employ on tfae supposition tfaat fae referred
to a private collection of the writings
of the propfaets. Comp. Lengerke, in
loc. See the Intro., where tfae objection
is examined. %The number of the yeara
whereof tke word of tke Lord came to
Jeremiah, Tfae number of tfae years in
respect to wfaiefa tfae word of the Lord
eame to Jeremiah ; tfaat is, which he had
revealed to Jeremiah. The books referred
to, therefore, were evidently a collection of
tbe writings of Jeremiah, or a collection
which embraced his writings. ^ That he
would accomplish seventy years in tke de
solations of Jerusalem. That Jerusalem
would 80 long Ue waste. This was ex
pressly declared by Jeremiah (cfa. xxv.
11, 12) : " And tfae wfaole land sfaall be a
desolation and an astonisfament; and
tfaese nations shall serve the king of Ba
bylon seventy years. And it shall come
to paeia, when seventy years ore accom
pUshed, that I wiU punisfa the king of
Babylon, and tfaat nation, saitfa the Lord,
for their iniquity," Ap. So also Jer.
xxix. 10 : '* For thus saith tfae Lord, Tfaat
afier seventy years be accomplisfaed at
Babylon, I will visit you, and perform
™y good word toward you, in causing you
to return to this place." The time of tbe
desolation andof the captivity, therefore,
was fixed and positive, and the only dif
ficulty in determining when it would
iluse, was in ascertaining tfae exact yeitr
wben it commenced. Tfaere were several
occurrences wfaich might, perhaps, be re
garded as tfae beginning of th$ desoliv-

seventy years in the desolations of
Jerusalem. 3 If And •> I set my face unto tha
Lord God, to seek by prayer and
b Ne. L 4, Ac ; Je. 29. 10—13.

tions and tfae captivity — tfae terminus a
quo — and according as one or anotfaer of
tfaem was fixed on tfae close would be re
garded as nearer or more remote. Daniel,
it seems, by close study, had satisfied hia
own mind on that subject, and had been
able to fix upon some period that was
undoubtedly the proper beginning, and
hence the time when it would close.
Tfae result showed that his calculation
was correct, for at tfae time fae expected,
the order was given by Cyrus to rebuild
the city and temple. Wfaen he instituted
tfais inquiry, and engaged in tfais solemn
act of prayer, it would have been impos
sible to have conjectured in wbat way
tbis could be brougfat about. Tbe reign*
ing monarch was Cyaxares IL, or, as fae
is here caUed, Darius, and tfaere was
notfaing in fais cfaaracter, or in anytfaing
that be faad done, tfaat could faave been a
basis of calculation tfaat fae would favour
tfae return of thfr Jews, and the reboild-
ing of tbe city, and there was then no
probabUi^ that Cyrus would so soon
come to the throne, and notfaing in hit
cfaaracter, as known, tbat could be a
ground of faope tbat fae would voluntarily
interpose, and accomplisfa tfae divine pur
poses and promises in regard to the holy
city. It was probably such circumstances
as these wbich produced the anxiety in
tbe mind of Daniel, and whicb led faim to
offer tbis fervent prayer ; and his fervent
supplications should lead us to trust in
God tfaat fae will accomplish his purposes,
and sbould induce us to pray with fer
vour and with faith wben we see no way
in which he will do it In all cases he
can as easily devise a way In answer to
prayer, as fae could remove Cyaxares from
tfae tfarone, and incline tfae faeart of Cy
rus to undertake tfae rebuUding of Jeru
salem and tbe temple.
3. And I aet my face u7Uo tke Lord God.
Probably the meaning is, tfaat he turned
his face toward Jerusalem, tfae place
wfaere God had dwelt; tfae place of fais faoly
abode on eartfa. See Notes on cfa. vi. 10.
The language, however, would not be in
appropriate to denote prayer without such
a supposition. We turn to one wfaom vr%

CHAPTER IX.

B. C. 538.J

aupplioations, with fasting, and saclc-
olotli, and ashes.
addroBS, and so prayer mny bo described
by 'ecttin;? tho fiico toward God.' Tho
essential idea hero is, that he engaged in
a pot and formal prayer; ho engaged in
enrnoBt devotion. IIo evidently set iipart
a time fur this, for he prepared himself
by fasting, and by putting on sackoluth
¦nd ashes. \ To aeek by prayer and aup-
plieaiion. To seek hia favour; to pray
that ao would accomplish hia purposes.
The words 'pmyor und supplication,'
wbich are often found united, would
seem »o denote oarneet prayer, or prayor
whon mercy was implored — tho notion
of mercy or favour iinplorod entering
Into the inclining uf tho Hebrew word
rendered anpplicniion. ^f Wilh foal
ing. In viow of tho desolations of
tho eity and temple ; the calamities
that bad oome upon the people; their
sius, <ike. ; and in order olso thut the
mind might bo prepared for enVnest and
fervent prayor. The oconsion was ono
of groat iiuportanoo, and it wos proper
that the mind should bo prepared for it
by fasting. It wns tho purpose of Dau
iel tn bumble himself before Dud, ond to
recall tbo sins of tho nation for whioh
they now sulTorod, ond fasting was an
appropriate means of doing thut. ^[ And
sackcloth. Sackcloth was a coarso kind
of cloth, usually made of hair, and em
ployed for tho purpose of making sacks,
bags, &<>. As it was dark, and coarse,
and rough, it wns regarded as a proper
badge of mourning and humiliation, and
was worn ns suoh usually by passing or
girding it around the loins. See Notos
on Isa. iii. 21 ; Job xvi. 15. fl' And ashea.
It wns customary to east nsiies ou the
bend in a timo of gront grief and sorrow.
The principles on whicli this wos dono
seom to have been, {a) tbat tho cxteinal
appearance should correspond with he
state of the miud and the heart, and
{b) that suoh e.\ternal oircumstiinccs
would have a tendency to produce a stato
of heart corresponding to thom — or would
produce truo humiliation nnd repentance
for sin. Corap. Notes on Job ii. 8. Tho
praotioal truth taught in this verse, in
oonnection with the preceding is, that tho
faot tbat a thing ia certainly predicted,
inl that Ood moans to accomplish it, is
an ont'ouragemcnt to prayor, and will
load to prayer. We could havo no en-
Sl

361

4 And I prayed unto the Lord
my Ood, and made my confession,

couragement lo pray except in the pur
poses nnd promises of Ood, for we bavo no
power oursolvou to nocomplish the things
for which wo |>n>y, nnd all must depend
on his will. When that will is known it
is tho very thing to encourage us in our
oppruacbes to him, and is all the assur
ance that we need to induce us to pray.
4 Aud I prayed unto the Lord my God.
Evidently a sot and formal prayer. It
would scom probable that he offorod thi)
prayer, and then recorded the substance of
it afterwards. Wo have no reason to sup
pose thatwe hnvo the wholo ofit, but we
have doubtless its principal topics. V And
made my confesaion. Not as an individ
ual, or not of his own sins only, buta con
fession in behalf of the pcoplu, and in their
name. Thor'e is no reason to suppose
that what he here says did not express
thoir feelings. Thoy had beon long in
captivity — far awoy from their dcsolato
eity nnd tomple. They could nnt but be
sensible that these calamities had como
upon them on account of their sins; and
they could not but feci that tbe calamities
oould not be expected to be removed but
by confession of their sins, ond by ac
knowledging tho justioe of tho divino
dealings towards thom. When wo hnvo
been nlDicted — when wo oro called to poss
through severe trials — nnd when borno
down by trial, wo go to Ood, and pray
that tho evil may bo removed, tho flrst
thing that is demnnded is, thatwe should
confess our sins and acknowledge the jus
tice of God in the judgments that have
come upon us. If we attempt to vindi
cato and justify ourselves, we can have
no hope that the judgment will be averted.
Dnniul, thoreforo, in the nnme of the peo
ple, began his proyer with tho humblo
and penitent acknowledgment thnt all
that thoy had suifered wus dosorvod.
SO Lord, the great and dreadful God, A
od great, nnd to be feored or venerated. —
ti-yiin- This doos not mean dreadful in
the sense that thoro is anything stern or
unuminble in bis charactor, but mainly
that he is to bo regarded with veneration.
^ Keeping the covenant and ntorcy. Ivocp-
ing his covenant and showing morcy.
This is often ascribed to Qod, thot hc ia
faithful to bis covenant; that is, that he
ia faithful to his promises tohis people, or
to those who sustain a certain relation to

362

DANIEL.

[B. 0. 63&

find said, 0 Lord, the > great and
dreadful God, keeping 'the covenant
and mercy to them that love him,
and to them that keep his command
ments ;
5 Wo « have sinned and have oom
mitted iniquity, and have done wick
edly, and have rebelled, even by de-
•Ne. 9. 32, 4c. b Ex. 20. 6.
'l's. 106.6; Is. 64. 6, 7.
him, and wbo arO' faithful to their cove
nant vows. If there is alienation and es
trangement, and want of faithfulness on
either side, it does not begin with him.
Ue is faithful to all his promises, and his
fidelity may always be assumed as a basis
of cali..Jlation in all our intorcourse with
him. Soe the word covenant in Cruden's
Concordance. The word mercy socma to
bo added here to denoto that morcy enters
into his dealings with us even in keeping
the covenant. We are so sinful, and so
unfaithful ourselves, that if he is faithful
to his covenant, it must bo by showing
mercy to us. % To them, lhat love him, &c.
The conditions of the covenant extend no
farther than this, since, in a compact of
any kind, one is bound to be faithful only
while the terms ore maintained by the
other party. So God binds himself to
show favour only while we aro obedientp,
and we can plead his covenant only when
we are obedient, wben we confess our
eins, and plead his promisea in this sense
— that he has assured us that be will re
store and receive us if wo ore penitent.
It was this whicb Baniel plead on this
occasion. He could not plead that his
people had been obedient, and had thus
any claims to tbo divine favour, but he
oould cast himsolf and them on the mercy
of a covenant-keeping God, who would
remember biS covenant with them if they
were penitent, and who would graciously
pardon. 6. We have ainned. Though Baniel
was alone, be spake in the name of the
people in general — doubtless recounting
tho long series of crimes in the nation
which had preceded the captivity, and
wbich were the cause of the ruin of
the city and temple. IF And have com
mitted iniquity, &,e. These varied forms
of expression are designed to give in-
ttnsity to what he says. It is equiva
lent to saying that they hod sinned in

parting from thy precepts and from
thy judgments :
6 Neither iihave we hearkened
unto thy servants the prophets,
which spake in thy name to our
kings, our princes, and our fathers,
and to all the people of the land.
7 0 Lord, righteousness 'belong
eth unto ' thee, but unto us confusion
d 2 Ch. 36. 15, 16. "or, ihou liast. rPs. 51. 4.

every way possible. Tbe mind, in a state
of true repentance, dwells on its sins, and
recounts the various forms in which ini
quity has been done, and multiplies ex
pressions of regret and sorrow on account
of transgression. ^ From thy precepts.
Thy commands ; thy laws, f Thy judg
ments. Thy laws — the word judgments
in the Scripture denoting what God judges
to be right for us to do, as well as what it
is right for hira to infiict.
6. Neither have we hearkened nnto thj
aervanta the prophets. Who called upon
us to turn from our sins; who mado known
the will of God, and who proclaimed that
these judgments would come npon us if
wo did not repent. If Which apake in
thy name to our kinga, &,e. To all classes
of the people, calling on kings and rulers
to turn from their idolatry, and tbe peo
ple to forsake tbeir sins, and to seek the
Lord. It was a characteristic of the
prophets that they spared no classes of tbe
notion, but faithfully uttored all the word
of God. Their admonitions had been un
heeded, and the people now saw eleariy that
these calamities hod como upon them be
cause tbey had «o( hearkened to their voice.
7. 0 Lord, righteouaneaa belongeth i/«(o
thee. Marg., 'or, thou bast.' The He
brew is, 'to thee is righteousness, to ua
shame,' &e. The state of mind in him
who makes the prayer is that of ascribing
righteousness or justice to God. Baniel
feels and admits that God baa been right
in his dealings. He is not disposed to
blame him, but to take all the shame and
blame to the people. Thero is no mur
muring or complaining on his part as if
God bad done wrong in any way, but there
isthe utmost confidence in him, and in hia
government. This is the truo feeling with
which to come before God when we nre
afQicted, and when we plond for hia mercy
and favour. God should be regarded as
righteous in all 'that he has done, and

B. C. 538.]

CHAPTER IX.

3G3

of faces, as at this day ; to the men
of Judah, and to the inhabitants of
Jerusalem, and unto all Israel, that
are near, and that are far off, through
all the countries whither athou hast
driven them, because of their tres-
.-pass that they have trespassed
against thee.

holy in all his judgments and claims, and
tbere shonld be a willingness to address
faim as holy, and just, and true, and to
take shame and confusion of face to our
selves. Comp. Ps. li. 4. ^ But unto ua
confuaion of facea. Heb., 'shame of
faces;' that is, that kind of shame which
we have when we feel tbat we are guilty,
ond which commonly shows itself in tbe
countenance. ^ Aa at this day. As we
actually are at this time. That is, he felt
that at that time they were a down-trod
den, an humbled, a contemned people.
Their country was in ruins ; they were
captives in a far-distant land, and all on
which they bad prided themselves was
laid waste. All these judgments and hu
miliating things he says they had de
served, for they had grievously sinned
against God. If To the men of Judah.
Not merely to the tribe of Judah, but to
the kingdom of that name. After tbe re
volt of tbe ten tribes — which became
known as the kingdom of Ephraim — be
cause Ephraim was the largest tribe, or
the kingdom of Israel, tbe other portion
of the people — the tribes of Judah and
Benjamin, were known as the kingdom
of Judah, since Judah was by far the
largest tribe of the two. This kingdom
is refeired to here, because Baniel be
longed to it, and because the ten tribes
had been carried away long before, and
scattered in the countries of the East.
The ten tribes bad been carried to As
syria. Jemsalem always remained as
the capitol of the kingdom of Judah, and
it is to this portion of tbe Hebrew people
that the prayer of Baniel more especially
appertains. \ And to the inhabitants of
Jerusalem. Particularly to them, as tbe
heaviest calamities bad come upon them,
and as they had been prominent in the
sins for whicb these judgments had come
upon tbe people. ^ And unto all larael.
All the people who are descendants of Is
rael or Jacob, wherever they may be, em
bracing not onjr those of the kingdom of

_ 8 0 Lord, to us belongeth •> confu
sion of face, to our kings, to our
princes, and to our fathers, because
we have sinned against thee.
9 To the Lord our God 'belong
mercies and forgiveness, though we
have rebelled against him ;
a Le. 26. 33, 34. >> Eze. 16. 63. c Ps. 130, 4, 7.
Judah properly so called, but all who op-
pertain to the nation. They were all of
one blood. They had had a common
country. They had all revolted, and a
succession of heavy judgments had come
upon the nation as such, and all had oc
casion for shame and confusion of face.
^ That are near, and that are far off.
Whether in Babylon, in Assyria, or in
more remote countries. The ten tribes
had been carried a,way some two hundred
years before this prayer was offered by
Baniel, and they were scattered in far
distant lands. ^ Through all the coun-
triea whither thou hast driven them, &c.
In Babylonia, in Assyria, in Egypt, or in
other lands. They were scattered every
where, and wherever they were they had
common cause for humiliation and shame.
8. 0 Lord, ta ua belongeth oo)i/«sion,
&c. To all of us ; to the whole people,
high and low, rich and poor, the rulers
and the ruled. All had been partakers of
tbe guilt; all were involved in the ca
lamities consequent on the guilt. As all
had sinned, the judgments had come
upon all, and it was proper tbat the con
fession should be made in the name of all.
9. To the Lord our God belong merciea
and forgiven eases. Not only does right
eousness belong to him in the sense that
he has done right, and that he cannot be
blamed for what be bas done, but mercy
and forgiveness belong to him in the sense
that he only can pardon, and that theso
are attributes of his nature. % Though
we have rebelled againat him. The word
here used and rendered though — 13 — may
mean either though, or for. That is, the
passage may mean tbat mercy belongs to
God, and we may hope that he will show
it, although we have been so e'fil and re
bellious; or it may mean tbat it belongs
to him, and he only can show it,ybr we have
rebeUed against him; that is, our only
hope now is in bis mercy, for we have sin
ned, and forfeited all claims to his favour.
Eitherof these interpretations moke good

364

DANIEL.

[B. C. 538.

10 Neither have we obeyed the
voice of the Lord our God, to walk
in hia laws, which he set before us
by his servants tho prophets.
11 Yea, all » Israel have trans
gressed thy law, ovon by departing,
that they might not obey thy voice ;
therrfore the curse is poured upon
us, and the oath that ii written in
tlie law of Moses the servant of God,
because we have sinned against him.
» Is. 1. 4—6.
sense, bnt the latter would seem to be
mostin accordance witb tbo generol strain
of this part of the prayer, wbich is to mnke
bumble ond penitent confession. So the
Latin Vulgato — quia. So Theodotion, clri.
So Luther and Lengerke, denn. In the
same way, the pnssogo in Ps. xxv. 11,
is rendered, " For thy name's sake, 0 Lord,
pardon mino iniquity, ' for — '3 — it is
great," — though this pnssogo will admit
el the other interpretation, ' although it
is great.'
10. Neither have we obeyed the voiee of
Ihe Lord. Tho commands ofGod as made
inown Viy the prophets, vor. 6. ^
11. 'i''ca, all larael have transgreaaed, Ac.
Embracing not only tho tribe and the
liingdom of Judoh, but the whole nation.
The calamity, therefore, had come upon
them oil. ^ Even by departing. By de
parting from thy commandments; orby
rebellion against theo. If That they might
not obey thy voice. By refusing to obey
thy voice, or thy commands, f Thei-efore
the curae ia poured upon ua. Aa rain de
scends, or us water is poured out. The
curae here refera to that whioh was so sol
emnly threatened by Moses in case the
nation did not obey God. Seo Beut.
xxviii. 15-68. If And Ihe oath lhat ia
written in the law of Moaea, Ac. The
word here rendered oath — n;'2ii' — means
properly a awearing, or an oath, ond bonce,
either an oath of promise or in acovcnant,
or an oath of cursing or imprecation;
that is, a curse. It is evidently used in
the lotter sense here. See Gesenius, ica-.
Baniel saw clearly thot tho evils whioh
had been threatened by Moaes (Bout.
xxviii.), had actually como upon tho na
tion, and he as clearly saw that the cause
•f all theee ealamitiea was that which
Moaei hod specified. He, therefore, frauk-

12 And he hath confirmed bio
words, which he snake against us,
and against our j'uages that judged
us, by bringing upon us a great evil:
for under the whole heaven hath not
been done as hath been dono upon
Jerusalem. 13 As it is written bin the law
of Moses, all this evil is come upon
us : yet ^ made we not our prayer
b Lo. 20. 14, &c. -, Do, 28. 15, tc; La. 2. 16—17.
' entreated we not the faca of,
ly and penitently confessed these sina in
the nome of tho whole people, and earn
estly supplicated for mercy.
12. And he haih confirmed, hia worda,
Ac. By bringingupon the people oil that
hc had threatened in case of their disobe
dience, finnicl saw thnt thero wus a com
plete fulfilraent of all thut he hod soid
would come upon them. Aa oil this hnd
been threatened, he could not comploin;
ond OS he hod confirmed his words in re
gard to the threatening, he had the enino
reason to think that he would in regard
to bis promises. Whot Baniel here says
wns truo in hia time, nnd in reference to
his people will bo fuund to be true at nil
times, ond in reference to oil people. —
Nothing is mure certain than that Gnd
will 'confirm' allthe worda thut he haa
ever spoken, ond that no ainner can hope
to escape on the ground that Gud will be
fuund to be fulse to his threatenings, or
that he hne forgotten them, or Ibot fae
is indifferent to them, f Againat our
judgea that judged ua. Our mngietrotci or
rulers, ^f For under the whole heaven. —
In all tbo world. ^ Hath not been done aa
hath been done upon Jerusalem. In respect
to the slaughter, nnd tbe captivity, ond
the complete desolation. Noone cnn show
that ot thot time this wna not liternlly
true. The ciiy woa in a state of complete
desolation; ita temple woe in ruins; its
people had been slaia or borne into cap
tivity. la. As it ie written in the law of Moaes.
The word law wns given to all Ibe writ
ings of Mosea. See Notes on Luke Jixiv.
44. If Yet made we not our prayer i^ore
the Lord our God. Mnrg., entreated we
not Ihe face of. Tfae Hebrew word here
used — n^ip — meana properly to be pol.
ished; then tobe wom down in strength,

B. C. 638.]

CHAPTER IX.

365

before the Lord our God, that we | he doeth ; for we obeyed not his
raight turn from our iniquities, and voice.
understand thy truth. 15 And now, 0 Lord our God,
14 Therefbre hath the Lord that' hast brought thy people forth
watched upon the evil, and brought ' out of the liinj of Egypt with a
it upon us : for the Lord our God mighty hand, and hast bgotten theo
is righteous ' in all his works which

to be weak ; then to be sick, or diseased ;
then in Piel, (the form used here) to rub
or stroke the faoe of any one, to soothe or
oaress, and hence to beseech, or suppli
cate. See Gesenius, Z/crc. Here it means,
that, as a people, they had failed, when
they had ainned, lo call upon God for
pardon ; to jonfoss their sins ; to implore
his mercy; to deprecate his wrath.
It would have been easy to turn aside
his threatened jadgments if they had
been penitent, and bad sought fais mercy,
but they had net done it. Wbat is
faere said ofthem, cnn and will be said of
all sinners when the divine judgment
oomes upon them. ^ That we might tum
from our iniquitiea. Thatwe might seek
graoe to turn from our transgressions.
*| And underatand thy truth. The truth
which Gud had revealed; equivalent to
saying that they might be righteous.
14. Therefore hath the Lord watclied
upon the evil. The word here used, and
rendered lOotcAeii — iRt:' — means properly
to wnkc; to he aleepleaa ; to watch. Then
it moons tu watch over anything, or to
be attentive to it, Jer. i. 12 ; xxxi. 28 ;
xliv. 27. Gesenius, Lex. The meaning
here is, tbat the Lord had not been inat
tentive to the progress of thinga, nor un
mindful of hia threatening. Ho bad
never slumbered, but had carefully ob-
Bcrved tho course of events, and had been
attentive to all that they had dono, and
to all that fae had threatened to do. Tbe
practical truth taught here — and it is one
of great importance to sinners — is thot
God is not inattentive to their conduct,
though he may seem to bo, and that in
due time he "will show that he fans kept an
unslumbering eye upon them. See Notes
on Isa. xviii. 4. 'iFor the Lord our God
is righteoua in all Ilia works, &o. 'I'.'is is
the language of a true penitent ; language
whioh is always used by one who has
right feelings when he reflects on the
divino dealings towards him. God is seen
to bo righteous in bis law and in his
iealinss, and the only reaaon why we suf-,
31*

. a No. 9. 33.

b made thee a name.

for is that we have sinned, Tfais will bo
fonnd to be true alwoys, and whatever
calamities we sufler, it should be a fixed
principle with us to "ascribe rigfateous
ness to our Maker." Job xxxvi. 3.
15. Andnow, 0 Lord our God, that hast
brought thy people forth outof the land of
Egypt. In former daya. The reference
to this shows that it is proper to use argu
ments before God when we plead with
him (Comp. Notes on Job xxiii. 4) ; that
is, to suggest considerations or reasons
why the prayer should be granted. Those
reasons must be, of course, such aa will
occur to our own minds as sufficient to
make it proper for God to bestow the
blessing, and, when they are presented
before him, it must be with submission to
bis higher view of the subject. The argu
ments which it is proper to urge are those
derived from the divine mercy and faith
fulness; from tbe promisea of God; from
his former dealings witb his people; from
our sins and misery ; from the great
sacriflce made for sin ; from the desira
bleness tbat bis name should be glorifled.
Here Baniel properly refers to the former
divine interposition in favour of the He
brew people, and he pleads the fact that
God had delivered them from Egypt as a
reason why he should now interpose and
save them. Tbe strength of this argu
ment may be supposed to consist in such
things as the following : (a) in the fact
that there waa as much reason for in
terposing now, as tbere was then ;
(6) in tbe fact that his interposing tben
might be considered as a proof that he
intended t9 be regarded as their pro
tector, and to defend them as his peo
ple ; (c) in the foct that he who bad
evinced suoh mighty power at that
time, must he able to interpose and 3avo
them now, &e. ^ And haat gotten thej
renown. Marg., made thee a name. So
the Hebrew. The idea is, that that great
event had been tho means of making bim
known as a faithful God, and a God
able to deUver. As he was thus knowna

806

DANIEL.

[B. 0. 638.

renown, as at this day; we have
iinnod, we havo dono wickedly.
16 Tf 0 Lord, aooordine to all thy
righteousness, I beseech thoo, lot
thine anger and thy fury bo turned
away from thy oity Jerusalem, thy
holy mountain: because for our
sins, and for the iniquities of our

Baniel prayed that bo would again inter
pose, and would now show that he
woe as ablo to deliver his people aa in
former times. ^ As ot thit day. That
Is, aa God was then regarded. Tho re-
mombrnnoe of his interposition had boen
dllTtiRod abroad, and hnd been transmitted
f^om age to ago. f We have ainned, &e.
This turn in the thought shows bow
deeply the idea of their sinfulneaa pressed
upon tho mind of Baniel. The natural
and obvioua courae of thought would
have boon, that, as God hnd Interposed,
when his people were delivered fl'om
Bgyptlan bondage, be would now again
interpose ; but, instead nf that, the mind
of Baniel Is overwhelmed with the thought
that tbey had sinned grievously againat
one who had shown that he wna a God
so great nnd glorioua, and wbo had laid
tfaem under auch obligotions to love and
¦irvo hitn.
16. 0 L ord, according to all thy righte
ouaneaa. The word righteouaneas here
soema to refer to all that was excellent
and glorioua in the cboraoter of Ood.
Tbo eye of Baniel la fixed upon what he
bad formerly dono; upon bla character
of Justice, and meroy, and goodnoas ;
upon tbe faithfulneae of God tu hie peo
ple, and, in view of oil that waa exeellent
and lovely In his oharaotor, he plead that
he would interpoae and turn away his
anger from hia people now. It ia tbe
eharaotcr of God that is the ground of
bis plea — and what elae is thoro that oan
five ua encouragement when we como
eforo him in prayor ? f Zet thine anger
and Iby fury be turned away, &o. 'iho
anger whioh had come upon the city, and
which appeared to reat upon It. .Teru-
aalom waa iu ruins, and it seemed still to
be lying under tho wrath of Ood. Tho
word rendered fury, Ih tho common ono
to denote wrath or indignation. It Im
plies no mure than angor or indignation,
and refori here to the divine dlaploaiure
tgainat tfaeir alsa, manifested In the d*-

fatliors, Jerusalem ond thy people
are become a reproaoh to all that ara
about us.
17 Now thorefore, 0 our God,
hoar the prayer of thy servant, and
ills supplications, and cause tliy
face to shine upon thy sanctuary
that is desolate ior the Lord's sake.

struction of thoir oity. f Thy holy moun
lain. Jerusolem wos built un billi, and
the oity in general might be doilgnnttd
by this phrase. Or, moro probably, thora
is allusion either to Mount Zion, ur to
MountMurloh. ^| Booauao fofouriina,lbo,
Thoro is, on tho part of Baniel, no dispo
aition tu blame Ood for what ho had dono.
Thero la nu murmuring or ooinplotohig,
aa If be hnd beon unjust or severe In bu
doallngB with his pooplo. Jerusalem wag
Indeed In ruins, and iho pooplo were oop-
tivcs in a distant land, but ho felt nnd
admitted that Ood waa juat in nil that he
bad dono. It wna ton munlfoat to bo de
nied that oil these calamltlas faad ooino
upon them on occount of thoir sine, and
thia Bnnlol, In tho namo of the people,
humbly and penitently acknowledged.
^f A reproach to all that are about ua, AU
the aurruunding nations. Thoy reproach
ua with our sins, and with the Judgmonta
that have oome upon us, na If we woro
peculiarly wicked, and woro forsaken of
heaven. 17. JVow, therfore, 0 onr Ond, hear
the prayer of thy servant. In bohiilf of
the people. Ilu plead for hia people, and
country, and earnestly entreated tho
Lord to be merciful. His argument is
based on tho conrosalon of sin; on the
character of God ; on tho condition of tho
oity and tompio; on tho former divina
intorpoaltlons in behalf of tho people;
ond by all those oonslderationa, he plead)
with God to havo moroy npon bla poupls
ond land, f And eauan thy fact to ahini
upon thy aanotuary. Upon tho tompio.
That ta, that ho wnuld look upon It be
nignly anil favourably. 'I'ho language
ia iMimmon in Iho Sorlpturon, when fiivnir
and kindneaa aro denoted by lifting up
the light of tho countonunoo, and Ly
Bimllar phraaoe. Tho alluaion la, orlgU
nally, perhaps, to the aun. which, whon
It ahines brightly. Is an cmbloin of favour
and moroy ; whou it la nverolondod, la an
emblem of irrath. f For tht Lord'e mkt.

B. C. 638.]

CHAPTER IX.

367

18 0 my God, incline thino ear,
and hoar; open thine eyes, and bo-
hold our desolations, and tlie city
'which is called by thy namo: fur
'we do not bprescnt our supplications
befora thee for our righteousnesses,
but for thy great mercies.
¦ whereupon thg nome ts eaUedfalL

That ia, that fao would bo propitious for
his own sake; to wit, that his glory might
be promoted ; that bia exeellent character
might be displayed ; that hia mercy nnd
oompassion might be shown. All true
prayer bos its seul in a desire that the
glory of God may be promoted, nnd the
exoellenoe of hia eharacter displayed.
That is of moro consequence than our
welfare, and the gratiflcation of our wishes,
and that should bo uppermost in our
hearts when we approach the tfarone of
groce. 18. 0 my God, incline thine ear and
hear. Pleading earnestly for his atten
tion and his favour, as one does to a man.
^ Open thine eyea. As if his eyes had
beon closed npon tho condition of the
oity, and ho did not seo it. Of oourso,
all this ia figurative, and ia the language
of strong and earnest pleading when the
heart is greatly interested, f And the
city which ia called by thy name. Marg.,
whereupon thy namo is called. Tbe mar
gin expresses tho sense more literolly,
but the meaning ia, tbat tho city had
been consecrated to God, and was called
his — the oity of Jehovah. It was known
as the plaoe of hia sanctuary — the oity
where his worship wns celebrated, and
whioh was regarded as his peeuliar dwell
ing-place on the earth. Comp. Ps. xlviii.
1, 2, 3 ; Ixxxvii. 3. This is a now ground
of cntronty, that the oity belonged to
God, and that he would remember the
close connection between the prosperity
of that oity and the glory of his own
name. 19. 0 Lord, hear, &o. Tho languoge
in this verse does not require any parti
cular explanation. The repetition — the
varied forms of expression — indicate a
mind inlenton tbe objeot; a heart greatly
interested; nn ewnestness that cannot
be denied. It is language that is re-
jpeotful, solemn, devout, but deeply
earnest. It is not vain repetition, for its
foroe is not in the words employed, but iu

19 0 Lord, hear ; 0 Lord, forgive ;
0 Lord, hearken and do ; defer not,
for thine own sake, 0 my God : for
thy city and thy people are called
by thy name.
20 Tf And while I was speaking,
and prii,ying, and confessing my
b cause io.

the manifest fervour, earnestness, and
sincerity of spirit which pervade the
pleading. It is earnest intorcession and
supplication that God would henr — that
ho would forgive, that he would hoarken
and do, that he would not defer his gra
cious interposition. The sins uf the poo
plo; the desolation of tbe city; the pro
mises of God ; the reproach that tbe na
tion was sufl'oring — all these come rushing
over the soul, and prompt to tho most
earnest pleading that perhaps ever pro
ceeded from humnn lips. And these
things justified that earnest pleading —
for the prayer wns tbat of a prophet, a
man of God, a man that loved his country,
a man that was intent on the promotion
of the divine glory as the supremo object
of bis life. Such earnest intercession;
sueh confession of sin ; such a dwelling
on orguments why a prnyer should be
heard, is at all times acceptable to God;
and though it cannot be supposed that
tho divine mind needs to be instructed,
or that our arguments will convince God
or influence him as arguments do men,
yet it is undoubtedly proper to urge them
OS if they would, for it may be only in
this way that our own minds con be
brought into a proper state. The great
argument wbich we are to urge why our
prayers should be heard, is the sacrifice
which hos been made for ein by the Re
deemer, and the fact that he has pur
chased for us the blessings which we
need; but in connection with that it ia
proper to urge our own sins and necessi
ties; the wants of our friends or our
country ; our own danger and that of
others ; tho interposition of God in timoa
past in behalf of his people, and his own
gracious promises and purposes. If we
have the spirit, tho faith, the penitence,
the earnestness of Baniel, we may bo sure
that our prayers will be heard as bis
wos. 20. .lind while I was speaking, Ae. Ia
the very time wfaen I was thus pleading.

368

DANIEL.

IB. C. 538

sin and the sin of my people Israel,
and presenting my supplication be
foro the Lord my Qod for the holy
mountain of my God ;
21 Yea, while I was speaking in
prayer, even the man Gabriel, whom
I had seen in the vision at the be-
¦ with weariness, or, flight.
^ For the holy mountain ofmy God. Notes
on ver. 16.
21. Yea, while I was speaking in prayer.
How long the prnyer continued, wc are
not informed. It is probable that we
have only tbe substance of it, and tbat
Baniel has recorded only the topics on
which he dwelt more at length. Tbe
subject was of great importance, and it
is reasonable to suppose tbat a day had
been devoted to an examination of the
prophecies, and to solemn prayer. ^ ^i^en
the man Gabriel. Who had the appear
ance of a man, and hence ao colled. —
J Whom I had seen in the viaion at the
eginning. That is, in a former vision. —
See Notes on ch. viii. 16. Itcannot refer
to what is mentioned in this (tbe ninth)
chapter, for (a) he had as yet had no via
ion, but all that is recorded is a prayer;
{b) there is no intimation that Gabriel had
appeared to him at the beginning of tbe
pr.ayer; and (c) it is declared tfaat at tbe
beginning ofthe prayer, Gabriel, tben evi
dently in heaven, had received command
ment to go to Baniel, nnd to communicate
the ipessoge to him, ver. 23. Tho mean
ing undoubtedly is, that tbo personage
who now appeared to bim he recognized
to be the same wbo bod appeared in a
former vision on the banks of the Ulai.
The proper meaning of the Hebrew here
is, ' in a vision at the beginning,' as in
our translation. So the Vulgate, d prin
cipio ; and ao Theodotion — lv t9 dp\ri.
The Hebrew word n^n»^ — meana properly
heginning, Hos. i. 2; Prov. ix. 10; but, in
connection with the preposition, as here,
r^n.-ia — it moons also before, formerly,
Geni xiii. 3 ; xli. 21; xliii. 18, 20 ; Isa. i. 26.
^ Being caused to fiy awiftly. Marg., with
wearineaa, or fiight. On the diflicult He
brew expression here — I;)'? t^jp — Len
gerke may be consulted, in loc. The
words, according to Gesenius, and derived
tom t^t, to go swiftly, and then, to be

ginning, being caused to fly "swiftly,
touched me about the time of the
evening oblation.
22 And he informed me, and
talked with me, and said, 0 Daniel,
I am now come forth b to give thee
skill and understanding. b maZrc Ihee skilful of

wearied, to faint, either with running
Jer. ii. 24, or with aevere labor, Iso. xl.
28, or with Borrows, Isa. 1. 4. If derived
from this word, the meaning in Hophal,
the form here used would bc, wearied
with aid ft running, and the sense is, tbat
Gabriel had bome tbe message swiftly to
him, and appeared before him as one does
who is wearied with a rapid course. If
tbis be the idea, there is no direct allu
sion to his fiying, but tbe reference is to
the rapidity with which he had come on
the long journey, as if exhausted by hia
journey. The Lotin Vulgate renders it
cito volana — quickly fiying ; Theodotion,
j!CT6iui,oi, flying; tbe Codex Chis. raxit
tpcp/titifof — borne awiftly. The Syriac, ' with
a swift flying he flew and come from
heaven.' It cannot be determined with
certainty, from the worda uaed here, that
tbe coming of Gabriel was by an act of
fiying as with wings. Tbe common rep
reaentation of the angels in tbo old Testa
ment is not with wings, though the Cher
ubim and Seraphim (Isa. vi. 1, aeq.) aro
represented with wings, and in Rev. xix.
6, we have a representation of an angel
flying. Probably the more exact ideas
here is that of a rapid course, so as to pro
duce weariness, or sucb as would naturally
produce fatigue, f Touched me. Ban
iel wos doubtless at this time engaged in
prnyer. ^ About tlie time of the evening
oblation. The evening sacrifice. This
was at the ninth hour of the doy, or abont
three o'clock in the aftemoon.
22. Andhe informedme. Heb., Gave me
intelligence or understanding. Tbat is,
about the deaign of his visit, and abtut
what would be hereafter. Jf And talked
wilh me. Spake unto me. ^ 0 Dnniel, I
am now come forth to give thee akill.—
Marg., make thee akilful of. The He
brew is literally, ' to make thee akilful, or
wise, in understanding.' The design wai
to give him information aa to what waa t«
occur.

B. 0. 638.]

CHAPTER IX.

369

23 At tho beginning of thy sup
plications the • commandment camo
forth, and I am come to show thee;
for thou art ''greatly beloved : there-

• ward.

bft mnn of desires.

23. At the beginning of thy aupplica-
tiona. We are not informed at what time
Baniel began to pray, but, as romnrked
above, it is most natural to suppose that
he devoted the day to prayer, and had
commenced these solemn acta of devotion
in the morning, f The commandment
came forth. Marg., word. That ia, tho
word of God. Thia evidently moans, in
heaven ; and tho idea is, thnt os aoon ns
he began to prny a command was iasued
from Qod to Gabriel thot ho ahould visit
Daniel, and convoy to him tho importont
moasago respeoting future events. It ia
fair to conclude that ho had at onoe left
heaven in obodionoo to the order, and on
this high embaaaage, nnd that he hnd
passed over the amazing distance between
heoven and earth in the short timo during
whioh Doniel wns engaged in prnyer. If
BO, ond if heaven — tbo peculiar seat of
God — tho dwelling plaoo of angols and
of tho juat, ia beyond the region of the
fixed stars — some central place in this vast
universe, then this may give us somo idea
of the amazing rapidity with which celes
tial beings may move. It is calculated
that there aro sturs so remote from our
earth, that their light would not travel
down to us for many thousand years. If
so, how muoh more rapid may bo tbo
movements of oolestial beings than even
light; perhaps moro than that of tbo
lightning'a flash — than the eleotrio fluid
on telegraphio wires — tfaough that moves
at tho rate of moro than 200,000 miles
in a second. Comp. Dick's Philosophy
of a Future Stato, p. 220. " During tho
few minutes employed in uttering thia
prnyer," snys Mr. Biok, "this angelio
measenger descended from tbe celestial
regions to the eountry of Babylonia.
Thia was a rapidity of motion surpass
ing tho oomprehonsion of the most vig
orous imagination, nnd far exceeding
even the amazing velocity of light."
¦With suoh a rapidity it maw be our jrri-
vilego yet to pass from world to world,
on errands of moroy and love, or to
lafvey in distant parts of the universe
the wondsrfVil works of God. f And

fore understand the matter, and con
sider the vision.
24 "Seventy ¦' weeks are deter-
e Thoy begin from the 20th of Artaxerxes.
ilMu. 14, S4; Me. i.6.

I am come to ahow thoo. To mako theo
acquointed with what will yet be. ^ For
thou art greatly beloved. Mnrg., as in
Ileb., 'a man of desires.' That is, he
wos ono whoso happiness waa greatly
desired by God ; or a man of God's de
light; that is, as in our version, greatly
beloved. It was on this account that his
proyer was heord, and that God sont to
hira this important message reapecting
what waa to come. ^ Therefore under
stand the matter. The matter respecting
what was yot to oocur in regard to his
people. ^ And conaider the viaion. Thia
vision — the vision of future things which
ho was now about to present to his view.
From this passage describing the appear
ance of Gabriel to Baniel, we moy learn
{a) thot our prayers, if sincere, ore heard
in heaven aa soon as they aro offered.
They enter ot once into tbe oara of Ood,
and he regards them at the instant.
(b) A command, as it were, may bo at
once issued to answer them — o» if he di
rected an ongel to bear the answer at
once, (c) The ongels are ready to haston
down tn men, to communicate the will of
God. Gubriel came evidently with plea
sure on his emhnssoge, and to a benevo
lent being anywhere there is nothing
moro grateful than to be commissioned
to bear glad tidings to others. Possibly
that may be a part of tho employinont of
the righteous forever, (rf) The thought
ia an interesting one, if we are permitted
to entertain it, that good angels may be
constantly employed as Gabriel was; that
whenever prayer is ofl'ered on earth they
may be commissioned to bring answers
of peace and meroy, or dispatched to ren
der aid, and that thus tbe universe may
be constantly traversed by these holy be
ings ministering to tbose who are ' faeira
of salvation.' Heb. i. 1, 4.
24. Seventy weeks are determined.
Hero commences the celebrated prophecy
of the Seventy weeks — a portion of
Scripture whioh has excited as much at
tention, ond led to as great a voriety of
interpretation, as perhops any other. Of
thia passage. Prof. Stuart (Hints on ths

370

DANIEL.

[B. C. 538,

mined upon thy people and upon
thy holy city, to » finish the trans-
Interpretation of Prophecy, p. 104), re
marks, "It would require a volume of
considerable magnitude, even to give a
history of the ever-varying and contra
dictory opinions of critics respecting this
locus vex a tissimtis j and perhaps & slill
larger one to establish an exegesis which
would stand. I am fully of opinion, that
no interpretation as yet published, will
stand the test of thorough grammatico*
historical criticism; and tbat a candid,
and searching, and thorough critique here
is still a desideratum. May some expo-
eitor, fully adequate to the task, speedily
appear!" After these remarks of tbis
eminent Biblical scholar, it is with no
greatconfidence of success thatl enter on
the exposition of the passage. Yet, per
haps, though all diffieulties may not be
removed, and though I cannot hope to
contribute anything 7ieio in the exposi
tion of the passage, soraething may be-
written which may relieve it of some of
tbe perplexities attending it, and which
may tend to show tbat its author was
under the influence of divine inspiration.
The passage may be properly divided into
two parts. The first, in ver. 24, contains
a general statement of what would occur
in the time specified — the seventy weeks j
the second (vs. 25-27), contains a parti
cular statement of the manner in which
tbat would be accomplished. In this
statement;, the whole time of the seventy
Weeks is broken up in tbree smaUer
portions of seven, sixty-two and one —
designating evidently some important
epochs or periods, yer. 25, and the last
one week is again sub-divided in sucb a
way tbat, while it is said that the whole
work of the Messiah in confirming the
covenant would occupy the entire week,
yet tbat he would be cut off in the middle
of the week, ver 27. In the general
statement (ver. 24), it is said that there
was a definite time — seventy weeks —
during which the subject of the predic
tion would be accompUshed ; that is, dur
ing which all that was to be done in
reference to the holy city, or in the holy
oity, to finish the transgression, to make
an end of sin, &>c., would be effected.
The things specified in this verse are wkat
waa to be done, as detaUed more particu-
brly in the Bubsequent verses. The de

gression, and to b make an end of
= or, restrain . " or, seal up.

sign in this verse seems to have been t«
furnish a general statement of what was
to occur in regard to tbe boly city — of
that city which had been selected for the
peculiar purpose of being a place where
an atonement was to be made for human
transgression. It is quite clear that wben
Daniel set apart this period for prayor,
and engaged in this solemn aet of devo
tion, bis design was not to inquire into
the ultimate events wbich would occur in
Jerusalem, but merely to pray that the
purpose of God, as predicted by Jeremiah,
respecting the captivity of the nation, and
the rebuilding of the city and temple,
might be accomplished. God took occa
sion from this, however, not only to give
an impUed assurance about the accom
plishment of these purposes, but also to
state in a remarkable manner the whole
ultimate design respecting the holy city,
and the great event whicb was ever on
ward to characterize it amongthe cities
of the world. In the consideration of th-e
whole passage (vs. 24 — 27), it wUl be
proper, first, to examine into the literal
meaning of tbe words and phrases, and
then to inquire into the fulfilment ^ Sev
enty weeJcs, wy^y^ W^y^^* "Vulg. Septua
ginta hebdomadea. So Theodotion, "Effio-
fiijKovra e/Jdo/id^cj. Prof. Stuart (Hints,
p. 82) renders this * seventy sevens f that
is, seventy times seven years : on the
ground that the word denoting weeka in
the Hebrew is not 0>;g ja^, but .m;;3E?. " The
form which is used here," says he, "which
is a tegular masculine plural, is no doubt
purposely chosen to designate the plural
of seven J and with great propriety here,
inasmuch as there are many sevens which
are to be joined together in one common
sum. Baniel had been meditating on the
close of the seventy yeara of Hebrew ex
ile, and tbe angel now discloses to him a
new period of eeventy timea aeoen, in wbich
still more important eventa are to take
place. Seventy severis, or (to use the Greek
phraseology), seventy heptadea, are deter
mined upon tby people. Heptades of
what? Of days, or of years? No one
can doubt what the answer is. Baniel
bad been making diligent search respect
ing the seventy years; and, in suoh a
connection, nothing bat seventy heptadea

B. e. 538.]

CHAPTER IX.

371

eins, *nd to make reconciliation for

of years oeuld be reasonably supposed to
be meant by tfae angel." Tfae inquiry
about the gender of the word, of wbich so
muoh has been said (Hengstenberg, Chris.
ii. 297,) does not seem to be very im
portant, since tbe same result is reached
whether it be rendered seventy sevens, or
seventy weeka. In tbe former case as pro
posed by Prof. Stuart, it means seventy
sevens of yeara, or 490 years ; in the
«tfaer, seventy weeks of years ; that is, as
a week of yeara is seven years, seventy
such weeks, or, as before, 490 years.
The usual and proper meaning of the
word hero used, however — job' — is a
aeven, L^^on&i^ hebdomad, i. e. a week.
Gesenius, L ex. From the examplea where
the word occurs it would seem that the
masculine or the feminine forms were used
indiscriminately. The word occurs only
in the following passages, iu all of whioh
it is rendered week, or weeka, except in
£zek. xlv. 21, where it is rendered aeven,
to wit, days. In tho following passages
tfae word occurs in tfae masculine form
plural, Dan. ix. 24, 25, 26 ; x. 2, 3 ; in the
following in the feminine form plural,
Bx. xxxiv. 22; Num. xxviii. 26; Deut. xvi.
9, 10, 16; 2 Cbron. viii. 13; Jer. v. 24;
Ezek. xlv. 21 ; and in the following in the
singular number, common gender, ren
dered week, Gen. xxix. 27, 28, and in the
dual masculine in Lev. xii. b, rendered
two weeka. From these passages it is evi
dent that nothing certain can be deter
mined about the meaning of the word
from its gender. It would seem to de
note weeka, periods of seven days — hebdo
mada — in either form, and is doubtless so
used here. The fair translation would be
weeks seventy are determined; that is,
seventy times seven days, or four hundred
and ninety daya. But it may be osked
here whether this is to be taken literally
as denoting four hundred and ninety
days ? If not, in what sense is it to be
understood ? and wfay do' we understand
it in a different sense ? It is clear tbat
it must be explained literally, as denoting
four hundred and ninety days, or that
these days must stand for years, and that
the period is four faundred and ninety
years. That tbis latter is tbe true inter-
pro tatii a, ao it has been held by all oom-
mentatoiB, is apparent from the foUowing

iniquity, and to bring in « evorlast-
» He. 9. 12.
considerations : {a) This is not uncom
mon in tbe prophetio writings. See Notes
on ch. vii. 24 — 28. (6) Daniel had been
making inquiry respeoting the seventy
yeara, and it is natural to suppose that
the answer of the angel would have re
spect to yeara also, and, thus understood,
the answer would have met the inquiry
pertinently — "not seventy years, but a
week of years — seven times seventy
years." Comp. Matt, xviii. 21, 22. "In
such a connection, nothing but seventy
heptades of years could be reasonably
supposed to be meant by tbe angel."
Prof. Stuart's Hints, <tc., p. 82. (c) Years,
as Prof. Stuart remarks, are the measure
of all oonsiderable periods of time. When
the angel speaks, then, in reference to oer
tain events, and declares that they are to
take place during seventy heptadea, it is a
matter of course to suppose that he means
years, {d) The circumstances of the case
demand this interpretation. Daniel was
seeking comfort in view of the fact tbat
the city and temple faad been desolate
now for a period of seventy years. The
angel comes to bring him consolation,
and to give him assurances about the re
building of tbe city, and the great- events
that wero to occur there. But what con
solation would it be to be told that tho
city would indeed be rebuilt, and tbat it
would continue seventy ordinary weeks —
that is, a little more than a year, beforo
a new destruction would come upon it ?
It cannot well be doubted, then, that by
tbe time here designated, the angel meant
to refer to a period of four hundred and
ninety years, and if it be asked why this
numbo r was not literally and exactly spe
cified i I so many words, instead of choos
ing a modo of designation so obscure com
paratively, it may be replied, (1) that the
number aeventy was employed by Daniel
as the time respecting whieh fae was
making inquiry, and tfaat tfaere was a
propriety that there should be a reference
to that fact in the reply of the angel^-on«
number seventy had been fulfilled in the
desolations of the city, there would bo
another number seventy in the events yeft
to occur ; (2) this is in the nsual pro-
phetie style, when tfaere is, as Hengsten
berg remarks (Chris. II. 29J), often a
'concealed definiteness.' II is. usual t«

372

ing righteousness, and to seal up
'¦prf^het,
designate numbers in this way. (3) The
term was sufficiently clear to be under
stood, or is, at all events, made clear by
the result. There is no reason to doubt
that Baniel would so understand it, or
that it would be so interpreted, as fixing
in the minds of the Jewish people the
period when the Messiah was about to
appear. The meaning, then, is, that
there would be a period of four hundred
And ninety years, during which the city,
after the order for the rebuilding should
go forth (ver. 25), until tbe entire con
summation of tbe great object for wbich
itshould be rebuilt, and that then tbepur-
pose would be accomplished, and it would
be given up to a greater ruin. There was
to be this long period in which most im
portant transactions were to occur in the
city. ^ Are determined. The word here
nsed — tjPini, from T^nn, occurs nowhere
else in the Scriptures. It properly means,
according to Gesenius, to cut off, to di
vide; and hence, to determine, to des
tine, to appoint. Theodotion renders it,
avi'crfi^^ijtrai) — are cutoff, decided, defined.
The Vulgate renders it, abbreviatce aunt,
Luther, Sind beatimmet — are determined.
The meaning would soem to be, that this
portion of time — the seventy weeks — was
cut o^from the whole of duration, or cut
out of it, as it were, and set by itself for
a definite purpose. It does not menu that
it was cut off from the time which the
city would naturally stand, or that this
time was abbreviated, but that a portion
of time, to wit, four hundred and ninety
years — was designated or appointed with
reference to the city, to accomplish tbe
great and important object wbich is im
mediately specified. A certain, definite
period was fixed on, and when this was
passed, the promised Messiah would come.
In regard to the construction here — the
singular verb with a plural noun, see
Jlengstenberg, Christ, in loc. The true
meaning seems to be, that the seventy
weeks are spoken of collectively as de
noting a period of time ; that is, a period
of seventy weeks is determined. The
prophet, in the #se of the singular verb,
seema to have cOi^templated the time, not
ws separate weekj, or as particular por
tions, butas one period. ^ Uponthy peo
ple. The Jor.ish people; tho sation to

DANIEL. [B.C:53&

the vision and d prophecy, and ta
anoint the Most Holy.

which Daniel belonged. This allusion is
made because be was inquiring about
the close of their exile, and tbeir restora
tion to tbeir own land. ^ And vpon thy
holy city. Jerusalem, usually called tho
holy city, because it was the place whero
the worship of God was celebrated. Isa.
lii. 1; Neb. xi. 1, 18j Matt^ xxvii. oZ,
It is called ' tky holy city' — the city of
Baniel, becanse be was here making es
pecial inquiry respecting it, and becauso
he was one of the Hebrew people, and the
city was the capitol of their nation. Aa
one of that nation, it could be called kia,
Itwas then, indeed, in ruins, but itwas to
be rebuilt, and it was proper to speak of it
as if it were then a city. The meaning of
* «pon thy people and city' — h^ — is, re
specting, or concerning. The purpose re
specting the seventy weeks ^erio?»iff to thy
people and city; or there is an important
period of four hundred and seventy yeara
determined on, or designated, respecting
that people and city, f To finish, tke trans
gression. The angel proceeds to stat©
whatwas tbe object to be accomplished in
this purpose, or what would occur during
that period. The first thing to finish the
transgression. Tho margin is, restrain.
The Vulgate renders it, ui consummeinr
prcevaricatio, Theodotion, tvv ouvTcXeB^vai
ifiapTiav — to finish sin. Thompson ren>-
ders this, 'to finish sin offerings.' The
difference between the marginal reading
— reetrain, and the text — j/?nt«A, arises
from a doubt as to the meaning of the
original word. The common reading of
the text is nS?, but in 39 Codices exam
ined by Kennicott, itis nS> Tho reading
in the text is undoubtedly the correct one,
but still thero is not absolute certainty as
to the signification of the, word, whether
it means to finish, or to restrain, Th©
proper meaning of the word in the com
mon reading of th© text — n';'3, is to shut
up, confine, restrain — as it is rendered in
the margin. The meaning of tbe other
word found in many mss. n^3 — is to b©
completed, finished, closed — and in Piel,
the form used bere, to complete, to finisb
— as it is translated in the common ver
sion. Gesenius {Lex.) supposes that tfa<
word here is for n^3 meaning to fiDisl%

B. C. 538.J

CHAPTER IX.

373

or Gompleto. Heng8t«n1ierg, wfao is fol- 1
lowed in tfais view by Lengerke, supposes
that the meaning is to ' sitit up transgres-
. sion,' and that the troe reading is that in
tho text — nSs — though as tbat word is not
used in Piel, and as the Masorites had
some doubt as to the derivation of the
¦word, tfaey gnve to it, not its appropriate
pointing in this place — which would have
been sSj, but the pointing of the otfaer
word — nSj, in the margin. According to
Hengstenberg, the sense here of shutting
up is derived from the general notion of
reatrainiug or hindering, belonging to the
word; andhe supposes that tbis will best
accord witb the otfaer words in tfais number
t f the verse — to coper, and to aeal up. Tfae
idea according to him is, that 'sin, wbich
hitherto lay naked and open before the
eyes of a righteous God, is now by bis
mercy shut up, sealed, and corercrf, so
that it can no more be regarded as exist
ing — a figurative description of tbe for
giveness of sin.* So Lengerke renders it,
Uin einzuschi lessen [d«»] AbfaU, Ber
tholdt, Bia der Frevel voUbracht. It
seems most probable that the true idea
here is that denoted in the margin, ond
tbat the sense is not that of finishing, but
that of restraining, cloaiiig, shutting up,
Ac So it is rendered by Prof. Stuart—
" to restrain transgression." Com. ou Dan
iel, in loe. Tbe word is nsed in this sense
of shutting up, or realrotniM^, in several
places in the Bible: 1 Sam. vi. 10, 'and
ehutup their calves at home;' Jer. xxxii.
3, 'Zedekiah had shut him up;" Ps.
Ixxxviii. S, 'I am ahut up, and I eannot
come forth ;' Jer. xxxii. 2, ' Jeremiah tbe
prophet was shut up.' The sense of shut
ting up, or restraining, accords better
with the connection than thatofylnMin^.
Tbe reference of tfae whole passage is un
doubtedly to the Messiah, and to what
would be done sometime daring the
' seyenty weeks ;* and the meaning here
is, not that he would 'finish transgres-
Bion' — ^whicfa would not be tme in any
proper sense^ bat tbat he would do a work
-which would restrain iniquity in the
world, or, more strictly, wbich would «*ii»
It 1^1 — enclose it — as in a prison, so that
it would no more go forth and prevail.
Tfae effect would be tfaat which occurs
when one is shut np in prison, and no
longer g<^es at large. There would be a
restraining power and influence which
iroold check the progress of sin. Tfais
33

does not, I apprehend, refer to the par
ticular transgressions for wfaich the Jew
ish people had suffered in their long cap.
tivity, but sin (>?'3^) in general— the sin
of tho world. There would be au influ
ence which would restrain and curb it, CT
which would shut it np so tbat it wouM
no longer reign and roam at large over
the earlh. It is true that this might not
have been so nnderstood by Daniel at the
time, for tbe language is so general, that
it might have snggested the idea that it
referred to the sins of tbe Jewish people.
This language, if there had been no far
ther explanation of it, might have sug
gested the idea' that in the time specified
— seventy weeks — there would be some
process — some punishment — some divine
discipline — by which the iniquities of
that people, or their propensity to sin, for
which this long captivity bad come upon
them, would be cobibited or restrained.
But tbe langnage is not snch ns necessa
rily to confine tbe interpretation to that,
and tbe subsequent statements, and the
actual fulfilment in the work of tbe Mes
siah, lead us to understand tbis in a much
higher sense, as having reference to sin
in general, and as designed to refer to
some work that would ultimately be nn
effectual check on sin, and which would
tend to cohibit or restrain italtogetber in
the world. Thus understood, the lan
guage will well describe the work of the
Redeemer — that work which, through the
sacrifice made on tbe cross, is adapted and
designed to restrain sin altogether. C And
to make an end of sina. Marg., to aeal
up. Tbe difference here in tbe text and
the margin arises from a difference in the
readings in tfae Hebrew. Tbe common
reading in the text is ern. from a;^? —
to seal, to eeal up. But tfae Hebrew mar
ginal reading is a different word — or*! —
&om cp.^ to complete, to perfect, to finish.
The pointing in the text iu the word cr"^
is not tho proper pointing of that word,
which would have been s'P !?, but tho
Masorites, as is not unfrequently tho
case, gave to the word in the text tbe
pointing of another word which tb'y
placed in the margin. The margii.al
reading is found in 55, MSS. (Len
gerke), bnt tie weight of authority is de
cidedly in favour of the common reading
in the Hebrew text — to seal, and not lo
/iu«l, as it is in onr translaticn. Hw

874

DANIEL.

[B. C. 538.

marginal reading to finiah, was doubtless
substituted by some transcribers, or
rather suggested by the Masorites because
it seemed to convey a better signification
to say that 'sin would be finished,* than
to say that it would be aealed. The Vul
gate has followed the reading in the
margin — et finem accipiat peccatum ;
Theodotion has followed the otherrending,
v{ppayiaai afiapTiai. Luther also has it,
to eeal. Coverdale, * that sin may have
an end.* The true rendering is, doubtless,
'to seal sin;* and the idea is that of re
moving it from sight J to remove it from
view. 'The expression is taken,' says
Lecgerke, 'from the custom of sealing
np those things which one lays aside,
and conceals.* Thus in Job ix. 7, 'And
seaJeth up the stars ;' that is, he so shuts
them up in the heavens as to prevent
their shining — so as to hide them from
the view. They are concealed, hidden,
made close — as the contents of a letter, a
package, seal, indicating tbat no one is
to examine them. See Notes on that
passage. So also in Job xxxvii. 7, re
ferring to winter, it is said, *He sealeth
up the hand of every man, that all men
may know his work.' That is, in the
winter, when the snow is on the ground,
when the streams are frozen, the labours
of the budbandman must cease. The
hands can no moro be used in ordinary
toil. Every man is prevented from going
abroad to his accustomed labour, and is,
as it were, aealed up in his dwelling.
Comp. Jer. xxxii. 11, 14; Isa. xxix. 11;
€ant. iv. 12. Tbe idea in the passage
before us is, that the sins of our nature
will, as it were, be sealed up, or closed,
or hidden, so that they will not be seen,
or will not develop themselves; tbat is,
" they will be inert, ineflBeient, powerless."
prof. Stuart. I^he language is appli
cable to anything that would hide them
from view, or remove them from sight —
as a book whose writing is so sealed that
we cannot read it; a tomb that is so
closed lhat we cannot enter it and see its
conttJQts ; a package that is so sealed,
that we do not know what is within it ;
a room that is so shut up that we may
not eiitor it, and see what is within. It
is not to be supposed that Daniel would
see clearly how this was to be done, but
w©, who have now a full revelation of
the method by which God can remove
8in, can nnderstand th© method in which
*t ia accomplished by th© blood of thei

atonement, to wit, that by that atonement
sin is now forgiven, or is treated aa if it
were hidden from the view, and a seal,
wbich may not be broken, placed on that
which covers it. The language thus U8ed,
as we are now able to interpret it, is
strikingly applicable to the work of the
Redeemer, and to the method by which
God removes sin. In not a few MSS.
and editions, the word rendered sins is in
the singular number. The amount of
authority is in favour of the common
reading — sins — though the sense is not
materially varied. The work would have
reference to ain, and the effect would be
to seal it, and hide it from the view,
^ And to make reconciliation for iniquity.
More literally, *and to cover iniquity.'
The word which is rendered ' to mako
reconciliation' — 133 — kdphar, properly
means to cover (whence our English word
cover) ; to cover over, to overlay, as with
pitch. Gen. vi. 14; and hence to cover
over sin ; that is, to atone for it, pardon
it, forgive it It is the word which ia
commonly used with reference to atone
ment or expiation, and seems to have
been so understood by our translators.
It does not necessarily refer to the means
by whicb sin is covered over, Ac, by an
atonement, but is often used in the gene
ral sense of to pardon or forgive. Gomp.
Notes on Isa. vi. 7, and more fully, Notea
on Isa. xliii. 3. Her© there is no neces
sary allusion to the atonement which the
Messiah would make in order to cover over
sin ; that is, th© word is of so general a
character in its signification that it does
not necessarily imply this, but it is th©
word which would naturally b© used on
tb© supposition that it had such a refer
ence. As a matter of fact, undoubtedly,
the means by which this was to be done
was by tbe atonement, and that was re
ferred to by the Spirit of inspiration, but
this is not essentially implied in the
meaning of the word. In whatever way
that should be done, tbis word would be
properly used as expressing it. The
Latin Vulgate renders thus, et deleatur ini-
quitaa. Theodotion, ana\zapai rhs ddiKlas 
* to wipe out iniquities.' Luther, * to re
concile for transgression.' Here are tbree
things specified, therefore, in regard to
sin, which would be done. Sin wculd bo
Restrained, Sealed np,
Ckivered over*

B. 0. 538.1

CHAPTER IX.

375

Those expressions, though not of tbe
nature of a climax, are intensive, and
show tbat the great work referred to
pertained to sin, and would b© designed
to remov© it. Its bearing would be on
human transgression ; on the way by
which it might be pardoned; on the
methods by which it would be removed
from the view, and b© kept from rising
up to condemn and destroy. Such ex
pressions would undoubtedly lead the
mind to look forward to some method
which was to b© disclosed by which sin
could b© consistently pardoned and re
moved. In the remainder of th© verse,
tbere are three additional things which
would be don© as necessary to complete
th© work :
To bring in everlasting rigkteousjiess /
To jeal up the vision and prophecy ; and
To anoint tke Most Holy.
^ And to bring in everlaating righteouaneaa.
The phrase ' to bring in' — literally, * to
cause to come,' refers to some direct
agency by which that righteousness would
be introduced into the world. It would
be such an agency as would cause it to
exist; or as would establish it in the
world. The mode of doing this is not
indeed here specified, and so far as the
tooi'd here used is concerned, it would be
applicable to any method by wbich this
would be done — whether by making an
atonement; or by setting an example;
or by persuasion ; or by placing the sub
ject of morals on a better founQation ; or
by the administration of a just govern
ment — or in any other way. The term
is of the most general character, and its
oxact fore© bere can be learned only by
.oe subsequently revealed facts as to the
way by which this would be accompUshed.
The essential idea in the language is tbat
this would b© introduced by the Mes
siah, that is, that he would be its author.
The word rigliteousness her© also — pis,
is of a general character. The fair
meaning would be, that some method
would be introduced by which men
would become rigktcoua. In the for
mer part of the verse, the reference was
to ain — to the fact of its existence — to th©
manner in which it would be disposed of
— to the truth that it would be coerced,
sealed up, covered over. Here the state
ment is, that, in contradistinction from
that, a method would be introduced by
wh-lch man would become, in fact, righte

ous and holy. Eut the word implies
nothing as to tho method by which this
would be done. Whether it would be hy
a new mode of justification, or by an in
fluence that would make men personally
holy — whether this was to be as the re
sult of example, or instruction, or an
atoning sacrifice — is not necessarily im
plied in the use of this word. That, ns
in the cases already referred to, could be
learned only by subsequent developments.
It would be, doubtless, understood tbat
there was a reference to the Messiah — for
that is specified in tbe next verse ; and it
would be inferred from this word tbat,
under him, righteousness would reign, or
that men would he righteous, but nothing
could be argued from it as to the methoda
by which it would be done. It is hardly
necessary to add, that, in the prophets,
it is constantly said that righteousness
would characterize the Messiah and his
times; that he would come to make men
righteous, and to set up a kingdom of
righteousness in the earth. Yet tho ex
act mode in which it was to be done,
would be, of course, more fully explained
when the Messiah should himself actually
appear. The word 'everlasting' is used
here to denote that the righteousnesa
would be permanent and perpetual. In
reference to the method of becoming
righteous, it would be unchanging —
the standing method ever onward by
which men would become holy; in re
ference to the individuals who should
become righteous under this system, it
would be a righteousness which would
continue forever. This is th© character
istic which is every where given of the
righteousness which would be introduced
by the Messiah. Thus in Isa. li. 6 — 8 :
"Lift up your eyes to the heavens, and
look upon the earth beneath; for the
heavens shall vanish away like smoke,
and the earth shall wax old like a gar
ment, and they that dwell tberein shall
die in like manner, but my salvation
shall be forever, and my righteousnesa
shall not b© abolished. Hearken unto
me, y© that know righteousness, th© peo
ple in whose heart is my law; fear ye not
tbe reproach of men, neither be ye afraid
of their revilings. Eor the moth shall eat
them up like a garment, and the worm
shall eat them like wool; but my righte
ousness shall be forever, and my salva
tion from generation to generation." So
Isa. xlv. 17 : " For Israel saall be saved

376

DANIEL.

[B. C. 53&

in the Lord with an everlasting salvation ;
ye shall not be ashamed nor confounded,
world without end." Comp. Jer. xxxi. 3.
The language used in tbe passage before
us, moreover, is sucb as could not pro
perly be applied to any thing but that
righteousness which the Messiah would
introduce. It could not be used in refer
ence to the temporal prosperity of the
Jews on their return to the boly land, nor
to suoh righteousness as tbe nation had
in former times. The fair and proper
meaning of tbe term is, that it would be
eternal — that which would endure forever
— O'PVj) pys.. It would place righteous
ness on a permanent and enduring foun
dation ; introduce that Which would en
dure through all changes, and exist when
the heavens would be no more. In the
plan itself there would be no change ; in
the righteousness which any one would
possess under that system there would be
perpetual duration — it would exist forever
ond ever. This is the nature of that
righteousness by which men are now jus
tified ; this is that which all who are in
terested in the scheme of redemption
aotually possess. The way in wbicb this
'everlasting righteousness* would be in
troduced, is not stated here, but is reserved
for future revelations. Probably all that
the worda would convey to Daniel would
be, that there would be some method dis
closed by which men v ould becomerighte-
0U8, and tbat this would not be tempo
rary or changing, but would be permanent
and eternal. It is not improper that we
should understand it, as it is explained by
the subsequent revelations in the New
Testament, as to the method by which sin
ners are juatified before God. ^ And to
aeal up the viaion and prophecy. Marg.,
ns in the Heb., prophet. Tbe evident
meaning, however, hore is prophecy. The
word seal is found, aa already explained,
in the former part of tho verse — ' to seal
up sins.' The word vision (for its mean
ing, see Notes on Isa. i. ],) need not be
understood as referring particularly to the
visions seen by Daniel, but should be un
derstood, like the word prophecy or pro
phet hore, in a general sense — as denoting
all the visions seen by the prophets — the
series of visions relating to the future,
whioh had beon made known to tbe pro
pheta. The idea seems to be that they
would at that time be all sealed, in the
sense that they would be closed or shut
tp — no longer open matters — but that

the fulfilment would, as it wore, close
them np forever. Till that time tbey
would be open for perusal ond study;
then they would be closed up as a aealed
volume whicb one does not read, bnt
which contains matter hidden from tho
view. Comp. Notes on Isa. viii. Ifi :
"Bind up the tostimony; seal tfae Inw
among my disciples." See also Dan. viii.
26 ; xii. 4. In Isaiah (viii. Ifi), the mean
ing is, that the prophecy was complete, and
the direction waa given to bind it up, or roll
it up like a volume, and to seal it. in Dan.
viii. 26, the meaning is, seal up the pro
phecy, or make a permnnent record of
if, that, when it ia fulfilled, the event
amy be compared with the prophecy, and
it mny be seen that the one corresponds
with the other. In the passage before na,
Gesenius {Lex.) renders it, *to oomplete,
to finish' — meaning that the prophecies
would be fulfilled. Hengstenberg sup
poses that it menns that ' as soon aa the
fulfilment takes plaoe, the prophecy, al
though it retains, in other respects, its
grent importance, reaches the end of its
destination, in so far as the view of be
lievers, who stand in need of consolation
and encouragement, is no longer directed
to it, to the future prosperity, but to thnt
which hna appeared.' Lengerke supposes
that it menns to confirm, corroborate, ra
tify — bekriiftigen, beatatigen ; thnt is, * the
eternal righteousness will be given to the
pious, and the predictions of the prophets
will be confirmed nnd fulfilled.' To seal,
snys he, has also the idea of confirming,
since the contents of a writing are ao-
cnrod or made faat by a seal. After all,
perhaps, the very idea bere is that of
making faat, na a lock or seal does — ^for,
as is well known, a seal was ofton used
by the ancients where a lock is with us,
and the sense mny be, that, ns a seal or
lock made fast and scoure the contents
of a writing or a book, so the event, when
tho prophecy was fulfilled, would make
it faat nnd secure. It wovld be, as it
were, locking it up, or sealing it, forever.
It would determine all that seemed to be
undetermined about it; settle all that
sGomod to be indefinite, and leave it nc
longer nneertain what wns niennt. Ac
cording to this interpretation, the mean
ing wonld bo that the prophecies would
be sealed up or sotUod by the coming of
tho Meaaiah. The prophecies terminated
on him (Comp. Rev. xix. 10) ; they would
find their fulfilment in faim; they«ouldb«

B. C. 538.]

CHAPTER IX.

377

eompleted in him — ani might then he'
regarded as closed and consummated — as
ft book tbat is fully written and is sealed
up. All the prophecies, and all th©
visions, had a reference more or less
direct to the coming of the Messiah, and
when he should appear they might be
regarded as complete. The spiritof pro
phecy would cease, and the facts would
confirm and seal all that had been written.
^ And to anoint tke Moat ffoly. There
has been great variety in the interpreta
tion of this expression. The word ren
dered anoint — o'^p — infinitive from riw'p
— (whence the word Messiah ver. 25),
means properly to strike or draw the
hand over anything; to spread over with
anything, to smear, to paint, to anoint.
It is commonly used with reference to a
sacred rite, to anoint, or consecrate by
unction or anointing to any office or use ;
as e. g. a priest-, Ex. xxviii. 41; xl. 15;
a prophet, 1 Kings xix. 16 ; Isa. Ixi. 1 ;
a king, 1 Sam. s.. 1 ; xv. 1 ; 2 Sam. ii. 4;
I Kings i. 34, So it is used to denote
the consecration of a stone or column as
a future sacred place, Gen. xxxi. 13; or
vases and vessels as consecrated to God,
Ex. xl. 9, 11 ; Lev. viii. H ; Num. vii. 1.
The word would then denote a setting
apart to a sacred use, or consecrating a
person or place as holy. Oil, or an un
guent, prepared according to a specified
rule, was commonly employed for this
purpose, but thi» word raay be used in a
figurative sense — as denoting to set apart
or consecrate in any way withont the use
of oil — as in the case of the Messiah.
So far as this word, therefore, is con
cerned, what is here referred to may have
occurred without th© literal use of oil,
by any act of consecration or dedication to
a holy use. The phrase 'the Most Holy' —
aiB,S(5 ^Tp — has been very variously in
terpreted. By some it has been under
stood to apply literally to the Most Holy
place — the Holy of Holies, in the tem-
j'lj; byothers to the whole temple, re
garded as holy; byothers to Jerusalem
at large as a holy place ; and hy others,
as Hengstenberg, to the Christian church
ns a holy place. By some the thing here
referred to is supposed to have been the
consecration of the Most Holy place after
Uie rebuilding of tbe temple ; by others
the consecration of tho i^hole temple ; by
ochera the consecration of the temple and
ei^ by the presence of the Messiah, and
32*

' by others the consecration of the Chris
tian church by bis presence. Th© phrase
properly means * Holy of HoU©«,' or Most
Holy. It is applied often in the Scrip
tures to the inner aanctuary, or the por
tion of the tabernacle and temple con
taining the ark of the covenant, the two
tables of stone, &g. See Notes on Matt.
xxi. 12. The phrase occurs in the fol
lowing plaees in the Scripture, Ex. xxvi,
33, 34; xxix. 37; xxx. 29, 36; xl. 10;
Lev. ii. 3, 10, et al — in all, in about
i twenty-eight places. See the English
man's Hebrew Concordance. It is not
I necessarily limited to the inner sanc
tuary of the temple, but may be ap
plied to the whole house, or to any
thing that was consecrated to God in
a manner peculiarly sacred- In a large
sensp, possibly it might apply to Jerusa
lem, though I am not aware that it ever
[ occurs in this sense in the Scriptures,
and in a figurative sense it might b©
' applied undoubtedly, as Hengstenberg
supposes, to tbe Christian church, though
it is certain that it is not elsewhere
thus used. In regard to the meaning of
I the expression — an important and diffi-
I cult one, as is admitted hy all — there are
five principal opinions which it may be
well to notice. Tbe truth will be found
in one of them. (1) That it refers to the
consecration by oil or anointing of the
temple that would be rebuilt after the
captivity, by Zerubbabel and Joshua.
This was the opinion of Michrolis and
Jahn. But to this opinion there are in
superable objections : {a) that, according
to the uniform tradition of the Jews, the
holy oil was wanting in the second tem
ple. In the case of the first temple there
might have been a literal anointing,
though there is no evidence of that, aa
ther© was of the anointing of the vessels
of the tabernacle, Ex. xxx. 22, Ae, But
in the second tempi© there is every evi
dence that tbere can he, tfaat tbere waa
no literal anointing, (h) The time here
rcfened to is a fatal objection to thia
opinion. Th© period is seventy weeks
of years, or four hundred and ninety
years." This cannot be doubted (sea
! Notes on the first part ofthe verse) to be
the period referred to ; hut it is absurd
, to suppose that the consecration of tbe
new temple would be deferred for so long
¦ a time, and there is not the slightest evi
dence that it wa?. This opinion, thcre-
1 fore, cannot be entertained. (2) Tho

378

DANIEL.

[B. C. 638

second opinion is, that it refers to tfae
re-consecration and cleansing of the tem
ple after tbe abominations of Antiochus
Epiphanes. See Notes on cb. viii. 14.
But this opinion is liable substantially to
the same objections as tbe other. The
cleansing of the temple, or of the sanc
tuary, as it is said in ch. viii. 14, did not
occur four hundred and ninety years
after the order to rebuild tbe temple
(ver. 25), but at a much earlier period.
By no art of construction, if tbe period
here referred to is four hundred and
ninety years, can it be mad© to apply to
the re-dedication of the temple after An
tiochus had defiled it. (3) Otherg have
supposed that this refers to the Messiah
himself, and tfaat the meaning is, that he,
who was most holy, would then be con
secrated or anointed as the Messiah. It
is probable, as Hengstenberg (Christ, ii.
321, 322) has shown, that the Greek
translators thus understood it, but it is a
sufficient objection to this thatthe phrase,
though occurring many times in the
Scriptures, is never applied to persons,
unless this be an instance. Its uniform
and proper application is to things, or
places, and it is undoubtedly so to be un
derstood in this place. (4) Hengsten
berg supposes (pp. 325 — 328), that it
refers to the Christian church as a holy
place, or ' the New Temple of the Lord,'
'the church of the New Covenant,' as
consecrated and supplied with the gifts
of tbe Spirit. But it is a sufficient refu
tation of this opinion tbat tbe phrase is
nowhere else so used ; tbat it has in the
Old Testament a settled meaning as refer
ring to the tabernacle or tbe temple; that
it is nowhere eraployed to denote a col
lection of people, any more than it is an
individual person — an idea which Hengs
tenberg hiraself expressly rejects (p. 322) ;
and tbat there is no proper sense in whicii
it can be said that the Christian church
is anointed. The language is undoubtedly
to be understood as referring to some
place that is to be thus consecrated, and
the uniform Hebrew usage would lead to
tho supposition that there is reference, in
some sense, to the temple at Jerusalem.
(fi) It seems to me, therefore, that the
obvious and fair interpretation is, to refer
H to the temple — as the holy place of
God; his peculiar abode on earth. Strictly
an! properly speaking, the phrase would
apply to the inner room of the temple —
the sanctuary properly so called (see

Notes on Heb. ix. 2) ; but it might be
applied to tbe whole temple as conse
crated to tbe service of God. If it be
asked, then, what anointing, or conse
cration is referred to here, the reply, as
it seems to me, is, not that it was then
to be set apart anew, or to be dedicated ;
not that it was literally to be anointed
with the consecrating oil, but tbat it was
to be consecrated in tbe highest and
best sense by the presence of tho Mes
siah — that by his coming there was to be
a higher and more solemn consecration
of the temple to the real purpose for
which it was erected, than had occurred
at any time. It was reared as a holy
place ; it would becorae eminently holy
by the presence of him who would come
as the anointed of God, and his coming
to it would accomplish the purpose for
which it was erected, and with reference
to which all the rites observed tfaere had
been ordained, and then, tbis work having
been accomplished, the temple, and all
the rites appertaining to it, would pass
away. In confirmation of this view, it
may be remarked, that there are repeated
allusions to tfae coming of tfae Messiah to
the second temple, reared after the return
from the captivity — as that which would
give a peculiar sacredness to the temple,
and which would cause it to surpass in glory
all its ancient splendour. So in Haggai ii.
7 — 9 : "And I will shake all nations, and
I the desire of all nations shall come ; and I
will fill this bouse with glory, saith the
Lord of hosts. The glory of this latter
house shall be greater than tfae former
saith the Lord of hosts; aod in this place
will I give peace, saith the Lord of hosts."
So Mal. iii. 1, 2: "The Lord, whom y©
seek, shall suddenly come to his temple,
even the messenger of the covenant whom
ye delight in ; behold he shall come, saith
the Lord of hosts. But who may abide
th© day of his coming? And who shall
stand when he appeareth ? For ho is
like a refiner's fire, and'like the fuller's
soap," &G. Comp. Matt. xii. 6: "But I
say unto you, that in tbis place is ene
greater than the temple." Using the
word anoint, therefore, as denoting to con
secrate, to render holy, to set apart to a
sacred use, and the phrase holy of kolica
to designate the temple as such, it seems
to me most probable that the reference
here is to the highest consecration which
could be made of tbe temple in the esti
mation ofa Hebrew, or in faet, tbe pres*

B.C.538.] CHAPTER IX. 379
25 Know therefore and under- stand, tliat from the going forth of

ence of the Messiah, as giving a sacred
ness to that edifice which nothing else did
give or could give, and, therefore, as meet
ing all the proper force of tho language
used here. On the supposition that it
was designed that there sbould be a refer
ence to this event, this would be such
language as would have been not unnat
urally employed by a Hebrew prophet.
And if it be so, this may be regarded
ae the probable meaning of the passage.
In tbis sense, tbe teraple which was to be
reared again, and about which Daniel felt
eo solicitous, would receive its highest —
its truest consecration — as connected with
an event which was to bring in everlasting
righteousness, and to seal up the viulon
and the prophecy.
25. Know, therefore, and -understand,
Hengstenberg renders this, 'and thoii
wilt know and understand;' and supposes
that the design of Gabriel is to awaken
the attention and interest of Daniel by
the assurance that, if be would give atten
tion, he would understand the subject by
the explanation wbich he was about to
give. So also Theodotion renders it in
the future tense. Th© Hebrew is in tfa©
future tense, and would probably convey
the idea that he raight or would know
and understand the matter. So Lengerke
renders it, Und ao mogest du wiaaen, &g.
The object is doubtless to call the atten
tion of Daniel to the subject, with the as
surance that be might comprehend the
great points of the communication which
he was about to make respecting the
seventy weeks. In the previous verse,
the statement was a general one; in tbis,
the angel states tbe time wben the period
of th© seventy weeks was to commence,
and then that tfae whole period was to be
broken up or divided into three smaller
portions or epochs, each evidently mark
ing some important event, or constituting
an important era. The first period of
seven weeks was evidently to be charac
terized by soraething in which it would
be difierent from that which would follow,
or it would reach to some iraportant
epoch, and then would follow a continu
ous period of sixty two weeks, after
which, during tho remaining one week,
to -voraplete the whole number of seventy,
the Messiah would come and would be
cut oflj and the series of desolations would

commence wfaich would result in tbe en
tire destruction of tfae city, f Thnt from
the going forth of the commandment. Heb.
*of the word'  ip-j. It is used, however,
as in ver. 23, in the sense of command
ment or order. The expression ' gone
forth' — S*y*D — would properly apply to
the issuing of an order or decree. So in
ver. 23, — npT n^J — *the commandment
went forth,' The word properly means a
going forth, and is applied to the rising
sun, that goes forth from the east, Ps.
xix. 7; then a^^ace of going forth, as a
gale, a fountain of waters, tbe east, &g,
Ezek. xlii. 11; Is. xli. 18; Ps. Ixxv. 7.
The word here has undoubted reference
to tne promulgation of a decree or com
mand, but there Is nothing in tfae worda
to determine by wkom the coraraand waa
to be issued. So far as the language is
concerned, it would apply equally well to
a command issued by God, or bythe Per
sian king, and nothing but the circura
stances can determine which is referred
to. Hengstenberg supposes that it is the
former, and that the reference is to the
divine purpose, or the command issued
from 'the heavenly council' to rebuild
Jerusalem. But the raore natural and
obvious raeaning is, to understand it of
the command actually issued by the Per
sian monarch to restore and build tbe city
of Jerusalem. This has been the inter
pretation given by the great body of ex
positors, and the reasons for it seem to be
perfectly clear: (a) This would be the
interpretation affixed to it naturally, if
there were no theory to support, or if it
did not open a chronological difficulty not
easy to settle. -(6) This is th© only in
terpretation which can give any thing
like definiteness to tbe passage. Its
purpose is to designate some fixed and
certain period from wbich a reckoning
could be made to the time when the Mes
siah would corae. But, so far as appears,
there was no such definite and marked
command on tbe part of God; no period
which can be fixed upon wben he gavo
commandment to restore and build Jeru
salem; no exact and settled point from
whi:ih one could reckon as to the perioi
when the Messiah would come. It soema
to me, therefore, to be clear, tbat the allu
sion is to some order to rebuild the

580

DANIEL.

[B. C. 533

the commandment to * restore and [ to build Jerusalem unto the Messiah
* or, buHd again.

city, and as this order conld come only
from one wbo had at tbat time juris
diction over Jerusalem and Judea, and
wbo could command the resources neces
sary to rebuild the ruined city, tbat order
must be one that would emanate from the
reigning power; that is, in fact, the Per
sian power — for that was the power that
had jurisdiction at the close of the sev
enty years' exile. But, as there were
several orders or commands in regard to
the restoration of the city and the temple,
and as there has been much difficulty in
ascertaining the exact chronology of the
events of that remote period, it hns not
been easy to determine the precise order
referred to, or to relieve the whole sub
ject frora perplexity nnd difficulty. Len
gerko supposes that the reference here is
th© same as in ver. 2, to the promise
made to Jereminh, nnd that this is the true
point frora which th© reckoning is to be
rande. The exact edict referred to will
be raore properly considered at the close
of the verse. AU that i& necessarily im
plied here is, that the tirae from which
the reckoning is to be commenced is some
command or order issued to restore and
build Jerusalem. ^ To restore, Marg.,
build again. The Hebrew is properly to
cause to retum — 3^?*^''?. The word might
be applied to the return of the captives to
their own land, but it is evidently here
used with reference to the city of Jerusa
lem, and the meaning raust be, to restore
it to its fonner condition. It was evi
dently tbe purpose to cause it to return,
as it were, to its former splendour; to re-
inst;ite it in its forraer condition as a faoly
city — the city where the worship of God
would be celebrated, and it is this pur
pose whicfa is referred to here. The word,
in Hiphil, is used in this sense of restoring
to a former state, or lo renew, in the fol
lowing places, JPs. Ixxx. 3 : " Tum us
again — lapV*^!:"! — ^^^ cause thy face to
shine.'' So vs. 7, 19, of the same Psalm.
Isn. i. 26 : *' And I will restore thy judges
as at the first," Ac. The meaning here
would be met by the supposition tbat Je
rusalem was to he put into its former con
dition. ^ And to build Jertiaalem, It
was then in ruins. The command, which
is referred to here, must be one to build
It up again — its houses, temple, walls ; I

nnd tbe fair sense is, that some such or
der would be issued, aud the reckoning
of the seventy weeks must begin at the
issuing of this command. The proper
interpretation of the prophecy demands
that that time shall be assumed in endea-
' vouring to ascertain when the seventy
weeks would terminate. In doing this,
I it is evidently required in all fairness that
I we should not take the time when the
Messiah did appear — or the birtfa of the
Lord Jesus, assuming that to be tho
to'wimts ad quem — the point to which tfae
seventy weeks were to extend — and then
tfl reckon backward for a space of four
hundred and ninety years, to see whether
we cannot find some event which hy
a possible construction wnuld bear to be
jU>plied as the tertninua a quo, the point
from which we are to begin to reckon, but
we are to ascertain when, in fact, the or
der was given to rebuild Jerusalem, nnd
to make that tbe tenninua a quo — the
starting point in the reckoning. The
consideration in the fulfilment of this
may with propriety be reserved to the
'close of the verse. ^ Vnto tke Messiah,
The word Meaaiah occurs bnt four times
iu tbe common version ofthe Scriptures :
—Dan. ix. 25, 26 ; John i. 41 ; iv. 25.
It is synonymous in raeaning with the .
word Chriat, the Auointed, Notes on Matt.
i. 1. Messiah is the Hebrew word ; Christ
jthe Greek. Tbe Hebrew word — n*ra
I — occurs frequently in the Old Testa-
' raent, and with the exception of these two
' places in Daniel, it is uniformly trans
lated anointed, and is applied to priests,
, to prophets, and to kings, ns being origi
nally set apart to their offices by solemn
' acts of anointing. So faras the language
I is concerned here, it might be applied to
I any one who sustained their offices, and
I tbe proper application is to be determined
, from the connection. Our translators
'have introduced the article — 'unto the
I Messiah.' This*is wanting in the He
brew, and should not have been intro-
' duced, ns it gives a definiteness to the
I prophecy which the original language
I does not necessnrilydemand. Our tians-
Intors undoubtedly understood it ns refer-
ing to hira wbo is known aa the Messiah,
(but tbis is not necessarily implied in the
; origiaal. All thnt the language fairly

B. C. 538.]

CHAPTER IX.

381

the Prince sJiall be seven -weeks, and
threescore and two weeks : the street
* return and be buUded. ' ^ or, breach, or. ditch.

shall » he huilt again, and the 'wall,
even = in ^ troublous tinies.
= Ne. 4. 8. 4o.; 6. 15. 'strait of.

conveys is, 'Until an anointed one.'
Who that was to be, is to bo determined
frora other circumstances than the mere
use of the langunge, and in the interpre
tation of the langunge it should not be
UBumed that tbe reference is to any par
ticular individual. That some eminent
personage is designated, some one who
by way of eminence would be properly re
garded as anointed of God; some one who
would act so important a part as to char
acterize tbe age, or determine the epoch
in whicfa fae should live ; some one so
prominent that he oould be referred to
as ' anointed,' wilh no more definite ap
pellation; some one who would be un
derstood to be referred to by the mere
use of tbis language, may be fairly con-
eluded from the expression used — for
the angel clearly meant to imply this,
nnd to direct the mind forward to some
one who would bave such a prominence
in tbe history of the world. The ohject
now is merely to ascertain the meaning
of the language. All tbat is fairly im
plied is, that it refers to some one who
would havesuchaprominencea.s anointed,
or set apart to the office of prophet, priest,
or king, that it could be understood that
he was referred to by tbe use of this
language. Tbe reference is not to the
anointed one, as of one who was already
known or looked forward to as sucb — for
then the article would have been used,
but to some one who, when he appeared,
would have such marked characteristics
thnt there would he no difficulty in deter
mining tbat be was the one intended.
Hengs'tenberg well remarks, " We must,
therefore, translate, on anointed one, a
Prince, and assume that the prophet, in
accordance with the uniform character of
his prophecy, cfaose the more indefinite,
instead of the more definite designation,
and spoke only of on s^nointed one, o
prince, instead of the anointed one, the
prince — irar' i{otS' — an'l l^^t his hearers
to draw a deeper knowledge respecting
him, from the prevailing expectations,
grounded on earlier prophecies of a fu
ture great king, from the remaining de-
elarations of the context, and from the
fulfilment, the coincidence of which with
the prophecy must here be the more ob

vious, since an accurate date had been
given." Christol. ii. 334, 335. The Vul
gate renders this, Uaque ad Chriatwn du
cem — ' even to Christ the leader,' or ruler.
The Syriac, ' to tbe advent of Christ the
king.' Theodotion, eaig Xpidrou ftyo»/i£i/oi'—
'to Christ the leader,' or ruler. Tbe
question whether this refers to Christ,
will be more appropriately considered at
the close of the verse. The inquiry will
then occur, also, whether this refers
to his birth, or to his appearance aa the
anointed one — his taking upon himself
publicly the office. The language would
apply to either, though it would perhapa
more properly refer to tbe latter — to the
time when he should appear as such — or
should be anointed, crowned, or set apart
to tbe office, and be fully instituted in it.
It could not be demonstrated tbat either
of these applications would be a departure
from the fair interpretation of the words,
and tbe application must be determined
by some other circumstances, if any are
expressed. What those are in the case,
wiil be considered at the close of the
verse. % The Prince. TJ],. This word
properly means a leader, a prefect, a
prince. It is a word of very general
character, and might be applied to any
leader or ruler. It is applied to an over.
seer, or, as we should say, a aecretary of
the treasury, 1 Chron. xxvi. 24, 2 Chron.
xxxi. 12; an overseer of the temple,
1 Chron. ix. 1 1, 2 Cbron. xxxi. 1 3 ; of
the palace, 2 Chron. xxviii. 7, and of
military affairs, 1 Chron. xiii. 1, 2 Chron.
xxxii. 21. It is also used absolutely to
denote a prince of a people, any one of
royal dignity, 1 Sam. ix. 16, x. 1, xiii. 14.
Geaeniiw. So far as tbis word, therefore,
is concerned, it would apply to any prince
or leader, civil or military ; any one of
royal dignity, or who should distinguish
himself, or make himself a leader in civil,
ecclesiastical, or military affairs, or who
sfaould receive an appointment to any
sucfa station. It is a word wbich would
he as applicable to tbe Messiah as to any
otber leader, but which has nothing iu
itself to make it necessary to apply it to
him. All that can be fairly deduced from
its use here is, that it would be some
prominent leader; some one that wotdd

882

DANIEL.

[B.C. 53a

be known without any more deflnite de
signation ; some one on whom the mind
would naturally reft, and some one to
wfaom when he appeared it would be ap
plied without hesitation and without dif
ficulty. There can be no doubt that a
Hebrew, in the circumstances of Daniel,
and with the known views and expecta
tions of the Hebrew people, would apply
such a pbrase to the Messiah. ^ Shall
be aeven weeka. See Notes on ver. 24.
The reaaon for dividing the whole period
into seven weeks, sixty-two weeks, and
one week, is not formally stated, and will
be considered at the close of the verse.
All that is necessary here in order to an
explanation of the language, and of what
is to be anticipated in the fulfilment, is
this : (o) That according to the above in
terpretation (ver. 24), the period wonld
be forty-nine years, (b) That this was to
be ftie firat portion of tbe whole time, not
time that wonld be properly taken out of
any part of tbe whole period, (c) That
tbere was to be some event at tbe end of
the forty-nine years which would desig
nate a period, or a natural division of
the time, or that the portion wbich was
designated by the forty-nine years was to
be distinctly characterized from the next
period referred to as sixty-two weeks,
and tbe next period as one week, {d) No
intimation is given in the words as to the
nature of this period, or as to what would
distinguish one portion from tbe others,
and what that was to be is to be learned
from subsequent explanations, or from
the actual course of events. If one pe
riod was cfaaracterized by war, and an
otber by peace ; one in building the city
and tbe walls, and the other by quiet
prosperity; one by abundance, and tbe
other by famine ; one by sickness, and
the other by health, all that is fairly im
plied in the worda would be met. It is
foretold, only, that there would be aome
thing that would designate these periods,
and serve to distinguish the one from the
utber. ^^nc2 threescore and two weeks.
Sixty-two weekj; that is, as above ex
plained (ver. 24), four hundred and thirty-
four years. The fair mAaoing is, that
there would be sometiiing which would
characterize tbat long period, and seVve
to distinguish it from that wbich pre
ceded it Itis not indeed intimated what
that would be, and the nature of the ease
¦eems to require that we should look to
the events — to the facts in the course of

the history to determine what tbat was.
Whether it was peace, prosperity, quiet,
order, or the prevalence of religion as
contrasted with the former period, all that
the words fairly imply would be fulfilled
in either of them. % The street shall be
built again. This is a general assertion
or prediction, which does not seem to
have any special reference to tbe time
wben it would be done. The fair inter
pretation of the expression does not re
quire us to understand tbat it shonld be
after the united period of the seven weeks
and the sixty-two weeks, nor during either
one of those periods ; that is, the language
is not such that we are necessarily re
quired to affix it to any one period. It
seems to be a general assurance designed
to comfort Daniel with the promise tbat
the walls and streets of Jerusalem, now
desolate, would be built again, and that
this would occur sometime during this pe
riod. His mind was particularly anxious
respecting the desolate condition of tbe
city, and the declaration is here made that
it would be restored. So far as the lan
guage — the grammatical construction, ia
concerned, it seems to me that this would
be fulfilled if it were done either at th©
time of the going forth of the command
ment, or during either of tbe periods de
signated, or even after these periods. Itis,
however, most natural, in the connection,
to understand it of the first period — the
seven weeks — or tbe forty-nine years,
since it is said that 'the commandment
would go forth to restore, and to build
Jerusalem,' and sinee, as the whole sub
sequent period is divided into three por
tions, it may be presumed tbat the thing
thot would characterize the first portion,
or that which would first be done, wonld
be to execute the commandment; that is,
to restore and build the city. These
considerations would lead us, therefore, to
suppose, that the thing which would
characterize the first period — the forty-
nine years — would be tbe rebuilding of
the city; and the time — a time wbich,
considering the extent and entireness of
the ruins, the natnre of the opposition
that might be encountered, tbe difficulty
of collecting enough from among the ex
iles to return and do it, tbe want of
means, and tbe embarrassments wbich
such an undertaking might be supposed
to involve, cannot, probably, be regarded
as too long. The word rendered atreet-^
Sin^ — means a street, so called from Um

B. C. 538.1

CHAPTER IX.

383

\readth, and would properly, therefore, be
applied to a wide street. Then it denotes
a raarket-place, or a forura, tho broad
open place at tbe gates of Oriental cities
^'here public trials were held, and things
exposed to sale. 2 Chron. xxxii. 6. In
Ezra X. 9, tbe word refers to the area or
eourt before the teraple : "And all the
people sat In the street — aTi^a — of the
house of God," &o, Corap. Neb. viii. .1,
3, 16, The reference in this place, there
fore, may be to that area or court; or it
may be to any plaoe of concourse, or any
thoroughfare. It is such language as
would he naturally used to denote that
the city would be restored to its former
condition. The phrase 'shall be built
again," is, in the margin, return and be
builded. This is in accordance with the
Hebrew. That is, it would be restored to
its forraer state; it would, as it were,
come back, and be built up again. Heng
stenberg renders it, *a street is restored
and built' The phrase properly implies
that it would assume its former condition,
the word built here being used in the
sense of 7nade, as we speak of making
road, Lengerke renders it, wird wieder
hergeatellet — * shall be again restored.'
Thcodolion renders it, eirtcTTpct/'ci — ' It
shall return,* understanding it as mean
ing that tbere would be a return, to wit,
from the exile. But the more correct
meaning, undoubtedly, is, that tke atreet
would return to its former state, and be
rebuilt. ^ And tke wall. Marg., ditch.
Hengstenberg renders this, ' and firmly is
it deterrained,' maintaining that the word
yniilhere means fixed, deterrained, re
solved on, and that the idea is, tbat the
purpose that the city should be rebuilt was
firmly resolved on in the divine mind, and
that the design of whatis here said was to
comfort and animate tbe returned Hebrews
in their efforts to rebuild tbe city, in all
the discouragements and troubles whieh
would attend such an undertaking. The
common interpretation, however, has been
that it refers to a ditch, trench, or wall,
that would be constructed at the time of
the rebuilding of the city. So the Vul-
jate, muri, walls. So Theodotion, reXxos
— wall. The Syriao renders it, 'Jerusa
lem, and the villages, and the streets.'
lii'.tber, Mauren, walls. Lengerke ren
ders it, as Hengstenberg does, * and it is
determined.' Maurer understands the two
expressions, street and wait, to be equiva

lent to within and without — meaning that
the city would be thoroughly and en
tirely rebuilt. The Hebrew word ynri
— means properly thatwhich is cut in, or
dug out, from yDin — to cut in. The word
ia translated sharp pointed thinga in Job
xli. 30 ; gold, fine gold, choice gold, in Ps.
Ixviii. 13, Prov. iii, 14, viii. 10, 19, xvi.
16, Zech. ix. 3; a threshing instrume:\tf
Isa. xxviii. 27, Amos i. 3 ; sharp (refer-
ing to a threshing instrument,) Isa. xli. 15,
wall, Ban. ix. 25; and decision, Joel iii.
14. It does not elsewhere occur in the
Scriptures. The notion of gold as con
nected with the word is probably derived
frora the fact of its heing dug for, or eag
erly sought by men. That idea is, of
course, not applicable here. Gesenius
supposes that it here means a ditch or
trench of a fortified city. This seems to
rae to be the probable signification. At
all events, this has the concurrence of the
great body of interpreters; and this ac
cords well with the connection. The
word does not properly mean wall, and it
is never elsewhere so used. It need not
be said that it was common, if not uni
versal, in walled cities, to make a deep
ditch or trench around thera to prevent
the approach of an eneray, and such lan
guage would naturally be employed in
speaking of tbe rebuilding of a city.
Prof. Stuart renders it, "with broad
spaces and narroio limita." ^ Even in
troublous timea, Marg., atraitof. Hengs
tenberg, ' in a time of distress.' Len
gerke, Im Druck der Zeiten — " in a pres
sure of times." Vulg. In angustia tern-.
porum. Theodotion, in the Septuagint,
renders it, 'And these times shall be
emptied out' (Thompson) — xal wmj/wSi^-
aovrai ot Katpoi. The proper meaning of
the Hebrew word — pfX — is distress, trou
ble, anguish, and the reference is, doubt
less, to times that would be characterized
by trouble, perplexity and distress. Tbe
allusion is clearly to the rebuilding of the
city, and the use of this language would
lead us to anticipate that such an enter
prise would meet with opposition or em
barrassment; that there would be diffi
culty in accomplishing it; that the work
would not be carried on easily, and that
a considerable time would be necessary to
finish it.
Having gone through with an inves
tigation of the meaning of the words

884

DANIEL.

[B. C. 638.

and phrases of this verse, we are now
prepared to inquire more particularly
what things are referred to, and whether
tbe predictions bave been fulfilled. The
points which itis necessary to examine
aro the following :— To whom reference
is made hy the Messiah the Prince; the
ilirae designated by the going forth of the
commandment— or the terminus a quo ;
tbe question whether the whole period
extends to the birth of hira here referred
to as the Messiah the Prince, or to his
assuming tfae office or appearing as such ;
the tirae erabraced in the first seven
weeks — and the fulfilraent — or the ques
tion whether, from the time of the going
forth of the commandment to the appear
ing ofthe Messiah, the period ofthe four
hundred and ninety years can be fairly
made out. These are evidently important
points, and it need not be said that a
great variety of opinions has prevailed in
regard to them, and that they are attended
with no little difficulty.
I. To whom reference is raade by the
Messiah the Prince. In the exposition of
the meaning of the words, we have seen
that there is nothing in the language itself
to determine this. It is applicable to any
one who should be set apart as a ruler or
prince, and might be applied to Cyrus, to
any anointed king, or to him who is pro
perly designated now as the Messiah —
tlie Lord Jesus. Comp. Notes on Isa.
xlv. 1, It is unnecessary to show that a
great variety of opinion has been enter-
tained both among tbe Jewish Rabbins,
and among Christian commentators, re
specting tbe question to whom this refers.
Among the Jews, Jarchi and Jacchides
supposed that it referred to Cyrus; Ben
Gersom, and others, to Zerubbabel; Aben
Ezra to Nehemiah; Rabbi Azariah to
Artaxerxes. Bertholdt, Lengerke, Mau
rer, und tbis class of expositors generally,
suppose that the reference is to Cyrus, who
is called the Messiah, or the 'Anointed,'
in Isa. xlv. 1. According to this inter
pretation, it is supposed tbat the refer
ence is to the seventy years of Jeremiah,
and that the meaning is, that 'seven
weeks,' or forty-nine years would elapse
frora the desolation of the city till the
time of Cyrus. See Maurer in ioe. Comp.
also Lengerke, pp. 444, 445. As speci
mens of the views entertained by tiiose
who deny tho reference of the passage to
the Messiah, and of the difficulties and
Absurdities of those views^ we may notice

those of Eichhorn and Bertholdt. Eich
horn maintains that the numbers referred
to are round numbers, aud that we are
not to expect to be able to make out an
exact conformity between those nurabers
and the events. The 'commandment*
mentioned in ver. 25, be supposes refers
to the order of Cyrus to restore and re
build the city, which order was given,
according to Usher, A. M. 3468, From
this point of time must the 'seven weeks,*
or the forty-nine years, be reckoned; but
according to his view, the reckoning must
be ' backwards and forwards;* that is, it
is seven weeks, or forty-nine years, back
ward to Nebuchadnezzar, who is here
called * Messiah the prince,' who destroyed
the temple and city, A. M. 3416 — or about
fifty-two years before the going forth of
the edict of Cyrus. From that time, tbe
reckoning ofthe sixty-two weeks mustbe
commenced. But again, this is not to be
computed literally from the time of Ne
buchadnezzar ; but since tbe Jews, in ac
cordance with Jeremiah xxv, 11, 12,
reckoned aeventy years, instead of the
true time, the point from wbich the esti
mate is to begin is the fourth year of tbe
reign of Jehoiakim, and this occurred, ac
cording to Usher, A. M. 3397, Reckon
ing from tfais point onward, the sixty-
two weeks, or 434 years, would bring us
to the timo of Antiochus Epiphanes
(A. M. 3829). At tbe end of the sixty-
two weeks, in the first year of Antiochus
Epiphanes, the high priest, Onias IIL,
(the Messiah of ver. 26,) was displaced —
'cut off' — T^^^i — and Jason was ap
pointed in his place, and Menelaus the
year after reraoved him. Thus Onias had
properly no successor, Ac, <fcc. This ab
surd opinion Bertholdt (p. 605, aeqx) at
tempts to set aside — a task which is very
easily performed, and then proposes his
own — an hypothesis not less absurd and
improbable. According to his theory
(p, 613, seq.), the seventy years have in
deed a historical basis, and the time em
braced in tfaeui extends from tfae destruc
tion of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar to
the death of Antiochus Epiphanes. It is
divided into three periods : (a) The seven
first hebdomads extend from the destruc
tion of Jerusalera by Nebuchadnezzai" to
king Cyrus, who gave the exiles perraission
to return to their land. Tbis isthe period
during which Jerusalera must lie waste
(ver. 2) ; and after the ckse of this, by the

B.C.538.]

CHAPTER IX.

389

favour of Cyrus (ver. 25), the promise of
Jeremiah (ver. 25 — "iJi — 'command
ment') that Jerusalem shall be fulfilled,
goes forth. (6) The following si.\ty-two
weeks ext*nd from the return of the ex
iles to the beginning of the troubles and
persecutions under Antiochus. This is
the period of the rebuilding of Jerusalem
(ver. 25). (c) The last period of one
week, extends from tbe time of the op
pressions and wrongs commenced under
Antiochus, to the death of Antiochus.
Sae this view fully explained and illus
trated in Bertholdt, ut aupra. The great
mass of Christian interpreters, however,
hive supposed that the reference is to the
Messiah properly so called — the promised
Saviour ol the world — the Lord Jesus.
In support it this opinion, the following
considerations may be suggested, which
seem to rae to be conclusive: (1) Tbe lan
guage itself is such as is properly appU
cable to him, and sueh as would naturally
suggest him. It is true, as we see in Isa.
xlv. 1, that the term Messiah may be ap
plied to another, as it is tbere to Cyrus,
(see the Notes on the meaning of the word
in that place, and in tbe exposition of
this verse,) but it is also true that if the
term stands by itself, and with no expla
nation, it would naturally suggest him
wbo, by way of eminence, is known as
the Messiah. In Isa. xlv. 1, it is ex
pressly limited to Cyrus, and there can
be no danger of mistake. Hero there is
no such limitation and it is natural,
therefore, to apply it in the sense in
which among the Hebrews ifc would be
obviously understood. Even Bertholdt
admits the force of this. Thus (p. 663)
he says : ' That at tbe words ivij ri'E'p
[Messiah the prince] we shoald be led to
think of the Messiah, Jesus, and at tbose,
ver. 26, l'? J'!<i n'B't; nl?' [shaU be cut
ofif but not for himself], of his crucifix
ion, tfaough not absolutely necessary, is
still very natural.' (2) This would be
the interpretation whioh would be given
to tbe words by tbe Jews. They were so
much accu?tomed to look forward to a
great prince and deliverer, who would be
by way of eminence, the anointed of the
Lord, that, unless there was some special
limicaiion, or designation in the language,
they would naturally apply it to the Mes
siah, properly so called. Comp. Isa. ix.
6 T. Early in the history of tbe Jews,
the nation had breome accustomed to the
3.3

expectation that such a deliverer would
eome, and its hopes were centered on
him. In all times of national trouble and
calamity ; in all their brightest visions
of the future, they were accustomed to
look to him as one who would deliver
them from tbeir troubles; and who would
exalt their people to a pitch of glory and
of honour, such as they had never known
before. Unless, therefore, there was some
thing in the connection, which would de
mand a different interpretation, the lan
guage woutd be of course applied to the
Messiah. But it cannot be pretended that
there is any thing in the connection that de-
m.ands such alimitauon, nor which forbids
such nn application. (3) So far as the an
cient versions throw any lighten the sub
ject, they show tbat this is the correct in ter
pretation. So tbe Latin Vulgate, usque ad
Christum ducem. So the Syriac, 'unto
Messiah, the most holy' — literally, ' holy
of holies.' So Theodotion — ^wj xf>^oT5v —
where there can be littio doubt that the
Messiah was understood to be referred
to. The same is found in tbe Arabic.
The Codex Chis. is in utter confusion on
this whole passage, and nothing can be
made of it. (4) All the circumstances
referred to in connection witb him who
is here called ' Messiah the prince,' are
such as to be properly applicable to tbe
work which tho Lord Jesus came to do,
and not to Cyrus, or Antiochus, or any
other leader or ruler. See the Notes on
ver. 25. To no other one, according to
the interpretation whicb the passage in
that verse seems to demand, can the ex
pressions thero used be applied. In that
exposition it was shown that the verse is
designed to give a gefieral view of what
would be accomplished, or of what is ex
pressed more in detail in the remaining
verses of the vision, and that the lan
guage there used can be applied properly
to the work which tbe Lord Jesus came
to accomplish. Assuredly to no one elaa
can the phrases ' to restrain transgres
sion,' 'to seal up sins,' 'to cover over
iniquity,' ' to bring in everlasting righte
ousness,' 'to seal up the vision and pro
phecy,' and 'to consecrate the most holy
place,' be so well applied. The same is
true of the language in the subsequent
part of the prophecy, ' Messiah shall be
cutoff,' 'not for himself,' ' shall confirm
the covenant,' 'cause the oblation to
cease.' Any one inay see the perplexi
ties in wfaicfa they are involved by adopt-

S86

DANIEL.

[B. C. 53a.

ing another interpretation, hy consulting
Bertholdt or Lengerke on the passage.
(5) The expression here used — 'prince* —
IV) — is applied to the Messiah — beyond
all question in Isa, lv. 4 : " I have given
him for a witness to the people, a leader —
T'Jj — and a commander to the people.**
(6) The perplexity attending any otber
interpretation is an additional proof of
this point. In full illnstration of this, itis
necessary only to refer to the views of Ber
tholdt and Eichhorn as above exhibited.
Whatever may be said about the difficul
ties on the supposition that it refers to
the Lord Jesus — the true Messiah, no
one can undertake to reconcile the appli
cations which they have proposed with
any belief of the inspiration of the pas
sage. These considerations seem to rae
to make it clear that the prophecy had
reference to the Messiah properly so
called — the hope and the expectation of
tbe Jewish people. There can be no
doubt that Danici would so understand
it; there can be no doubt that it would
bo so applied by the Jews.
II. The next question is. From what
point are we to reckon in computing the
time when the Messiah would appear — ¦
the terminus a quo ? It is important to
fix this, for the whole question of the
fulfilment depends on it, and honesty re
quires tbat it should be determined with
out reference to the time to which four
hundred and ninety years would reach —
or tho terminus ad quem. It is clearly
not proper to do as Prideaux does, to as
sume that it refers to the birth of Christ,
and then to reckon backward to a time
which may be made to mean the 'going
forth of tbe commandment.* The true
method, undoubtedly, would be to fix on a
time which would accord with the expres
sion here, with no reference to the question
of the fulfilment — for in that way only can
it be determined to be a true prophecy, and
jn that way only would it be of any use
to Daniel, or to those who succeeded him.
It need hardly be said, that a great
variety of opinions have been mentioned
in regard to the time designated by tfae
'going forth ofthe commandment.' Ber
tholdt (pp. 567, 568), mentions no less
thnn thirteen opimoTia'which have been en
tertained on this point, and in such a va
riety of sentiment, it seems almost hope
less to be able to ascertain the truth with I
certainty. Now, in determining this, there |

are a fow points which may be regarded
as certain. They are such as these :
(a) That the commandment referred to ia
one that is issued by some prince or king
having authority, and not the purpose
of God. See Notes above on the first
part of the verse. (6) That the distinct
coramand would be to 'restore and build
Jerusalem.' Tbis is specified, and there
fore would seem to be distinguished from
a command to build the temple, or to re
store that from its state of ruin. It is
true that the one might appear to be im
plied in tbe other, and yet this does not
necessarily follow. For various causes
it might be perraitted to the Jews to
rebuild their temple, and there might be
a royal ordinance commanding that,
while there was no purpose to restore the
city to its former power and splendor,
and even while there might be strong ob
jections to iL For the use of the Jews
who still resided in Palestine, and lor
those who were about to return, it raight
be a matter of policy to permit them to
rebuild their temple, and even to aid
thera in it, while yet it might be regarded
as perilous to allow them to rebuild the
city, and to place it in its former condition
of strength and power. It was a placo
easily fortified; it had cost the Baby
lonian monarch much time, and had oc
casioned thera many losses, before they
had been able to conquer and subdue i^
aud, even to Cyrus, it might be a matter
of very questionable policy to allow it te
be built and fortified again. Accordingly
we find that, as a raatter of fact, the per
mission to rebuild the temple, and the
permission to rebuild the city, were quite
different things, and were separately
granted by different sovereigns, and that
the work was executed by diff'erent per
sons. The former might, without im
propriety, be regarded as the close of the
captivity — or the end of the 'seventy
years' of Jeremiah — for a perraission to
rebuild the temple wag, in fact, a permis
sion to return to their own country, and
an implied purpose to aid them in it, while
a considerable interval might, and perhaps
probably would elapse, before a distinct
coramand was issued to restore and re
build tbe city itself, and even then a long
period might intervene before it nvould
be completed. Accordingly, in the edict
published by Cyrus, the permission to
rebuild the temple is the one that is care
fully specified : " Thus saith Cyrus, king

B. C. 538.]

CHAPTER IX.

387

of Persia, The Lord God of heaven hath
given me all the kingdoms of tfae earth ;
and he hatb charged me to build him an
house at Jerusalem, which is in Judah.
Who is there among you of all his peo
ple ? His God be witb him, and let bira
go up to Jerusalem, whioh is in Judah,
and build the houee of the L ord 0 td of
Israel (he is the G-od), which is at Jeru-
Balem," Ezra i. 2, 3. In tbis order
there is nothing said of the restoration
of the city, and that in fact occurred at a
dififerent time, and under the direction
of different leaders. The first enterprise
was to rebuild the temple; it was still a
question whether it would be a matter
of policy to allow tfae city to be rebuilt,
and that was in fact accoraplished at a
different time. These considerations
eeem to make it certain that the edict re
ferred to here was not that wbich was
issued by Cyrua, but must bave been a
subsequent decree bearing particularly
on tbe rebuilding of the city itself. It is
true tfaat tlie command to rebuild (Ae tem
ple would imply tbat either there were
persons residing araidst the ruins of
Jerusalera, or in tbe land of Palestine,
who were to worship there, and that tbere
would be inhabitants in Jerusalera, pro
bably tbose who would go from Babylon —
for otherwise the teraple would be of no
service, but still this might be, and there
be no permission to rebuild tbe city with
any degree of its ancient strength and
splendor, and none to eurround it with
walla — a very material thing in tbe struc
ture of an ancient city, (c) This inter
pretation is confirmed by the latter part
of the verse : ' the street shall be built
again, and the wall, even in troublous
times.' If the word rended wall, means
trench or ditch, as I have supposed, still
it was a trench or ditch which was de
signed as a defence of a city, or which
was excavated by making a wall, or for
the purpose of fortifying a walled city in
order to make it stronger, and the ex
pression is one which would not be ap
plied to the mere purpose of rebuilding the
temple, nor would it be used except in a
command to restore the oity itself. We
are, then, in the fair interpretation of
the passage required now, to shiow that
such a command went forth from the
Persian king to ' restore and rebuild' the
dty itaelf— tii<i,t is, a permission to put it
into such a oondition of strengtfa, as it
vas before.

In order to see faow this interpretatioii
accords with the facts in the case, and te
determine whether such a period can be
found aa shall properly correspond with
tbis interprotation, and enable us to as
certain the point of time here referred
to — the terminua a quo — itis proper to in
quire wbat are the /acis which history has
preserved. For this purpose, I looked
at tbis point of tbe investigation into
Jahn's 'Hebrew Commonwealth,' (pp. 160
— 177), a work not written with any re
ference to the fulfilment of tfais prophecy,
and which, indeed, in the portion relat
ing to this period of tbe world, makes no
allusion whatever to Daniel. The in
quiry whicb ifc was necessary to settle
was, whether under any of the Persian
kings tbere was any order or command
which would properly correspond with
what we have ascertained to be the fair
meaning of the passage. A very brief
synopsis of the principal events recorded
by Jahn as bearing on the restoration of
the Jews to their own country, will be
all that is needful to add to determine
the question before us.
The kings of the Persian universal
monarchy, according to Ptolemy, were
ten, and the whole sura of their reign
two bundred and seven years — from the
time of Cyaxares II., to the time of Al
exander the Great. But Ptolemy's spe
cific object being chronology, he omitted
those who continued not on the throne a
full year, and referred the months of their
reign, partly to the preceding, and partly
to the succeeding monarch. The whole
nmnber of sovereigns was in reality four
teen, as appears by the following table ;
B. C. y^, "*''*'
538. Cyaxares II. reigned 2
536. Cyrus " 7
529. Cambyses " 7 5
522. Smerdis " 7
521."Darius Hystaspis " 36
485. Xerxes L " 21
464. Artaxerxes Longimanus 40 3
424. Xerxes II. " 2
424. Sogdianus " 7
423. Darius Nothus " 19
404. Artaxerxes Mnemon 46
358. Darius Ochus " 21
337. Arses " 2
335. Darius Codomanus " 4
Under the reign of this last prince,
B. C. 331, the kingdom was entirely sub*
daed ty Alexander the Great.

383

DANIEL.

[B. C. 53&

In reej.^oiit to tho question whether any 1
«rdor ui- LGiLoaand was issued pertaining'
to thj lelullding of the city of Jerusalem j
that corresponds with the meaning of the
prediction as above explained, the fol
lowing facts will probably furnish all the
knowledge whiuh can be obtained:
(a) Gyoxarea II. Of course there was
iiothing in tbe time of Cyaxares II., the
Darius of Daniel (vi. 1 *, ix. 1), as it was
under him that Babylon was conquered,
and there was no raovement towards a
restoration of tho Jews to their own land
commenced by bira, tbe first raoveraent
of that kind being under Cyrus.
{b) Cyrus. What was the nature of the
order issued by him we have seen above.
It was a comraand to build the temple and
was limited to that, and involved no ref
erence to the city. The command as we
have seen above, did not extend to tbat,
and there wero probably good reasons
why it was not contemplated that it
should be rebuilt in its forraer strength,
and fortified as it was before. The pur
pose to fortify the city, or to encompass
it by a wall or ditch, or even to build it
at all, could not have been brought with
in the order of Cyrus, as recorded in
Ezra, and tbat is the only form of the
order which we have. The language of
Daniel, therefore, seems to have been
chosen of design when he says that the
command would be issued to rebuild the
city, not the temple. At any rate, such is
the language, and such was not the order
of Cyrus.
(c) Cambyaea. After the death of Cy
rus, tho Samaritans wrote to Cambyses
(called by Ezra, Ahasuerus) against tho
Jews. We are not informed what eff'ect
this letter produced, but we can easily
judge from the character of this degene
rate son of Cyrus, as it is represented in
history. He was a "thoughtless, glutton
ous, furious warrior, who was eonsidered
as raving mad even by his own subjects.**
Jahn. He madly invaded Egypt, and
on his return learned that Smerdis, his
brother, had usurped the throne in his
absence, and died of a wound received
from the falling of his sword from its
eheatb, as he was mounting his horse.
No order is mentioned during his reign
pertaining to the rebuilding either ofthe
•jity or tfae temple.
(d) Smerdis. He retained the throne
about seven months. In tbe Bible he has
tk« name of Artaxerxes. Comp., respect-

ing him, Ctesias x; Justin i. 9; Herod.
iii. 61 — 67. '*To this monarch (he Sama
ritans again addressed themsclres, com
plaining that the Jews were building
(that is, fortifying) the city of Jerusalem,
wbich they had never tnought of doing;
and in consequence of this false accusa
tion, Smerdis issued a positive prohibition
of their work." Jahn. Two things, there
fore, may be remarked respecting tbis
reign : (1) The order or commandment
referred to by Daniel could not have been
issued during tkia reign, since there was
an express 'prohibition* against tbe work
of building and fortifying the city; and
(2) This confirms what is said above
about the improbability that any order
would have been issued by Cyrus to re
build and fortify the city itself. It could
not hut have been foreseen that sucb an
order would be- likely to excite opposition
from the Samaritans, and to cause inter
nal dissensions and difBculties in Pales
tine, and it is not probable tbat the Per
sian government would allow the rebuild
ing of a city that would lead to such col
lisions. (c) Daniel Hystaspis. He reigned thirty-
six years. He was a mild and benevolent
ruler. " As Smerdis was a mere usurper,
his prohibition of rebuilding the temple
was of no authority.** Jahn. In the
second year of his reign, Haggai and
Zechariah appeared, who plied the gov
ernor, Zerubbabel, the high priest Joshua,
and the whole people, with such powerful
appeals to the divine commands, that tfae
building of the house of God was once
more resumed. Upon this Tatnai, the
Persian governor on the west side of the
Euphrates, came with his officers to call
the Jews to an account, who referred him
to the permission of Cyrus, and the Jews
wero sufiered to proceed. The whole
raatter was, however, made known to
Darius, and he caused search to be made
among the archives of the State in refer
ence to tfae alleged decree of Cyrus. Tbe
edict of Cyrus was found which directed
that a temple should be built at Jerusa
lem at the royal expense, and of much
larger dimensions than the former. A
copy of this was sent to Tatnai, and he
was commanded to see that the work
should be forwarded, and that the ex
penses should be defrayed from the royal
treasury, and that the priests should bo
supplied with whatever was necessary to
keep up the daily sacrifice. The work

B. 0. ..38.]

CHAPTER IX.

389

was, therefore, pressed on with renewed
vigour, and in the sixth year of his reign
the temple was completed and consecrated.
The remainder of bis reign was Spent in
unnecessary wars with Soythio, Thrace,
India, and Greece. He suffered an over-
throu at Marathon, and was preparing
for a mare energetic campaign. in- Greece
when be died, and left his dominion and
his wars to Xorxes. No order was is.sued
during his reign for the rebuilding of the
city of Jerusalem. All his edicts pertain
to tbe original grant of Cyrus — the per
mission to build the temple.
(/) Xerxes I. Tbe career of Xerxes
is well known. He was distinguished for
gluttony, voluptuousness, and cruelty. He
is celebrated for bis invasion of. Greece,
for tbe check which he met at Ther
mopylae, and for the overthrow of his
niiviil forces at Salamis by Themistocles.
In the twenty-first year of his reign he
was murdered by Artabanus, commiinder
of bis life-guard. He died in the year
464 B. C. According to Jahn, it is pro
bable that " the Artaxerxes of Ezra, who
is mentioned next after Darius Hys
taspis, and the Ahasuerus of Esther, are
names of Xerxes I." If so, it was under
him that the second caravan of Jews went
to Judea, under the direction of Ezra.
Ezra vii. Xerxes, if he was the prince
referred to, gavo Ezra an am,ple; commis
sion in regard to the temple at Jerusalem,
granting bimfuU power to doall thatwas
necessary to maintain puhlic worship
there, and committing to him the vessels
of gold and silver in Babylon- pertaining
to the temple, <tc. The decree m.ay be
found in Ezra vii. 13 — 26. This decree,
however, relates wholly to the temple —
the ' house of God.' There was no order
for rebuilding the city, apd thero is no
evidence tbat any thing material was
done «¦» building the city, or. the walls.
Respeoting this reign, . Jahn remarks,
" The Hebrew colony in Judea seom never
to have been in a very flourishing condi
tion. The administration of justice was
particularly defective, and neither civil
nor religious institutions were firmly es
tablished. Accordingly the ' king gave
permission anew for all Hebrews to emi
grate to Judea." p. 172. Ezra made the
journey with the caravan in three months;
deposited the precious gifts in the temple,
caused tbe Scriptures to be read and ex
plained ; oommencod a moral reformation,
but did nothiii£, sc far as appears, in re-
33 «

constructing the city — for bis commission
did not extend to that.
((/) Artaxerxei, Longimanus. Accord
ing to Jahn, he began to rcign B. C. 464,
nnd reigned forty years and three months.
It was during his reign that Nehemiah
lived, and that he acted as governor of
Judea. The colony in Judea, says Jahn,
which had been so flourishing in the tims
of Ezra, had greatly declined, in conse
quence of the fact that Syria and Phe-.
nicia had been the rendezvous of tbe ar
mies of Artaxerxes. " Nehemiah, tfae
cup-bearer of Artaxerxes, learned tbe un
happy state of the Hebrews, B. C. 444,
from a certain Jew named Hanani, who
had come from Judea to Shushan with a
caravan. Of the regulations introduced
by Ezra 478 B. C. there wns little re
maining, and, amid the confusions of
war, the condition of the Jews continu
ally grew worse. This information so
afflicted Nehemiah tbat tbe king observed
bis melancholy, and inquiring its cause
he appointed hira governor of Judea wiVA
full power to fortify Jeruaalem ^nd thus
to secure it from the disasters to wbich
unprotected places ore always exposed in
time of war. Orders were sent to the
royal officers west of the Euphrates to as
sist in the fortifi.cation of the city, and to
furnish the requisite timber from the
king's forest; probably on Mount Libanus,
near the sources of the river Kadisha, as
that was the place celebrated for its ce
dars. Thus commissioned, Nehemiah
journeyed to Judea, accompanied by mil
itary oificers and cavalry." pp. 175, 176.
Jahn further adds, "as soon as Nehe-
minh, on his arrival in Palestine, had
boen acknowledged governor of Judea by
the royal officers, he made known his pre
parations for fortifying Jerusalem to the
elders who composed tbe Jewish council.
All the heads uf houses, and the high
priest Eliashib, engaged zealously in the
work. The chiefs of tbe Samaritans,
Sanballct, Tobiah and Geshem, endea
voured to thwart their undertaking by
insults, by malicious insinuntions that it
was a prep.iration for revolt, by plot.s, and
by preparations for a hostile attack. Tlio
Jews, notwithstanding, proceeded ea.rn-
estly in their business, nrmed tho la
bourers, protected them still further hy i;
guard of armed citizens, and at length
happily completed tho walls of their city."
We have reacfaed a point, then, in the
history of the kings of Persia, when ther*

DANIEL.

[B. C. 538,

was a distinct order to restore and fortify
Jerusalem, and wben there wis an ex
press expedition undertaken to accom
plish this result. In tbe history of these
kings, as reported by Jahn, this is the
first order that would seem to compre
hend with the language of Daniel — ' the
commandment to restore and rebuild Je
rusalem,* and the assertion that 'the
street should be built again, and the wall,
even in troublous times.' It raay be well,
therefore, to pause here, and to look more
distinctly at this order of Ataxerxes Lon
gimanus, and inquire into its conformity
with the language of Daniel. The cir
cumstances, then, as stated in the^book of
Nehemiah, are these : (a) Nehemiah
learned from Hanani tfae state of his
bretfaren in Judea, and tfae fact that the
¦'walls of the city were broken down, and
ihat the gates were burned with fire,**
and that the people wbo were at Jerusa
lem were in a state of "great affliction
and reproach,** and gave faimself to weep
ing, and fasting, and prayer, on tbat ac
count. Neh. i. [b) On coraing into the
presence of Artaxerxes, to perform the
usual duty of presenting the wine of tfae
king, the king saw tfae sadness and dis
tress of Nehemiah, and inquired the
cause. Neh. ii. 1, 2. This, Nehemiah
(ii. 1) is careful to remark, occurred in
the twentieth year of his reign, (c) He
states distinctly, that it was because Je
rusalera was still in ruins: "Why should
not ray countenance be sad, when the
city, the place of my fathers* sepulchres,
lieth waste, and tbe gates thereof are con
sumed with fire." ch. ii. 3. [d) The re-
quest of Neheraiah, in accordance with
tfae language in Daniel, was, that he
might be permitted to go to Jerusalem
and rebuild the city : " And be said unto
the king, if it please the king, and if thy
servant have found favour in thy sight,
that tbou wouldst send me unto Judah,
unto the city of my fatkera* aepulckre,
that I may build it." ch. ii. 5. (e) The
edict of Artaxerxes contemplated the
same thing which is foretold by the angel
to Daniel: "And a letter unto Asaph, the
keeper of the king's forest, that he may
give me timber to make beams for the
gates for the palace which appertained to
the gates of the house, andfor the wall of
tke city," &G. ch. ii. 8. (/) The work
which Nehemiah did, under this edict,
WHS that which is supposed in thepredic-
ttoii in Daniel, Hitt first work was to go

forth by night to survey the atate of tK*
city. "And I went out by night, by the
gate of tfae valley, &c., and viewed (he
walls of Jerusalem which were broken
down, and the gates thereof were con
sumed by fire." ch. ii. 13. His next
work was to propose to rebuild thesa
walls again: "Then said I unto them.
Ye see the distress that we are in, how
Jerusalem lieth waste; and the gates
thereof are burned with firej corae and
let us build up the wall of Jerusalem,
that we be no more a reproach,** ver. 17.
The next work was to rebuild those walls,
a full description of which we have in the
third chapter of Nehemiah, vs. 1 — 32, and
in ch. iv. 1 — 23. Tbe city was thus lor-
tified. It was built again according to
the purpose of Nehemiah, and according
to the decree of Artaxerxes. It took its
place again as a fortified city, and tha
promised work of restoring and rebuild
ing itwas complete, (g) The building of
the city and the walls under Neheraiah,
occurred in just such circumstances as
are predicted by Daniel. The angel says :
"The wall shall be built again, even in
troublous times." Let any one read the
account of the rebuilding in Nehemiah —
the description of the * troubles* which
were produced by tbe opposition of San
ballat and those associated with him (Neh.
iv.), and be will see the striking accuracy
of this expression — an accuracy as entire
aa ifit had been employed after tbe event
in describing it, instead of having been
used before in predicting it.
It may confirm tbis interpretation to
make three reraarks : (I) After this de
cree of Artaxerxes there wa« no order is
sued by Persian kings pertaining to the
restoration and rebuilding of the city.
Neither Xerxes II., nor Sogdianus, nor
Darius Nothus, nor Artaxerxes Mnemon,
nor Darius Ochus, nor Arsos, nor Darius
Codomanus, issued any decree that cor
responded at all with this prediction, or
any that related to tbe rebuilding of Je
rusalem. There was no occasion for any,
for the work was done, (2) A second
remark is, that, in the language of Heng
stenberg : "Until the twentieth year of
Artaxerxes, the new city of Jerusalem
Mas an open, thinly inhabited village,
exposed to all aggressions from its neigh
bours, sustaining tfae same relation to tfae
former and the latter city, as the huts
erected after the burning of a city for tha
first prostration from rain aiLd wind, do

B. C. 538.J

CHAPTER IX.

391

-to those which are still uninjured, or
which have been rebuilt." Chris, ii. 381.
This is quite apparent from the remar "is
which have been already made respecting
tbe state of the city. The wantof any per-
,-nission to rebuild the city and tbe walls;
tbe fact that the permission to return ex
tended only to a right to rebuild the
temple ; the improbabilities above stated
that the rebuilding of the city in its
strength would be allowed when tbey first
returned, and no account which Nehemiah
gives of the condition of Jerusalem at the
time when be asked leave to go and ' build'
it, all tend to confirm this supposition. See
Hengstenberg, as above, pp. 381 — 386.
(3) A third remark is, that a confirmation
of this may be found in the Book of Ec
clesiasticus, showing how Neheraiah was
regarded in respect to the rebuilding of
the city : " And among the elect was Nee-
mias, whose renown is great, who raised
np for us the walls that were fallen, and
set up the gates and the bars, and raised
up our ruins again." ch. xlix. 13. On the
other hand, Joshua and Zerubbabel are
extolled only as rebuilders of the temple .-
"How shall we magnify Zorobabel? even
he was as a signet on the right hand : So
was Jesus the son of Josedeo : — who in
their time builded the houae, and set up a
holy temple to tbe Lord." vs. 11, 12.
These considerations make tfae case clear,
it seems to me, tfaat the tirae referred to —
the terminus a quo — according to the fair
interpretation, was the twentieth year of
Artaxerxes. To this we are conducted
by the proper and necessary exposition of
the language, and by the orders actuaUy
issued from the Persian court in regard to
the temple and city.
If it should be objected — the only ob
jection of importance that> bas been al
leged against it — that this would not
meet the inquiry of Daniel ; that be was
seeking for the time when the captivity
would cease, and looking for its termina
tion as predicted by Jeremiah; that it
would not console bim to be referred to
a period so remote as is faere supposed —
the time of the rebuilding of tbe city;
and, still more, tbat, not knowing that
tiuie, the prophecy would afford him no
basis of calculation as to tbe appearing
of the Messiah, it may be replied : (a) That
the prediction contained all the consola
tion and assurance which Daniel sought
— the assurance that the oity would be re-
iut7(,^nd that an order would go forth for

its restoration, {b) That the angel doea
not profess to answer the precise point of
the inquiry which Daniel had suggested.
The prayor of Daniel was the occasion of
uttering a higher prophecy than the one
which he had been contemplating, (c) It
is uot necessary to suppose that the do-
sign was that Daniel should be ablo to
compute the exact time when the Mes
siah would appear. It was sufficient for
him if he had the assurance that be would
appear, and if be were furnished with a
basis by which it might be calculated
when he would appear, after tbe order to
rebuild the city had gone forth, {d) At
any rate, the prophecy must have ap
peared to Daniel to have a much more
important meaning tban would be implied
merely by a direct answer to his prayer
— pertaining to the close of the exile.
The prophecy indubitably stretched far
into future years. Daniel must bave seen
at once that it contained an important
disclosure respecting future events, and,
as it implied that the exile would close,
and that the city would be rebuilt, and as
be had already a sufficient intimation
when the exile would close, from the pro
phecies of Jeremiah, we may suppose that
the mind of Daniel would rest on tbis as
more tban he bad desired to know — a
revelation far beyond what he anticipated
when he set apart tbis day for special
prayer. The only remaining difficulty as to the
time referred to as the beginning of tho
seventy weeks — tbe terminus a quo—is tbat
of determining the exact chronology ofthe
twentieth year of Artaxerxes — the point
from whicfa we are to reckon. The time,
however, varies only a few years according
to tbe different estimates of chronology,
and not so as materially to affect the result^
The following are the principal estimates :

Jahn,

. 444 B. C

Hengstenberg,

454 "

Hales, .

. 444 "

Calmet,

449 "

Usher,

. 464 "

It will be seen from this, that the differ
ence in the chronology is, at the greatest,
but ten years, and in sucb a matter, where
the anoient records are so indefinite, and
so little pains were taken to make exact
dates, it cannot perhaps be expected that
tfae time could be determined with exact
accuracy. Nor, since the numbers used
by the angel are in a sense round num>

392

DANJJUi

[B. C. 688*

bors — 'aeventy weeks,' 'sixty-two wccIch,'
'one week,' la it iicooHHiiiy lo suppouc lhat
the time rould be made out with Iho cx-
nctneaa of a yoar, or n month — though
thia has been ol'ii'ii ntloinptiil. It ia auf-
floiciit if tli(> i>r(M]lctl(iii wcrii ao iicninilc
and dutcrinlnato that there cuuld bo no
doubt, In goiiorul, aa to the lime of the
appearing of the Modnhih, and ao thnt
wben ho np]>i,'nro(l It hImiuIiI bo mnnlfcst
that ho was rclVrrcil to. Hongatcnborg,
however, supposoa that tho ciironology
ear! be inudo out with literal accuracy.
See Chrla. il. SO'I— 40H.
Tnking tho dates abovo givon ns tho
ti'.rniinna a quo of the i)roplKM'y— tho timo
iVoin which to rcclion the hcnlmilng of
tho 8l.vty-nlno wcolia to tho ' WoMninli the
Prince' — or Iho four hundred and eluhty-
throo yonra, wo obtain, rcapoollvoly, the
following rtaulte :
The period of -IH, 11. 0., tbo period of
Jabn and Ilaloa, would extend tu A, D.
89.
Thatof '\M D. 0., the period of Ilong-
Htenbcrg nnd Uahcr, to A. ]). 20.
That of 449 B. 0., tho period of Calmet,
to A. D. 3-1.
It la rcmnrkablo how nil thoao perioda
terminate at diout the time whon llio Lord
Jeaua entered on bla work, or asnumcd,
at bla baptism, the publio oflieo uf tho
Meaaiah — whon he wna thirty yoare of
age. It la undenhiblo that, whichever
reckoning bo correct, or whatever oom-
putaMon wo mny auppoae to hnvo been
employed by tho Jewa, th>' exjieelation
would have been excited In thu (lulillo
mind thnt the Mcaalnh wna about lo np-
pciir at lhat time. Tcrhnpa tho run! truth
may be aeon In a atronger light etlU by
auppoaing that if a m\j:,m;'n,m impoiter
hud rcaulvod to tnke upon himrolf the nl'-
jlco of the Mosaliih, nnd hnd ao ahiiped
bla plana aa to meet tho nntiunnl oxpee-
ttttlona growing out of thia prediction of
Daniel, bc would have undoubtedly aet
up bin claims nt about the timo when the
Lord Jeaua publicly appeared an tbo Moa-
aiab. According to the eomiiion chrono
logies thoro would not have been a vnrl-
anco of moro thnn nine ycnra In tho cnl-
eulollon, nnd, pcrhnpa, aftor nil, when wo
(ontidor huw lIUlo the chroriiilo;;^ of on-
eient times baa been regarded orneiileil, it
ia mucfa mure to bo wondered nt that tbere
ihould bo so great accuracy than that tho
Mmo ii ro more certainly dotormined.

If, notwilhalnniling tho confuab™ of nn.
elent iliilen, the time ia ao tiDoW^y delor-
iriiiied wllli neeuiney, la It not intbot
to be i>r«KiimiMl thnt if Iho fnelaof nnolunt
lilalury eould lie nseerlalned that Iho ex-
net iierioil would be I'liiNid tu have buen
]il'eille,led by the angul ?
III. The next point properly la, what
la tho time referred lo by the phrnao 'unto
tlio Moaalnh llio princo' — tlie<e/'«/>'iiH» ad
quem. Horo there enn bo but two opln-
liMiH :—lliiilr whieh rel'era It lo bia bfrth,
and thnt whieh relera it lu bla publio
iiiitiiireHlatloii antho Mcaalab, or hia taking
tho oflice upon himaelf. Tho reinnrlia
under llie hint hend, buvo cunduoti'd ua to
tlio iiroliiililUly lliiii tbii Inller la Inlundod.
Jiiilred, it Is mornlly eerliiln thnt thia la
ao ir wo hnvii naccrlnlncd lhe terminua a
quo with neeiirney. 'J'ho only question
thon ia, whi'Uior Ihla ia tho fair coiialruo-
tion, or whothor Iho Iniiguage enn prop.
erly bo ao npplied. We bttvo aeon. In tliO
Interprolnlliiii of tho plirnao nhove, lhat
tho grnminnlieni eonnlrucHiin of tho lim-
l/iiiij/e ia auoh aa inl^ht wiihout Impro-
piiely bo npplied lo lutlier event. It ro-
innlnn only lo liioli nt tho |iroboblllllei
that tho lii.tler wnn tho deaign. It may
bo ndiiiittod, rorhnpa, thnt biforc the
evont ucuurrcd there nilgbt bave boon
Boiiin uncortalnly nn tbo aubject, und tbat
with mnny, on reading tho propheey, tbo
auppoalllun would lie that It roforrod to
tbo birlh of the Meaaiah. But n curcfnl
conaldonition »r all Ibo olrcumilnnvea of
tho pnaaugc might oven then bavo led to
difl'erent expeelntlon, nnd iiilKhl hnvo
ahuwn that llio piiilHililIllica wore that It
wua the public rannirentnlluii of the Mra-
aluh that wna Inlundod. Thoao inny b«
regnrdod na atrungor now, nnd mny b*
auch ua to lenvo no rennunnlile duubt on
tho mind ; Hint la, we mny now nen whnt
wuuld nut lllioly to buvo been aeen Ihen—
na In tho cnao of nil the propheeloa.
Aiming lliemi conaldernllona nro the fol
lowing!— (n) Sueh nn lnleii,reintlon mny
bn, uller nil tho moal prolmliln. If wo
conoolvcof uno whonhonld hnvepredlcleil
tho nppenrnnoo or coming of Jenglilo
Khan, or AInrIn, ur Alllln, na romiiicrura,
it would not be uniinliirnl lu refer tbil lo
ilieir publio nppeiiHii« in llinl churnelcr,
na lu tho lime when ihey lieennin lu own
na auch, nriil atill Tnure Irue would thia bo
If ono whu ahould lie Innugurnlud or aot
npurt to a publio oflloo. 11, for oxnnjpln,
tlicro liud boon a prophecy of Qttgotf

D. 0. 638,J

CHAPTEU IX.

334

tho Groat, or Leo X. ns Popes, it would
bo moat natural, unless Ihere wna a di.i-
lliiet roforoiuHi tu their liirlh, to refer this
tu thoir oloiUiun nnd oonsoerntion as
rupo.x, lor thnt wuuld in fnot bo the pc-
I'liid whon they npponred ns sueh, {b) In
tbo caae of thin prophecy thoro Is no
iiUusiun tu the birth uf tho Mossinh. It
is not 'to Ilin birth," or 'to his iiienrnn-
tlun,' but 'unto tho Moaslah the Princo:'
that la, moat manifc8lly,wlHMi hc appeared
OS auoh, and wna in fact auch. In many
inatancea in the propheoiea thoro nro
ftllualona to the birth of tho Mossinh, nnd
ao numerous und iieeurnlo had they bo-
onmo that thoro wns a gencml expeeln-
tion of thu event nt about the timo whon
ho waa notunlly born. But in tho pas
sage before ua, tho Inngungo is Hint whieh
wonld bo u.ied on tho supp»nition that tho
designod referoueo ivius to hii entering as
Mo.Mainh on tho I'unctiuiia of his ulUee,
and not auoh aa would hnvo boon so niitu-
rally omployecl if tho relVreuoo hnd been
to his liirtb. (c) Ilia taking upon him
solf tho olllco of Iho Messiiih by linptism
ftnd by tho descent uf tho lloly fpirit on
biin, was in fnot tbo iiiu.st proiniiieiit
event in his work, liefore thnt lie hnd
piisaod bia lllb in ubseurily. Tho work
which be didds Rlesyiah.was conimeiieod
It that time, mul wns to bc dated from
/hnt period. In fact ho vins not Iho Jles-
elnh as sueh till ho wna sot npnrt to tho
ollloo — nny more than an heir to a crown
is king until bo is crowned, or nn eloeted
ohiof mugiatrnto is Preaident before ho
fans taken tho onlh of ullloe. The position
whioh ho oooupiod wns, that ho wns de-
siRnntod or doatinod for tho offloe of tbo
Messiah, bat had not in faot entered on
It, and eould not ns yot bc spoken of na
sueh. {d) This la the usual method
nf roooi'dlng tho reign of a king — not
IVom his birlh, but from hia coronnlion.
Thus in tho table above respeeting tho '
Persinn kings, tbo periods includod nro
tlioao from the boginiiingoftho reign, not'
from tho birth, to tho dooenso. So in nil
stntutos nnd laws, ns when wo sny tho
flrst of (Joorgo lit., or tho soooud ul' Vic
toria, Ao. ie) To tlioao oonaiderntiona
mny bo nddod an ni'gunient stated by
Ilongstonborg, whioh sooms to mnko tho
proof irroft-ftgablo. It Is In tho followln.a;
words J " After tbo oourso of seveiily
weeks shall tho whole work of salvation
So bo porforiuod by tho Messiah, bo oum-
plctodi aftor aixtf-nino weeks, and, as it

iippenrs from the more ncournt» dcicrini-
niition ill viu-. IiT, in tho middto of tho
sovoiiliolh, he shnll ho out ulV. Aa now,
nueunliug to tho pnsango befure ua, sixty.
nine weeks shall cinpso beforo the Mes
siah, thero rouiaina fi'um that event tu tho
ouinpletlnn of anlvntiiui, only a period of
seven, until his violent dealb of throo and
a half years; a certain proof that 'unto
tho Mcnaiah' muat refer, not to hia birlh,
but lu the iippcarnnco of the Messiah oa
sueh." (Uirlstol. ll, 337,
I'V, The nextquebtion, thon ia, whothor
according to thia estimato the time can
bo innde out with any dcgroo of aoourncy.
The dato of the decrees of Artuxorxcs aro
fuunil to be, neoording to tho common
roekoniiig of ehronolugista, oither '114, or
•iril, or MU B, C. Tho addition of 4S3
yenrs to Ihem wo found also to rcneh, ro-
spootivelv, lo A, D, ;i», lo A, D. 29, nnd
to A, 1), 31. Ono of thoao (29) varies
senreeiy nt nil frum tho timo when the
Snviour wns bnpli'/.eil, nt thirty yenrs of
n^e : another (.'11) varies senreely at nil
fruiu Iho timo when ho wns put to death;
nnd oither of thom is so neeurnte thnt tho
mind uf nny uno who should hnvo made
tho estimnto when tho conininnd to build
tho oity went forth, would have boon
diroeted with gront pveeisimi to tbo ex-
peelntion of tlio truo time of bis nppenr
nnoo; mul 111 those who lived wh«n ho
ilid nppenr, tho time was so neein-ule that,
in tho reckoning uf nny of lhe prevailing
methods of ehronology, it wuuld have
been aulllcieiilly clonr to lend them to the
expectation tlint ho was a.bout to como.
Twu or three remarks, however, may be
made in regnrd to this point, (n) Ono is,
that it ia now, pcrhnpa, impossible to de-
tormlno wilh precise aoourney tho histori-
onl period of events ao remote. Time
wns not thon mensurod ns accurately ns
it ia now ; current events wero not ns dis
tinctly I'eeordod ; chronolosienl tables
woro not kept as thoy nre now; thero was
no nniform method of determining the
length of tho yonr, nnd tho records were
Hiuoh losa safely kept^ This is mnnifcst
because, oven in so important nn event as
tho Issuing of tho command to rebuild the
city in the timo of Artaxorxca — an event
whioh it would be supposed wns one of
sullioiont moment to havo moritcd an ex
act rooord, nt lonst iiuumg tho Jowa, thers
is now, niuong tho best ohronologiat.s, a
ditforonco often yenrs as to tho oomputa-
tion of the time. ° (i) Thei'e is a variation

394

DANIEL,

[B, C. 538.

arising from the diflference of the lunar or
the solar year — somo nations reckoning
by tfae one, and some by the other, and
the difference between them, in the pe
riod now under coneideration, would be
greater tban that which now occurs in
the ordinary reckonings of chronology.
(c) Till tbe exact length of the year, as
then understood, is ascertained, there
coal,d be no hope of fixing the time with
the exactness of a month or a day, and if
the nsual and general understanding of
tbe length of the year be adopted, then
the time here referred to would be so
intelligible that tfaere would be no dif
ficulty in ascertaining at about wbat time
the Messiah was to appear, or when he
did appear in determining that it was he.
This was all tbat was really necessary in
regard to tbe prophecy. Tet (rf) it has
been supposed that the time could be
made out, even under these disadvan
tages, with almost entire accuracy. The
examination in the case mny be seen at
length in Hengstenberg, Chris, ii. 394 —
408. It is agreed on all bands that tbe
commencement of the reign of Xerxes
occurred in the year 485, before Christ,
and that Artaxerxes died in 423. The
difl'erence concems only the beginningof
the reign of Artaxerxes. If tbat occurred
in the year $^ B. C. then the problem is
solved, for tben the decree of the twen
tieth year of Artaxerxes would occur 4t?
B. C, and if 483 be added to that, the re
sult is A. B. 29 — a difference then, even
in reckoning whole years, and round num
bers, of only one year between that and
the time when Jesus was baptised by
John. The full proof of this point, about
the beginning ofthe reign of Artaxerxes,
may be seen in Hengstenberg as above.
The argument, though long, is so im
portant, and so clear, that it may with
ont impropriety be inserted in this
placo. "According to the prophecy, tfae ter
minua a quo, tfae twentieth year of Arta
xerxes, is separated from the terminus ad
quem, the public appearance of Christ, by
a period of 69 weeks of years, or four
hundred and eighty-three years. If, now,
we compare history with this, ifc must
appear, even to the most prejudiced, in
the highest degree remarkable, that
among all the current chronological de
terminations of this period, not one dif
fers over ten years from tbe testimony
•f the prophecy. This wonder must rise

to the highest pitch, when it appeari
from an accurate examination of these
determinations, that the only one among
them, which is correct, makes the pro
phecy and history correspond with each
other, even to a year.
" Happily, to attain this end, we are not
compelled to involve ourselves in a laby
rinth of chronological inquiries. "Wo
find ourselves, in the main, on sure
ground. All chronologi^ts agree, that
the commencement of tbe reign of Xer
xes falls in tbe year 485 before Christ,
the death of Artaxerxes, in tfae year 423,
The difference concerns only the year of
tbe commencement of tfae reign jf Ar
taxerxes. Our problem is completely
solved, when we have shown that this
falls in the year 474 before Christ. For
then the twentieth year of Artaxerxes ia
the year 455 before Christ, according to
the usual reckoning, *^ =299 U. C.
Add to this, 483 years,
783 TJ. C.
"TVe should probably have been saved
the trouble of this investigation, had not
the error cf an acute man, and the want
of independence in his successors, dark
ened what was in itself clear. Accord
ing to Thucydides, Artaxerxes began to
reign shortly before tbe flight of The
mistocles to Asia. Beceived by certain
specious arguments, hereafter to be ex
amined, Bodwell, in tbe Annall. Thucyd.,
placed both events in the year 465 before
Christ. The thorough refutation of Vi
tringa, in the cited treatise, remained,
strange as it may appear, unknown to
tfae philologians and historians, even as
it seems to those of Holland, as Wessel-
ing. Tfae view of Bodwell, adopted also
by Corsini in the Fasta Attica, became
the prevailing one, at which we cannot
wonder, wben we consider how seldom,
in modern times, chronological investi
gations in general have been fundamental
and independent ; when, e. g,, we observe
that Poppo, a generally esteemed recent
editor of Thucydides, in a thick volume en
titled in Thucydidem Commentarii poUticiy
*The intelligent reader will perceive that
the author has intentionally made his investi*
gation entirely independent of the difficult in
quiries respecting the year of the birth of
Christ, which, in his judgment, havo in reusnt
times, by the introduction of uncertain oslro-
nomical combinations, particularly by Muntef
and Ideler, been led &r a£txay. '

B. C. 538 I

CHAPTER IX.

395

geograpK, chronologid, furnisfaes, in re-
fei'vnoe tc tho last, nothing more tfaan a
reprint of 'the scfaool edition of tbe chro-
nolog'ical tables collected from Dodwell,
excuising himself with an odio quodam
inveterato totiua hujua diaciplince! Clin
ton also {Faati Hellenici, lat. vert. Kruger,
Leipss., 1830), though he clearly perceives,
that Bodwell has confused the whole
ohronology of this period (oomp., e. g.,
pp. 218 — 253), has not been able to free
bimself from him in tbe most important
points, though he successfully opposed
him in several; and thua tbe confusion
only becomes still greater, since now
neitfaer the actual chronological succes
sion of events, nor the one ingeniously
in-reated by Dodwell, any longer remains.
Nevertheless, the truth is advanced by
this increased confusion. For now the
harmony introduced by Dodwell into the
fictitious history is destroyed. The hon
our, however, of having again discovered
the true path, belongs to Kriiger alone,
who, after more than a hundred years,
as an entirely independent inquirer, co
incides witfa Vitringa, in the same result,
and in part in the employment of the
same arguments. In the acute treatise,
Ueber den Cimonischen Frieden, (in the
Archiv f. Philologie und P'ddagog. von
Seebode, I. 2. p. 205, ff.,) he places the
death of Xerxes in the year 474 or 473,
and the flight of Themistocles a year
later. This treatise may serve to shame
those, who reject in the mass the grounds
of onr opinion, (to the establishment of
which we now proceed,) witb the remark,
tbat the author has only found what he
soui'ht. Whoever does not feel oapable
of entering independently upon the inves
tigation, should at least be prevented
from condemning, by the circumstance,
that a learned man, who has no other
design in view, than to elucidate a chro
nologically confused period of Grecian
history, gives, for the eventwhich serves
to determine the terminus a quo of our
prophecy, the precise year, wfaich places
prophecy and fulfilment iu the most exact
harmony. " We examine first tho grounds wbich
seem to favour the opinion, tfaat tfae reign
of Artaxerxes commenced in the ye.ar
465. 1. "The flight of Themistocles
musfcprecsde tbe transfer of tbe dominion
of Greece from Athens to Spart.'. by se
veral yeara. For this happened during
tfae siege of Byiantium, when tfae trea

sonable efforts of Pausanias first cem.
menced ; the flight of Tfaemiatooles, faow
ever, was a consequence of the complaint,
which was raised against him, out of the
documents found after the death of Pau
sanias. But laocrates says, in tbe Pana-
thenaikoa, that tbe dominion of tbe Lace
demonians bad endured ten years. Tbe
expedition of Xerxes taken as the ler-
minua a quo, thia transfer falls in the
year 470." But we may spare ourselves
the labour, which Vitringa takes, to in
validate this alleged testimony of Iso
crates, since all recent scfaolars, in part
independent of ono another, agree that
Isocrates speaks of a ten years' dominion,
not before, but after that of the Athe
nians; comp. Coray, on Pan. c. 19.
Dablmann, Forachungen, I. p. 45. Krii
ger, p. 221, Clinton, p. 250, ff. 2. That
Themistocles in the year 472 was still in,
Athens, Corsini infers {Fasti Att. Ill
p. 180) from jEl. lib. 9. c. 5. According
to this, Themisfcooles sent back Hiero,
who was coming to the Olympic games,
asserting, that, whoever bad not taken
part in the greatest danger, could not ba
a sharer of the joy. (The fact is also re
lated by Plutarch.) Now, as Hiero 01.
75, 3 (478) began to reign, only tho OL
77 (472) eould be intended. But who
does not at once perceive, that the refer
ence to the games of the 01. 76 (476) waa
far more obvious, since tbe occurrence
pre-supposed tbat the ijiyteros riHv aiviuvoiv
was StiU fresh in remembrance ? 3. Ac
cording to this supposition, Xerxes would
reign only eleven years; Artaxerxes, on
the contrary, fifty-one. This is in oppo
sition to the testimony of the Can. Pto-
lem. (comp. thereon Ideler, I. p. 109, ff.),
which gives to Xerxes twenty-one, and
to Artaxerxes forty-ore years; and of
Ctesias, who gives to Artaxerxes forty-
two years, and of some other writers;
compare the passages in Bahr on Cteaias,
p. 184. Ceteria paribus, tfais argument
would be wholly decisive. Eut when
otfaer weighty authorities are cpposed to
it, it is not of itself sufficient tc outweigh
them. Tbe canon faas faigfa autfaorlty,
only where it rests on astronomical ob
servations, which is faere not the case.
Otherwise it stands on tbe same ground
as all otfaer faistorical sources. The whole
error was committed, as soon as only an
id in an ancient authority was confounded
with a xa ; for when a reign of twenty-
one years had thus been attributed to

800

CANIEL.

IB. C. 63a

Xerxes, the ehortening of tho rclgn of
Artaxerxea to forty-ouo yeara, necessarily
followed. Weaaeling (on Diod. ]2, 64,)
attributes forty-five yeara to Artaxer
xea, thua without hoaltatlon rejecting tho
authority of tho canon. To thoso argu
menta, already adduced by othera, wo
Bubiuin tho following, 4. It seems to be
evident from Ctesias, chap. 20, thnt Arta
xerxea was born a conaiderable time after
the commencement of the rcign of Xer
xes. Ctesiaa, after relating it, proceoda :
ya/itl il -Elp^ris '01*^00 ivyartpa "Attiorpiv
sal yiverai airtji iraii ^apeiaiot, Kai 'irtpos
Ittrh &V0 t'rn 'Tordairtjg, sal in 'Apiallp^rjf,
If be relates tho ovcnta in tho truo chro-
Dologicul order, Artaxerxea in tho year
474 could at most have been acvcn yeara
old. On the contrary, however, Jill ac
counts agree, that at the death of Xerxca,
.although atill young, (comp. Justin, 3, 1,)
he waa yet of a sufficient ago to bo capa
ble of reigning himself. Wo must not be
aatiaflod with tho answer, that it is very
improbable that Xerxoa, who wae born ut
the beginning ofthe thirty-aixthyoarof ,
tho reign of Dariua, (comp. Herod. 7, 2,) |
and was already 34—35 years old at hia |
death, waa not married until ao late a i
period. Ctoaine bimaolf froea ua from the
einbnrraasmcntinto which wcwero thrown
by his inaccuracy. According to chap. I
22, Mogahyzna was already married, fac
ere tho expedition againat Greece, with .
a daughter of Xorxes, who, already men
tioned, cbap, 20, if Cteaias is there chro
nologically accurate, could not have been
born beforo that time. According to
chap. 28, Mcgahyzua, immediately nftcr
tbo return of Xerxes from Greece, com-
plaioed to him of tho ebamcful conduct
of thia wife of hia. 5. There can be no
doubt that tfae Ahasuerus of the book of
Esther, is the same na Xerxca. But the
twelfth year of thia king is there cx
preaaly mentioned, chap. 3 : 7, and tho |
eventa related in tho following context
fall, in part, about the end of the samo
yonr. But thia difiiculty vaniafaea, aa
Boon aa we include tho yeara of the co-
regonoy of Xerxca with Dariua. Accord
ing to tbe full acconnt in Herndot. 7.
chap. 2 — 4, Xerxca, two yeara before the
doaih of Dariua, waa catablished by him,
»a king, comp. e. g. chop. 4. : dMi(c it
ffaui^na alpapei Mpi'ii Hi//Jta. Of tho
enatom of the Hobrow writera to include
tfae yeara of a oo-regency, wfaere it cx-
Vstcd, we faave a remarkable example in

the acoonnt tonceming Nebncfaadnejzar
"oomp. Boitr. I. p. 63). But we find
even in the book of Eather itaelf, plain
indicationa of thia mole of reckoning.
Tho account of the groat feaat, chap. 1,
ia placed in ita true light by thia auppoai-
tion. The occnaion of it waa the actual
commencement of tho reign of Xcrxea,
thongh wo need not on thia account ex
clude, what has hitherto been regarded
aa tbe excluaive objeot, conaultationa with
the noblee reapecting tbe expeditloni
about to be undertaken. What ia related,
chap. 2: 16, then falla precisely in ths
time of the return of Xerxes from Greece,
while olberwiBC, and this ia attended witb
difiiculty, about two years after that
event. " We now proceed to lay down the posi
tive groundB for our view ; nnd in the
first place, tho immediate, and then Iho
mediate proofa, which latter are far more
numeroua nnd atrong, aince thoy ahow,
thnt the flight of Tbcmiatocloa, which
muat precede tho rcign of Artaxerxea,
cannot poaaibly bo placed later thon 473
before Christ.
"To the firat elnfs, belong the following.
1. It must appear very atrange to thoae,
who aaaume a twenty-one years' rcign
of Xcrxea, that tho wholo period from
the eleventh yonr, ia a completo tabula
raaa. Tho biblicnl accounta atop ehort
at tho cloae of tho tenth ycnr. Ctoelaa
relates only oneinconriderablo event after
the Grecian wnr, chnp, 28, which oc
curred immediately niter ita termination.
No later writer has ventured to introduce
anything into the ten yenre, wfaiefa, no-
cording to our view, the permutation of
an I and « adds to faia age.
"Wcpoaaeaaatwofold teelimony, which
placea the return of Xcrxea from Greece,
ond hia death, in ao cloae connection, that,
withont rejecting it, we cannot poasibly
aaaume a fifteen yeara' rcign after tbis
return, but are rather compelled lo place
hia dealh not beyond the year 474, Tho
firat ia that of iElian, 'Var. Hist. 13, 3 :
tha inautXiiiii^ aiaxtera duSpiiiruii dircSmO',
liiioailiayelt niarup lu rj rii/i) ini toO vUH.
The aecond, that of j'natin, 3, 1. " Xer-
xea rex Peraarum, terror antea gentium,
bello in Orcsciam infeliciter geato, etiam
suia contemlui ease ccepil. Quippe Arta
banus prcefectus ejua, defieiente quotidie
regia mnjestale, in apem regni adduetut,
cum septem robusliasimia filiia," etc.
" 3. Tfae teatimonicB of Jujtln, L c, re-

B. 0. S38.]

CHAPTER IX.

W7

ipsoting tho ngs offals aona at bla loath,
are not roconollablo with Iho twenty-one
years' rolgn of Xurxca. " Scon rior de
Artaxerxe, pttei-o tidinodnm, fingit regem
a /hu'io, qui erat adoloacona, qiio matit-
rina regno pmirelnr, oviu'suin." If Xurxca
reigned twonty-ono yonra, bla llrat born,
Darius, aooording to a eompariaon of
Oloalaa, ohap. 22, eould not at hia donth
b ivQ boon nn adoleaocna, but at least
th'.rtyono yoara old. On the contrary.
If I'.ovon yoara' rolgn boaaauinod, thoao
dotermlnntiona are entirely auitablo. Da
riua w:iM thon towarda twenty-one yonra
old. Artaxerxes, neoording to Ctoaiaa,
ohnp. 20, near four yeara younger than
DanuB, about aovontecn. This dutorml-
natlon ahowa also, that It cannot bo ob
jected ngainat a flfty-ono yonra' rolgn of
Arfcaxorxoa, that it would give him too
grcjiC nn ago. Thu auggostlon oan bo ro-
i'utod by tho aini|ilo remark, thnt tho
length uf hia life rcmnina evaolly tho
anino, whothor ho reigned flfty-imc or
forty-one yoara. If ho agoondod the
throno at aovontoon, hia Ufo tennlnatod
nt alxtyolght.
"A. Aooording to tbo moat numonma
nnd weighty toatlmonloa, tho poaoo of
OInion was probably emiolndod after tbo
buttlu of tho I'luryinodon (boforo Chriat
470). Now na all agreo that this peaoe
wiia ooneludod with Artaxorxu.i, tho ooui-
inonoomont of hls rolgn muat, in nny
event, bo plnood bofuro 470. Oomp.
Klirgor, 1. 0. p. 218.
" 6. Tho hiatory of Nofaomlnh Is aonrooly
roconollablo witii tho aupposition, that
Artaxerxea rolgnod only forty-auven years,
After Noboininh had aooompliBhed nil
that Is related In ohnp. 1 — 12 of his book,
ho roturnod to Persia to dlaohargo tho
dulloa of bis ollleo, at oourt. Thi,H hap
pened, aooording to 13: 6, in tho thirty.
eooond yonr of Artaxorxoa. Tho timo of
hia return la not noouratoly dotormined. It
anya merely, after a oonaidorahlo lime, tho
B'o; vn,V ^'"'•' '''' nljsonoo, howovor,
must hnvo oontinuod a wholo sorloa of
years, apponra fi'om tfao rolallon of that
wfaieh took place In tho moan time. Tho
Ittw against marriage with foroigo wo
men, to tho obsorvnuoo of whioh tho poo-
?lo and bound thoniselvos anew, oiiap.
0 : SO, waa llrat violated during bia nb-
¦onoo; thon ngaln by n dooroo of tbo
Jl sople, oxoouto'd lu all sovorlty, 13 : 1—3,
ftnd thon again brolcon, a» appeara U'cm.
U

tho fnot, thnt Nehemiah, nt bla retnrn,
aooording to v. 23, found h great many
foreign women in the colony. That these
innrrlagoa hnd already ox'latod for aomo
timo, nppoara IVom v. 2'l, where It ia anid,
that tho children of Ihoin hnd apolicn
half in the Inngungo of Aahilod, nnd could
not eponk Hebrew. A long nliaonee la alao
implied in tho other abuaea which Nehe
miah, neoording to ohnp. 13 ; 10 aq,,
found on his return. Ho anw tho fruita
of tho former Inboura nlmoat deatroyed.
Tho anmo la nlao cvklont from thu pro
pheeloa of Malachi, whioh woro dolivorod
oxaolly in tho time botwoon tho two
periods of Nohemiah'e proscnoo at .Toru-
aalom ; oomp. Vltrlnga'a c.xooUont Dia-
acrt. dn yliliito Mal., in bis Obaa. aa. VI.
7. t. 2. p. :S5:i aq. Tho oondition of tho
jiooplo npponra horo, na it could hnvo
been only nfler thoy hnd already boen
doprivod, for a oonsidornlilo time, of their
two fnithl\il len.(U'r», Ezrn, who, hnving
nrrivod thirteen yonra earlier, had oo-
oporatod for a oonsldorablo time wilh
Nehemiah, nnd Nohoinlnh himsolf. But,
ir wc coiLsider barely the llrst-nientionod
fnot, tho ranrrlagos with foreign women.
It will bo evident, thnt a longer period
than nine yonrs would bo required. For
eaoh ehnngo, thero will then only throo
yours bo allowed, and aa this ia undeni
ably too little for tho third, according to
V. 24, tho twn flrst must bo still moro
ahortenod, which la inndmlsaible. Bo-
aidos, wo do not ovon bavo nine years
for thoao ovonta, if tho ruign of Arta
xerxes is fixed at forty-one yoara. Fur
tho relation of Nohominh pre -suppoaoa,
thnt Artaxerxea was yot living at tho
time of lis ooiiipoaitlon. Thia, however,
onnnot be plaood In tho time immediately
after the return of Nohonilab, ainoe it
muat have been prcocded by tho abolition
of nil theso abuses. If, however, wo aro
oonduotod by tho outhority of Nohominh,
which Is liable to no exoeption, sinoo ho
wna oontompornry, nnd closely eonnoctod
with Artnxorxos, a fow yoara over forty-
one, wo hnvo gained much. For thon
the only objeotion to our dotorminntion,
tho toatimouy of tho oanon, Is oompletely
aot nalde.
"Wo muat promise 0 remark, before we
bring forward our Indirect proofs, in order
to justify tho eounootion, in whiob wo
plnoo the oomniouooment of the reign of
Artaxorxoa with the flight of Thomisto-
olua. Tfais eounootion fans not, indeed,

398

DANIEL.

[B. C. 538

tho unanimous testimony of the ancient
writers in its favour. The vouchers for it
are, Thucydides, chap. 137, where it is said
of Themistocles, who had come into Asia,
Etrn-E^TTEc ypaiifiara eg ^aatXia 'Apra\ipliiV
rdv Ee/jfou, vtoiari /Sao-iXctJoi/ra, and Charon
of Lampsacus, who, according to Plu
tarch, Tkem. chap. 27, makes bim in lilce
manner fly to Artaxerxes. On tbe con
trary, others, as Ephorus, Dinon, Kli-
tarch, and Heraclides (comp. Plut. 1. c.),
represent him as going to Xerxes. If,
now, we examine these testimonies, ac
cording to the authority of th© witnesses,
tbe decision will unquestionably be in
favour of tbat of Thucydides and Charcn.
Thucydides was contemporary with Ar
taxerxes, and was born about the time
of the flight of Themistocles. This prince
of Greelt historians gives, cbap. 97, as
the cause, why he relates the events be
tween the Median and Peloponnesian war,
that all his predecessors had passed over
these events in silence, and that the only
one who touched upon them, Hellanicus,
0paxctJi TE Kai raif Xpofois ovrc dKpiffois
iwEfiv^o^r} them, from which it is evident,
first, how little certain are the accounts of
tbis period in later authors, because tbey
can have no credible contemporary vouch
er, since he could not have been unknown
to Thucydides J aud second, that Thucydi
des himself claims to be regarded as a care
ful and accurate historian of this period,
and therefore must be esteemed such, be
cause so honest a man would assume no
thing to bimself, which did not belong to
him. The other witness, Charon, was the
less liable to err, since, at-the very time of
thie event, he was a writer of history, and
even lived in Asia. On tbe other hand,
the oldest witnesses for the opposite sup
position, lived mor© than a century after
tb© event. Ephorus (see on his Akrisic,
Dablmann) outlived the dominion of Al
exander in Asia; Dinon was father of
Klitarcb, who accompanied Alexander.
"In weighing theso grounds, the au
thority of Thucydides and Charon was
unhe£itatingly followed in ancient times.
Plutarch, 1. c. does this, with the remark,
that the testimony of Thucydides agrees
bettor with the chronological works.
Nepofl says : " Scio plerosque ita scrip
tae, 7%emistoclem JCerxe regnante in
Asiam transHsse : sed ego potissimum
Thucydidi credo, quod mtate proximxts de
iae, qui illorum temporum historias reli-

querunt et ejuadem civitatis fuit." Suidao,
and the Scholiast on Ariatoph. Equites^
from which, th© former borrowed verbatim
his second article on Themistocles, makes
him floe, Jrpiif tov ' Apralipl^v ^ t6v "S-cp^av
Toij Ukpaov iraiSa, without even mention
ing the other supposition. And in this
respect, we have the less fear of contra
diction, since, as far as we know, all mo
dern critics, without exception, follow
Thucydides and Charon. We only still
remark, tbat the opposite view can the
more easily be rejected, since iis origin
can so readily be explained, either from
the fact, that this event fell on the bor
der of the reign of Xerxes and of Arta
xerxes, or from a simple confounding of
tbe two names, the assumption of which
is mor© easy, the more frequently it oc
curs ; we find it even in Aristotle, tho
contemporary of those writers, Pol. 5, 8,
and twice in Ctesias, chap. 35, where
Bahr would make a change in opposition
to all the manuscripts, and chnp. 44,
Comp. Bahr on the passage, and Reima-
rus on Dio Caaa. II. p. 1370. Finally,
the error might arise also from the circum
stance, that the flight of Tbemistoclea
was placed in the right year, but twenty-
one years wer© attributed to Xerxes,
from which it necessarily follows, that he
took refuge with Xerxes. This last opi
nion is favoured by the coincidence of
several contemporary writers in th© same
©rror, which pr©-supposes some plausible
reason for it
"W© now proceed to lay down our indi
rect proofs. 1. We begin witb tbe testi
mony wbich gives precisely the year of
tbe flight of Themistocles, that of Cicero,
Lcel. cbap. 12. It is true, Corsini, 1. c.
3, p. ISO, asserts, that Cicero speaks of
tbe year in which Themistocles wns ban
ished from Athens J but we need only
examine the passage, to be convinced of
tb© contrary: ** Themistocles— fecit idem,
quod 20. annis ante apud noafecerat Co-
riolanua," Th© flight of Coriolanus to
the Volci falls in the year 263 17, C, B.
C. 492. Th© flight of Themistocles ii
accordingly placed hy Cicero in the year
472, a year later than by us, which is of
no importance, since the round number
twenty was the more suitable to the ob
ject of Cicero, as the more accurate nine
teen, for the Chronologists. If Dodwell's
view were correct, tbere would be th»
space of twenty -seven years between the
two events.

B. C. 638.]

CHAPTER IX.

399

" 2. Diodorus Siculus, who, 1 1 , 55, places
tfae flight of Tfaemistocles in 01. 77, 2
(B. C. 471), in any event favours our
deterniination, whicb ascends only two
years higher, far more tban the opposite
one. We remark, however, tbat he also
places in the same year tbe residence of
^^hemistucles at Magnesia, and fais deatfa:
and thus it is evident, that wfaetfaer by
mistake or design, he compresses the
events in tbe life of Themistocles, which
filled up some years, into tbe year of his
death. If this took place in the year
471, the flight must be dated at least as
far back a« 473. Our determination dif
fers only a single year from that of Euse
bius, who relates the flight of Themis
tocles in 01. 77, 1.
'* 3. But that wfaicfa forras the chief ar
gument, the whole series of transactions,
aa they have been recorded iu accurate
order, especially by Thucydides, compels
as without reserve to place the flight of
Vhemislocles not below tho year 473.
.Chat the expedition of the allied Greeks
vmder the direction of Pausanias, against
Cyprus and Byzantium, the capture of
the latter city, and the transfer of tho
supremacy from the Lacedemonians to
tbe Athenians, occasioned by the inso
lence of Pausanias, fall in the year 477,
we may regard as established beyond
dispute by Clinton, p. 270 sq.* The
view of 0. Miiller {Dorier, II. p. 498),
who distributes these events into a period
of five years, is contradicted by the ex
pression EC Tnie rn fiyspioviq of Thucydides,
chap. 94, whereby tbe capture of Byzan
tium Is brought into the same year with
tho expedition against Cyprus. That
these words cannot be connected witb
what follows, without a change of the
text in opposition to all critical authority,
is shown by Poppo. Moreover, the very
last of these events is placed, by tbo
unanimous testimony of antiquity, in the
year 477. Clinton shows, p. 249, that all
reckonings of the time of the supremacy
of tbo Athenians, setting out from this
year, differ from one another only in re-
* The grounds are thus briefly summed up
ty Win., p. 252. " Uodwelli rationi neutiquam
favet Isocratia auctoritas. Kepugnat rerum
gestarum series, repugaat qual Thucyd. eigni-
flcat, I'lutarohua et Aristidiia diserte tradunt,
repugnat denique temporis spatium, quod
Atheniensium imperio assignant Lysias, Iso-
erates ipse, Plato, Demosthenes, Arbtides, qui-
buB fiwtasss addendus eat Lycurgus."

ference to the assnmad termination.
Also, Thucyd. chap. 128, the expedition
against Cyprus, and that ngainst Byzan
tium, are connected as immediately suc
ceeding each other. If, faowever, Dod
well were compelled by the force of the
arguments to acknowledge, tbat these
events, wbich he compresses into one
year, do not, ns he assumes, (p. 61,) be
long to the year 470, but to the year 477,
he would surely be compelled, perceiving
it to be impossible to lengthen out the
thread of tbe events until tbe year 465,
to give np the whole hypothesis. The
dissatisfaction of tho alHea was followed
by the recall of Pausanias. That this
belongs still to the same year, plainly
appears, partly from the nature of the
case itself, since it pre-supposes a con
tinuance of supremacy, partly from Thu
cydides, chap. 95 : iv r oi t to is ol
AaKtiat[i6i,tQi ^crenepmovro navoaviav dfOK-
pifovvrai oil' irt'pi ^Tui/duvovro, Pausanias
having oome to Sparta, and beeu there
setatliberty,nowbetook himself privately
in a galley to Byzantium. This cannot
have happened long afterwards, for Thu
cydides, chap. 128, immediately subjoins
it, and wbat is of the most importance,
Pnusani.as finds the fleet still at Byzan
tium. That his residence there did not
long continue, appears from the account
of Thucydides, chap. 131, thai he was
forcibly expelled thence by tbe Atheni
ans. He now retired to the colony in
Troas; from there, he was recalled to
Sparta, after it had been reported that
he kept up an understanding with the
biirbarians. The Epbori threw him iuto
prison, but soon after released bim. At
this time, his intercourse with Themis
tocles took place, who, being at tbe time
already expelled from Athens, resided at
I Argos, and thence made excursions into
tbe rest of the Peloponnesus. That Pau
sanias then for the first time drew The
mistocles into fais plan, wfaen the latter
faad been driven from Athens, is asserted
by Plutarch, and a personal intercourse
between tbem is rendered certain by all
accounts. Tbat there was no consider
able period between this release of Pau
sanias, and bis death, is clear. Pausa
nias was not condemned, because there waj
no certain proof against him. It is, how
ever, psychologically improbable, that
he did not soon afibrd il, that he pru
dently kept himself from giving open
ofience fii: a series of yeara, wfaen we

400

DANIEL.

[B. C. 538,

consider tha^, be waa deprived of all pru
dence by bia haughtineas, arising to mad
ness, that he himself rendered the execu
tion ofhis treasonable plan impossible;
that, according to Thucydides, chap. 130,
he went about in a Median dress, and
caused himself to be accompanied on a
journey through Thrace with ¦ Median
and Egyptian satellites, spread a Persian
table, made difficult the access to hia per
son, gave free courae to hia passions, of
whom Thucydides himself very signifi
cantly remarks, koI sarix^iu Ttji, iidvaiav
liiK fiivvaro aXK' epyois Ppaxsiri irpoiifiXon^ a
rfj yvbiftg fici^dvu; i^iirciia ijiiWt jipd^Eiv,
and of whoae senseless arrogance the
same historian, chap. 132, gives an ex
ample, even out of tbe time immediately
after the battle of Platea. The discovery
waa effected by him who was to bring to
Artabazus the last letters to the king.
With what baste the transactions were
carried on, and that by no meana a space
of four years was consumed, is evident
from the fact, tbat the king, in order to
accelerate them, bad expressly sent Ar
tabazus to Asia Minor. His death im
mediately followed the discovery (comp.
Thucyd. 133). We surely do not assume
too little, when we give to these events a
period of three years. Tbat we need not
go beyond this, is shown by Diodorus,
who compresses all theso events into the
year 477 (01. 75, 4.) How could he
have done this, or how could such an
error havo arisen, if the beginning and
end bad been sepiirnted from each other
by a period of 8 — 9 years ? How impos
sible it was for him, with his sources, to
place the destruction of the Pausanias
far beyond this time, appears from bis
fiction, which can in no other way be
explained, of a twofold accusation of
Themistocles. If, now, we must place
the death of Pausanias about tho year
474, and in no event later, the flight of
Theniiatoolea cannot be placed farther
back than tbe year 473. For Themis
tocles at the death of Pausanias bad
already been a considerable time in the
Peloponnesus. His accusation followed
Immediately after the event; comp. Thu
cydides, 1, 135 ; and tbe combined in
terests of the Iiaeedemonians, to whom
nothing could be more desirable than to
bave the Athenians share their disgraoe,
and of the enemies of Themistocles at
itbena (Plut. Them. n. 23 : KaTeff6aii piii

avToS AaKsiaijiSifioi , Karnyipavv 6' ol ^Souoiii'rcf
TW tioXitHi/) would cauae tho decision to
be haatened as much as possible. The
mistocles, persecuted both by tbe Athe
nians and Lacedemonians, now flees
from the Peloponnesus to Corcyra. Be
ing denied a residence there, be retires
to the opposite couiinent. In danger
of being overtaken by bis persecutors,
(Thucyd. chap. 136 : sai dmafiftsfos ini
Ttaif npoareraypsviov nara nvsTtv Jj xi^poiri,)
he sees himself compelled to flee to Ad-
melus, the king of the Moloa'sians. Nor
can he haye long resided there, fof, ac
cording to Thucydides, chap. 137,'hewjij
sent forward by Admetua, as soon ns his
persecutors came. And how can we sup
pose, that they would have been long be
hind him ? How long could bis place
of residence have remained a secret? It
is expressly said by Thucydides, tbat the
coming of his persecutors, and the flight
of Themistocles to Asia, very soon hap
pened {vercpoi, oi TToAAwj. It is true, that
if wc could credit the account of Stesim
brotus, in Plut. chap. 24, we must assume
that tbe residence of Themistocles witb
I Admetus continued some months. For he
I related that his friends brought to bim
there, bis wife and children, whom thej
had secretly conducted out of Athens
But that no dependence is to be placed
upon this, is evident from the absurd fic
tion of Stesimbrotus that immediately
follows, which, to the surprise even of
Plutarch, eir oix oW orrwy emXaSdpspos
ToiJrwc, il rdl, QeitlOTOsXEa womv cmXadvitBiov.
irXEiaai ipnaiv k, t. X.,) he brings forward,
without observing that the one fable does
away the other, viz., that Themistocles
was sent by Admetus to Sicily, and had
desired of Hiero his daughter iu marriage,
with the promise to bring Greece under
subjection to him. Plutarch designates
Stesimbrotus as a shameless liar. Peri-
clea, chap. 13. That the sons of Themis
tocles remained in Athens, is manifest
from a relation in Suidas, and the testi-
mony of Thucydides, chap. 137, and of
Plutarch, that the gold wns first sent to
Themistocles by his' friends, after his
arrival in Asia, to enable him to reward
the service of the. captain who brought
him to Asia, shows at the same time the
j incorrectness of the assertion of Stesim-
brotns, and confirms the .opinion, that
I Themistocles remained in no one place
I of his flight long enougfa for his friend*

B. 0. 558.]

CHAPTER IX.

401

to aend to him tfaere the necessary gold.
Tfaemistocles was conducted by Admetus
to Pidna, and from there be betoolt him
aelf in a boat directly to Asia. This,
accordingly, since between tbe deatb of
Pauaanias, ,ind the coming of Themisto
cles into Asia, there could at most be
only a year, can at latest have happened
in the year 473, perhaps in 474; and
even in the. former case, we are com
pletely justified in placing the beginning
of the reign of Artaxerxes, which still can
not have immediately coincided with tbe
coming of Themistocles, in the year 474.
" 4. On the supposition tbat the com
mencement of the reign of Artaxerxes,
and the fiight of Themistocles, fall in
465, an extravagant old age must be attri
buted to Charon of Lampsacus. Accord
ing to Suidas, be was still flourishing
under the first Darius, 01. 69, 504 B. C.
Since now, in fais faistory, fae mentions
the fiight of Themistocles to Artaxerxes,
this being placed in 465, he must have
been employed in writing history at least
forty years. This is not, indeed, abso
lutely impossible ; but In a doubtful case
it must be rejected as the more improba
ble alternative. " Hiatorioe enim non aunt
explicandce, — says Vitringa, {Proll. in
Zach. p. 29,) — ex raria et inaolentibus ex
emplis, eed ex communi vivendi lege et
ordine. Si res secus se habeat, in ipsa
historia ascribitur ne fallat incautos."
Compare bis fartfaer excellent remarks on
this subject. That this argument ia not
without force, is evident even from tbe
efforts of some advocates of the false chro
nology, to set it aside by cutting the knot.
Suidas, after fae has cited the abovemen
tioned determination ofthe time of Cha
ron, as be found it in his more ancient
authorities, subjoins, paWot, il riv ettI riSv
XUpeiKiUv. Creuzer, on the fragm. hiatorr.
Grcec. p. ^5, rejects this date without
farther examination, because it givea too
great an age to Charon.
" 5. According to Thucyd. 1, 136, The
mistocles, on his passage to Asia, fell in
wilh tbe Athenian fleet, which was be
sieging Naxos. Tfais siege of Naxos,
however, according to the testimony of
Thucydides^ cbap. 100, which makes all
otber arguments superfluous, faappened
before the great victory of the Athenians
cn tbe Eurymedon, which, according to
Diodorus, belongs to tbe year 470, and
cannot be placed later, because this waa
the first considerable undertaking of the
34 »

Athenians against the Persians, the war
with whom formed the only ground for
tho important requisitions which they
made upon their allies; comp. Thucyd.
1, 94. Hitherto, sinee the supremacy
had passed over to the Athenian.s, scarcely
anything hnd been dono ngainst the Per
sians, except the taking of lhe unimport
ant Mgon. Thucydides also leads us to
about the same year as that given by
Diodorus, wbo connects tbe defection of
Thasos (467) with xp^vtji varepov. which
cannot stand where events immediately
succeed eaoh other. Even for these rea
sons the siege of Naxos and the flight of
Themistocles do not fall after 471. If,
however, we consider, that Naxos was
the first confederate city with whioh the
Athenians were involved in discord,
comp. Thucyd. P. 1, 98, (which, from the
nature of the case, as is rendered espe
cially clear by the remarks of Thucydides
and a comparison of the later historians,
could scarcely have first happened after
seven years), and if we farther consider
the way in which Thucydides, chap. 98,
connects the events, from the transfer
I of tbe supremacy until tho capture of
! Naxos, with onc another, we shall, with-
I out hesitation, place the latter some years
earlier, in tbe year 474 or 473.
" 6. Tbe flight of Themistocles falls at
I least three years earlier than the battle
on the Eurymedon, because in all proba
bility be was dead before the latter event.
His death, however, must have been some
years subsequent to his coming into Asia,
comp. Thucyd. chap. 138. One year
passed in learning tbe language, and
some time, in any event, was required for
wbat is implied in rairns npxe rtjj x^p^^s
ievTOi K. 7. A, Thucydides relates, that,
according to the account of some, Themis
tocles took poison, divvarov vopiaavra eivai
imrsXttiai (iaai\u a ineaXEro. This pre-
supnoses that Themistocles was compelled
to fulfil his promises, and had tbis nut
been the case at his death, the report,
that Thucydides only in this instance re
lied upon himself, could not have arisen.
Plutarch expressly connects the death of
Themistocles with the expedition of Ci
mon. This is done by several writera,
witb tbe mention of the moat special cir
cumstancea, compare tbe passages in Sta-
veren on Nep. Them. 10, all of wbich may
be regarded as tbey are by Cicero, Brut,
chap. 11, and Nepos, as fictitious, and
yet tfae faistorical basis on which alone

402

DANIEL.

[B. C. 538

•very thing depends, the fact that Thu
cydides died before the battle on tbe
Eurymedon, is firmly established.
"7. Kruger, 1. c. p. 218, bas shown
that the account of Plutarch, that The
mistocles reached an age of sixty-five
yeara, forbida us to place his death be
yond the year 470, and therefore his
flight beyond the year 473. According
to an account which has internal evidence
of credibility in .^lian, Var. Hiat. III.
21, Themistocles, as a small boy coming
from school, declined going out of the
way of the tyrant Pisistratus. Assuming
that this happened In the last year of
Pislstratus, B. C. 529, and that Themis
tocles was at tbat time six years old, be
must bave been born 535, and died 470.
Nor Is it a valid objection, tbat according
to Plutarch, Themistocles was still living
at the time of the Cyprian expedition of
Cimon (449, B. C), and was still yonng
at the battle of Marathon. For tfae former
rests on a manifest confounding of the
former event, with the victory over the
Persian fleet at Cyprus, which is supposed
to have immediately preceded the victory
on the Eurymedon, (comp. Diodor. 11, 60,
Dablmann, Forachungen, I. p. 69,) and
tbe latter merely on a oonolusion drawn
frora this error. 'Whoever,* remarks
Dablmann, p. 71, ' reads without preju
dice tbe paa8.tge, Thucyd. 1, 138, will
perceive that the deatb of Themistocles
followed pretiy soon after his settlement
in Persia ; probably in the second year,
if Thucyd (Acs is worthy of credit.'
" Un'jl all these arguments are refu
ted, it lo'jiains true, that the Messianic
interp'r ilution of the prophecy is the only
corriot one, and that tbe alleged Pseudo
Dan'el, as well as the real Daniel, pos
seaaed an insight into the future, which
co-ild have been given only by the Spirit
of Qod ; and faence, as this favour oould
have been ahown to no deceiver, the
genuineness of tbe book necessarily fol
lows, and tfae futility of all objections
against it ia already manifest."*
V. Tbe ouly remaining point of in
quiry on thia verse Is, as to tbe division
of the whole period of sixty-nine weeks
into two smaller portions of seven weeks
and sixty-two weeks ; that is, of the four
hundred and eighty-three years into one
Deriod of four bundred and thirty-four
Eears, and one of forty-nine years. This
iquiry resolves itself into another,
• Christ, n. 394-408.

whether, after the issuing of tho com.
mand in tfae twentietfa year of Artaxerxea
there was a period of forty-nine years
that was in any mnnner distlL guished
from that which followed, cr any reaaon
why nn epoch should be made there. If
the command in the twentieth of Arta
xerxes was in the year B. C. 454, tben the
subtraotion of forty-nine years from this
would make the year 405 B. C, the
marked period ; that ia, about that timo
some important change would occur, or a
new series of affairs would commence
which would properly separate tbe previ
ous period from that which followed.
Now the fair interpretation of this paa-
sage respecting the seven weeks, or forty-
nine years, undoubtedly is, tbat that time
would be required in rebuilding the oity,
and in settling its affairs on a permane:it
foundation, and that, from the close of
that lime, anotfaer period of sixty-two
weeks, or four hundred and thirty-four
years would elapse to the appearing of
the Messiafa. It is true that tbis is not
distinctly specified in tfae text, and true
that in the text the phrase 'the street
shall be built again, and the wall, even
in troublous times,' is not limited ex
pressly to eitfaer period, but it is also said
in the next verse that the period of
sixty-two weeks would be terminated by
tfae appearing of the Messiah, or by hia
being cut off, and, tberefore, it is fair to
presume that the previous period of seven
weeks was to be ebaractorized particu
larly as tbe ' troublous times' In which
the street and tbe wall were to bc built
again. The inquiry now is, whether that
time was actually occupied in rebuilding
nnd restoring the city. In regard to this,
it may be remarked (1) tbat there is a
strong probability that a considerable
time would be necessary to rebuild tho
walls of the city, and to restore Jerusalem
to a condition like tbat in whiob it waa
beforo the captivity. We are to remem
ber that it had been long lying In ruina;
tbat the land was desolate; that Jera.
salem bad no commercial importance tJ
make its growth rapid ; that there were
few in the city on whom reliance could
be placed In rebuilding It ; that a large
portion of the materials for rebuilding it
wos to be brought from a distance; that
the work was opposed with much deter
mination by the Samaritans j that it waa
necesaary, as Nehemiah informed ua, in
building the walla, that the workmen

B. C. 538.]

CHAPTER IX.

403

afaould faave a weapon of defence In ono
hand whilst tbey laboured witb the other,
and that tbose who were engaged on it
were raostly poor. When these things
are considered, it is at least not improba
ble tbat tho period of forty-nine years
would be required before it oould be snid
tbat the work was fully completed. (2) A
more material question, however ia,
whether tfae /oc(» in the case confirm
thia, or whether there was such a termi
nation of tbe rebuilding of tbe city at
about that period, that It oould be said
that the time occupied was aeven weeks
ratbor than, for example, six, or five,
or nine. It may not be necessary so to
make this out as to determine the precise
year, or tho termination of forty-nine
years, but in a general division of tbe time,
it ia necessnry, undoubtedly, so to deter
mine it as losee that f/m< time should have
been designated, rather than one equally
general at tbe close of one woek, or two,
or six, or nine, or any other number.
Now tliat that was the period of the com
pletion of tbe work contemplated by the
decree iasued under Artaxerxes, and the
work undertaken by Nehemiah, it is not
difficalt to show : (a) It is reasonable to
presume that the time referred to in the
toven weeks would be the rebuilding of
the oity, and the restoration of its affairs
to its former state — or the completion of
the arrangements to restore the nation
from the effects of the captivity, and to
put it on its former footing. I'bis was
tbe main inquiry by Daniel; this would
be a marked period ; this would be that
forwhich tbe 'commandment would go
forth;' and this would constitute a natural
division of tbe time. (4) As a matter of
faot, the completion of the work under
taken by Nehemiah, under the command
of tbe Persian kings, reacfaed to the pe
riod here designated, and fais last aot aa
Governor of Judea, in restoring tfae peo
ple, and placing tfae affairs of tfae nation
on its former basis, occurred at juat about
tbe period of the forty-nine years after
tho Issuing of the command by Artaxerxes
longimanus. That event, as is supposed
«buve, occurred B. C. 454. The close of
the seven weeks, or of the forty-nine
years, would therefore be B. C. 405.
Thia would be about the last year of the
reigp of Darius Nothus. See the table
above. Nehemiab wns twice Governor
of Judea, and the work of restoration which
be undertook was not eompleted until hls

being tbe second time in tfaat office. Tfao
first timo he remained twelve yeara in
ofiice, for he received his commission in
tho twentieth year of Artaxerxes, and
in the thirty-second year he returned
again to him. Neh. xiii. 6. This, ac
cording to the oomputation above, would
bring it down to B. C. 442. How long be
then remained with the king of Persia,
he does not definitely state himself, but
says it was ' certain days.' Neh. xiii. 6.
After this, ho again obtained permission
of tho king to return to Jerusalem, nnd
went back the seoond time as Governor of
Judea. Neb. xiii. 6, 7. The timo from his
first return to Persia, nfter tho twelve years
that he spent in Judea to tho year 405 B,.
C, would be thirty-seven years. Ac
cording to thia, the close of the 'seven
weeka,' and the completion of the enter-
priae of ' rebuilding and restoring' the city,
must have been at tbe end of that thirty-
five years. In reference to this, it may
be remarked (1) that Nehemiah is knowF.
to have lived lo a great age {Josephua)
yet, supposing he wns thirty years old
when he was flrst appointed governor of
Judea, and that the lime referred to at
tho close of the 'seven weeks' or forty-
nine years was the completion of bla
work on the restoration of the affairs of
Jerusalem, the whole period would only
reach to the seventy-ninth year of hia
age. (2) The last aet of Nehemiah in
restoring the city occurred in the fifteenlh
year of tho reign of Darius Nothus— ac
cording to Prideaux (Con. IL 206, aeq.) —
that is, 408 B. C. Tbis would mnke, ac
cording to the common oomputation of
chronology, a difference from the esti
mate above of only three years, and, per
haps, considering thot the time of 'seven
weeks' is a reckoning in round numbera,
tbis would bean estimate of sufficient ac
curacy.. But besides this it is to be re
membered lhat tbe exact chronology to a
year or a month cannot be made out with
absolute certainty, and taking all tfae cir
cumstances into consideration It is re
markable that the period deaignated in
the prophecy, coincides so nearly with
the historioal record. Tho only remain
ing inquiries, therefore, are, whether tho
Inst act of Nehemiah referred to occurred
at the time mentioned — the fifteenth of
Darius Nothus, or 408 B. C. — and whether
that wns of sufficient prominence and
importance to divide the two periods of
the propfaecies, or to be a proper closing

404

DANIEL.

[B, C. 63ft.

2li And after threescore and two
>Lu. 24. 26, 46.

np of tbe TTork of restoring and rebuild
ing Jerusalem. What be did ic his office
as governor of Judea at bis second vifita
tion to Jerusalem, is recorded in Neh. xiii-
? — 31. Tbe particular acts wbich h©
performed consisted in removing certam
abuses which had been suffered to grow up
in his absence respecting the temple ser
vice, by which th© temple had become
greatly polluted (cb. xiii. 7 — 14) j in
restoring the Sabbath to its proper ob
servance, wbich had become greatly
disregarded (eh. xiii. 15 — 22), and in
constraining those Jews wbo had con
tracted unlawful marriages to separato
themselves from their wives (ch. xiii. 23
— 3l). These acts were necessary to put
tbo affairs of th© temple, and the condi
tion of tb© city, on its former basis. The
laat of these acts — tbe separation of those
who had contracted unlawful marriages
from their wives, is that which designates
th© close of the seven weeks, and respect
ing which the date is to be sought* This
is stated in the book of Kebemiah (xiii,
28) to have occurred in the time of *one
of th© sons of Joiada, the son of Eliashib
the high-priest, son-in-law to Sanballettbe
]3oronite.' That is, it occurred when Joi
ada was high-priest. But, according to the
Chron. Alexandrinum, Joiada succeeded
his father in the office in the eleventh year
of Darius Nothus, and Prideaux supposes,
withoutimprobability, thut tbis event mny
have occurred as long ns four years after
be entered on the office of high-priest,
whieh would bring it to the fifteenth
of Darius Nothus, or 408 B. C. Comp.
Jahn (Heb. Com.) p. 179—182, and Pri
deaux, Con. II. 206—210. Tbe time, then,
if this be the event referred to, is suffi
ciently accurate to make it coincide with
tbe prophecy — sufficiently so to divide the
previous period from that which succeeded
it. The event itself was of sufficient im
portance to have a place bere. It was,
in f Act, finishing what was necessary to ,
be done in order to a completion of the '
purposeto 'restore aud rebuild Jerusalem.*
J t waa in fact (Ae reatoration of Jewiah of-
faira under tke Persian edict, or what was
accomplished in fact under that edict in
placing tho Jewish affiiirs on tbe proper ba
sis — basis on which tbey were substan.
lialiy before tho ooLptivity. This waa the

¦weeks shall * Messiah be cut off, »» but
*> or, and shaU kave nothing,
termination of that captivity in the fullest
sense, and divided tbe past from the fu
ture — or constitu ted apeWorf or cp«cA in tbe
history of tbe Jewish people. It remaini
only to add, on this verse — and tberemi^ik
will be equally applicable to the exposition
ofthe two remaining verses of tb© chap
ter — that, on tbe supposition that tbis bad
been written ofter the coming of iiie Mes
siah, and it had been designed to frame
what would seem to b© a prophecy or pre
diction of tfaese events, the language here
would be such as would have beeo appro
priately employed. From th© time of the
going forth of the command to rebuild
the- city, the whole duration would have
been accurately divided into two great
portions — that requisite for the completion
of the work of restoring the city, and tbat
extending to tbe coming of the Messiah,
I and tbe former would have been made to
I terminate where it ia now supposed tha
I period of * seven weeks,' or forty-nine
years did actually terminate. If thia
would have been tbe correct apportion
ment in a historic review, it is correct aa
Si prophetic review.
26. And after threescore and two weeks,
Aft«r tbe completion of tbe last period
of four hundred and thirty four years.
The angel hud shown in the previous
verse what would be the characteristic of
the first period of ' seven weeks' — that du
ring tbat time the wall and tbe street
would be built in circumstances of generfll
distress and anxiety, and he now proceeds
to state what wonld occur in relation to the
remaining sixty-two weeks. The particu
lar thing which would characterize that pe
riod would be, that the Messiah would be
cut off, and that the series of events would
commence wbich would terminate in the
destruction ofthe city and the temple. He
does not say that tbis would he immediately
on the termination of the sixty-two weeka,
but he says that it would be *afta*  ^-wtk
—subsequent to the close of tbat period.
The word does not mean necessarily fm-
mediaiely, but it denotes tbat which is to
succeed — to foUow^and would be wcU
expressed by the word afterwards. Gen.
XV. 14, xxiii. 19, xxv. 26, et aL See Ge*
senius, Lex. The natural meaning hero
would be, that this would be 'ihe nexi

B. C. 538.]

CHAPTER IX.

405

not fo/ himself : and » the people of
• or, and tliey {the Jews) shaU be n. more his

event in the order of events to be recl.-
oned ; it would be that on which tbe pro
phetic eye would rest subsequent to the
close of the period of sixty-two weeks.
There are two circumstances in the pro
phecy itself which go to show that it
is not lodiint that tbis would immedi
ately follow : (a) One Is, that in the pre
vious verse il is said that the ' sixty-two
weeks' would extend 'unto the Messiah;'
that is, oither to bis birth or to bis mani
festation as such, and it ts not implied
anywhere that he would be 'cut off' at
once on his appearing, nor is such a sup
position reasonable, or one tbat wonld
have been embraced by an ancient stu
dent of tbe propbeeies; (4) the otheris,
that, in tbe subsequent verse, it is ex
pressly said that what he would aecom-
pllsh in causing the oblation to cease
would occur * in the midst of the week ;'
that is, of tbe remaining one week tbat
would complete tbe seventy. Tbis could
not occur if be were to be ' cut off' im
mediotely at the close of the sixty-two

the prince that shall come shall de-
people. Ho. 1. 9 ; or, the prince's {Messiah's, vor.
25,) fiUure people.
The proper notion or meaning here is,
undoubtedly, tbat of being cut off by
death, and would suggest the idea of
a violent death, or a death by tbe agency
of others. It would apply to one who
was assassinated, or murdered in a mob,
or who was appointed to death by a
judicial decree ; or it might be applied to
one who was cut down in battle, or by the
pestilence, or by lightning, or by ship
wreck, but it would not naturally or prop
erly be applied to one who had lived out
his days and died a peaceful death. We
always now connect with tbe word the
idea of some unusual interposition, as
when we speak ofone who is cut down in
middle life. The ancient translators un
derstood it of a violent death. So the
Latin Vulgate, occidetur chriatua. Syriac,
'the Messiah shall be slain' or put to
deatb. It need not be here said that this
phrase would find a complete fulfilment
in tho mnnner in which the Lord Jesua
was put lo death, nor that tbis is the very
language in which it is proper now to de-

weeks. The careful student of this pro- ^Xe The -nner'inVhi.lir he w^s rV-

phecy, therefore, would anticipate that the
Messiah would appear at the close of the
sixty-two weeks, and that he would coO'
tinue during a part, at least, of tbe re
maining one week before be would be cut
off. This point could have been clearly
made out from tbe prophecy before tbe
Messiah came. % Shall Meaaiah. Notes
ver. 25. ^f Be cut off. The word here
used — nT*3 — means properly to cut, to cut
off, as a part of a garment, 1 Sam. xxiv.
5, 12 ; a branch of a tree. Num. xiii. 23;
the prepuce, Ex. iv. 25 ; the head, I Sam.
xvii. 61, V. 4; to cut down trees, Deut.
xix. 5, Isa. xiv. 8, xliv. 14, Jer. x. 3,
xxii. 1, Tben it means to cut off persons,
to destroy, Deut. xx. 20, Jer. xi. 19, Gen.
ix. 11, Ps. xxxvii. 9, Prov. ii. 22, x. 31,
et al. steps. The phrase ' that soul shall
be cut off from his people,' 'from tbe
midst of the people,' 'from Israel,' ' from
the eongregiition,' &e., occurs frequently
in the Scriptures (comp. Gen. xvii. 14,
Lev. vii. 20, 21, Num. xv. 20, xi t. 13, 20,
Ex. Xli. 19, et al.), and denotes the pun-
i'hment of death in general, without de
fining the manner. "It is never the
punishment of exile.'' Gesenius, Lex.

nioved. He was cut off by violence; by
a judicial decree ; hy a mob ; in the midst
of his way, &c. If It should be admitted
tbat the angel meant to describe the man
ner ofhis death, he could not have found
a single word that would bave better ex
pressed it. ^ But nnt for himself . Marg.,
and shall have nothing. This phrase haa
given rise to not a little discussion, and
not a little diversity of opinion. The
Latin Vulgato is, et non erit ejua populua,
qui eum negaturna eat — 'and tbey shall
not be his people who shall deny him.'
Theodotion (in tbe Sept) koi spifia ovc
eaiv iv dvTU — 'and there is no crim'e in
him.' Syriac, 'And it is not with him.
The Hebrew ia, iS t'NV and the interpre
tation tums on the meaning of the word
pK- Hengstenberg maintains that it ia
never used in tbe sense of vh ("ol)> l'*'*
tbat it always conveys the idea of nothing,
or non-exiatence, and that the meaning
here is, that, then, 'there was nothing to
bim;' that is, that be ceased to have au.
thority and power, as in the cutting off
of aprince or ruler whose power comes to
an end. Accordingly he renders it^ 'and

406

DANIEL,

[B. C. 638.

stroy the city and the sanctuary ; and
the end thereof sAaZZ fte with a flood.

is not to bim ;' that is, his dominion, au
thority, or power over tbe covenant peo
ple as an anointed princo, should cease
when he was cut off, and another one
would come and deaolate the sanctuary,
and take possession. Bertholdt renders
it, Ohne Nachfolger von den Seinigen su
'haben — 'without any successors of his
own' — meaning that his family, or that
the dynasty would be cut off, or would
end with him. He maintains that tbe
whole pbrase denotes ' a audden and an un
expected death,' and that it here meana
tbat be would have no aucceasor of hia
own family. He applies it to Alexander
the Great. Lengerke renders it, und
nicht iat vorhanden, der ihm angehoret —
and explains the whole to mean ' The an-
nointed one [as the lawful king] shall be
cut off, but it shall not then bo one who
belongs to bis family [to wit, upon the
throne], hula Prince shall come to whora
the crown did not belong, to whom tbe
name anointed could not properly belong.'
Maurer explains it, ' there shall be to him
no suecossor or lawful heir.' Prof. Stu
art renders it, " One shall be cut off, and
there shall be none for it" (the people).
0. B. Michaelis, " and not to be, will be
his lot." Jack, and Hitzig, "and no one
remained lo him." Kosch, "and no one
was present for him." Our translation —
but not for himaelf — waa undoubtedly
adopted from the common view of the
atonement — tbat tbe Messiah did not die
for himself, but that his life was given as
a ransom for others. There can be no
doubt of tbat fact to those wbo hold tbe
common doctrine of the atonement, and
yet it may be doubted whether the trans
lators did not undesignedly allow their
views ofthe atonement to shape the inter
pretation of this passage, and whether it
can be fairly made out from the Hebrew.
'The ordinary meaning of the Hebrew
word — }^tf — is undoubtedly nothing, emp
tineaa — ia the sense of there being nothing
(See Gesenius, Lex,), and, thus applied,
the sense bere would be that, after be was
cut off, or in consequence ofhis being cut
off, that which he before possessed would
cease, or tbere would be 'nothing' to
bim ; — tbat is, either hia life would ceaae,
»r his dominion would ceaae, or he would

and unto the end of tho 'war adesO'
lations are determined.
^ or, it shall be cut off by desolations.

b? cut off as the Prince — the Messiah,
This interpretation appears to be con-
tirmed by wbat is immediately said, tbat
another would come and would destroy
tbe city and the sanctuary, or that the
possession would pass into hia banda. It
aeems probable to me tbat this is tbe fair
interpretation. The Messiah would come
as a ' prince.' It might be expected that
be would come to rule — to set up a king
dom. But he would be suddenly cut
off by a violent death. The antici
pated dominion over the people as a
prince wonld not be set np. It would
not pertain to him. Thus suddenly
cut off, the expectations of sucb a rule
would be disappointed and blasted. He
would in fact set np no euch domin
ion as might naturally be expected of an
anointed prince; he would have no auc-
cesaor; the dynoaty would not remain in
hia hands or his family, and sopn the
people of a foreign prince would come,
and would sweep all away. This inter
pretation does not suppose that the real
object of his coraing would bo thwarted,
or tbat he would not set up a kingdom in
accordance with the prediction properly
explained, but that such a kingdom as
would be expected by Iho people, would
not be setup. He would be rut off soon
after he came, and the anticipated do
minion would not pertain to him, orthere
would be 'nothing' of it found in him.
and soon after a foreign prince would come
and destroy the city and the sanctuary.
This interpretation, indeed, will take
this passage away aa u proof-text of
the doctrine of the atonement, or aa
affirming the design of the death of tbe
Messiah, but it furnishes a meaning as
muoh in accordance with the general
strain of the prophecy, and with the facta
in the work of tbe Messiah. For, it was
a natural expectation that when he came
he would set np a Kingdom— a temporal
reign — and tbis expectation was exten
sively cherished among the people. He
was, however, aoon cut off, and all auch
hopes at oi'ce perished in the m.rds of
his true followers (comp. Luke xx.v. 21),
and In the minds of the mullitudea who,
thongh not his true followers, began to
inquire whether he might not be tb« pre'

B. 0. 538.]

CHAPTER IX.

407

dieted Messiah — the prince to sit on the
throne of David. Eut of suoh an antici
pated dominion or rule, tbere was 'noth
ing' to bim. All these expectations were
blighted by bis sudden death, and soon,
instead of his delivering the nation from
bondage and setting up a visible king
dom, a foreign prince would come with
his forces, and would sweep away every
thing. Whether this would be the inter
pretation afSxed to these words before the
advent of the Mesaiah, cannot now be de-
teimlned. We have few remaina of the
methods in which the Hebrews inter
preted the ancient prophecies, and we
may readily suppose that they would not
be disposed to embrace an exposition
which would show them that the reign
of the Messiah, as they anticipated it,
would not occur, but that almost as soon
as he appeared, he would be put to death,
and the dominion pass away, and the na
tion be subjected to the ravages of a for
eign power. '^ And the people of the
prince that shall come. Marg., ' And tbey
(the Jews) shall be no more his people;
or, the Prince's (Messiah's) future peo^
pie.' This seems to be rather an expla
nation of the meaning, than a translation
of tbe Hebrew. The literal rendering
would be, 'and the city, and the sanc
tuary, the people of a prince that comes,
shall lay waste.' On the general suppo
sition that this wbole passage refers to
the Messiah and bis time, the language
here used is not difBcult of interpretation,
and denotes with undoubted accuracy the
events that soon followed the 'cutting
off' of the Messiah. The word people —
Dj — is a word that may well be applied
to subjects or armies — such a people as
an invading prince or warrior would lead
with bim for purposes Of conquest. It
denotes properly (a) people, or tribe, or
race in general; and tben (J) the people
as opposed to kings, princes, rulers (comp.
Xaj; tbe people aa opposed to chiefs in
Homer, II. ii. 365, xiii. IOS, xxiv. 28) ;
and then aa soldiers. Judges v. 2. Hence
it may be applied, as it would be under
stood to be here, to the soldiera of the
prince that should come. % Of the
prince that shall come. The word prince
here  i\l} — is the aame whioh occurs in
ver. 25, ' Messiah the prince.' It ia clear,
however, that another prince is meant
here, for (a) it is just aaid that that prince
--the Messiah- -would be ' eui off,' and

this clearly relera to one that waa to fol-
low; (6) the phrase 'that ia to come' —
tfiry — would also imply tbis. It would
naturally suggest the idea that be would
come from abroad, or that he would be a
foreign prince — for he would 'corae' for
the purposes of destruction. No one can
fail to see the applicability of this to the
destruction of Jerusalem by the Roman
powers after the Lord Jesus was fut to
death. If that was the design of tbo
prophecy, or if it be admitted that the
prophecy contemplated that the language
could not have been better chosen, or tho
prediction more exact. No one can rea
sonably doubt, that, if the ancient He
brews had understood the former part of
the prophecy as meaning that the true
Messiah would be put to death soon after
bis appearing, they could not fail to an
ticipate that a foreign prince would soon
come and lay waste their city and sanc
tuary. ^ Shall deatroy the city and the
aanctuary. The ' holy place' — the tem
ple. This is the termination of the pro
phecy. It begins with the command to
'rebuild and restore' the city, aud ends
with ita destruction. The time ia not
fixed, nor is tbere in tbe prophecy any
direct intimation wheu it would occur,
unless it be found in the general declara
tion in ver. 24, that 'seventy weeks were
determined upon the people and the city.'
The wholo scope of the prophecy, how
ever, would lead to the supposition that
this was aoon to occur after the Messiah
sbould be ' cut off.' The series of events
under the Komans which led to the de
struction of the city and temple, in fact,
began very soon after the death of the
Lord Jesus, and ceased only when tbe
temple was wholly demolished, and the
city was rased to its foundations. ^ And
the end thereof. Heb., 'its end,' or, 'hia
end' — Tip. It is not certain to what the
word it (l) here refers. It may be either
the end of the city, or of the prince, or
of the prophecy, so far aa tbe grammati
cal construction is concerned. As tbo
principal and immediate subject of the
prophecy, however, is the city, it is more
natural to refer it to that. Hengstei.berg
renders it, 'it will ond,' supposing, with
Vitringa, that it refers to the snbjict of
the discourse: 'the thing — the whole af
fair — all lhat is bere predicted in tbis se
ries of events — will end with a flood.'
This accords well with the whole design

403

27 And he shall confiirm the » cove-
* or, a.
of tho prophecy. ^ With a fiood. —
*iy"^3. That is, it shall be like an over
flowing flood. The word here used means
a gushing, outpouring, as of rain, Job
xxxv iii. 25 J of a torrent, Prov. xxvii. 4;
an overflowing, inundation, flood, Ps.
xxxii. 6, Neh. i. 8. Hence it would ap
propriately denote the ravages of an army,
sweeping everything away. It would be
like a sudden inundation, carrying every
thing away. No one can doubt that this
language is applicable in every respect to
the desolations brought upon Jerusalem
bythe Roman armies. \ And unto the
eud ofthe war deaolationa are determined,
Marg., *it ebal! be cut oflF by desolations.'
Hengstenberg renders this, 'and unto tho
end is war, a decree of ruins.' So Len
gerke — und bis aufs Ende krieg und Be-
schluss der Wiiaten. Bertholdt renders it,
'And the great desolations shall continue
unto tbe end of the war.' The Latin
Vulgate renders it, et post finem belli sta
tuta desdlatio — 'and after the end of the
war desolation is determined.' Prof.
Stuart translates it, "And unto the end
shall be war, a decreed measure of deso
lations." The literal meaning of the pas
sage is, 'And unto tbe end of tbe war,
desolations are decreed,' or determined.
The word rendered 'determined' — ynn —
means properly to cut, cut in, engrave ;
then to decide, to determine, to decree, to
pass sentence. See Notes on ver, 24.
Here tbe meaning naturallj is, that such
desolations wero settled or determined
as by a decree or purpose. There was
something which made them certain ;
that is, it was a part of the great plan
here referred to in the vision of the sev
enty weeks, that there should be such
desolations extending through the war.
The things which would, therefore, be
anticipated from tbis passage would be
(a) that there would be war. This is
implied also in the assurance that the
people of a foreign prince would come
and take the city, {b) That this war
would be of a desolating eharacter, or
that it would in a remarkable manner ex
tend and spread ruin over the land. AU
wars are thus characterized ; but it would
seem that this would do it in a remarka
ble manner, (c) Tbat these desolations
would extend ihrough tbe war, or to its

DANIEL. [B.C.538.

nant with many for one week: and

close. Tbere would be no intermission;
no cessation. It is hardly necessary to
say that this was, in fact, precisely the
character of tbe war which the Romans
waged with the Jews after the death of
the Saviour, and which ended in the de
struction of the city and temple j the over
throw of the wbole Hebrew polity, and
the removal of great numbers of the peo
ple to a distant and perpetual captivity.
No war, perhaps, has been in its progress
more marked by desolation; in none has
the purpose of destmction been more per
severingly manifested to its very close.
The language here, indeed, might apply
to many wars — in a certain sense to aU
wars ; in none, however, would it be moro
appropriate than to the wars of the Ro
mans with the Jews.
27. And he shall confirm the cove-
nant. Literally, 'he shall make strong* —
i^a^nv Tbe ideals thatof giving strength,
nr stability; of making firm and sure.
The Hebrew word here evidently re
fers to the 'covenant' which God is said
to establish with his people — so often re
ferred to in the Scriptures as expressing
the relation between Him and them,
and hence used, in general, to denote the
laws and institutions ofthe true religion
— tbe laws which God has made fur his
church; his promises to be tbeir protec
tor, &c., and the institutions wbich grow
out of tbat relation. The margin reads
it, more in accordance with tbe Hebrew,
'a' meaning that he would confirm or es
tablish 'a covenant' with the many. Ac
cording to tbis, it is not necessary to sup
pose that it was any existing covenant
that it referred to, but that be wonld rat
ify wbat was understood by tbe word
'covenant;' that is, that he would lead
many to enter intoatrue and real covenant
with God. This would be fulfilled if he
should perform such a work as would
bring the 'many* into a relation to God
corresponding to tbat wbich was sus
tained to him by his ancient people ; that
is, bring tbem to he his true friends and
worshippers. The meaning of the expres
sion here cannot be mistaken, that during
the time specified, 'be' (whoever may be
referred to), would, for 'one week' — pur
sue such a course as would tend to es
tablish the true religion; to render it

B.C.538.] CHAPTER IX. 409
in the midst of the week he shall cause the sacrifice and the oblation

raore atablo ami firm ; to give it higher
aanctions in the approbation of the ' ma
ny,' and to bring it to bear more decidedly
and powerfully on the heart. Whether
this would be by some law enacted in its
¦"avour; or by protection extended over
the nation ; or by present exaraple ; or by
instruction ; or by some work of a new
kind, and new influences which he woulxl
aet forth, is not mentioned, and before
hand perhaps it could not have been
• well anticipated in what way this would
be. There has been a difference of opin
ion howeyer, as to the proper nominative
to tbe verb confirm — l^3in — whether it is
the Messiah, or the foreign prince, or
the 'one week.' Hengstenberg prefers
the latter, and renders it, 'And one
week shall confirm the covenant wilh
many;' So also Lengerke renders it.
'Bertholdt renders it 'he,' that is, 'he
shall .unite bimself flrmly with many
for one week' — or, a period of seven
years, ein Jahrsiebend lang. It seema
to me that it is an unnatural construc
tion to make the word ' week' tbe nom
inative to the verb, and that the more
obvious interpretation is to refer it to
Bome person to whom tbe whole snbject
relates. It ia not usual to represent time
as an agent in accomplishing a work,
In poetic and metaphorical language, in.
deed, we personate time as cutting down
men, as a destroyer, 4c., bul this usage
would not justify the expression, that
' time would^ con^rm a covenant wilh
many.' That is, evidently, the work ofa
conscious, Intellifr.entagenl; and it is most
natural, therefore, to understand this as
of one of the tno agents who are spoken
of In the passa/;e. These two agents are
the ' Messioh,' and the ' Princo that
ahould com't.' But itis not reasonable to
auppose tbat the latter ia referred to, be
cause il its said (ver. 26), that tbe eff'ect
and the purpose of bis coming would be
to 'destroy tbe city and the sanctuary.'
He was to come ' with a flood,' and the
efi'ect of his eoming would be only deso
lation. The more correct interpretation
therefore. Is to refer it to the Messiah,
nho is the principal subject of the pro-
fhecy ; and tbe work which, according to
tbio, be w.as to perform was, during that
•one week,' to exert auch an influence as
would tend to eatabliab a cr -tenant be
3i

tween the people and God. Tbo eifect of
hia work during that one week would be
to aecure their adhesion to the true reli
gion; lo confirm to them tbe divine pro
mises, and to establish the principles of
that religion whicb would lead them to
God. Nothing ia said of the mode by
which that would be done; and anything,
therefore, which would secure thia would
be a fulfilment of the prophecy. Aa a
matter of fact, if it refers to tbe Lord Je
sus, this was done byhis personal instruc
tions, his example, his autferings and
death, and the arrangements which be
made to secure the proper efi'ect of bis
work on the minds of the people — all de
signed to procure for them the friendship
and favour of God, and to unite them to
him in the bonda of an enduring cove
nant. ^ 'With many. D'3n'7. Or, for
many; or, unto many. He would per
form a work which would pertain to
many, or which would bear on many, lead
ing them to God, Tbero is nothing in
tbe word bere which would indicate who
they were, whether bla own immediate fol
lowers, or tbose wbo already were in tbo
covenant. The simple idea is, lhat this
would pertain to many persona, and il
would be fulfilled if the effect ofhis work
were to confirm many who were already
in the covenant, or if be sbould bring
many others inlo acovcnant relation with
God. Nothing could be determined from
tbe meaning of the word used here as to
which of these things are designed, and
consequently a fair fulfilment would be
found If either of tbem occurred. If it
refers to tbe Messiah, it would be fulfilled
if In fact the effect of his coming should
be eilher by statute or by instructions tc
confirm and establish those wbo already
sustain tbis relation to God, or if he
gathered other followers, ond confirmevi
them In their allegbance to God. f Fot
one week. Tbe fair interpretation of
thia, according to the principles adopted
throughout this exposition, is, tbat this
includes the space of seven years. See
Notes on ver. 24. Thia is tho one week
that makes up the seventy — seven of
tbem, or foriy-nine years, embracing the
period from the command to rebuild the
city and temple to its completion under
ffehemiah ; sixty-two, or four hundred
and thirty-two years, to the public appear-

41J

"DANIEL

[B. C. 538

to cease, and for the overspreading I desolate, even until the consumma
of abominations he shall make ii tion, and that determined shall be
poured upon the bdesolate.

^ or, upon tlie battlements shall be Hie idols qf
Oie desolater.

b or, desolater.

ing of tho Messiah, and this one week to
complete the whole seventy, or four hun-
irod and ninety years until the 'trans
gression was finished, and an end was
xaude of sins, and reconciliation was made
for iniquity, and everlastiog righteous
ness was brought in,' t&c. ver. 24. It is
essential, therefore, to find something
done, occupying tbcse seven years, that
would go to ' confirm tbe covenant' in the
sense abovc e;xplained.. In t^e considera
tion of this, tbe attention is arrested by
the announcement of an important event
whicb was to occur 'in tbe midst of the
week,' to wit, in causing the sacrifice
and the oblation to cease, showing that
tfaere was to be an important change
occurring during the 'week,' or that
while he would be in faet confirming
the covenant through the week in some
proper sense, the sacrifice and obla
tion would cease, and therefore the
confirming of tbe many in the cove
nant must depend on something else
tban tbe continuation ofthe sacrifice and
oblation. In regard to this language, as
in respect to all the rest of tbe prophecy,
there are in fact just two questions : One
^s, what i^ fairly to be understood by tbe
words, or what is the proper interpreta
tion, independent of anything in the re
sult; the other is, whether anything oc
curred in that which is regarded as^the
fulfilment which corresponds with the
language so interpreted. (1) The first
inquiry, then, is. What is the fair mean
ing of the language ? Or what would
one who had a correct knowledge of the
proper principles of interpretation under
stand by this? Noj?, in regard to this,
while it may be admitted, perhaps, that
there would be some liability to a differ
ence of view in interpreting it with no
reference to the event, or no shaping its
meaningly the event, the following things
seem to be clear : (a) that the * one week'
would comprise seven years, immediately
succeeding tho appearance of the Mes-
Biah, or the sixty-two weeks, and that
there was something which he would do
in * con^rming the covenant,' or in estab
lishing the, principles of religion, which
vould extend through that period of

seven years, or that that would be, in
some proper sense, a period of time, hav
ing a beginning — to wit, his appearing,
and some proper close or termination ut
lhe end of the seven years: that is, that
tbere would be some reason why tbat
should be a marked period, or why the
whole should terminate th^re, and not at
some otber time. (&) Tbat in the middle
of tbat period of seven years, another im
portant event would occur, serving to di
vide that time into two portions, and es
pecially to be known as causing the sacri
fice and oblation to cease ; in some way
affecting tbe public offering of sacrifice
80 tbat from that time there would be in
fact a ces:iation. And (c) that this would
be succeeded by the consummation of
the whole matter expressed in the words,
'and forthe overspreading of abominn-
tioD he shall make it desolate,' &,c. It
is not said, however, that this latter would
immediately joeiinr, but tbis would be one
of the events that would appertain to the
fulfilment ofthe prophecy. There is no
thing, indeed, in tbe prediction to forbid
tho expectation that this wonld occur at
onee, nnr is there anything in the words
which makes it imperative that we ahould
so understand it. It may be admitted
tbat tbis would be tbe most natural in
terpretation, but it cannot be shown tbat
that is required. It may be added, also,
tbat tbis may not have appertained to tbe
direct design of the prophecy— which
was to foretell the coming of the Messiah,
but tbat this was appended to show tlie
end ofthe whole thing. When the Mes-
siah sbould have come, and should havo
made an atonement for sin, the great de
sign of rebuilding Jerusalem and tbe
temple would have been accomplished,
and both might pass away. Whether
that would occur immediately or not,
might be in itself a matter of indifference,
but it was important to state hero thai
would occur, for that was properly a com
pletion of the design of rebuilding tho
city, and of the purpose for which it had
ever beet) set apart as aholy citj. (2) THe
other inquiry is, whether there was tb-ik
in whatis regarded as tfao fulfilmeLr; of
tbis, which fairly corresponds with th«

B. C. 538.]

CHAPTER IX.

411

predietion. I have attempted above (on
ver. 25) to show that thia refers to the
Messiah properly so called — tbe Lord
jeeus Christ. The inquiry now ia, there
fore, whether we ean find in his life and
death what is a fair fulfilraent of these
reasonable expectations. In order to see
thia, it is proper to review these points
in their order: (a) The period, then,
which is embraced in the projibecy, ia
teven years, and it is necessary to find
in his life and work something which
would be accomplished during these aeven
yeara which could be properly referred
to as 'confirming tbe covenant with
many.' The main difficulty In the case
ia on this point, and I acknowledge tbat
tbis seems to me to be the most embar-
rasaing portion of the prophecy, and that
the solutiona whicb can be given of this
are lesa aatiafactory than thoae tbat per
tain to any otber part. 'Were it not that
the remarkable clause In the midst of tbe
week, he ahall cause the sacrifice and ob
lation to cease were added, I admit that
the natural interpretation would be that
he would do this personally, and that we
might look for something which he would
himself accomplish duri.ng tbo whole
period of seven years. That clause, how-
' ever, looks as if some remarkable event
were to occur in tbe middle of that
period — for tbe fact tbat he would cause
the sacrifice and oblation to cease — that
ia, would bring the riles of the temple to
a close, shows that wjhal is meant by
'confirming tbe covenant' is different
from the ordinary worship under the an
cient economy. No Jew would think of
expressing himself thus, or would see
how it was practicable to 'confirm the
covenant' at the same time that all his
aaLrifices were to ceaae. The confirming
of tbe covenant, therefore, during that
' one week' must be consistent with some
work or event tbat would cause tbe sacri
fice and oblation to cease in the middle
of that period, (b) The true fulfilment,
it seems to me, ia to be found in the bear
ing of the work' of the Saviour on tlie
Hebrew people — tbe ancient covenant
people of God — for about the period of
aeven years after he enlered on hia work.
Then the particular relation of his work
to tbe Jewish people ceased. It may not
be practicable tu make out Hae exact time
of ' seven years' in reference to tbis, and
it may be adraitted that t)iia would not
bo Bcderatood from the propheey before

the things occurrtd, but atill there are a
number of circumatancea wbich will show
that tbis interpretation is not only plau
sible, but tbat -it has in its very naturo
atrong probability in ita favour. They
are auch aa these: (1) The ministry of
the Saviour bimself was wholly among
the Jews, and his work was wbat would,
in their common language, be spoken of
as 'confirming the covenant;' that is, it
would be strengthening tbe principles of
religion, bringing the divine promiaea to
bear on the mind, and leading men tc
God, ke. (2) This same work waa con
tinued by tbe apostlea as they laboured
among tbe Jews. They endeavoured to
do the same thing that their Lord and
Master had done, with all tbe additional
sanctions now derived from his life and
deatb. Tbe whole tendency of their
. ministry would have heen properly ex-
pfeaaed in thia language: that they en
deavoured to 'confirm tbe covenant' wilh
the Hebrew people; that ia, to bring
them to jusl views of the characler of
their natural covenant with Gud ; to show
them haw it was confirmed in tbe Mes
siah ; to establish the ancient promises ;
and to bring to bear upon them the sanc
tions of their law as it was now fulfilled
and ratified, and enlarged through the
Messiah, Had the Saviour himself suc
ceeded in tfais, or bad hia apoatles, it
would have been in fact only ' confirm
ing the ancient covenant' — the covenant
made with Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob ;
the covenant established under Moses,
and ratified by so many laws and customs
among the people. The wbole bearing
of the Saviour's instructions, and of bis
followers, was to carry out and fulfill tbe
real design of lhat ancient institution^-
to show its true nature and meaning, and
to impreaa it on tho hearta of men.
(3) This was continued for about the
period here referred to; at least fora
period so long that il could properly be
represented in ronnd numbers as 'one
week,' or aeven years. I?be Saviour'a owti
ministry continued about half that time ;
and tben tbe apostlea prosecuted thesame
work, labouring with the Jews, ifor abont
the other portion before they turned their
attention to tbe Gentiles, and before the
purpose .to endeavour to bring in tbte
Jewish' people was abandoned. They
remained in Jerusalem; tbey preached
in the synagogues ; thoy observed tbe
rites of the temple servioe ; they directed

412

BANIEL.

[B. C. 53a

their first attention everywhere to the
Hebrew peopla ; they had not yet learned
that they were to turn away from the
'covenant people,* and to go to the Gen
tiles, It was a slow process by whicb they
were led to this. It required a miracle to
convince Peter ofit, and to show him that
it was right to go to Cornelius (Acts x.), as
a representative of tbe Gentile people, and
it required another miracle to convert
Saul of Tarsus, the * apostle of the Gen
tiles,' and to prepare him fbr the work of
carrying the gospel to the heathen world,
and a succession of severe persecutions
was demanded to- induce the apostles to
leave Jerusalem and to go abroad upon
the face of the earth to convey the mes
sage of salvation. Their first work wns
among the Jewish people, and tbey would
bave remained among them if tbey bad
not been driven away by these persecu
tions, and been thus constrained to go to
other lands. It is true that it cannot be
shown that this was a period of exactly
'half a week,' or three years and a half
after the ascension of the Saviour, but, in
a prophecy of tbis nature, it was a period
that might, in round numbers, be well ex
pressed by that; or the whole might be
pntperly described by 'seventy weeks' or
four bundred and ninety years, and tbe
last portion after the appearing of tbe
Messiah as one of these weeks. There
has been much needless anxiety to mnke
out tfae exact time to a month or a day in
regard to this prophecy — not remember
ing its general design, and not reflecting
how uncertain are all the questions in
ancient chronology. Compare the sensi
ble remarks of Calvin on ver. 25. —
(4) Wken this occurred ; loken the apostles
turned awjvy from the Hebrew people, and
gave themselves to their labours among the
Gentiles, the work of 'confirming the co
venant' witb those to whom tbe promises
had been made, and to whom the law was
given, ceased. They were regarded aa
'broken off' and left, and the hope of
guccess was in the Gentile world. See
the reasoning of the apostle Paul in
Rom. xi. Jerusalem was given up soon
ttfter to destruction, and the whole work,
JS contemplated in this prophecy, ceased.
The object for which the eity and temple
were rebuilt was accomplished, and here
was a proper termination of the prophecy.
It- was not necessary, indeed, that these
¦hould be at once destroyed, but they were
henceforth regarded as having fulfilkd

the work designed, and ris being now lefl
to ruin. The ruin did not at once occur,
but the sacrifices thenceforward offered
wero without meaning, and the train o"
events was constantly preparing that
would sweep away city and temple to
gether. I suppose, tberefore, that this
last ' one week' erabraced the period from
the beginning of the ministry of the Ha
viour to that when tbe direct and exclu
sive efforts to bring tbe principles of his
religion to bear on the Hebrew people,
as carrying out the design of the cove
nant made hy God with their fathers,
and confirmed with so many promises,
ceased, and tbe great effort was com
menced to evangelize the heath^D*world.
Then was the proper close of the seventy
weeks; what is added is merely a state
ment of the winding up of the whole af
fair in the destruction of tbe city and
temple. That occurred, indeed, some
years after, but at tbis period all tbat
was material in regard to that city bad
taken place, and consequently that was
all that was necessary to specify as to the
proper termination of the design of re
building the city and the temple, f And
in the midst of the week. The word here
rendered 'in the midst'— ;isn— mean?
properly half, tbe half part, JEx. xxiv. 6,
Num. xii. 12; then, the middle, or the
midst. Judges xvi. 3. The Vulgate ren
ders it, in dimidio; the Greek, iv tm
hfilaei. Hengstenberg, 'the half.' So Len
gerke, die Halfte. Luther, mitten, Tbe
natural and obvious interpretation is that
which is expressed in our translation, and
tb.at will convey the essential idea in tbe
original. It refers to something which
was to occur at about the middle portion
of this time, or when about half of tbis
period was elapsed, or to something which
it wotild require half of tbe 'one week,'
or seven years, to accomplish. The
meaning of the passage is fully met by
the supposition that it refers to the Lord
Jesus and his work, and that tho exact
thing that was intended by the prophecy.
was his death, or his being *cut off,' and
thus causing the sacrifice and oblation to
cease. Wbatever diflBculties th.-re may
be about the preciae time of our Lord'a
ministry, and whether he celebrated three
pasRovers or four after ho entered on his
public work, it is agreed on all hands that
it lasted about three years and u half—
tbe time referred to bere. Though a fciv

B.C. 538 J

CHAPTER IX.

413

have supp.ised that a longer period waa
occupied, yet the general belief of the
Church has coincided in that, and there
aro few points in history better settled.
On tbe supposition that this pertains to
the dealh of the Lord Jeaua, and that it
waa tbe design of the prophecy here to
refer to the effects of that death, this la
, the very language wbich would have
been uaed. If tbe period of 'a week'
were for any purpose mentioned, then it
would be indispensable , to suppose tbat
there would be an allusion to tbe import
ant' event — in faet, the great event which
was to occur in the middle of tbat period,
when the ends of the types and ceremo
nies of the Hebrew people would be ac-
compliabed, and a sacrifice made for the
sins of the whole world. ^ He ahallcause
.the sacrifice and the oblation to ceaae.
The word 'he,' In tbis place, refers to tbe
Messiah, if tbe interpretation of tbe
forner part of the yerse is correct, for
there can be no doubt that it is the same.
person which is mentioned in tbe phrase
'he shall confirm tbe covenant witb ma
ny.' The words 'sacrifice' and 'oblation,'
refer to the offerings made in tbe temple.
The former word more properly denotes
bloody offerings ; the latter, offeringa of
any kind — whether of flour, fruits, grain,
Ac. See these words explained in tbe
Notes on Isa. i. 11, 13. The word ren
dered " cease" — nO*iy; — means properly
to reat (whence the word Sabbath), and
then in Hiphil, to cause tcT rest, or to
cause to cease. It conveys the idea of
putting an end to, as, for example, war,
Ps. xlvi. 9, contention, Prov. xviii. 18,
exultation, Isa. xvi. 10. Geaenius. Tbe
literal signification here would be met by
the supposition that an end wonld be
made of these sacrifices, and this would
occur either by tbeir being made wholly
to cease to be offered at that time, or by
the fact tbat tbe object of tbeir appoint
ment was accomplished, and that hence
forward they would be useless and would
die aw.ay. As a matter of fact, so far as
the divine intention in the appointment
of these sacrifices and offerings was con
cerned, they ceased at the death of Christ
 in the middle of the ' week.' Then the
great sacrifice, which they had adum
brated, was offered. Then they ceased to
¦ have any significancy, no reason existing
for their longer continnance. Then, as
they never bad any efficacy in themselvea
35*

they ceased also lo have any propriety aa
types — for tbe tljlng which tbey bad pre
figured had been accomplished. Then,-
too, began a series of events and influ
ences which led to their abolition, for
soon tbey were interrupted by the Ro
mans, and the temple and the altars were
swept away to be rebuilt no more. The
death of Chriat was, in faot, the thing
wbich made them to cease, and th^ fait
that the great atonement lad been m.ido,
and tbat there was now no further need
of those offerings, is tbe only philosophi
cal reason which can be given why the
Jews have never been able again to re
build tbe temple, and why for eighteen
hundred years tbey have found no place
where they could again offer a bloody
sacrifice. The ' sacrifice and tbe obla
tion' were made, aa the result of the
coraing of the Messiah, to 'cease'/orcwcr,
and no power of man will be able to re
store them again in Jeruaalem. Comp.
Gibbons' account of the attempt of Ju
lian to rebuild the temple at Jerusalem.
Dec. and Pall, ii. 35—37. If Andfor the
overspreading of abominationa lie ahall
make it deaolate. The marginal reading
here is very different, showing clearly the
perplexity of the translators: ' Upon tbe
battlements shall be the idols of the deso
later.' There is great variety, also, in
the ancient versions in rendering tbis
passage. Tho Latin Vulgate is, 'And
there sh.nll be in the temple the abomina
tion of desolation.' The Greek, 'And
upon the temple shall be an abomin.ation
of desolations.' The Syriac, 'And upon
the extremities of the abomination, shall
rest desolation.' Tbe Arabic, 'And over
the sanctuary shall Iherf be the abomi
nation of ruin.' Lutber/enders it, 'And
upon the wings shall stand the abomina
tion of desolation.' Lengerke and Heng
stenberg render it, 'And upoh tbe sum-
mil of abomination comes the destroyer.'
Prof. Stuart, 'And tbe water shall be over
a winged fowl of abominations.' Theso
different translations show that there is
great, obscurity in the original, and per
haps exclude the hope of being able en
tirely to free the passage from all difficul
ties. An examination ofthe loorrfff, how
ever, may perhapa enable us to form a
judgmenc, of its meaning. The literal
and obvioua sense of the original as I un
derstand it, is, 'And upon the wing ofthe
abominations one causing desolation'—*

414

DANIEL.

[B. C. 538.

flOfcJc ffXIpr »7.? "jji; The word rendered
overspreading — 1)3 — means properly o
wing — so called aa covering, or becauae It
covers — from r^i^^ to cover, to hide. Then
it denotea any thing having a resemblance
to a wing, aa an extremity, a corner, aa
(a) of a garment, the skirt, or flap, 1 Sam.
xxiv. 6, 12, Num, xv. 38, and hence, as
the outer garment waa uaed by the Ori
entals to wrap themaelvea in at night,
the word ia uaed for the extremity or bor
der of a bed-covering. Beut. xxiii. 1 ;
Ruth iii. 9. {b) Il is applied to land, or
to tbe earth — as the earth ia compared
with a garment spread out. Isa. xxiv. 16;
Job xxxvii. 3, xxxviii. 13. (c) It is nsed
to denote the highest point, or a battle
ment, a pinnacle — as having a resem
blance to a wing spread out. So the
word TiTipyiov ia used in Mall. lv. 5. See
Notes on tbat passage. It would seem
most probable that tb^ allusion by the
word as applied to a building would not
be, as auppoaed by Gesenins {Lex.), and
by Hengstenberg and Lengerke, to the
pinnacle or summit, but to some roof,
porch, or piazza lhat had a reaemblance
to the winga of a bird aa apread out — a
uae of the word that would be very natu
ral and obvioua. The extended porch
that Solomon buill on the eoatern aide of
the temple weuld, not improbably, bave,
to one standing on the opposite Mount of
Olivea, much tbe appearance of the winga
of a bird apread out. Nothing certain
can be determined about the allusion bere
from tbe use of this word, but the connec
tion would lead us lo suppose that the
reference waa to something pertaining to
the city or temple, for the whole pro
phecy has a reference to tbe city and
temple, and it ia natural to suppoae tbat
in ita close tbere would be an allusion to
it. Tbe uae of the word 'wing* here
would lead to the aupposition that wbat
is aaid would pertain to aomething in con
nection witb tbe temple having a reaem
blance to the winga of a bird, and tbe
word 'upon* — 7j — would lead ua to aup
poae that what waa to occur would be
aomehow upon that. The word rendered
abominations — D Jt^^fe' — meana abomina
ble things, thinga to be held in deteata-
tlon, aa thinga unclean, filthy garmenta,
4c., and then idols, aa thinga that are to
•e held in abhorrence. Tbe word — yiper

ihik-kootz, ia rendered abomination in
Deut. xxix. 17, 1 Kinga xi. 5, 7, 2 Kingt
xxiii. 13, 24, Iaa. lxvi. 3, Jer. iv. 1, vii.
30, xiii. 27, xxxii. 34, Ezek. v. II, vll. 20,
XX. 7, 8, 30, Dan. ix. 27, xi. 31, xii. 11,
Hoa. ix. 10, Zech, ix. 7; abominable idols,
2 Chron. xv. 8, in tbe margin abomina
tions; det-alable, in Jer. xvi. 18, Ezek. xi.
18, 21, xxxvii, 23 ; an abominable filth in
Nah. iii. 0. It doea not occur elsewhere.
In most of these placea it ia applied to
idola, and tbe current usage would lead ns
so to apply it, if there were notbingin tho
connection to demand a different inter
pretation. It might refer to any thing
that was held in abomination, or tbat was
deteatable and offenaive. The word ia
one that might be used of an idol gud, or
of anything that would pollute or defile,
or that was from any cause offenaive. It
is not used in the Old Testament with
reference to a banner or military atandard,'
but there can be no doubt tbat it might
be so applied as denoting the standard of
a foe — of a heathen — ^planted on any
part of the temple — a thing whicb would
be particularly detestable and abomi
nable in the sight of the Jewa. Tbe
word rendered 'he sfaall make it de
solate' — DEiS'p — ia 'he making deaolate ;'
tbat ia, a desolater. It ia a Poel partici
ple from tsp^r to be aatonished, to be
laid waste ; and then, in an active sense,
to lay waste, to make deaolate. Geseniua.
The aame word, and the same phrase,
occura in cb. xl. 31: 'And they shall
place tbe abomination that maketh deso
late,' or, as it ia in the margin, astonish
elh. Tbere, also, the expression ia used
in connection witb 'taking away the
daily aacrificea.' Tbe word would bo
more properly rendered in this place de
solater, referring to some one wbo would
produce desolation. There ie great ob-
ruptneaa in the entire expreaaion, and it
ia evident that it was not the intention
to give so clear a prediction In thia tbat
it could be fully underatood beforehand.
The other porliona of the prophecy, re
specting tbe building of tbe city, and the
coming of tbe Meaaiah, and the work
that he would accompliah, are much nior«
clear, and their meaning could have been
made ont with much more certainty.
Eut, in reference to thia, it would aeem,
perhaps, that all that waa designed
was to throw out suggestions — frag
ments of thought, that would rather hint

B. C. 538.]

CHAPTER IX.

41S

at the subject than give any continuous
idea. Perhaps a much more abrupt me
thod of translation than tbat which
attempts to express it in a, continuous
grammatical construction capable of being
parsed easily, would better express the
state of the mind of the speaker, and the
language which he uses, than the ordi
nary versions. The Masoretic pointing,
also, may be disregarded, and then the
real idea would be better expressed by
eome such translation as the following :
' He shall cause tbe sacrifice and the
offering to cease. And — upon tbe wing —
the porch of tbe temple — abominations !
And a desolater!' That is^ after the
ceasing of tbe sacrifice and the oblation,
the mind is fixed upon the temple where
they had been offered. The first thing
that arrests the eye is some portion of
the temple, here denoted by the word
wing. The next is aomething abomina
ble or deteatable — an object to be hated
and loathed in the very temple itself.
The next is a desolater — ono who had
come to carry desolation to that very
temple. Whether the 'abomination' is
connected with the 'desolater' or not, is
not intimated by the language. It might,
or might not be. Tbe angel uses lan
guage as these objects strike tbe eye, and
he expresses bim,°elf in this abrupt man
ner as the eye rests on one or the otber.
Tbe question then arises, what does this
mean ? Or wbat is to be regarded as the
proper fulfilment? It seems to me that
there can be no doubt that there ia a re
ference to the Rom<an standard or ban
ners planted on some part of the temple,
or to tbe Koman army, or to some idols
set up by the Romans — objects of abom
ination to the Jews — as attracting the
eye of the angel in the distant future,
and as indicating tbe close of tbe series
of events bere referred to in the prophecy.
The reasons for this opinion are, summa.
rily, the following : (o) tbe place or order
in which fhe passage stands in the pro
phecy. It is after the coming of tbe
Messiah ; after the proper cessation of
the sacrifice and oblation, and at tbe
close of the whole series of events — the
termination of the whole design about re
building the city and the temple. (6) The
language is such as would properly re
present that. Nothing could be more
appropriate in tbe eommon estimation
of tbe Jews, than to apeak of such an
•bject aa a Romaa military standard

planted in any part of the temple, aa
an abomiruxtion; and no word would bet
ter denote the character of the Roman
conqueror than the word desolater— for
tbe effect of his coming was to lay the
whole city and temple in ruins, (o) Tbe
language of the Saviour in his reference
to this, would seera to demand such an
interpretation, Matt. xxiv. 15 : " When
ye, therefore, shall see the abomination
of desolation spoken of by Daniel the
prophet, stand in the holy place," Ac.
There can be no reasonable doubt that
tbe Saviour refers to this passage In Dan
iel (see Notes on Matt. xxiv. 15), or that
events occurred in the attack on Jerusa
lem and the temple that would fully cor
respond with the language used here.
Josephua, for instance, says, that wben
the oity was taken, the Romans brought
their ensigns into the temple, and placed
them over the eastern gate, and sacrificed
to them there. "And now the Romans,"
s.ays he, " upon the flight of the seditious
into the city, and upon the burning of
the holy house itself, and all tho build
ings round about it, brought their ensigns
into tbe temple, and set Ihem over against
its eastern gate ; and tbere they did offer
eacriflces to tbem, and there did tbey make
Titus Imperator with the greatest 'accla
mations of joy." Jewish Ware, b. vi. ch.
vi. g 1. This faet fully accords wilh the
meaning of the language as above ex
plained, and the reference to it waa de
manded in order that tbe purpose of the
prophecy should be complete. Its proper
termination is the deatruction of the city
and temple — as its beginning is the order
to rebuild them. ^Even until the con-
aummation. Until the completion — 7?]
— nSs. Tbat is, the series of events in
the prophecy shall in faot reach to the
completion of everything pertaining to
the city and temple. The whole purpose
in regard to tbat ahall be completed.
Tho design for whioh it is to be rebuilt
shall be consummated; tbe sacrifices to
be offered tbere shall be finished, and
they shall be no longer efficacious or pro
per ; the wbole civil and religious polity
oonnected with tbe city and temple shall
pass away. ^ And that determined. —
nxinji. See this word explained in the
Notes on vs. 24, 26. See also Notes on
Isa. X. 23. There seema to bo an allu
sion in the word here to ita former uae,
as denoting that this is the fulfilment of

410

DANIEL.

[B. C 538

the determination in regard to the city
and temple. The idea ia, tbat that
whieh was determined, or decided on, to
wit, with reference to the closing scenes
of the city and temple, would be accom
plished. If Shall be poured. Tlpn . The
word here used means to pour, to pour
out, to overflow — as rain, water, curses,
anger, &c. If may be properly applied
to calamity or desolation, as these thinga
m.ay be represented aa poured down upon
a people, in the manner of a atorm. —
Comp. 2 Sam. xxi. 10, Ex. ix. 33, Ps.
xi. 6, Ezek. xxxviii. 22, 2 Chron. xxxiv.
21, xii. 7, Jer. vii. 20, xlii. 18, xliv. 6.
f Upon the desolate. Marg., desolater.
Tbe Hebrew word — DOIU' — is the aame,
though in another form {Kai instead of
Poel) whieh is used in the previous part
of the verse, and rendered ' he shall mako
it desolate,' but wbich is proposed above
to be rendered deaolater. The verb cpE'
is an intransitive verb, and means, in Kai,
the form nsed bere, to be astonished or
amazed; then 'to be laid waste, to be
made desolate* {Geseniua), and the mean
ing in this place, therefore, is, that which
is desolate or laid waste — the wasted, tbo
perishing, the solitary. The reference ia
to Jerusalem viewed as desolate or re
duced to ruins. The angel, perhaps, con-
templatea it, aa he ia speaking, in ruina
or aa desolate, and he aeea this also as
tbe termination of tbe entire series of pre
dictions, and, in view of the wbole, speaks
of Jeruaalem appropriately aa the deaolate.
Thongh it would be rebuilt, yet it would
be again reduced to desolation, for tbe
purpose of tbe rebuilding — the coming
uf the Messiah^would be accomplished.
Aa tbe, proph ecy ^nrfa Jerusalem a scene
of ruins, ao it leavea it, and the last word
in the prophecy, tberefore, is appropri
ately tbe word desolate. The interme
diate stale indeed between the condition
of the city as seen at first and at tbe close
is glorious — for it embraces the whole
work of tbe Messiah ; but the beginning
is a scene of ruins, and so is tbe close.
Tbe sum of the whole in the latter part
of the verse, may be expressed in a
free paraphrase: 'He, the Messi.ah, shall
ciuse the sacrifice and oblation to cease,
by having fulfilled in bis own death the
design of the ancient offerings, thus ren
dering them now useless, and upon the
outspreading — upon the temple regarded
ts apread out, or some wing or portico.

there are seen abominable thinga — idola-
trona enaigns, and the worahip of for
eigners. A desolater ia there, also, come
to spread destruction — a foreign army or
leader. And this shall continue even to
the end of the whole matter — tbe end of
tbe events contemplated by the prophecy
— the end of the city and the tempie.
And that whieh ia determined on — the
destruction decreed — shall be ponred out
like a tempest on tbe city doomed to de
solation — desolate aa surveyed at the be
ginning of the prophecy — deaolate at the
close, and therefore appropriately called
' the desolate.'
After thia protracted examination of
the meaning of this prophecy, all the re
mark which it seems proper to make is,
that this prediction could have been the
result only of inspiration. There is tbe
clearest evidence that the prophecy was
recorded long before the time of the Mes
siah, and it ia manifest that it could not
have been the reault ofany natural saga
city. There is not tbe slightest proof
thatit was uttered as late as tbe coming
of Christ, and there is Bothing better de
termined in relation to any ancient mat
ter than that il waa recorded long before
the birth of the Lord Jesus. Ent it ia
equally clear that it could have been the
result of no mere natural sagacity. How
could such events have been foreseen ex
cept by Him who knows all thinga? —
How could the order have been deter
mined ? How could the time have been
fixed ? How could it have been antici
pated tbat the Measiah, tbe Prince would
be cut off? How could it have been
known that he would cause the sacrifice
and oblation to cease? How could it
bave been ascertained that the period
dnring whicb he wonld be engaged in
this would be one week — or about seven
years? How could it be predicted tbat
a remarkable event would occur in tbo
middle of that period that would in fael
canse the sacrifice and oblation ultimately
to cease ? And bow could it be conjec
tured tbat a foreign prince woi:.Id come,
and plant the atandard of abomination
in the holy city, and aweep all awny —
laying the city and the temple in ruins,
and bringing the whole polity to an end?
These things lie beyond the range of
natural sagacity, and if tbey are foirly
implied in this prophecy, they demon
strate that thia portion of tho beok ii
from God.

B. C. 534.]

CHAPTER X.

417

CHAPTER X.

ANALYSIS OP THE CHAPTER.

This chapter introduces the last revelation made to Daniel, and is merely introductory to tbe
disclosures made in tbe two follo^¥ing chapters. Tbe whole extends to the time of the coming
of the Messiah, embracing a detail of tho principal historical events that would occur, and closes
with some fearful aUusions to the ultimate results of human conduct in the day of judgment,
. and to the great principles on wbich God governs the world. The contents of this introductory
chapter are as follows : (a) the statement of the time when tbe revelation occurred, ver. 1. This
was in tbe third year of Cyrus king of Persia, subsequentiy, therefore, to the visions in the
previous chapters, and after the order had been given by Cyrus for the restoration of the Jews,
Eisra i. 1. (b) The particular period when this occurred was wben Daniel was observing a fast
tbat continued through three weeks, vs. 2, 3. This was at the Passover, the first month in their
ecclesiastical year, and the fast was observed by Daniel, evidently, on account of tho sins and
-the calamities of .his people, (c) The place where this occurred, ver. 3. He was by the side of
the river of Hiddekel, or Tigris. Why he was there, be does not say. But it ia to be remem
bered that he seeras to bave been employed on some occasions in other parts of the empire than
Babylon, and one of his former visions occurred on the banks of a river tbat flowed into tbe
Tigris — tbe river UlaL See Notes on ch. viii. 2. Indeed, it would appear that the banks of
rivers were not unfrequently the places to whieh the prophets resorted, or where they were favored
with their visions. They wero retired places, and were on many accounts favourable for devo
tion. Comp. Ezek. i. 1 ; Acts xvi. 12. See also Kev. xxii. 1, 2. (d) AVhile there, engaged in hia
devotions, Daniel saw a man, who suddenly appeared to him, clothed in linen, and girded with
a belt of gold. Tbose who were with him fled astonished and left him alone to contemplate tbe
vision, and to receive the communicatiou which this glorious stranger had to make to him.
The effect of this vision on himself, however, was wholly to overcome him, *o prostrate him to
the earth, and to render him insensible, until the angel touched him, and rais&i him up, vs.
4 — ^10. In all this there is nothing unnatural. The effect is such as would be produced in any
case in similar circumstances, and il has a striking resemblance to what occurred to Saul of
Tarsus on his way to Dama-'cus, Acts ix. 3, 4; xxii. 7 — 9, and to John in the visions of Patmos,
Rev. i. 10 — 17. (c) He who had thus appeared to Daniel, proceeded to state to him the design
for which he had come, vs. 11 — 14. The prayer of Daniel, he said, had been heard tbe first day
in Ti'hich he had given himself to these solemn acts of devotion. He had himself been commis-
sionyd at that time to come to Daniel, and to disclose the eveuts which were to occur. During
a p< riod of twenty-one days, however, in wbich Daniel had been engaged in this season of do
votion, he had been withstood by ' the prince ofthe kingdom of Persia,' and had been detained
until Michael, one ofthe chief princes, had interposed to releve him, and he had now come, at
last to make known to Daniel wbat would occur to his people in the latter days. The naturo
of this detection will, of course, be considered in tbe Notes on ver. 13. (/) Dauiel then (vs.
15  I7)j describes the effect which this vision had on him, rendering him unable to converso
with him who had thus appeared to bim. (g) The heavenly messenger then touched bim, and
bade him bc of good courage and be strong (vs. 18, 19), and then said that he would return and
fii-ht with the prince of Persia, after having stated that which was ' noted in the Scripture of
tr°uth,' vs. 20, 21.

1 In the third year of Cyrus king
of Persia a thing was revealed unto
1. In the third year of Cyrus king of
Persia. In regard to Cyrus, see Notes
on Isa, xli. 2. In ch. i. 21-, it is said that
*T>aniel continued even unto the first
year of king Cyrus.* Butit is not neces
sarily iraplied in tbat passage that ho
died there. It may mean only tbat he
continued in authority, and was em
ployed, in various woys, as a public offi
cer, until that time. See Notes on that
passage. For anything that appears, he
may have lived several years after,
though, for causes now unknown, he
may have retired from the coast after
tke Accession of Cyrus. This vision may

Daniel, whose name was called Bel
teshazzar ; and the thing was true,

have occurred when he was no longer a
public officer, though the whole narrative
leads us to suppose tbat he had not lost
his intenfist in the affairs of the Jewish
people. He may have retired on account
of age, though bis declining years would
be naturally devoted to the welfare of bia
people, and he would embrace any oppor
tunity which he might have of doing
them good. ^ A thing was revealed unto
Baniel. A revelation was made to him.
The occasion on which itwas done is stated
in the next verse. It was when he was
earnestly engaged in prayer for bis peo
ple, and when his mind was deeply anx-

418

DANIEL. [B.C. 634

but the time appointed was ' long :
and he understood the thing, and
had understanding of the vision.

ious in regard to tbeir condition, f Whose
name was called Belteshazzar. See Notes
on cb. i. 7. The name Belteshazzar was
probably that by wbich he was known
in Babylon, and as tbis prophecy was per
haps published in his own time, tbe use
of tbis name would serve tfl identify the
author. The name Daniel would have
been sufiicient to give it currency and au
thority among his own countrymen.
^ And the thing was true. That is, it
would be certainly accomplished. This
expresses the deep conviction of the wri
ter that wbat was revealed in this vision
would certainly come to pass. In his
own mind tbere was no doubt tbat it
would be so, tbough tbe time extended
through many years, and though it could
not be expected that it would be com
plete until long after bis own death.
Perhaps the declaration bere is designed
to bring tbe weight of his own authority
and bis well-linown character ; to pledge
his own word, tbat what is here said would
be accoraplished : or, as we should say, to
stalie his veracity as a prophet and a man,
on the fulfilment of what he had affirmed.
Such an assertion might be of great use in
consoling tho minds of the Jews in tbe
troubles tbat were to come upon tbeir na
tion. ^ But the time appointed was long.
Marg., great. There is considerable va
riety in the translation and interpretation
of this passage. The Latin Vulgate ren
ders it fortitudo magna. The Greelf,
'And tbe power was great.* The Syriac,
' And the discourse was apprehended with
great effort, but he understood the vis
ion.' Luther, ' And it was of great mat
ters.' Lengerke, 'And tbe misery
{Elend) is great ;' tbat is, the distress of
the people. Bertholdt renders it, ' Whose
contents pertained to great wars.' This
variety of interpretation arises from the
word rendered in our version 'the time
appointed' — NJX,- This word properly
means an army, host, as going forth to
war ; tben the host of angels, of the stars,
and hence God is so often called ' Jeho
vah of hosts.' Then the word meana
warfare, military service, a hard service,
a season of affliction or calamity. See
Notos on Job vii. 1. It seems to me tbat
this is the meaning here, aod that Gese-

2 And in those days I Daniel wat
mourning three >> full weeks.
a great. b we^ks of duy a.

nius {Lex.) has correctly expressed the
idea: "And true is the edict, and relates
to long warfare; that is, to many calami.
ties to be endured." It was not a thing
to be soon accomplished, nor did it per
tain to peaceful and easy times, but it
had reference to tbe calamities, the evils,
and the hardships of wars : — wars at
tended with the evils to which they are
usually incident, and wbich were to be
conducted on a great scale. Tbis inter
pretation will accord witb the details in
the following chapters. ^ And he under
stood the thing, &c. This seems to be said
io contradistinction to wbat had occurred
on some otber occasions when tbe mean
ing of the vision whicb he saw was con
cealed from him. Of tbis be says he bad
full understanding. The prophecy was,
in fact, more cleariy expressed than had
been usual in the revelations made to
Daniel, for this is almost entirely a his
torical narrative, and tbere could belittle
doubt as to its meaning.
2. In thoae daya I Daniel was mourning.
I was afflicting myself; that is, he bad
set apart tbis time as an extraordinary
fast. He was sad and troubled. He does
not say on what account he w.as thus
troubled, but tbere can be little donbt
tbat it was on account of his people.
Tbis was two years after tbe order had
been given by Cyrus for the restora
tion of tbe Hebrew people to tbeir coun
try, but it is not improbable that they
met with many embarrassments in their
efforts to return, and possibly there may
have sprung np in Babylon some diffi
culties on tbe subject tbat greatly affect-ed
tbe mind of Daniel. Tbe difficulties at
tending such an enterprise as that of re
storing a captured people to their country,
when tbe march lay across a vast desert,
wonld at any time have been sucb as to
have made an extraordinary season of
prayer and fasting proper, f Three full
weeks. Marg., weeka of daya. Heb.,
' Tbree sevens of days.' He does not say
whether he had designedly set apart tbat
time to be occupied as a season of fasting,
or whether he had, under the influence
of deep feeling, continued bis fast from
day to day until it reached that period.
Either supposition will accord witb th«

B. G. 534.]

CHAPTER X.

419

3 I ate no > pleasant bread, nei
ther came flosh nor -wine in my
mouth, neither did I anoint myself
at all, till three ¦whole weeks were
fulfiUed. ^bread of desires. ^'one.

circumstances of the case, and either
would have justified such an act at any
time, for it would be undoubtedly proper
to designate a time of extraordinary de
votion, or, under the influence of deep
feeling, of domestic trouble, of national
affliction, to continue such religions ex
ercises from day to day.
3. I ate no pleaaant bread. Marg., 6rca<£
of deairea. So the Hebrew. The mean
ing is, that he abstained from ordinary
food, and partook of that only which was
coarse and disagreeable. ^ Neither came
fleah nor wine itt my mouth. Tbat is, be
lived on bread or vegetables. It is not
to be inferred from this tbat Danici ordi
narily made use of wine, for it would
seem from chapter i. that tbat was not his
custom. What would appear from this
passage would be, that be practised on
this occasion the most rigid abstinence.
^ Neither did I anoint myaelf. The use
of unguents was common in the East,
(Seo Notes on Matt. vi. 17), and Daniel
here says that he abstained during these
three weeks from tbat whicb he ordina
rily observed as promoting his personal
corafort. He gave himself up to a course
of life which would be expressive of deep
grief. Nature prompts to this when the
mind is overwhelmed with sorrow. Not
only do we become indifferent to our food,
but it requires an effort not to be indiffer-
3nt to our drees, and to our personal ap
pearance. 4. And in the four and twentieth day of
the firat month. At the close of his sea
son of fasting. Tbough he had not set
apart this season of fasting witb any
view or expectation that it would be fol
lowed by such a result, yet there was
a propriety that an occasion like this
should be selected as that on which the
communication which follows should be
made to his mind; for (o) his mind was
in a prepared state by this extraordinary
feason of devotion, for such a communi-
eation i and (i) his attention during tbat
period had been turned towards tbe con
dition of his people, snd it was a fit op
portunity to impart to him these extraor-

4 And in the fpur and twentieth
day of the first month, as I was by
the side of the great river, which m
Hiddekel ;
5 Then I lifted up mine eyes, and
looked, and behold ¦> a certain man
dinary views of \^hat woulil occur to them
in futuro daya. It may be added, that
we shall be more likely to receive divine
communications to our souls at tbe closs
of seasons of sincere and prolonged devo
tion than at other times, and tbat, tbough
we may set upart such seasons for differ
ent purposes, the Spirit of God may take
occasion from tbem to impart to us clear
and elevated views of divine truth, and of
the divine government. A man is in a
better state to obtain such views, and is
more likely to obtain tbem, in such cir
cumstances than he is in others, and be
who desires to understand God and bis
ways should wait upon him with intense
and prolonged devotion. The time here
specified is tbe 'first month' — the month
Nisan, answering to a part of our month
April. This was the month in wbich the
Passover was celebrated, and was a time,
tberefore, which a Jew wonld be likely
to select as a season of extraordinary de
votion. It was, for some reason, very
common for the prophets to record the
very day on which tbe visions which they
saw appeared to tbem, or on which divine
communications were made to them.
This was often of importance, because it
served to determine the time wben a pro
phecy was fulfilled, ^f 7ioa« by the side
of the great river, which, is Hiddekel,
That is, the Tigris. Tbe Syriao renders
it the Euphrates. The name in the
Scriptures, however, denotes the Tigris.
'Why Daniel was there he does not say.
He was often away from Babylon (Comp.
Notes on cb. vii. 2 ), and he may have
been now among some of his people wbo
resided near the Tigris. Possibly he may
at that time bave ceased to reside at tbo
court in Babylon, and have taken up bis
residence in some place on the Tigris,.
See Notes on verse 1.
5. Then I lifted up mine eyea, and
loolced, (tc. While he was engaged in
devotion. What is here said would lead
us to suppose tbat he bad been occupied
in deep thought and meditation, perhaps
with bis eyes fixed on the ground, f Ba,
hoid a certain man clothed t» 2m«s. Od«

120

DANIEL.

[B. C. 534.

clothed in linen, whose loins were
girded with fine gold of Dphaz.
6 His body » also -was like the
beryl, and his face as the appear-
irho had the form and appearance of a
nr.an. The subsequent disclosures showed
tbat he was an angel, bnt when angels
have appeared on earth they have com
monly assumed the human form. The
margin is, ' one.' So also is the Hebrew
' one man.' Erom ch. xii. 6, it would
seem tbat two other sueh beings appeared
in the conrse ofthe vision, but either one
only wag manifest now to Daniel, or his
attention was particularly directed to
him. The name of tbis celestial messen
ger is not given, but all tbe circumstances
of the case lead us to suppose that it was
tbe same who had appeared to him on
the banks of the Ul.ai, (cb. viii. 16), and
the same who had made the revelation
of the seventy weeks, oh. ix. 21, aeq.
Linen was the common raiment of priests,
because it was supposed to be more pure
than wool, Ex. xxviii. 42; Lev. vi. 10;
xvi. 4, 23 ; 1 Sam. ii. 18. It was also
worn by prophets, Jer. xiii. 1, and is re
presented as the raiment of angels, Rev.
XV. 6. Tbe nature of the raiment would
suggest the idea at once that this person
thus appearing was one sustaining a
s.aintly character. ^ Whoae loins were
girded with fine gold of Uphaz. Witb a
girdle made of line gold; thatis, proba
bly, it was made of something in which
fine gold was interwoven so as to give it
the appearance of puro gold. It was cus
tomary at the East, as it is now, to wear
a girdle around tbe loins. See Notes on
Matt. V. 38. These girdles are often
made of rich material, and are highly
ornamented. Comp. Notes on Rev. i. 13.
Nothing is known of Uphaz, unless, as
Scsenius supposes, the word is a corrup
tion of Ophir, made by a change of a
single letter — j for i. Ophir was cele
brated for its gold, but its situation is
unknown. See Notes on Job xxii. 24.
6. Hia body alao was like ihe beryl.
There is a very striking resemblance be
tween the description here given and
tbat of the Saviour as he appeared to
John in Patmos, Rev. i. 13 — 10. See
Notes on that passage It contains, how
ever, no description ofthe appearance of
the body. Beryl is " a mineral of great
hardness, occurring in green, and bluish-

ance of lightning, and his eyes ag
lamps of fire, and his arms and hii
feet like in colour to polished brass,
»Ee.l. 13— 17.

green six sided prisms. It is identical
with tbe emerald, except that the latter
has a purer and richer colour." Dana,
in Webster's Die. The Hebrew word
here used is F^^n — Tarahiah — Tarteaaua,
and properly refers to a conntry, sup
posed to be on tbe south of Spain, a
place where this mineral was probably
found. This was situated between the
mouth of tbe river BiBtis, or Guadal-
quiver, and was a flourishing mart of tho
Phffinicians, Gen. X. 4; Ps. Ixxii. 10; Isa.
xxiii. 1, 6, 10, &e. Geaenius. Tbe name
was given to this gem because it was
broughtfrom thatplace. The true mean
ing of the word, as applied to a gem, is
supposed to be tbe chrysolite, that is, the
topaz of the moderns. " Tarshish, the
Chrysolith," says RosenmiiUer (Miner
alogy and Botany of the Bible, pp. 38,
39,) "is a chrystalline precious stone of
the quartz kind, of a glassy fracture.
The prevailing colour is yellowish green,
and pistachiogreen of every variety and
degree of shade, but always witb a yel
low and gold lustre. It is completely
diuphonous, and has a strong double re
fraction. Most commonly the chrysolite
is found solid and in grains, or in angu
lar pieces. The Hebrew word Tarahiah
denotes the south of Spain, the Tartessus
of the Greeks and Romans, a place to
which the Phoenicians traded even in the
earliest ages. Probably the Phoenicians
first brought the chrysolith from Spain
to Syria, and it was on tbat account
called Tarshish Stone." ^ And his face
as tlie appearance of lightning. Bright,
shining. In Rev.i. 16, it is, "and his
countenance was as the sun shineth in
his strength." See Notes on that pas
sage. % And his eyea aa lampa of fire.
Keen, penetrating. So Rev. i. 14 : " His
eyes were as a flame of fire." M And hia
arms and Ida feet like in colour to pol-
iahed braaa. So in Rev. i. 15 : "And his
feet like unto fine brass, as if they burned
in a furnace." . See Notes on that pas-
sage. The meaning is, that they were
bright — like burnished metal. Tbe He
brew here is, 'like the eye of brass;'
then, as the word eye comes to denote
the faxe or countenance, the meaning il

B. C. 534.]

CHAPTER X.

421

and the voice of his words like the
voice of a multitude.
_ 7 And I Daniel alone saw the vi
sion : for the men that were with
me saw not the vision ; but a great
quaking fell upon them, so that they
fled to hide themselves.
8 Therefore I was left alone, and
saw this great vision, and there re
mained no strength in me : for my

'like the face or appearance of brass.'
Oomp. Ex. X. 5, 15; Num. xxii. 5, 11.
It is easy to conceive of the appearance
which one would make whose arms and
feet resembled burnished brass. ^ And
the voice of hia worda like the voice of a
multitude. A multitude of people — loud
and strong. So in Rev. i. 15; "And bis
voice as the sound of many waters."
7. And I Daniel alone aaw the viaion.
That is, he only saw it distinctly. The
others who were with him, appear to
h.ive seen or heard something which
alarmed tbem, and they fled'. Who those
men were, or why tbey were with hira,
he does not say. Tbey may have been
his own countrymen, engaged with him
in the act of devotion, or they may have
been Babylonians occupied in the public
service ; but whoever tbey were, or what
over was the reason why tbey were there,
they became alarmed and fled. The case
was somewhat different with the com
panions of Saul of Tarsus when the Sa
viour appeared to hira on his way to
Damascus. These saw the" light ; they
all fell to tbe earth together, but Saul
only heard the voice of him that spake.
Acts xxii. 9.
8. Therefore I waa left alone, and aaw
thia great vision. That is, I distinctly
saw it, or contemplated it. He perceived
doubtless that it was a heavenly vision,
and as he had often been favoured witli
similar manifestations, be remained to
receive tbe communication wbich proba
bly be understood was to be made. ^ And
there remained no atrength in me. He
was completely overcome. A similar
effect was produced on John when he was
in Patmos: "And when I saw him, I
fell at his feet as dead," Rev. i. 17. That
he sbould be overcome, and his strength
taken away, was not an unnatural effect;
and what occurred to Daniel and John j
nay tiemonetrate that there may be such I
86

•comeliness was turned in me in
to corruption, and I retained no
strength. 9 Yet heard I the voice of hia
words: and when I heard the voice
of his words, then was I ir. a deep
sleep on my face, and my face to
wards the ground. a or, vigour.

views of the divine character and glory
now as to prostrate our physical powers.
It is certain that snch visions as those
wbich appeared to Daniel and John would
have this effect; and, thongh we are not
to expect tbat they will now be vouch
safed to men, no one can doubt that there
may be such views of God, and heaven,
and eternal realities presented to the eye
of faith and hope ; such joy in the evi
dence of pardoned sin ; snch a change
from n sense of condemnation to the peace
resulting from forgiveness, that the pow
ers of tbe body may be prostrated, and
sink from exhaustion. Indeed, it is not
much of the revelation of the divine cha
racter that in our present state we can
bear. ^ For my eomelineaa. Marg.,
vigour. Heb. -iin — hodh. The word
means, properly, majesty, or splendonr;
tben beauty or brightness, as ofthe com
plexion. Tbe meaning here is, that his
'bright complexion' (Gesenius, Lex.), was
changed upon him; tbat is, that he tumed
pale. ^ Into corruption. The phrase
here used means literaUy 'into destruc
tion.' The sense is, that by the change
that came over bim, his beauty — bis
bright or florid complexion was com
pletely dealroyed. He became deadly
pale. 9. Tet heard I the voiee of hia worda.
What the angel said when he appeared
to bim, Daniel has not recorded. He
says (ver. 6) that the voice of bis words
was 'as tbe voice of a multitude.' It is
prob.ible that those who were with him
had heard that voiee, and hearing it, and
being struck witb tbe remarkable charac
ter of the vision, they bad suddenly fled
in alarm. Daniel heard raore distinctly
what hc said, though it does not yet ap
pear that he had heard anything more
than the aound ofhis voice. ^ And when
I heard the voice of hia worda, then teas I
in a ^ieep aleep on my face. Gomp. Notea

422

DANIEL.

[B. C. 534

10 ^ And behold, a hand touched
me, which > set me upon my knees
and upnn the palms of my hands.
11 And he said unto me, 0 Dan
iel, a man i" greatly beloved, under
stand, the words that I speak unto
thee, and stand ° upright : for unto
thee am I now sent. And when he
Amoved. ^of desires.
on ch. viii. 18. Lengerke renders this,
' I sank into a deep sleep,' &,e. This is
undoubtedly the meaning, that when be
beard this voice be was overcorae, and
sank prostrate aud senseless upon the
earth. The sense of tbe Hebrew may be
thus expressed: 'I became — ^J?"v' — *^P"
pressed with sleep,' Ac.
10. And behold, a hand touched me.
Tbe band of tbe angel. Comp. ch. viii.
18. ^ Which set me upon my knees, and
upon the palms of my hands. Not ' up
right,' as in ch. viii. IS. Tbat is, he had
not strength given him at once to stand
erect, but be was partially raised up, and
enabled to move, tbough in a feeble and
tottering manner. The word here used —
jjij — means to move to and fro ; to waver ;
to vacillate ; — and the sense here, as ex
pressed by Gesenius (/.ex.) is, 'lo, a band
touched me, and caused me to reel (i. e.
to stand reeling and trembling,) upon my
knees nnd hands.' He was gradually re-
stored-to strength.
11. And he aaid unto inc, 0 Daniel, a
man greatly beloved. That is, in beaven.
Marg., as in Heb., of deaire. See Notes
on ch. ix. 23. ^ Underatand the worda
that I apeak unto thee. That is, attend
to them, implying tbat he would be able
to understand them. % And aland up
riglit. Marg., as in Heb., upon thy atand
ing. Tbat is, stand erect. See Notes on
ch. viii. 18.
12. Then eaid lie unto me, Fear not.
Be not alarmed at my presence ; do not
fear that your devotions are not accepted,
and tbat yonr prayers are not heard.
^ For from the first day that thou didat
aet thy heart to underatand. That is, by a
season of extraordinary devotion. Daniel
bad devoted tbree full weeks to such a
aerrice (vs. 2, 3), and it would seem from
(his that one object which he had in
view was to make inquiry about the fu-
'ure condition of his people, or to learn

had spoken this word unto me, I
stood trembling.
12 Then said he unto me. Fear
not, Daniel: for from the first day
that thou didst set thy heart to un
derstand, and to chasten thyself be
fore thy God, thy words were J heard,
and 1 ara come for thy words.
c upon thy standing. d Ac. 10. 30, 31.
what was bis own duty in the present
circumstances, or what methods he might
use to secure tbe return of his country
men to their own land. The circum
stances of tbe case were such as to make
either of these inquiries proper, and the
angel now affirms that from tbe first day
when he entered on these itivestigations,
he was despatched to come to him, and
to assure him tbat bis prayer was heard.
The reason why he had not sooner ar
rived, and why Daniel was left to con
tinue his prayers so long without any
answer being returned, is stated in tbe
following verses. Comp. Notes on eh.
ix. 23. ^ And to chasten thyself before
thy God. That is, by fasting and humi
liation. Literally, to afflict thyself. ^ Thy
words were heard. In beaven. Another
proof that prayer is at once heard, thongh
tbe answer may be long delayed. Tbe
instance beforo us shows that the answer
to prayer may seem to be delayed, from
causes unknown to ns, though the prayer
ascends at once to beaven, and God de
signs to answer it. In this case, it was
deferred by the detention of the messen
ger ou tbe way (ver. 13) ; in otber cases
it may be from a different cause ; but it
should never be set down as a proof that
prayer is not heard, and that it will not
be answered, because the answer is not
granted at once. Weeks, or months, or
years may elapse before the divine pur
pose shall be made known, though, so to
speak, the messenger may be on his way
to us. Something may prevent tbe an
swer being borne to us; some 'prince of
tbe kingdom of Persia' may withstand
tbe messenger; some cause which we
may not know may hinder the immediate
answer of our prayer either in our own
hearts, or in outward events which can
not at once be controlled without a mira
cle, or in the feelings and views of our
friends whom we seek to have converted
aud saved, but the purpose to answer (ha

B. C. 534.]

CHAPTER X.

423

13 But the prince of the kingdom
of Persia withstood me one and
prayer may have been simultaneous with
its being offered, and a train of measures
may have been commenced at once to
bring about the result, though many weeks
or months of delay, of anxiety, of tears,
may elapse before we attain the object we
desired. Daniel would have been cheered
in his days of fasting and service if he
had known that an angel was on his way
to him to comfort him, and to communi
cate to bim an answer from God , often —
why not always — in\our days of deepest
anxiety and trouble; wben our prayers
seem not to penetrate tbe skies ; when
we meet with no response; wben tbe
thing for which we pray seems to be
withheld ; when our friends reraain un
converted ; wben irreligion abounds and |
prevails ; when we seera to be doing no
good, and wben calamity presses upon
us, if we saw tbe arrangement Wbicb God ^
was already making to answer the prayer, j
and could see the messenger on the way,
our hearts would exult, and our tears
would cease to flow. And why, in our
days of trouble and anxiety, should we
not believe that it ia so, and tbat God,
even though the delay may seem to be
long, will yet show himself to be a hearer
and an answerer of prayer?
13. But the prince of the kingdom of
Peraia. In explaining tbis very difficult
verse, it may be proper I. to consider tbe
literal sense of the words ; II. to deduce
the fair meaning of tbe passage as thus
explained ; and HI. to notice the pr,acti-
cal truths taught. The word rendered
prince — -fH — «a»-, means properly aleader,
commander, cbief, as of troops, Gen. xxi.
22 ; of a king's body-guard. Gen. xxxvii.
36 ; of cup-bearers. Gen. xlix. 9 ; of a
prison. Gen. xxxix. 21, 22; of a flock.
Gen. xlvii. 6. Then it means a prince, a
noble, a cbief in the state. Gen. xii. 15.
In Dan. viii. 25, in the phrase ' Prince of
princes,' it refers to God. So far as the
word is concerned in the phrase 'prince
of the kingdom of Persia,' it might refer
to a prince ruling over that kingdom, or
to a prime minister of the state, but tbe
language also is such tbat it is applioable
to an angelio being pupposed to preside
ov^r a staie, or to influer;"e its councils.
If this idea ia admitted; ifit be believed
ibat angels do thus preside over paxticu-

twenty days. : but lo, Michael, • one
» or, the first. Jude 9 ; Ke. 12. 7.
lar states, tbis language would properly
express that fact. Gesenius {Lex.) ex
plains it in this passage as denoting the
'chiefs, princes and angels; i.e. the arch
angels acting as patrons and advocates
of particular nations before God.' Tbat
this is the proper meaning here as de
duced from the words, is apparent, for
(a) it is an angel tbat is speaking, and it
would seem most natural to suppose that
he bad encountered one ofhis own rank;
(6) the mention of Michael who came to
his aid — a name whicb, as we shall see,
properly denotes an angel, leads to the
same conclusion ; (c) it accords, also, with
tbe prevailing belief on the subject. Un
doubtedly one who takes into view all
the circumstances referred to in this pas
sage, would most naturally understand
this of an angelic being, having sorae
kind of jurisdiction over the kingdom
of Persia. What was the character of
this 'prince,' however; whether he was
a good or bad angel, is not intimated by
the language. Itis only implied thathe
had a chieftainship, or some species of
guardian oare, over tbat kingdom —
watching over its interests, and directing
its affairs. As he offered resistance, how
ever, to this heavenly messenger on his
way to Daniel, and as it was necessary to
counteract his plans, and as the aid of
Michael was required to overcome his
opposition, the fair construction is, that
be belonged to the class of evil angels.
% Withstood me. Heb., 'stood over
ao'ainst me.' Vulgate, restitit mihi. Tbe
fair meaning is, that he resisted or op
posed hira; that be stood over against
him, and delayed him on his way tb Dan
iel. In wbat manner he did tbis is not
stated. The most obvious interpretation
is, tbat, in order to answer tbe prayers
of Daniel in respect to his people, it was
necessary tfaat some arrangement should
be made in reference to the kingdom of
Persia — influencing the government to
be favourable to tbe restoration of the
Jews to their own land; or removing
some obstacles to such return — obstacles
which had given Daniel such disquietude
and which had been thrown in bis way
by the piesiding angel of that kingdom.
\ One and twenty days. During tho
wholo time in which Daniel was engaged

424 DANIEL.
of the chief yrinoes, camo to help

LB. C. 534

in fasting and prayer, vs. 2, 3. The an
gel had been sent forth to make arrnnge-
ments to secure the answsr to his prayer
when be began to pray, but had been de
layed during all that time by the opposi
tion wbich he had met with in Persia.
Ibi>'. is, it required all that time to over
come the obstacles existing tbere to tho
accomplishment of these purposes, and to
make these arrangements wbicb were ne
cessary to secure tbe result. Meantime,
Daniel not knowing tbat these arrange
ments' were in a process of completion, or
that an angel was eraployed to secure tbe
answer to his prayers, yet strong in faith,
wns suffered to continue bis supplications
with no intiraation that his prayers were
heard, or that he would be answered.
How mony arrangements may there be
in progress designed to answer our prny-
eis of wbich wo know nothing 1 How
many agents may be employed to bring
about an answer I Wbat mighty obsta-
sles mny be in a process of removal, and
what changes may be made, and what
influences exerted, while we are suffered
to pray, and fust, and weep, amidst many
discouragements, and many trials of our
faith and patience I For a much longer
period than Daniel was engaged in bis
devotions, may we be required often now
to pray before tbe arrangements in the
course of Providence shall be so far com
plete thut we shall receive an answer to
our supplications, fur the things to be
done may extend far into future months or
years. % But lo, Michael, one nf the chief
princea. Marg., the firat. That is, tho
first in rank of the ' princes,' or the an
gels. In other words, Michael tho arch
angel. The proper meaning of tbis name —
Sn^'P — is, 'Who as God,' ond is a nnme
given, undoubtedly, from some resem
blance to God. The exact reason why
it is given is not anywhere stated ; but
may it not be this : — tbat one looking on
tho majesty and glory of the chief of the
angels, would instinctively ask, 'Who,
after all, is like God ? Even this lofty
angel, with all bis glory, cannot bc cora
pared to the high and lofty One.' What
ever mny have been the reason of the ap
pellation, however, tho name in tbe Scrip
tures, has a definite application, and is
given to tho chief one of the angels.

me ; and I remained there with the
kings of Persia.

Comp. Notes on Jude 9. Tho word Mi
chael, ns a proper name, occurs several
times in the Scriptures, Num. xiii. 13,
1 Cbron. v. 13, vi. 46, vii. 3, nil. 16,
xii. 20, xxvii. 18, 2 Chron. xxi. 2, Ezra
viii. 8. Il is used as applicable 'jyaa an
gel, or archangel, in tbe following places:
Dan. X. 13, 21, xii. 1, Jude 9, Rev. xii. 7.
Little more isknown of bim, than (a) that
he occupies tfae rank wfaicfa entitled him
to be called an archangel ; and {b) that be
sustained, in the time of Daniel the re
lation of patron of Israel before God,
Deut. X. 21. That an angel is referred to
here is manifest, for (1) it occurs in the ac
count of transactions conducted by an an-
'gel; (2) the use of tfae word elsewhere
I lends to this supposition ; (8) whatis said
I to have been done is tbe appropriate
; work of on angel. Thie is apparent be-
, cause Gabriel, the speaker, soys that what
¦ wns done was beyond hia power to ac
complish. He was effectually resisted
I and thwarted by the counsels of Persia,
! until nne of higher wisdom and rank
I than himself came to bis aid. He could,
I therefore, bave been no less than an an-
I gel, and was clearly a being of a higher
rank than Gabriel bimself. (4) The
phrase ' ono of the chief princes,' sus-
j tains this interpretation. It implies tbat
ho wos one of tfaose who held an exalted
rank among those who are cnlled ' princes,'
and if this word in this connection de
notes angela, tfaen Michael was nn angel,
and one of tfae most exalted of the an
gels. This accords with the appellation
given to him by Jude — 'tlie archangel.'
^ Came to help me. He does not state in
what wny tfais was dono, but it is fuirly
implied that it wns by securing better
counsels at tbe court of Persia — counsels
more favournblo to the Hebrews, and dif
ferent frotn those whicb would bove been
carried out under tfae auspices of him who
is called ' tbe prince of Persia.' There if
nothing in the passage to forbid the sup
position that it wos by so influencing the
mind of the king and his ministers as to
dispose them to favour the return of the
Jews, or to afford tbem facilities to rebuild
their temple, or to remove some of tbe
obstacles wbich wonld tend to prevent
their restoration. ^ And I remained there
with the kinga of Peraia. The kinge of

B. 0 534.]

CHAPTER X.

425

Persia here, in the plural, must mean tbe
rutera. There was properly but one king
of tbat nation, tbough tbe name may bave
been given to subordinate rulers, or per
haps to those who had been kings in their
own country, and wfaose countries had
been subdued by the Persian arms, and
who now resided, with more or less
authority, at tbe Persian court. The
phrase 'Iremained there' has been vari
ously translated. The Vulgate renders
it as in our version. Tbe Greek, ' And I
left him [to wit, Michael] there with the
prince of the Kingdom of Persia.' The
Syriac, ' And I was hindered there against
the prince of the Persians.' Luther,
' Then obtained I the victory with the
kings in Persia.' Lengerke, 'Then ob
tained I the ascendency ( Vorrang) among
the kings of Persia.' That is, as be ex
plains it, 'I obtained tho victory; I se
cured this result that my counsel in be
half of tbe Jewish people prevailed.' p.
503. The same explanation is given
by Geyer, Gesenius, De Wette, Hiiver-
nick. Tbe word — i.?; — Yathar, prop
erly means to bang out and over; to be
redundant; to remain or be left; to be
over and above, to excel, &c. Hence the
notion in Niphal, of excelling others, of
getting tbe ascendency, of obtaining a
victory. This is undoubtedly tbe mean
ing here, for he was not left witb the
kings of Persia ; he did not remain there.
The true idea is, tbat, by the help of Mi
chael, who came to his aid, be was enabled
80 far to influence the Persian counsels
against the purposes of him who is called
the 'prince of Persia,' as to secure the
favours for tho Hebrew people wbich
Daniel sought by prayer, and having
done this, ho came at once to him. The
only delay in the case was that which
was caused by the purposes of the Persian
court, and by the difficulty of securing
euch arrangements there as to favour the
Hebrew people, and to facilitate their re
turn to their own country. Having done
this, he came at once to Daniel to an
nounce the long series of events which
would follow, pertaining to his people,
ond in reference to which his mind had
. boen so much affected during his pro-
* tracted period of devotion.
Sueh is tbe explanation of the literal
meaning of this difficult passage. Now,
•n reference to the second point sug
gested as necessary to its proper inter-
36*

pretation — its real meanfng — tho exact
truth taught in it, tbe following remarka
may be made : (1) There was early a pre
vailing opinion that special angels haa
the charge of individuals, as their guar
dians ; and the s.ame idea existed re.«p'»ct-
ing nations, that thoir affairs were as
signed to particular celestial beings. Tiiis
nation among the Hebrews wns found in
this form — -that they were angela, or cre
ated beings of exalted rank who thus pre
sided over the affairs of men. Among
tfae Greeks, and other heathen nations,
tbe form wbich it took was, tfaat tfaey were
goda or tutelary divinities, and hence,
each people, each class, each family, each
faouse, had its own God. The Hebrews
never approximated tbis opinion so far as
to suppose tbat these beings were divine,
or that they occupied tbe place of tfao su
prerae God — Jehovah — wfao was pecu
liarly their covenant God' and who was
tbe only true God. They did admit the
supposition, however, that there raight
be guardian angels of their own nation,
and the same idea seeras to have prevailed
among tbem in regard to otber nations.
This is clearly the idea in tbe passage
before us, that, while Michael was, in a
peculiar sense, entrusted with the affairs
of the Hebrew people, there were intelli
gent invisible beings of angelio rank,
who presided over other nations, nnd who
infiuenced their counsels. It does not
appear by any means that it was supposed
thatin all cases these were good beings, for
tbe counsels' of tfae nations were too often
malignant nnd evil to admit of tbis sup
position. In* the case before us, it is evi
dently supposed thnt the influence of the
presiding angel of Persia was adverse to
that wfaicfa wns rigfat, and such as should
be counteracted by ohe who came from
heaven. Comp. Notes on Eph. ii. 2.
(2) No one can demonstrate tbat this is
not so. The existence of wiciced angels.
is no more incredible in itself tban the
existence of wicked men, and that they
should influence nations and rulers is in
itself no more improbable than that dis
tinguished statesmen should. There may
be, indeed, no foundation for the opinion
tbat particular angels are aaaignedto par
ticular individuals or nations ns peculi.ar
guardiana, but it may be true notwith
standing that some one of these fallen spi
rits — for if there are any such beings at all,
they are numerous — may hpve special in
fluence over a particular ifld.^ilualcrna-

426

tion. If it be said tbat we know too little
about this to enable us to make any posi
tive statements in favour of this opinion^
it should also be said that we know too
little to enable us to make nny positive
statements againat it; and for aught any
one can prove, it may be so. No one has
a right to assume that it is not so ; no one
can demonstrate thatitis not so. It may
be said further, tbat things look aa if this
were so. There are many influences on
nations and individuals, many things that
occur that can be most easily accounted
for on the supposition that there is such an
agency from some invisible quarter. If
we admit the reality of such influence, and
such interpositions, the things which occur
are more easily explained tban if we deny
it. There are measures taken ; plans
proposed; influences exerted; schemes
adopted — there are things from an un
seen quarter to give prosperity, or to
thwart the best laid plans, tbat cannot
be well explained without the supposition
of such an interference; things which
perplex all philosophers and all histo
rians in accounting for tbem ; things
which cannot be anticipated or explained
on any known principles of human na
ture. If wo admit the reality of the in
fluence of invisible beings, as in the case
before us, the solution becomes compara
tively easy; at least we find phenomena
just such fiR we should expect on such a
supposition. (3) It may bo added, also,
in regnrl to tbe particular case before us,
(ff) tb^^ the counsels againat^the Jews to
prevf/;'- their return to their own land,
and lo /imbarrass tbem, were such as we
sbo id 'iUtieipate on the supposition that
an dvil angel — an enemy of God and his
pe< pie — had influenced tbe Persian ru
lers ; and (6) that the changes wrought
in those counsels in favour of the Jews,
facilitalinj^ their return to their own
land, were such as we should expect to
find on tbe supposition tbat those coun
seis and plans were overruled and
changed by tbe interposition say of Ga
briel and Michael. And similar events
often happen. There are such changes
in the counsels of nations, and in the
minds nf rulers, as would occur on the
supposition that superior beings were en
gaged in thwarting evil plans, and influ
encing thof-G who have the power to do
right. In reference to the Jews in their
exile, tbero bad been a long series of acts
«f opposition and oppression pursued

DANIEL. [B.C.53i

by the governments of the East, a» if
under tbe direction of some malignant
spirit; then a series of acts in tbeir
favour followed, aa if the change had
been brought about by the interposition
of some benignant angel. These facts ar*
tbe historical basis on which the repre
sentation is here made.
In reference to the third point sug.
gested pertaining to tbis passage — the
practical truths taught that may be of
use to us — it may be remarked tbat tbe
great truth is, tbat the answer to prayer
is often delayed, not by any indisposition
on the part of God to answer it, and n^t
by any purpose not to answer it, and not
by the mere intention of trying our foitb,
but by the neeeaaary arrangemente to bring
it about. It is of sucb a nature that it
cannot be onswered at once. It requires
time to mnke important changes; to in
fluence the minds of men; to remove
obsta.cles; to raise up friends; to pnt in
operation agencies that shall secure the
thing desired. There is some obstacle
to be overcome. There is some plan of
evil to be checked and staj'ed. There
is some agency to be used which is not
now in existence, and which is to be cre
ated. Tbe opposition of tbe ' prince of
Persia' could not be overcome at once,
and it was necessary to bring in the
ogency of a higher power — that of Mi
chael — to effect the change. This could
not be done in a moment, a day, or a
week, and bence tbe long delay of three
'full weeks' before Daniel bad an assur
ance that his prayers would be answered.
So it often happens now. We pray for
the conversion of a child. Yet there
may be obstacles to bis conversion, un
seen by us, wbich are to be patiently re
moved, and perhaps by a foreign influ
ence, liefore it can be done. Satan may
have already secured a control over his
heart whicb is to be broken gradually,
before the prayer shall be answered. We
pray for the removal of tbe evils of in
temperance, of slavery, of superstition,
of idolatry. Yet these may be so inter
locked with the cnstoms of a country,
witb tbe interests of men, and with the
laws, that tbey cannot be at once eradi
cated except by miracle, and the answtr
to the prayer seems to be long delnye<l.
We pray for the universal spread of tho
gospel of Christ. Yet bow many obsta
cles are to be overcome, and how many
arrangements made before tbis prayer

B. C. 534.]

CHAPTER X.

427

14 Now I am eome to make thee
understand what shall befall thy
people in the latter » days : for ' yet
the vision js for many days.
15 And when he had spoken such
words unto me, I set my face to
ward the ground, and I became
dumb. » Go. 49. 1 ; 2 Ti. 3. 1. b c. 8. 26 ; He. 2. 3,
can be fully answered ; and how many
tears are to be shed, and perils encoun
tered, and lives sacrificed, before the
prayer of tbe church shall be fully an
swered, and the earth shall be filled with
the knowledge of the Lord. Tbe duty,
tben, which is taught, is tbat of patience,
of perseverance, of faith int God, of a
firm belief that he is true to all his pro
mises, and that he is a. hearer of prayer —
tbough the blessing seems long delayed.
14. Now I am come to mahe thee under
atand, &c. After these long delays, and
after tfae arrangements have been made
necessary to bring about tbe objects
sought by your prayers. % In the latter
daya. In future times — extending down
to tbe last period of the world. See
Notes on Isa. ii. 2. % For yet the viaion
is for many days. Extends far into fu
ture time. It is probable that the prayer
of Daniel referred more particularly to
what he desired sbould soon occur— tfae
restoration of the people to their own
land; the angel informs him that the
disclosures whioh he was to make covered
a much more extended period, and em
braced more important events. So it is
often. The answer to prayer ofton in
cludes much more than we asked for,
and tbe abundant blessings that are con
ferred, beyond what we supplicate, are
vastly beyond a compensation for the
delay. 15. And when he had spoJcen such
worda, &B, Daniel was naturally over
come by the communication which hnd
been made to him. The manner in
which the prayer was answered seems to
have been entirely different from wbat
• he bad expected. The presence of a
heavenly being ; the majesty of his ap
pearance; the assurance that he g.ave
that he bad oome to answer his prayer,
and the fact that he had important reve
lations to make respeoting the future,
overcame him, and he laid his face upon

16 And, behold, one like tbe simi
litude of the sons of men tpuched
'my lips : then I opened my mouth,
and spake, and said unto him that
stood before me, O my Lord, by
the vision my sorrows are turned
upon me, and I have retained no
"I strength

cIs. 6. 7, 8; Je. 1.9.

^ yer. S.

the ground in silence. Is there any one
of us wbo would not be awed into pro
found silence if a heavenly messenger
should stand before us to disclose what
was to occur to us, to our families, to
our friends, to our«country, in far distant
years ?
16. And, behold, one like the similitude
of Ihe aona of men touched my lips. In
the form of a man. The reference here
is undoubtedly to Gabriel, appearing to
Daniel in human form. Why be does
not name bim is unknown ; nor is there
any intimation whether he changed bis
form as he now approached the prophet.
It would seem not improbable that, see
ing the effect of his presence and his
words un Daniel, he laid nsidp some of
tbe manifestations of awe and majesty
in which he had at first appeared to bim,
and approached bim as a man, and placed
his hands on his lips — as a sign tbat he
should speak, or as imparting power to ¦
him to speak. See Notes on Isa. vi. 6, 7.
^ / opened my mouth, and apake. His
fear was removed, and be was now able to
address tbe heavenly messenger. - ^ 0
my Lord. A title of respectful address,
but without indicating the rank of him
to whom it is applied. ^ By the viaion
my sorrows are turned upon me. The
word rendered sorrows — 0^"i-? — means
properly writhings, throes, pains, as of a
woman in travail, Isa. xiii. 8 ; xxi. 3 ;
1 Sam. iv. 13 ; and tben any deep pain •
or anguish. Here it refers to terror or
fright, as so great as to prostrate the
strength of Danici. The word rendered
are turned — U5P3 — from ^gn, means, in
Niphal, to turn oneself about, to turn
back, <tc. The snme phrase which is
here used occurs also in 1 Sam. iv. 19,
' her pains turned upon her;' thatis, came
upon her. Perhaps we sbould express
the idea by saying that they rolled upon
us, or over us— like the surges of tho
ocean.

428

DANIEL.

[B. C. 534,

17 For how can • the servant of
this my lord talk with this my lord ?
for as for me, straightway there re
mained no strength in me, neither
is there breath left in me.
18 Then there came again and
touched me one like the appearance
of a man, and he strengthened me.
19 And said, O man greatly be-
¦ or, this servant of.
17. For how can the aervant of thia my
lord. Acknowledging bis humble and
lowly condition nnd rank in the presence
of an angel — a messenger now sent from
heaven. ^ Neither ia there breath left in
me. Tfaat is, fae was utterly overcome and
prostrate. He felt tbat be was incapable
of speaking in tbe presence of one who
had descended from God.
, 18. Theii there came again and touched
me, &e. 'The same one is here referred
to doubtless who is mentioned in ver. 16
. — tbe angel. He came to bim again in
tbis condescending nnd familiar manner
in order to allay his fears, and to prepare
hiiu to receive his communications with
entire calmness.
19. And aaid, 0 man greatly beloved.
See Notes on ch. ix. 23. % Fear not.
Neither at my presence, nor at what I
havo to say. There was nothing in the
visitation of on angel that could be a
ground of dread to a good man ; there was
nothing in what he hnd to communicnte
tfaat could be a reasonable cause of alarm.
% Be atrong, yea, be atrong. These are
words of encourngement such ns we ad
dress to tbose who- are timid and fearful.
SVe exhort them not to yield ; to make a
vigorous effort to meet danger, difficulty,
or trial. ^ Let my Lord apeak. Tfaat is,
I am now prepared to receive what you
hijve to communicate, f For thou haat
alrengthened me. By your encournging
irords, and by the kindness of your man
ner. 20. Tften aaid he unto me, Knoweat thou
wherefore I come unto thee ? This was
known by wbat the angel bod snid in
ver. 14. He seems to have called his at
tention to it, and to have proposed the
question, because Doniel hod been so
overcome by his fright that it might be
doubtful whether he had understood him
distinctly when he had told him the ob
ject of his coming. He therefore pro-

I loved, fear"not: peace be nnto thee,
be strong, yea, be strong. And
when he had spoken unto me, I was
strengthened, and said, Let my lord
speak; for i" thou hagt strengthened
me. 20 Then said he, Knowest thou
wherefore I come anto thee? and
now will I return to iight with the
•> 2 Co. 12. fl.
poses the question here, and as the silence
of Daniel seems to bave been consti'ucd
as a declaration that he did understand
the purpose of tfae visit, he proceeds to
unfold fully the purport of his messoge.
^ And now will I return. Tfaat is, evi
dently, after be had mode known to him
the message which be came to deliver,
He connot meon tbat be would then i>-ave
Daniel, and return immediately to Per
sia, for be proceeds at lengtb (r/is. xi.
xii.) to deliver bis message to bim, snd
to state what would occur in tig .vorld in
future times. ^ To fight w.,lh .he prince
of Peraia. In ver. 13, he says that he
had had a contest with that * prince.' and
that in consequence of tbat be had been
delayed on his journey to Doniel. By the
interposition of Micbasl, the affairs of
I Persia bad been so orronged, tt.at tbe op
position to whot was de&ired by Daniel
'had been in part removed— so far, at
least, as to make it certain thai his pray
ers would be answered. See Notes on
tfaat verse. Bnt still it would seem tbat
tbe difliculty was not entirely overcome,
I and that it would be desirable for him to'
retnrn, and to complete tbe arrongements
¦which had been commenced. There were
still causes in existence in Persia wbich
might tend to frustrate all these plans
unless they were counteracted, and his
presence might still be necessary there to
secure the sofe return cf tbe exiles to
their own land, and the means required
to rebuild tbe city and temple. Tbe sim
ple meaning of this is, that it would be
necessnry to exert a farther infiuence nt
the Persinn court in order to bring about
tbe object desired, nnd tbis fact is ex
pressed in languoge derived from the be- '
lief that angelic beings, good nnd bad,
have much to do in controlling tbe minds
of men. ^ And when I am gone forth.
Literally, ' and I go forth.' The mean
ing seems to be that he wonld return t<

B. C. 534.]

CHAPTER X.

429

prince » of Persia : and wben I am
gone forth, lo, the prince of Grecia
shall come.
21 But I will show thee that which
' ver. 13.

Persia, and would so direct affairs tbere
that the welfare of the Jews would be
promoted, and tbat protection would be
extended to them. Thij, he says, be
would continue as long as it was necesr
sary, for wben he sbould have gone forth,
the king of Greece would come, and the
affairs of Persia would be put on a new
footing, but on such a footing as not to
require kia presence — for the government
would be of itself favourable tu tbe Jews.
The sense is, that up to tbo time when
this ' king uf Grecia' shuuld come, there
would bea state of things in the Persian
court that would demand the presence
of sume being from heaven — exerting
sume cunstant influence to prevent an
outbreak against tbe Jews, and tu secure
tfaeir peace and prosperity, but that when
the ' king of Grecia' should come he would
himself favour their cause, and render the
presence of the angel unnecessary. No
one can prove that this is not a correct
representation, or tbat the favour shown
tu tbe Jews at the Persian cuurt during
all the time of the rebuilding of the city
and the temple, was not tu be traced to
some presiding influence from above, or
that that was not put forth in connection
with the ministration of an angelic being.

is noted in the scripture of truth :
and there is none that '' holdeth with
me in these things, but Michael
"^your prince.
" strengtheneth himself. <= vet. 13.
-prince of Greece' bere, tfaere can be ne
duubt that there is reference to Alexan
der the Great, who cunquered Persia.
See ch. xi. 1 — 4. The meaning here is,
that when be should come, and conquer
Persia, the opposition which tbe Hebrews.
had encountered from that country would
cease, and there would tben be no need of
the interposition of tfae angel at the Persian
court. Tbe matter of fact was, that tbe
Hebrews were favoured by Alexander the
Great, and*that whatever there was In tne
Persian or Chaldean power whioh they
had had reason tu dread, was theii brought
to an end, for all those Eastern gnvern
ments were absorbed in tfae empire ot
Alexander — the Macedonian munarcby.
21. But I will ahow ihee that which is
noted inthe scripture of truth. The word
noted here means written, or recorded.
The acripture of truth means the true
writing, and the reference is doubtless to
the divine purposes or decrees in this
matter — for (ri) tfaere is no other writing
where these things were then found; (6) the
angel came tu make knuwn what could be
known in no otber way, and therefore
what was not yet found in any book tb
wbich man had access; (c) this languago
accords with cummnn representatiens in

Indeed, it is in accordonce with all the tha Scriptures respecting future events,
teachings of the-Bible that tbe disposi
tion of kings and princes to show favour
to the people of God, like all else thiit is
good in this wurld, is to be traced to an
influence from above ; _and it is not con
trary to nny of the laws of analogy, or
any thing witb wbich we are acquainted
pertaining to tbe spiritual world, to sup-
puse that angelio interposition may be
employed in any case in bringing about
tbat wbich is guud. f Lo, the prince of
Grecia ahall come. Heb., Javan — ]i;*
There can be nu dount that Greece is in
tended. Tbe wurJ prnperly denotes
Iunia(4erived from this werd), 'the name
of whicb province,' says Gesenius, 'as be-
In" adjacent tu the Eost, and better knuwn,
was extended so as to comprehend the
whule of Greece, as is expressly said by
Breek writers themselves.' Lex. By the

They are described as written down
buck tbat is in the handsof Gud, in whioh
are recurded all future events — tbe names
uf thnse that shall be saved — and all tbe
deeds of men. Comp. Deut. xxxii. 34;
Mal. ili. 16; Ps. cxxxix. 16; Kev. v. 1.
The representation is figurative, of course,
and the meaning is, thot, in the view of
the divine mind, all future events are as
certain as if they were actually recorded
as history, ur as if they were now all
written down. Tbe angel came that he
might unfold a portion of that volume,
and Jiscluse the contents of its secret
pages ; tfaat is, describe Sn important
series of events of great interest to tbe
Jewish people and to the world at large.
^ .Ind there is none that holdeth with me in
iheae thinga. Marg., strengtheneth himself .
So the Hebrew. The idea is, that there
was none that rendered aid in this matter,

430

or tbat stood by bim, andirould acpomplish
the desigBs which be was meditating in
their Ishalf pertaining^ to Persia. The
angel saw tbat tbere were powerful in
fluences against the interests of tbe He
brew people at work in the courtof Pcrsiaj
tbat it was necessary that tbey sbould be
counteracteci; tbat unless tbis were done,
fearful calamities would come upon the
Jewish people, and tbey would be sub
jected to great embarrassments ic their
offort to rebuild their city and temple, and
he says tbat there was no one whose aid
could be permanently and certainly relied
on but that of Michael. He himself was
to return to the court of Persia to en
deavour to counteract the influence of tbe
'prince of Persia/ but, as in tbe former
case wben on his wny to Danfel (rer 13,)
he would not have been able to counter
act tbe machinations of that prince if it
had not been for the interposition of Mi
chael, so he felt now that reliance was still
to be placed on his assistance in the mat
ter, ^ But 3Iickael your prince. See
Notes on rer. 13. Tbe patron, or guar
dian of your people, and of their inter
ests. The idea intended to be conveyed
hero undoubtedly is, that Michael was a
gunrdian angel for the Jewish people;
that ho bad special charge of tb6ir affairs ;
that bis interposition might be depended
on in the time of trouble aiid danger, and
tbat^ under him, their interests would be
safe. No one can, prove that this is not
so ; and as on earth some of the most im
portant favours tbat we enjoy are con
ferred by tho instrumentality of others ,*
as we are often defended when in danger
by them; aa we are counselled and di-

DAiriEL. [B.C. 534

rected by them; as God raises up for the
orphan, and the widow, and the insane,
and the sorrowful, and the feeble, those
nf wealth and power and learning who
can better guard tbeir interests than tbey
could themselves, and as these relations
are often sustained, and these favours
conferred by tbose wbo are invisible to
tbe recipients, so it gives, in a higher
sense, a new beauty to tbe arrangemenU
of the universe to suppose that this be
nevolent office is often undertaken nnd
discharged by angelio beings. Thus
they may defend ns from danger ; ward
off tbe designs of oar enemies; de
feat their machinations, and save us from
numberless evils that would otherwise
come upon us. Tbis view receives addi
tional cunfirmatiun if it be admitted tbat
tbere are evil angels, and tbat they seek
the ruin of mankind. They are malig
nant; tbey tempt the race of man;
they have power far superior to our own ;
tbey can set in operation a train of evil
influences which we can neither foresee
nur cuuuteract; and they can excite the
minds of wicked men to oo us injury iii a
way which we cannot anticipate, and
agoinst which we cannot defend ourselves.
In these circumstances, any one can per
ceive that tbere. is concinnity and pro
priety in tbe supposition that there are
good beings of a higher order who feel an
interest in the welfare of man, and who
ccme to us, un tbeir benevolent errand, to
defend us from danger, and tu aid ns in
onr efibrts to escape frum the perils of our
fallen condition, and to reach tho king
dom of heaven.

CHAPTER XI.

ANALYSIS OF THE CHAPTEB.

' This chapter contains a portion of those things which the angel said were written in 'the
Scripture of truth,* and which he came to disclose to Daniel. The revelation also embraces tbe
twelfth chapter, and the two comprise the last recorded communication that was made to
ranicl. The revelation which ie made in these chapters not only embraces a large portion of
history of iottirest to tbe Jewish people of antient times, and designed to give instruction as to
tbe Important events tbat would pertain to their nation, but also, in its progrei^s, alludes to im*
portant periods in the future as markin* decisive oras in tho world's hiatory ,^ and contains hints
as tQ what would occur down to the end of all tbings.
The chapter before us embraces the following definitely marked periods :
I. The succession of kings iu Persia to the time of a mighty king who sbould arouse ail tiw
atrength of his kingdom to make war on Oreece— referring doubtless to Xerxes, vs. 1, 2. 0<

B:C.534.]

CHAPTER XI.

431

those kings in Persia tbere would be three— three so prominent as to deserre notice in the rapid
glance at future events— Cambyses, Smerdis, and Darius Hystaapes.
II. After thia succession of kings, one would stand up or appear wbo would be charafiterized
as ruling *with great dominion,' and 'according to his will,' ver. 3. The dominion uvideutiy
would 1)888 into his band, and he would be diath^guisbed from all that went beforo him. There
can be no doubt, from tho connection, and from what is said in ver. 4, that tbe ^.-eference here
IS to Alexander tbe Great.
III. Tbe state of tbe empire after tbe death of this mighty king, ver. 4. His kingdom would
be broken, and would be divided into four parts- referring doubtless to the diviaion of the em
pire of Alexander after his death.
IV. The history then proceeds to notice the events thai would pertain to two of these portions
. of the empire — the conflicts between the kingof the South, and the king of tbe North— or be
tween Egypt and Syria, vs. 5 — 19. This portion of the history embracea, in detail, an accouuc
of the policy, the negotiations, and the wars of Antiochus tho Great, till the time of his death.
These kingdoms are particularly referred to, probably becauae their conflicts would effect the
holy land, and pertained ultimately to the history of religion, and its establishment aud triumph
in the, world. In the notice of these two sovereignties, there is considerable detail — so much so
that the principal events could have been readily anticipated by those who were in posaesaion
of the writingR of Daniel. The destiny of the other two portions of the empire of Alexander
did not particularly affect tbe history of religion, or pertain to the boly land, and, therefore,
they are not introduced. In a particular manner, the history of Antiochua the Great is traced
with great minuteness in this portion of the prophecy, because hia doings had a special bearing
on the Jewiah nation, and were connected with the progress of religion. The commentary on
-this portion of the chapter will show that tbe leadiug eventa are traced as accurately as would
be a summary ofthe history made out after the transactions had occurred.
V. A brief reference of tht* successor of Antiocfaus tbe Great, Seleucus IV. ver. 20. Aa he
occupied tbe throne, however, but for a short period, and as hia doings did not particularly effect
the condition of the Hebrew people, or the interests of religion, and his reigu was, in every
respect, unimportant, it ia paaaed over with only a slight notice.
VI. The life and acts of Antiochus Epiphanes, vs. 21 — 45. There can be no doubt tbat this
portion of the chapter refers to Antiochua, and it contains a full detail of his character aud of
his doingg. The accouut here, though without naming bim, is just such as would have been
givon by one who sbould have written after tbe events had occurred, and there is no more diffi
culty in applying tbe description in this chapter to him now tban tbere would have been in
such an historical narrative. The revelation ia made, evidently, to prepare the Jewiah people
for these fearful events, and these heavy triala, in their history; and also toaasure them Ih^t
more glorious resulta would follow, aud that deliverance' would succeed these calamities. In
the troubles wbich Antiochus would bring upon the Hebrew people, it was important tbat they
should have before them a record containing, thu great outlines of wbat would occur, aud the
assurance of ultimate triumph— just as it ia important for ua now in tbe triala wbich we have
reason to anticipate in thia life, to have before us iu tbe Bible the permanent record . that we
shall yet find deliverance. In the twelfth chapter, therefore, tbe augel directs the miud on
ward to brighter times, and assures Daniel thut there would be a day of rejoicing.

1 Also I in the first = year of Da-
»e.9.1.

1. AUo I, I the angel. He alludes
here to what he had done on a former oc
casion to promote the interests of the
Hebrew people, and to secure those ar
rangements which were necessary foi
tbeir welfare — particularly in the favour
able disposition of Darius tbe Mede to
wards tbem. ^ 7n tke firat year of Darius
tke Mede. See Notes on ch. v. 35. He
does not here state the things contem
plated or done by Barius in which he bad
confirmed or strengthened him, but there
.can be no reasonable doubt tbat it was the
purpose which he had conceived to re
store the Jewa to their own land, and to
give them permission to rebuild their city
ftiid temple. Comp. ch. ix. 1. It was in
that year that paniel offered his solemn
prayer, a^ recorded in ch. ix.; in that

rius the Mede, even I, stood to con
firm and to strengthen him.
year that, according to the time predicted
by Jeremiah (see Dan. ix. 2), the cap
tivity would terminate,* ond in that year
that an itifliience from above led themind
of the Persian king to contemplate the
restoration of tbe captive people. Cyrus
was, indeed, the one through whom tbe
edict for their return was promulgated,
but as he reigned under his uncle Cyax
ares or Darius, and as Cyaxares was the
source of authority, it is evident that Ai'f
mind must bave been influenced to grant
this favour, and it is to this that the an
gel here refers. ^[ I atood fp confirm and
atrengtheu kim, Comp. Notes on cb. x.
13. It would ,ieem that the mind of Da
rius was not wholly decided; that there
were adverse influences bearing on it;
that th ere were probably counsellors of hit

432

DANIEL

fB. C. 534.

2 And now will I show « thee the
truth. Behold, there shall stand up
realm who advised against the proposed
measures, and tbe angel -here says that
he stood hy him, and confirmed bim in his
purpose, and secured tbe execution of his
benevolent plan. Who can prove that an
angel may not exert an infiuence on the
heart of ivings? And what class of men
is tbere wbo, when they intend to do good
and right, are. more likely to have their
purposes changed by evil counsellors tban
kings ; and who is there tbat more needs
a heavenly infiuence to confirm their de
sign to do right?
2. And now will I ahow thee the truth.
That is, the truth about events tbat are
to occur in the future, and wbicb will ac
cord witb what is written in ' tbe Scrip
tures of truth,' cb. X. 21. ^ Behold, there
shall stand up yet three kings in Peraia.
Tbe pbrase atand up means that tbere
would be so many kings in Persia; that
is, there would bo three before the fourth
'which he mentions. Tbe same Hebrew
word here rendered atand up — 1t^ — oc
curs in vs. 3, 4, 6, 7, 8, 14, 15, 16, (twice);
17, 20, 21, 25, 31 ; also oh. xii. 1. 13. In
verse 8 it is rendered continue; in verse
15, withstand ; in tbe otber cases atand
up, or simply atand. Gesenius says it is
a word nsed particularly ofa new prince,
as in l)an. viii. 23, xi. 2, 3, 20. He does
not say that there would be none after
wards, but he evidently designs to touch
on the grent and leading events respect
ing the Persian empire, so far as they
would effect tbe Hebrew people, and so
far as they would constitute prominent
points in'the history of the world. He
does not, tberefore, go into all the details
respecting the history, nor does he men
tion all the kings that would reign. The
prominent — the material points — would
be the reign of those three kings; then
the reign of the fourth, or Xerxes, as his
mad expedition to Greece would lay tbe
real foundation for the invasion of Per
sia by Alexander, and the overthrow of
the Persian empire; then tbe life and
conqiicsts of Alex.ander, nnd then the
wars consequent on tbe division of his
empire, at bis death. The * three kings'
here referred to, were Cambyses, fmer-
dis.and Darius Hystaspes. As this com
munication was made in the third year
•f Cyrus (cb. x. 1,) these would be the

yet three kings i& Persia ; and tha
»Am.3. 7.
next in order, and by the fourth is un
doubtedly meant Xerxes. There were
several kings of Persia c^ter Xerxes, as
Artaxerxes Longimanus, Sarins Nothus,
Artaxerxes Mnemon, Ochus, and Darius
Codomanus, but these are not enume
rated because tbe real ground of tbe in
vasion of Alexander, the thing which
connected him with the affairs of Persia,
did not occur in their reign, but it was tfae
iiivasion of Greece by Xerxes. ^ And
the fourth ahall be far rieherthan tbey all.
Tbat is Xerxes — for he was the fourth in
order, and the description here agrees
entirely with him. s He wonld of course
inherit the wealth accumulated by these
kings, and it is here inaplied that be
would increase tbat wealth, or tbat, in
some way, he would possess more than
they all combined. The wealth of thie
king is here mentioned probably becanse
tbe magnificence and glory of an Oriental
monarch was estimated in a considerable
degree by his possessions, and because
his riches enabled bim to accomplish bis
expedition into Greece. Some idea- of
the treasures of Xerxes may be obtained
by considering (a) that Cyms bad coU
lected a vast amount of wealth by tbe
conquest of Lydia, and the subjugation
of Croesus it« rich king, by the conquest
of Asia Minor, of Armenia and of Babylon
— for it is said respecting bim, " I will
give thee the treasures of darkness, and
bidden riches of secret places" (Isa. xlv,
3. See Notes on that passage). (6) That
Cambyses increased that wealth wbich he
inherited from Cyrus by his victories, and
by bis plundering tbe temples wherever
he came. A single case occurring in hii
conquests may illustrate tbe amount of
wealth whicb wos accumulated. On his
return from Thebes, in Egypt, he caused
all the temples in that city to be pillaged
and burnt to the ground. But be saved
from the flames gold to the amount of
tbree bundred talents, and silver to the
amount of two thousand and flve hundred
talents. He is. also snid tohave carried
away tbe famous circle of gold thnt en
compassed the tomb of king Ozymandias,
being three hundred and sixty-five cubita
in circumference, on which were repre
sented all the motions ofthe several con.
Btellations. Universal History, iv. 140.

B.C. 534.}

CHAPTER XI,

433

, fourth shall be far richer than tJiey
all: and by his strength through his

(c) This was further increased by the con
quests of Darius Hystaspes, and by his
Mavy taxes on the people. So burden
some were these taxes, that he was called
by the Persians, b KanriXoi — tbe 'mer
chant,' or, ' hoarder.' One of the first acts
of Darius was to divide his kingdom into
provinces for the purpose of raising trib
ute. "Dnring the reign of Cyrus, and
Indeed of Cambyses, there were no spe
cifio tributes ; but presents were made to
the sovereign. On account of these and
similar innovations, the Persians call Dii-
ri'is a merchant, Cambyses a despot, but
Cyrus a parent." Herodotus, B. III.
Ixxxix. A full account of the taxation
Of the kingdom and the amount of tbe
revenue under Darius, may be seen in
Herodotua, B. III. xc — xcvi. The sum of
the tribute under Darius, according to
Herodotus, was fourteen thousand five
hundred and sixty talents. Besides this
sum reoeived from regular taxation, He
rodotus enumerates a great amount of gold
and silver and other valuable things
whieh Darius was accustomed to receive
annually from the Ethiopians, from the
people of Colchos, from tbe Arabians, and
from India. All this vast wealth was
inherited by Xerxes, the son and succes
sor of Darius, and the * fourth king* bere
referred to. Xerxes was full four years
jn making provision for his celebrated
expedition into Greece. Of tbe amount
of his forces, and bis preparation, a full
account may be seen in Herodotus, B. VII.
Of his wealth Justin makes tbis remark :
Si regem apectea, divitiaa, non ducem
laudea : quaruni tanta copia in regno ejua
fuit, ut cumfiumina multitudine conaume-
rentiir, opea tamen regies aupereasent. Hist.
ii. 10. Comp. Diod. Sic. x. c. 3 ; Pliny
His. Nat. xxiii. 10 ; Ml. xiii. 3 ; Herod.
iii. 96, vii. 27 — 29. In the city of Celsenae,
Herodotus says, there lived a man named
Pythius, son of Atys, a native of Lydia,
who entertained Xerxes and all his army
with great magnificence, and who farther
engaged to supply the king with money
for tbe war. Xerxes on this was induced
to inquire of his Persian attendants who
this Pythius was, and what were the re
sources whieh enabled him to make these
offers. " It is the same," they replied,
" who presented your father Darius with
37

riches he shall stir up all against tho
realm of Grecia.
3 And a mighty king shall stand
a plane tree and a vine of gold, and who,
next to yourself, is the richest of man
kind." Herod, vii. 27. ^ And by hia
atrength through hia richea he shall stir up
all againat the realm of Grecia. That is,
all his kingdom. He was enabled to do
this by his great wealth : — collecting and
equipping, probably, the largest army that
was ever assembled. The expedition of
Xerxes against Greece, is too well known
to need to be detailed here, and no one
oan fail to see the applicability of this de
scription to that invasion. Four years
was spentin preparing for this expedition,
and the forces that constituted the army
were gathered out of all parts of the vast
empire of Xerxes, eml>racing, as was then
supposed, all the habitable world except
Greece. According to Justin, the army
was composed of seven hundred thousand
of his own, and three bundred thousand
auxiliaries. Diodorus Siculus makes it to
be about three hundred thousand men;
Prideaux, from Herodotus and others,
computes it to bave amounted, putting
all his forces by sea and land together, tc
two millions six hundred and forty-one
thousand six hundred and ten men; and
he adds that the servants, eunuchs, sut-
tlers, and sucb persons that followed the
camp, made as ma.ny more, so that the
whole number that followed Xerxes conld
not bave been less than five millions.
Connexion, P. 1. B. iv. vol. i. p. 410.
Grotius reckons his forces at five millions
two hundred and eighty-two thousand.
These immense numbers justify the ex
pression here, and show with what pro
priety it is applied to the hosts of Xerxes,
On the supposition that this was written
after the event, and that it was history,
instead of prophecy, this would be the
very language which would be' employed.
3. And a mighty king shall stand up.
So far as the language bere is coneerned,
it is not said whether this would be in
Persia, as a successor of the 'fourth king'
(ver. 2), or whether it would be at some
other part ofthe world. The next verse,
however, shows that the reference is to
Alexander the Great — for to no other one
is it applicable. There were several
monarchs of Persia, indeed, that suc
ceeded Xerxes, before the kingdom was
invaded and subdued by Alexander (see

431

DANIEL.

[B. C. 634

up, that shall rule with great do
minion, and do accordina to his
will. 4 And when he shall stand up,
Notes on ver. 2), and tbese are here
entirely passed over vrithoutbeing alluded
to. It must bc admitted tbat one who
ebonld have read this prophecy before
tbe events had occurred, would havo in
ferred na^.urally that this 'mighty king
tbat sbould_ stand up,' would appear im
mediately after the 'fourtb/and proba
bly tbat he would be his successor in the
realm, but it may be remarked (a) that
the languagehexe is not inconsistent with
the facts in the cuse — it being literally
true tbat sueh a 'mighty king* did
'stand up' "who 'ruled witb great do
minion, and according to bis will;' (6) that
there was no necessity in tbe prophetic
history of referring to the acts of tbese
intermediate kings of Persia, since tbey
did not contribute at all to tbe result — it
being well known that tbe reason alleged
by Alexander for his invasion ofthe Per
sian erapire, was not anything wbicb
they had done, but the wrongs sustained
by Greece in consequence ofthe invasion
by Xerxes and his predecessor. The
real aucceaaion of events in tbe cnse was
that last invasion of Greece by Xerxes,
and tbe consequent invasion of the Per
sian empire by Alexander. Itwas these
transactions which tbe angel evidently
meant to connect together, and hence all
that was intermediate was omitted. Thus
Alexander, in bis letter to Darius, says,
" Your ancestors entered into Macedonia,
nnd the other parts of Greece^ and did us
damage, when they had received no af
front from us as the cause of it j and now
I, created general of the Grecians, pro
voked by you, and desirous of avenging
the Injury done by the Persians, have
passed over into Asia." Arrian, Expe.
Alex. i. 3. % That ahall rule witk great
dominion. Tbat shall have a wide and
extended empire. The language here
would apply to any of the monarchs of
Persia that succeeded Xerxes, but it
would be more strictly applicable to Al
exander the Great than to any prince of
ancient or modern limes. The whole
world, except Greece, was supposed to be
subject to the power of Persia, and itwas
one of the leading and avowed purposes
%f Dariua and Xerxes in invading Greece,

his kingdom » shall be broken, and
shall be divided toward the four
winds of heaven; and not to his
a c. 8. 4, &.C.

by adding tbat to their empire, to have
the earth under their control. "When,
tberefore, Alexander had conquered Per
sia, it was supposed tbat he bad subdued
the world, nor was it an unnatural feeling
tbat, having done this, he, whose sole
principio of action was ambition, should
sit down and weep because tbere were no
more worlds to conquer. In fact, be
then swayed a sceptre more extended
and mighty than any before him bad
done, and it is with peculiar propriety
that the langnage here is used in regard
to hitn. ^ And do according to kia ioill.
"Wonld be an arbitrary prince. This also
was true of the Persian kings, and of
Oriental despots generally; but it was
eminently so of Alexander — wbo, in sub
duing kingdoms, conquering mighty ar
mies, controlling the miUions under bis
sway, laying the foundations of cities,
and newly arranging the boundaries of
erapires, seemed to consult only bis own
will, and felt that everything was to bo
subordinate to it. It is said that thia
passage was shown to Alexander by tlie
high priest of the Jews, and that th^se
prophecies did much to conciliate his
favour towards the Hebrew people.
4. And wken he ahall stand up. In the
might and power of his kingdom. When
his power shall be fully established, a
understand tbis, with Kosenmiiller and
Havernick, as meaning, wben hc shall be
at the height of bis authority and power,
then bis kingdom would bo broken up.
Tbe reference is, undoubtedly, to the
sudden death of Alexander, and the sense
IS, that his empire would not gradually
diminish and decay, but that some event
would occur the effect of which would be
to rend it into four parts. ^Ifis mn^.
dom shall be broken. To wit, by hie
death. The language is such as is pro
perly applicable to this, and indeed im
plies this, for it is said that it would not
' be to bis posterity' — an event wbich
might be naturally expected to occur
or, in other words, the allusion to his pos
terity is such language as would be em
ployed on the supposition that tbo refer
ence here is to his death. ^ And ahall
be divided toward the four winds of hea-

B.C. 534.]

CHAPTER XI.

435

posterity, nor according to his do
minion which he ruled : for his
kingdom shall be plucked up, even
for others beside those.

ven. Into four parts. For tho remark
able fulfilment of tbis prediction, see the
Notes on ch. viii. 8. ^ And not to hia
poaterity. See also the Notes on cb.
viii. 8. ^ Nor according to hia dominion
which he ruled. This was literally true
of the division of the empire. No ono of
his successors ever obtained as wide a
dominion ashe did himself. 1^ For his
kingdom ahall be plucked up. By bis
death. This does not naturally moan
that it would be by conquest, for it is said
that it would be ' divided towards the
four winds of heaven' — langnage which is
not properly expressive of conquest. All
that is implied is met by the supposition
that at his decease, the kingdom, which
had been founded by him, and which had
been sustained by bis valor and political
wisdom, would fall to pieces. ^ Even for
others beside those. Tbat is, to others be
tide those to whom it should be at first
divided. Literally, exclusively, or to the
exclusion of — la'^p- The word thoae re
fers to his posterity, .-vnd the meaning is,
that the process of division would not
stop with them, or that the four portions
of tbe empire, as thus divided, would not
remain in their bands, or pass to tbeir
posterity. There would be othor changes,
and other divisions ; and it was not to be
expected that just four, and no more, em
pires would grow out of tbe one "which
had been founded, or that when tiat one
should be divided into four parts, tbat
partition would always continue. There
would be otberdivisions,andotherprinces
besides those who first obtained the em
pire would come in, and tbe process of
division would ultimately be carried much
farther. It is unnecessary to say that
this ocourred in the empire founded by
Alexander. It was, soon after his death,
separated into four parts, but at no dis
tant period this arrangement was broken
up, and all traces of the empire, as estab
lished by him, or as divided among his
four successors, wholly disappeared.
5. And the king of the south. The an
gel here leaves tbe general history of the
¦mpire, and confines himself, in his pre-

5 f And the king of the sonth
shall be strong, and one of his prin-.
ces ; and he shall be strong above
him, and have dominion ; his do
minion shall be a great dominion.
dictions, to two parts of it — tbe kingdom
of the south, and the kingdom of the
north; or the kingdoms to the north and
the south of Palestine — that of Syria and
tbat of Egypt ; or tbat of the Seleucidse,
and tbat of tbe Ptolemies. Tbe reason
why he does this is not stated, but it is
doubtless because the events pertaining
to these kingdoms would particularly af
fect the Jewish people, and be properly
connected with sacred history. Comp.
Notes on cb. viii. 7, 8. The 'king ofthe
south' here is, undoubtedly, the king of
Egypt. This part of the empire was ob
tained by Ptolemy, and was in the hands
of his successors, until Egypt was sub
dued by the Romans. Between the king
doms of Egypt .and Syria, long and bloody
wars prevailed, and the prospective his
tory of these wars it is the design of the
angel here to trace. As the remainder
of the chapter refers to theso two dynas
ties, to the death of the great persecutor,
Antiochus Epiphanes, and ?,s the events
referred to were very important in his
tory, and as introductory to what was to
follow in the world, it may be useful bere,
in order to a clear exposition of the wholo
chapter, to present a list of these two
lines of princes. It is necessary only to
premise that the deatb of Alexander the
Great occurred B. C. T>IZ -, of that of his
brother, Philip Aridsfus, B. C. 316; of
that of his son, Al'-'xander .^gus, by
Roxana, B. C. 309 ; and tbat a short time
after this (about B. 0. 306), the chief Ma
cedonian governors and princes assuraed
the royal title. Thfl following list of the
succession of the S ileucidse and the Pto
lemies — or the kingn of the North and the
South — of Syria tJid Egypt, is copied
from Elliott on the Apocalypse, iv. 123 :

The Ftolemies.
B.C.323 Ptolemy Soter, son
of Ptolemy Lagus,
governor of Kgypt.
306  takes the
title of king of E-
gypt.
284 Ptolemy Philadel-

The Sdeucidce. "
B.C. 323 Seleucus Nicator,
governor of Bab^
lon.
312 ... . recovcrp Ba
bylon, and the Ers
of the Seleucldn
begins.
280 Antiochus Soter.

436

DANIEL.

[B. C. 534.

6 And in the end of years they
shall »join themselves together ; for
the king's daughter of the south

phrs. (It was un
dei him tbat the
SepbUHgmt Greok
translation of the
Old Testamuntwas
made.
246 Ptolemy Euer- 261 Antiochus Theus.
getes.
221 Ptolemy Philopa- 246 Seleucus Callini-
ter. cus.
204 Ptolemy Epi- 226 Seleueus Ceraunus.
phanes.
180 Ptolemy Pbilome- 225 Antiochus the
cor. Great.
18T Seleucus Philopa
tor.
175 A n tiochus Epi
phanes.
164 Antiochus Eupator,
of whom the Ro
mans assume the
guardianship.
" After tbis, fourteen more Syrian kings
reigned, in reigns of short and uncertain
power, till Syria was occupied and formed
into a Roman province under Pompey, at
whicb time the iEra of the Seleucidse pro
perly ends; and six more Egyptian prin
ces, to the death of Ptolemy Auletes, who
dying B. C. 51, left his kingdom and chil
dren to Roman guardianship — one of
these children being the Cleopatra so fa
mous in the histories of Csesar and An
thony." Elliolt, ut supra. If Shall be
strong. This is in accordance with the
well known fact. One of tbe raost pow
erful of those monarchies, if not the most
powerful, was Egypt, f And one of his
princes; and he shall be atrong above him.
The meaning of this passage is, that there
would be 'one of his princes,' that is, of
the princes of Alexander, who would be
more mighty than the one who obtained
Egypt, or the Sonth, and that he would
have a more extended dominion. The ref
erence is, doubtless, to Seleucus Nicator,
or the conqueror. In the division of the
empire he obtained Syria, Babylonia, Me-
dtfi., Susiana, Armenia, a part of Cappa
docia, and Celicia, and his kingdom
etretched from the Hellespont to tbe In
dus. See Notes on ch. viii. 8. Comp.
Arrian Exp. Alex. vii. 22, Appian, p. 618,
and Lengerke, in loc. The proper trans
lation of this passage probably would be.
And tbe king of the South shall be
Itigh^. But from among his princes

shall come to the king of the north
to make an i" agreement: but she
^ associate. ^ rights.

[the princes of Alexander] also there
shall be [one] who shall be mightier tban
he, nnd he shall reign, and bis dominion
shall be a great dominion.' It was of
these two dominions that the angel spake,
and hence follows, tbrimgh the remain
der of the chapter, the history pertaining
to them and their successors. Seleucus
Nicator reigned from B. C. 312 to B. C.
280 — or thirty-two years. In his time
lived Berosus and Megasthenes, referred
to in tbe Introduction to ch. iv.
6. And ill ihe end of yeara. In the fu
ture periods of the history of these two
kingdoms. The event here referred to
did not' occur during the lives of tbese
two kings — Seleucus Nicator and Ptolemy
Soter, but in the reign of tbeir successors,
Ptolemy Philadelphus and Antiochus
Theos or Theus. Tbe phrase 'the end
of years' would well denote such a future
period. The Vulgate renders it, 'after
the end of years;' that is, after macy
years bave elapsed. Tbe meaning is,
' after a certain course or lapse of years.*
The word end in Daniel — yp. — often
seems to refer to a time wben a predicted
event would be fulfilled, whether near or
remote; whether it wonld be really tbe
end or termination of an empire or of tbe
world, or whether it would be succeeded
by other events. It would be tbe end
of that matter — of the thing predicted;
and in this sense the word seems to be
employed here. Comp. ch. viii. 17, ver.
13, of this chapter (margin), and cb. xii.
13. ^ They ahall join themaelvea together.
Macg„ aasaciate. Tbe meaning is, that
there would be an alliance formed, or an
attempt made to unite the two kingdoms "^
more closely by a marriage between dif
ferent persons of the royal families. The
word they refers to tbe two sovereigns of
Egypt and Syriar— the. South and the
North, f For the king's daughter of the
aouth ahall come to Ihe king of the north
to make an agreement. Marg., righta.
The Hebrew word properly means recti
tudes or rights (in tbe plural — a^¦lE''p);
but here it seems to be used in the sense
of peace, or an alliance. Tbe act of mak
ing peace was regarded as an aet of jue-
tiee, or doing right, and heiue the werd

B. C. 534.]

CHAPTER XI.

437

ahall not retain the power of the
arm ; neither shall he stand, nor his
arm : but she shall be given up, and

they that brought her, and "he that
begat her, and he that strengthened
her in these times.
* or, wliom she brought forth.

came to be used in tbe sense of making
an alliance or compact. This idea we
should njw express by saying that the
design was 'to make things right or
straight' — as if they were wrong and
crooked before, giving occasion to dis
cord, and misunderstanding, and wars.
The intention now was to establish peace
jn a perraaneiit basis. The compact bere
referred' to was one formed between Bere
nice, tbo daughter of Ptolemy Philadel
phus, king of Egypt, and Antiochus
Xheos, king of Syria. Ptolemy, in order
to bring a war in wbich he was engaged
to an end, and to restore peace, gave bis
daughter in marriage to Antiochus, in
hopes of estabUshing a permanent peace
and alUance between tbe two kingdoms.
3ne of the conditions of this alliance
was, that Antiochus should divorce his
former wife, Laodicea, and that the chil
dren of tbat former wife should be ex
cluded from the succession to the throne.
In this way Ptolemy hoped tbat the
kingdom of Syria might become ulti
mately attached to tbat of Egypt, if there
should be children by the marriage of
Berenice with Antiochus. Ptolemy, how
ever, died two years after this marriage
was consummated, and Antiochus re
stored again his former wife Laodicea,
and put away Berenice, but was himself
murdered by Laodicea, who feared the
fickleness of her husband. The officers
of the court of Syria tben planned the
death of Berenice and ber children, but
she fled with tbem to Daphne, and was
there put to death, with her children.
Appian, 0. lxv. Lengerke, in loc. She
was put to death by poison. See Gill,
in loc % But she ahall not retain the
power of the arm. Tbe word retain here
is the same as in ch. x. 8, " I retained no
strength." The word arm, is a word ot
frequent use in the Old Testaraent, both
in the singular and plural, to denote
atrength, power, whether of an individual
or an army. So Job xxu. 8, ' A man of
arm.' that is, atrength ; Gen. xl.x. 34,
"The arms [power] of his hands were
made strong by tbe God of_ Jacob "
Comp. Isa.li. 9, and Ixu. 8. It is fre-
uently used ii this chapter in the sense
37*

of atrength, or power. Bee vs. 15, 22, 31.
This alliance was formed with the hope
that tbe suocession might be in her. She
was, however, as stated above, with her
children, put to deatb. While queen of
Syria, she, of course, had power, and had
the prospect of succeeding to the supreme
authority. ^ Neither ahall he atand.
The king of the south ; to wit, Egypt.,
Tbat is, he would not prosper in his am
bitious purpose of bringing Syria, by tbis
marriage alliance, under his control.
^ Nor hia arm. What he regarded as his
strength, and in whioh he placed reli
ance, as one does on his arm in accom
plishing any design. The word arm here
is used in the sense of help, or alliance ;
that is, that on which he depended for
the stability of his empire. ^ But ahe
ahall be given up. That is, she shall be
given up to death, to wit, by tbe command
of Laodicea. ^ And they that brought
her. That is, those who conducted her
to Daphne ; or those who came with her
into Syria, and who were her attendants
and friends. Of course tbey would be
surrendered or delivered np when she
was put to death. ^ And he that begat
her. Marg., 'or, whom ahe brought forth.'
The margin expresses the sense more
correctly. The Latin Vulgate is, adolea-
ceiitea ejus. The Greek, i) vtdvii. So tho
Syriac. The Hebrew — niyfli— will ad
mit of this construction. The article in
the word has tbe force of a relative, and
is connected with the suffix, giving it a
relative signification. See Ewald, as
quoted by Lengerke, in loc. According
to tbe present pointing, indeed, the literal
meaning would be, ' and be who begat
her;' but this pointing is not authorita
tive. Dathe, Bertholdt, Dereser, De
Wette, and RosenmiiUer suppose that
the reading should be nj^:ny Then the
sense would be ' her child,' or ' her off
spring.' Lengerke and Ewald, however,
supposes tbat this idea is implied in tha
present reading of tbe text, and that nc
change is necessary. The obvious mean
ing is, that she and her ohUd, or her off
spring would be thus surrendered. Ths
matter of fact was, that her Uttle son wai

433

DANIEL.

[B. C. 534

7 Bat out of a branch of her roots
shall one stand up in his » estate,
-which shall come -with an army,
and shall enter into the fortress of
the king of the north, and shall
»_pZace, or, ojfice ver. 20.

Blain with her. See Prideaux, Connex.
III. 120. f And he that strengthened ker
in these times. It is not known who is
here referred to. Doubtless, on such an
occasion, she would have some one who
would be a confidential counsellor or ad
viser, and, whoever that was, he would
be likely to be cut off with her.
7. But out of a branch of ker roota.
Comp. Notes on Isa. xi. 1. The mean
ing is, that as a branch or shoot springs
np from a tree that is decayed and fallen,
80 there would spring up some one ofher
family, who would corae to avenge her.
That is, a person is indicated who would
he of a common stock with her; or, in
other words, if taken strictly, a brother.
Thfl phrase 'branch of her roots,* is
somewhat peculiar. The words *her
roots' must refer to her family ; that
from which she sprung. "We speak thus
of the root or stem of a faniily or house ;
and tho meaning here is not that one of
her deacendants, or one that should spring
from ker would thus come, but a branch
of the same family; a branch springing
frora the same root or stem. The fact. in
the case — a fact to which thore is un
doubted reference here — is, that her re
venge was undertaken by Ptolemy Eu
ergetes, her brother. As soon as he
heard of the calamities thathad corae upon
her, h.e hastened with a great force out
of Egypt to defend and rescue her. Bat
it was in vain. She and her son were
cut off before he could arrive for her
help, but, io connection with an army
which had come from Asia Minor for the
same purpose, he undertook to avenge
her deatb. He made himself master not
ouly of Syria and Cilicia, but passed over
the Euphrates, and brought all under
subjection to bim as far as the river Ti
gris. Having done this, he marched
back to Egypt, taking with him vast
treasures. See Prideaux, Con. III. 120,
121. ^ Shall one atand up. Shall one
arise. Notes, ver. 2. That is, there
shaU fie r>ne who shall appear for that
lurpnse. % In kis estate, Marg., place.

deal against them, and shall pre*
vail: 8 And shall also carry captives
into Egypt their gods, with their
princes, and with t" their precious
•^ vestds of tiieir desire.

or ofiice. The word — ]3 — means, prop
erly, stand, station, place; then bnse,
pedesta-1. Comp. vs. 20, 21, 38. See also
Gen. xl. 13: "In those days Pharaoh
shall restore thee again to tky place."
And again, Gen. xli. 13, "to my q^ce."
Here it means, in his place or Jtead.
That is, he would take the placo which
his father would naturally occupy — the
place of protector, or defender, or avenger.
Ptolemy Philadelphus her father, in fact,
died before ste was put to deatb, and his
death was the cause of the calamities that
came upon her, for as long as he lived
his power would be dreaded. But when
he was dead, Ptolemy Euergetes stood up
in his place as her defender and avenger.
% Which shall come tcith an army. As
Ptolemy Euergetes did. See above. Ho
came out of Egypt, as soon as he heard
of these calamities, to defend her. If And
shall enter into the fortresa of the king of
tke nortk. Her strongholds. In fact, he
overran Syria and Cilicia, and extended
his ravages to the Euphrates and the Ti*
gris. Polybius (Hist. 1. 5), says that he
en4:ered iuto the fortified cities of Syria,
and took tbem. In the passage before
us, the singular — fortreas — is put for the
plural. ^ And akall deal against tkem.
Shall act against them. Literally, 'shall
do against thein.* ^ And shall prevail,
. Shall overcome, or subdue them. As
seen above, he took possession of no small
part of the kingdom of Syria. He waa
I recalled home by a sedition in Egypt, and
! had itnot been for this, Justin says, he
I would have made himself master of the
j whole kingdom of Seleucus.
8. And ahall alao carry captive into Egypt
their gods, &c. That is, tbeir idols. Je
rome {in loc) says that Ptolemy took
'with him on his return, forty thousand
talents of silver, avast number of precious
vessels of gold, and images to the num
ber of two thousand four hundred, among
which were many of the Egyptian idol?,
which Cambyses, on bis conquering
Egypt, had carried iuto Persia, These
Ptolemy restored to the temple to whioh

B.C. 534.]

ressela of silver and of gold ; and he
shall continue more years than the
king of the n.irtb.
9 So the king of the south shall
come into his kingdom, and shall re
turn into his own land.
> or, war. ^ Is. 8. 8 ; c. 9. 26.
they belonged, and by this much endeared
himself to his people. It was on account
of the serviee which he thus rendered to
his country, that he was called Euergetes,
that is, the Benefactor. Prideaux III.
121. In 1631 an inscription on an an
cient marble in honor of this action of
Euergetes, was published by AUatius :
Sacris quae ab Egypto Persce abstulerunt
receptis, ac cam reliqua congestit zara in
Egyptum relatis. Wintle. f And he
eh all continue more yeara than the kingof
the north. Ptolemy Euergetes survived
Seleucus about four years. Prideaux III.
122. He reigned twenty-five years.
9. .So the king of the aouth shall come
into his kingdom. That is, into tbe king
dom of the north, or the kingdom of
Syria. This verse seems to be a summary
of what had been said about his invading
Syria. He would come on account of the
wrongs done to his sister into the king
dom of the north, and wonld theu return
agtiin to his own land.
10, But his sons ahall be atirred up.
Marg., 'or war.' The Hebrew word —
nan; — from n^J, means to be rough ; then
in- Piel, to excite, stir lip; and then, in
Hithpa, to excite oneself, to be stirred
up to anger, to make war upon, &e.
Here it means, according to Gesenius
{Lex.), that they would be excited, or
angry. The reference here, according to
Lengerke, Maurer, Gill, and others is to
the son of the king of tbe nortb, Seleu
cus Callinichus. He was killed, according
to Justin (Lib. xxvii. C. 3), by a fall from
his horse. The war with Egypt was con
tinued by his two sbns, Seleucus Cerau
nus and Antiochus the Great, until the
death of tbe former, when it was prose
cuted by Antiochus alone. See Prideaux
III. 136. Seleucus Ceraunus succeeded
bis father — assuming the name of Cerau
nus, or the Thunderer, but, dying soon,
he left the erown to bis brother, Antiochus
the Great, then only fifteen years of age,
by whom the war with Egypt was suc-
•essfully prosecuted. ^ And shall aaaem-

CHAPTER XI.

439

10 But his sona shall »be stirred
up, and shall assemble a multitude
of great forces: and one shall cer
tainly come, and ^ overflow, and pass
through : then shall he = return, and
be stirred up, even to his ^ fortress.
eor, be stirredup again. dver. 7.

ble a multitude of great forcea. Against
Egypt. In such a war they would natu
rally summon to their aid all the forces
which they could command. ^ And one
ahall certainly come. There is a change
bere in the Hebrew from the plur,al to the
singular number, as is indicated in our
translation by the insertion of the word
one. The fact was that the war was pros
ecuted by Antiochus the Great alone.
Seleucus died in the third year of his
reign in Phrygia, being slain, according
to one report( Jerome), throngh the treach
ery of Nicator and Apaturius, or, accord
ing to another, was poisoned. See Pri
deaux, III. 137. Antiochus succeeded to
the empire and prosecuted the war. This
was done for the purpose of recovering
Syria from the dominion of Ptolemy of
Egypt, and was conducted "with various
degrees of success until tbe whole waa
brought under the control of Antiochus.
See Prideaux, Con. III. 138. ^ej. ^ And
overfiow. Like a torrent. ^ And pass
through. Through the land — not the land
of Egypt, but every part of Syria, f Then
ahall he return. Marg., be stirred up
again. Tbe margin is the more correct
rendering — the Hebrew word being the
same as tbat whicb is used in the first
part of tbe verse. The idea would seem
to be that he would be aroused or stirred
up after a defeat, and wonld on the second
expedition enter into tbe strongholds or
fortresses of the land. This was literally
true. Ptolemy marched into Syria with
an army of seventy thousand foot, five
thousand horse, and seventy-three ele
phants, and was met by Antiochus with
an army of sixty-two thousand foot, six
thousand horse, and ons hundred and two
elephants. In a great battle, Antiochus
was defeated, and returned to Antioch
(Prideaux, Con. IIL 151— 153), but the
followiug year he again rallied bis forces,
and invaded Syria, took Gaza and tbo
other strongholds, and subdued the
wbole country of Syria, including Pales
tine, to himself. Prideaux, Con. III. 176,
177. ^ Even to his fortresa. Tbe singu-

440

DANIEL. [B.C. 534

11 And the king of the south shall
bo moved with choler, and shall
come forth and flght with him, even
with the king of the north : and he
^hall set forth a great multitude ;
bnt »the multitude shall be given
into his hand.
lar for the plural ; perhaps using the word
' fortress' by way of eminence, as de
noting bis atrongeat fortress, and therefore
including all the others.
11. And the king of the sonth shall be
m.oved with choler. With anger. Thatis,
that bis provinces were invaded, and his
strongholds taken — referring' particularly
to the invasion of Syria and Palestine as
mentioned in the previous verse, and tbe
attempt to wrest them out of the hands
of tbe king of Egypt. Nothing would be
more natural tban tbat this should occur.
^ And shall come forth and fight with him,
even with the king of the north. There
were frequent and almost constant wars
between these two kingdoms. Tet tbe
reference here is to Ptolemy Philopater,
who sucoeeded Ptolemy Euergetes in
Egypt, and who was exasperated at the
conduct of Antiochus in invading Syria
and Palestine. He assembled an army,
and marched with it to Kapbia, where he
met Antiochus, and a battle was fought.
^ And he shall aet forth a great multitude.
This army of Ptolemy, according to Po-
libius, ch. 86, was led through Arabia
Petraea, and consisted of seventy thou
sand infantry, and five thousand cavalry,
and seventy-three elephants. Tbe army
of Antiochus consisted of sixty-two thou
sand foot, six thousand horse, and a hun
dred and two elephants. Prideaux, Con.
III. 151. ^ But the multitude ahall be
given into hia hand. That is, the multi
tude of the army of Antiochus. In the
battle tbat was fought at Kaphia, Ptolemy
gained the victory. Ten thousand ofthe
army of Antiochus were slain, four thou
sand taken prisoners, and with the re
mainder ofhis forces Antiochus retreated
to Antioch. Prideaux, III. 152, 153. Per
haps also tbe expression 'the multitudes
shall be given into his band,' may refer not
only to tbe army, and his victory over it,
but to the fact tbat tbe inhabitants of
Otelesyria and Palestine would hasten to
Enbmit themselves to him. After this
peat battle at Baphia, and the retreat

12 And when he hath taken away
the multitude, his heart shall be
lifted up ; and he shall cast down
many ten thousands ; but he shall
not be strengthened by it.
aPs. S3. 16; Ec. 9.11, 12.

of Antiochus, we are told tbat the cities
of Ccelcsyria and Palestine vied with each
other in submitting themselves to Ptol
emy. They had been long under the gov
ernment of Egypt, and preferred that to
the govemment of Antioch. They had
submitted to Antiochus only by force, and
that force now being removed, they re
turned readily to tbe authority of their
old masters. Had Ptolemy possessed
energy and capacity for govemment, it
would bave been easy to bave retained
the control over these countries.
12, And when he hath taken away the
multitude. When he has subdued thera.
Lengerke however renders this, 'And the
multitude shall lift themselves up,' sup
posing it to refer to the fact that the peo
ple as well .TS tbe king would be excited.
But the more natural interpretation ia
that in our common version, and the
same sense of the word (tifel) occurs in
Amos iv. 2. The reference is to the efifect
wbich would be produced on him after
his defeat of Antiochus. ^ Hia heart
ahall be lifted up. Tbat is, be will bo
proud and self-confident. He was a man
naturally indolent and elfeminate — a moet
profligate and vicious prince. Prideaux,
Con. III. 146. Tbe effect of sucb a vic
tory would be to lift him up with pride.
^ And he ahall eaat down many ten thou
aanda. Or, rather, the meaning is, * he
haa cast down many myriads.' The ob
ject seems to be to give a reason why his
heart was lifted np. The fact tbat he
bad been thus successful, is the reason
which is assigned, and this eSect of a
great victory has not- been uncommon in
the world, f Buthe ahall not he atrength-
ened by it. He was wholly given up to
luxury, sloth, and voluptuousness, and
returned immediately after his victory
into Egypt, and surrendered himself up
to the enjoyment of his pleasures. The
consequence was, tbat he, by bis conduct,
excited some of his people to rebellion,
and greatly weakened himself in f-eafiee-
tions and confidence of the rest. After

B. C. 534.]

CidAPTER XI.

441

13 For the king of the north shall
return, and shall set forth a multi
tude greater than the former, and
shall certainly come • after certain
years with a great army and with
much riches.

14 And in those times there shall
many stand up against the king of
the south : also the i" robbers of thy
people shall exalt themselves to e»-
a at tlie end of times, even years ; c. 4, 16 ; 12. 7.
b children of robliers.

the victory, he concluded a truce with
Antiochus ; and the result was, that his
people, wbo expected much more from
him, nnd supposed that be would have
prosecuted the war, became dissatisfied
witb his conduct, and broke out into re
beUion. As a matter of fact, he was less
strong in the confidence and afi'ections of
his people, and would have been less able
to wage a war, after his triumph over
Antiochus than he was before. See Pri-
leaux. Con. III. 155, aeq.
13. For the king of the north ahall re
turn. Tbat is, he shall come again into
the regions of Ccelesyria and Palestine, to
recover them if possible from the power
of tbe Egypti.in king. ^ And shall set forth
a multitude greater than the former. Than
he bad in the former war when he was
defeated. The fact was, that Antiochus,
in tbis expedition, brought "with him the
forces with which he had successfully in
vaded the East, and tbe army had been
raised for that purpose, and was much
larger than that with which be had for
merly attacked Ptolemy. See Prideaux,
III. 163 — 165. If And ahall certainly come
after certain years with a great army.
This occurred B. C. 203, fourteen years
after tbe former war. Prideaux, III. 19.
^ Wilh much riches. Obtained in his
conquests in Parthia and other portions
of the East. See Prideaux, ut supra.
The hiatory of Antiochus corresponds pre
cisely with the statement here.
14. And in these times there shall many
stand up againat ihe king of the south.
Against tbe king of Egypt. That is, not
only Antiochus the Great, who was al
ways opposed to him, and who was con-
stAntly waging war with him, but also
others with whom he would be particu
larly involved, or who would be opposed
to him. The reference is especially to
Philip, king of Macedon, and to Agatho-
oles, wbo excited a rebellion against him
in Egypt. See Jerome on Dan. xi ; Po
lybius, XV. 29; Lengerke, in loc., and
Prideaux, III. 198. Antiochus and
Philip of Macedon entered into an agree

ment to invade the dominions of Ptolemy
Epiphanes, and to divide them between
themselves. At the same time a treasona
ble plot was laid against the life of Ptol
emy by Scopas the ,ffitolian (Polyb. xvii,),
wbo bad under his command tbe army of
tho ,^tolians, and wbo designed to take
advantage of the youth of the king, and
seize upon the throne. This project was
defeated by the vigilance of Aristomencs,
the prime minister. Prideaux, III. 181.
See also the account of the conspiracy of
Agathoeles, and bis aister Agathoelea,
against Ptolemy, wben an infant, in Pri
deaux, III. 168, aeq. These faots fully ac-
cordwith whatis said in thepassage before
us. ^ Alao the robbers of thy people shall
exalt themselvea. The angel here turns to
Daniel, and states what would be done in
these circumstances by his own people — ¦
the Jews, It is to be remembered that,
in these times, tbey were alternately un
der the dominion of the Egyptian and the
Syrian monarchs of Ptolemy — or of An
tiochus. Tbe principal seat of tbe wars
between Syria and Egypt was Palestine —
the border land between tbem and Judea,
tberefore, often changed masters. Ptol
emy Philopater had subdued Ccelesyria
and P.alestine, and Ptolemy Epiphanes
carae into possession of them when he
ascended the throne. But the angel now
says that a portion of his people would
take occasion, from tbe weakness of tbe
youthful monarcb of Egypt, and tbe con
spiracies in bis own kingdom, and the for
eign combinations against bim, to attempt
to thi\ow oflf bis authority, and to become
independ--nt. Tbat part of the people
who would attempt to do tbis is desig
nated in the common translation as, 'the
robbers of thy people.' This, however, is
scarcely a correct version, and does not
properly indicate tbe persons tbat would
be engaged in the plot The marginal
reading is,- children of robbera. The Latin
Vulgate, filii quoque pravaricatorum
populi tui. The Greek renders it,
hi hoi Tuv },oip'dv Toa \aov oav — * the sons of
the pests of thy people.' Lengerke ren-

442

DANIEL.

[B. C. 534.

tablish the vision ; but they shall
fall. ~ • Re. 17. 17.
ders it, 'the most powerful people of thy
nation' — die gewaltsamsten Leute deines
Volkes, The Hebrew word — yn^ — means
properly, rending, ravenous — as of wild
beiists, Isa. xxxv. 9 j and then violent, ra
pacious ; an oppreaaor, robber. Gesenius,
Lex, The reference here seems to be to
the mighty ones of the nation j the chiefs,
or rulers — but a name is given them that
would properly denote their character for
oppression and rapacity. It would seem
— what is indeed probable from the cir
cumstances of the case — tbat the nation
wafl not only subject to this foreign au
thority, but that those who were placed
over it, under that foreign authority, and
who were probably mainly of their own
people, were also themselves tyrannical
and oppressive in their character. These
subordinate rulers, however, preferred the
authority of Antiochus to that of Pto
lemy, and on the occasion of his return
from the conquest of Ccelesyria and Sama
ria, they met him, and professed submis
sion to him. Josephus, Ant. B. XIL ch.
iii. g 3. " The Jews," says Josephus,
"of their own accord, went over to him,
and received him into the city [Jerusa
lem], and gave plentiful provision to his
army, and to his elephants, and readily
assisted him when he besieged the garri-
bon whieh was in the citadel of Jerusalem."
On this occasion, Josephus says that An
tiochus bestowed many favours ou the
Jews ; wrote letters to the generals of his
armies commending their conduct; pub
lished a decree respecting the piety of
the Jewish people, and sent an epistle to
Ptolemy, stating what he had done for
them, and what he desired should be fur
ther done. See these statements and let
ters in Josephus, ut aupra. ^ To establish
the vision. That is, to bring to pass what
is seen in the vision, and what had been
predicted in regard to the Hebrew people.
Their conduct in thia matter shall have an
important bearing on the fulfilment of
the prophecy pertaining to that people —
shall be one of the links in the chain of
events securing its accomplishment. The
angel doos not say that it was a part of
flieir design to ' establish the vision,' but
mat that woidd be the reault of what they
Aid. No doubt their conduct in this xoat-

15 So the kiDg of the north shall
'come, and cast up a mount, and take

ter had a great influence on the series of
events that con tributed to the accomplish
ment of that prediction. Lengerke sup
poses that the 'vision' here refers to that
spoken of in ch. ix. 24. IT But tkey shall
fall. Thoy shall not succeed in the ob
ject which they have in view. Their con
duct in the afl'air will indeed promote the
fulfilment of the * vision,' but it will not
secure tho ends whieh they have in view —
perhaps their own aggrandizement; orthe
favour of Antiochus towards themselves j
or the permanent separation ofthe nation
from the Egyptian rule, or the hope th^t
their country might become independent
altogether. As a matter of fact, Antio
chus subsequently, on his return from
Kgypt (B. C. 198), took Jerusalem, and
slew many of the party of Ptolemy, who
had given themselves up to him, though
he showed particular favour to tbose who
had adhered to the observance of their
own law, and could not be prevailed on
by the king of Egypt to apostatize from
it. Prideaux, III. 198, Jos. Ant. B. zii.
ch. V. B 3.
15. So ihe king of tke n^rtk, Antiochus
the Great. % Shall come. Shall come
again into these provinces. This occurred
after he had vanquished the army of the
Egyptians at Pancas. He then took Si
don and Para, and made himself master
of the whole eountry. Prideaux, III. 198.
This happened B. G. 198. Scopas, a gen
eral of Ptolemy, had been sent by him into
Ccelesyria and Palestine, with a view of
subjecting those countries again to Egyp
tian rule. He was met by Antiochus at
Paneas, near the sources of the Jordan,
and defeated, and fled with ten thousand
men to Sidon, where he fortified himself,
but from whence he was -expelled by An
tiochus. ^ And cast up a mount. A for
tification. That is, he shall so entrench
himself that he cannot be dislodged. The
reference does not seem to be to any par
ticular fortification, but to the general
fact that he would so entrench or fortify
himself ihat he would make his conquesta
secure. H And take tke most fenced citiea,
Marg., city of munitions, Heb., *city of
fortifications.' The singular is used here
in a collective sense; or perhaps there ia
aUusion particularly to Sidon whore Soo-

B. C. 534.]

CHAPTER XI.

443

the * most fenced cities : and the
arms of the south shall not with
stand, neither this chosen people,
neither shall there be any strength to
¦withstand. 16 But he that cometh against
¦ eity of munitions, "people ofhis choices.
pas entrenched himself, making it as
strong as possible. If And the arms of
the south ahall not withaland. Shall not
be able to resist him, or to dislodge him.
The power of tbe Egyptian forces shall
not be sufl&cient to remove bim from his
entrenchments. The Hebrew is, 'shall
not atand;' that is, shall not stand against
hluQ, or maintain their position in his ad
vances. The word arma — n1jj"'t — is used
here in tbe sense of heroea, warriora, eom-
mandera, as in Ezek. xxx. 22, 24, 25.
^ Neither his chosen people. Marg., * peo
ple of his choice.' Thoso whioh he had
selected or chosen to carry on the war —
referring, perhaps, to the fact that he
would deem it necessary to employ picked
men, or to send the choicest of his forces
in order to withstand Antiochus. Such
an occurrence is in every way probable.
To illustrate this, it is only necessary to
say that the Egyptians sent three of their
most distinguished generals, with a se
lect army, to deliver Sidon — Eropus, Me
nelaus, and Damoxenus. Lengerke, in
loc. ^ Neither &'^n\\ there be .ny strength
to'withatand. No forces wbich the Egyp
tians can employ. In other words, An
tiochus would carry all before him. This
is in strict accordance with the history.
When Scopas was defeated by Antiochus
at Paneas, nearthe sources of the Jordan,
he fled and entrenched himself in Sidon.
There he was followed and besieged by
Antiochus. The king o^ Egypt sent the
three generals above named, with a choice
army, to endeavour to deliver Scopas, but
tbey were unable. Scopas was obliged
to surrender, in consequence of famine,
and the chosen forces returned to Egypt.
16. But he that cometh againat him ahall
do according to his own will. That is,
Antiochus who 'came against' Scopas,
the Egyptian general, sent out by Pto
lemy. Tbe idea is, that Antiochus would
be entirely successful in tbe countries of
Ccelesyria and Palestine. As a matter
pf fact, as stated above, he drt^e Soopaa
tat of those regions and compelled him

him shall do according to his own
will, and none shall stand before
him:_ and he shall stand in the
' glorious land, which by his hand
shall be consumed.
^ the land of ornament, or, goodly land,
ver. 41, 45.

to take refuge in Sidon, and then be
sieged him, and compelled him to sur
render. 1 And none ahall atand before
him. That is, neither the forces that
Scopas had under his command, nor the
choice and select armies sent out from
Egypt for bis rescue under Eropus, Mene
laus, and Damoxenus. 'I, And he ahall
aland in the glorioua land, Marg., ' the
land of ornament, or goodly land.' The
Hebrew word — ^3S — means properly
aplendour, beauty, and was given to the
holy land, or Palestine, on account of
its beauty, as being a land of beauty or
fertility. Comp. Ezek. xx. 6, 15; xxvi.
12 ; Jer. iii. 19, and Dan. xi. 45. Tho
meaning here is, that he would obtain
possession ofthe land of Isr.ael, and that
no one would be able to stand against
bim. By the defeat of Scopas, and of the
forces sent to aid him when entrenched
in Sidon, this was accomplished. ^ Which
by hia hand ahall be conaumed. As would
be natural when his invading army should
pass through it. The angel does not
seem to refer to any wanton destruction
of the land, but only to wbat would ne
cessarily occur in its invasion, and in
securing provision for the wants of an
army. As a matter of fact, Antiochus
did many things to conciliate the favour
of the Jews, and granted to tbem many
privileges. See Josephus, Ant. B. XII.
ch. iii. ^ 3. But, according to Josephus,
these favours were granted subsequently
to the wars witb Scopas, and as a com
pensation for the injuries which their
country had suffered in the wars which
had been waged between him and Sco
pas within their borders. The following
language of Josephus respecting the effect
of these wars, will justify and explain
wbat is here said by the angel: "Now
it happened that, in the reign of Anti
ochus the Great, who ruled over all Asia,
the Jews, as well as the inhabitants of
Ccelesyria, suffered greatly, and their
land was sorely harassed; for while he
was at war with Ptolemy Philopater,.and

441

DANIEL.

[B. C. 534

17 He shall also set his face » to
enter with the strength of his whole
with his son who was called Epiphanea,
it fell out that these nations were equally
sufferers, both when he was beaten, and
when he beat the others : so that they
were like to a ship in a storm whieh is
tossed by the waves on both sides, and
just thus were they in their situation in
tbe middle between Antiochus' prosperity
and its change to adversity." Ant. B.
XII. ch. iii. I 3. When Antiochus was
successful against Scopas, however, tbe
Jews " went over to him," says Josephus,
"oftheir own accord," and received him
into Jerusalem, and as a consequence of
tbe aid wbich they rendered him, he
granted them the favours and privi
leges mentioned by Josephus. The
immediate consequence of the wars, bow-
ever, was extended desolation, and it is
to this to which tbe passage before us
refers. Lengerke, however, supposes
that tbe meaning of the passage is, that
the whole land would be subdued under
him. The Hebrew word rendered ' shall
be consumed' — n'73 — means properly io
he completed, finished, closed ; then tobe
consumed, waated, apent, deatroyed: Gen.
xxi. 15; 1 Kings xvii. 16; Jer. xvi. 4;
pzek. V. 13. The destmction caused by
invading and conflicting armies in a
land, would answer to all tbat is properly
implied in the use of the word.
17. He ahall alao aet hia face. Anti
ochus. That is, he shall resolve or de
termine. To set one's face in any direc
tion is to determine to go there. The
meaning bere is, that Antiochus, flushed
with success, and resolved to push his
conquests to the utmost, would make use
of all tbe forces at his disposal to over
come the Egyptians, and to bring them
Into subjection to his sway. He bad
driven Scopas from Ccelesyria, and from
Sidon, had subjected the land of Palestine
to bis control, and now nothing seemed
to prevent his- extending his conquests
to tbe utmost limits of his ambition.
The reference here is to a purpoae of An
tiochus to wage war with Egypt, and to
invade it. Erom tbat purpose, however,
he was turned, as we shall see, by his
wars in Asia Minor, and he endeavoured,
as stated in the subsequent part of tbe
verse, if not to subdue Egypt and to
Itring it tmder his control, at least V:

kingdom, and •'upright ones with
»Pr.]9.21. b or, much uprightness, or, equal conditions.
neutralize it so that it would not inter
fere with bis wars with the Komans. If
his attention bad not been diverted, how
ever, by more promising or more brilliant
prospects in another direction, he wonld
undoubtedly have made an immediate
descent on Egypt itself. IT With ihe
strength of hia whole kingdom. Summon
ing all the forces of his empire. This
would seem to ba necessary in invading
Egypt, and in tbe purpose to dethrone
and hnmble his great rival. The armies
which he had employed had been suffi
cient to drive Scopas out of Palestine,
and to subdue tbat country, but obviously
stronger forces wonld be necessary in
carrying the war into Egypt, and at
tempting a foreign conquest. ^ And up
right onea with him. Marg., ' or, much
vprightneaa, or, equal conditione.' Tho
Hebrew word here used — IE'; — means
properly airaight, right; tben that which
is straight or npright — applied to per
sons, denoting their righteousness or in
tegrity. Job i. 1, 8 ; Ps. xi. 1. By way
of eminence it is applied to tbe Jewish
people, as being a righteous or upright
people — the people of God — and is lan
guage whioh a Hebrew would naturally
apply to hie own nation. In this sense
itis undoubtedly used here, to denote not
the pious portion, hut tbe nation as such;
and tbe meaning is, tbat, in addition to
those whom he conld muster from his
own kingdom, Antiochus would expect
to be accompanied witb large numbers
of the Hebrews — the • upright' people —
in his invasion of Egypt. This he might
anticipate from two causes, (o) the fact
that they had already rendered him so
much aid, and showed themselves so
friendly, as stated by Josephus in the
passage referred to above ; and (i) from
the benefit which he had granted to them,
which furnished a reasonable presump
tion that they would withhold their aid
in his further attempts to subdue Egypt.
The Jews might hope at least that if
Egypt were subjected to the Syrian
sceptre, their own country lying between
the two, would be at peace, and tbat tbey
wonld no more be harassed by its being
toade the seat of wars — the battle-field
of two ^eat contending powers. It waa
not without reason, therefore, that Anti>

B. C. 534.]

CHAPTER XI.

445

him ; thus shall he do : and he shall
give him the daughter of women.

ochus anticipated that in his invasion of
Egypt, he would be accompanied and as
sisted by not a few of the Hebrew peo
ple. As this is the natural and obvious
meaning of tbe passage, and accords en
tirely with the sense of the Hebrew word,
it is unnecessary to attempt to prove that
the marginal, rending is not correct.
f Thus ahall he do. That is, in the man
ner which is immediately specified. He
phall adopt the policy there stated — by
giving his daughter in marriage with an
Egyptian prince — to accomplish tbe ends
which he has in view. The reference
here is to another stroke of policy, made
necessary by, his new wars with the Ro
mans, and by the diversion of bis forces,
in consequence, in a new direction. The
natural step, after the defeatof the Egyp
tian armies in Palestine,wouldhiive been
to carry bis conquests at onoe into Egypt,
and tbis be appears to have contemplated.
But, in the meantime, be became engaged
in wars in another quarter— withthe Eo
mans, and as Ptolemy in such circum
stances would be likely to unite with the
Romans against Antiochus, in order to
bind tbe Egyptians to bimself, and to
neutralize them in these wars, this allir
ance was proposed and formed by which
he connected his own family with tbe
royal family in Egypt by marriage. •[ And
he ahall give him. Give to Ptolemy. An
tiochus would seek to form amatrimonial
alliance that wonld, for the time atleast,
secure the neutrality or the friendship of
tbe Egyptians. If The daughter of wo
men. The reference here is undoubtedly
to bis own daughter, Cleopatra. Tbe
historical facts in the case, as stated by
Lengerke (in loc), are these: — After An
tiochus had subdued, Ccelesyria and
Palestine, he became involved in wars
with the Eomans in Asia Minor, in or-
ler to extend tbe kingdom of Syria to
tbe limits which it had in the time of Se
leucus Nicator. In order to carry on his
designs in that quarter, however, it be-
eame necessary to secure the neutrality
or the co-operation of Egypt, for Ptolemy
would naturally, in such circumstances,
favour the , Romans in their wars with
Antiochus. Antiochus, therefore, nego
tiated a marriage between his daughter
Cl»»patra and Ptolemy Bpiphaaes, the
38

• corrupting her : but she shall not
stand on his side, neither be for him.
' to corrupt

son of Ptolemy Philopater, then thirteen
years of age. The valuable consideration
in the view of Ptolemy in tbis marriage,
was, that, is a dowry, Ccelcsyria, Sama
ria, Judea, and Phoenicia, were given to
her. Josephus, Ant. B. XII. cb. 4. g I.
This agreement or contract of marriage
was entered into immediately after the
defeat of Scopas, B. C. 197. The contract
was, that the marriage sbould take place
as soon as tbe parties were of suitable
age, and tbat Ccelesyria and Palestine
should be given as a dowry. The mar
riage took place B. C. 193, wben Antio
chus was making preparation for bis wars
with the Eomans. Jahn, Heb. Common
wealtb, ch. ix. g 89, p. 246. In this way,
the neutrality of the king of Egypt was
secured, while Antiochus prosecuted bis
work with tbe Eomans. 'The appellation
here bestowed on Cleopatra — daughter
of women — seems to have been given to
her by way of eminence, as an heiress to
the crown, or a princess, or as the prin
cipal one among tbe women of tbe land.
There can be no doubt of its reference to
her. ^ Corrupting her. Marg., as in He
brew, io corrupt. There bas been some
doubt, however, in regard to tbe word her,
in this place, whether it refers to Cleopatra
or to the kingdom of Egypt. Eosenmiil-
ler, Prideaux, J. D. Michaelis, Bertholdt,
Dereser, and others refer it to Cleopatrai
and suppose that it means tbat Antio
chus had instilled into her mind evil prin
ciples in order that she might betray her
husband, and tbat thus, bythe aid ofher
arts, be might obtain possession of Egypt.
On the other hand, Lengerke, Maurer,
De Wette, Havernick, Elliott (Apocalypse
iv. 130), and others, suppose that the ref
erence is to Egypt, and that the meaning
is that Antiochus was disposed to enter
into this alliance with a view of influenc
ing the Egyptian government not to unite
with the Eomans and oppose him ; that
is, tbat it was on bis part an artful device
to turn away the Egyptian government
from its true interest, .and to accomplish
his own purposes. The latter agrees best
with tbe connection, tbough the Hebrew
will admit of either construction. As a
matter of fact both tbese objects seem to
have been aimed at — for it was equally
true thii in this way he sought to turn

446 DANIEL. [B. C, 554
18 After ti;is shall he turn his face unto the isles, and shall take many:

iway the Egyptian government and king
dom from its true interests, and that in
making use of his daughter to carry out
this project it was expected that she would
employ artifice to influence her future
husband. This arrangement was the
more necessary, as, in consequence of the
fame which the Komans had acquired in
overcoming Hannibal, the Egyptians had
applied to them for protection and aid in
their wars with Antiochus, and offered
them, as a consideration, the guardianship
of young Ptolemy, This offer the Ro
mans accepted with joy, jind sent M.
^milius Lepidus to Alexandria as guar
dian of the young king of Egypt. Po
lybius XV. 20, Appian, Syriac. i. 1, Livy
xxxi. 14, xxxiii. 19, Justin xxx. 2, 3,
xxxi. 1. Tbe whole waa on the part of
Antiochus, a stroke of policy, and it could
not be accomplished without that which
has been found necessary in political de
vises — the employment of bribery or cor
ruption. It accords well with the charac
ter of Antiochus to suppose that he would
not hesitate to instil into the mind of bis
daughter all his own views of policy. ^_ But
ske skall not stand on his side, neitker be
for kim. Tbat is, she would become at
tached to her husband, and would favour
his interests rather than the crafty de.
signs of her father. On this passage, Je
rome remarks: "Antiochus desirous of
possessing Syria, Cilicia, and Lycia, and
the other provinces which belonged to
Ptolemy, but to extend also his ovyn scep
tre over Egypt itself, betrothed his own
daughter Cleopatra to Ptolemy, and pro
mised to give as a dowry Ccelesyria and
Judea. But he could nut obtain posses
sion of Egypt in this way, because Ptol
emy Epiphanes, perceiving his design,
acted with caution, and because Cleopa
tra favoured the purposes ofher husband
rather than those of her father." So
Jahn, Ileb. Commonwealth, p. 246, says:
"He indulged the hope that when his
daughter became queen of Egypt, she
would .bring the kingdom under his influ
ence j but she proved more faithful to her
husband than to her father."
] 8. After tkis skall ke turn his face unto
tke isles. Tho islands of the Mediterra
nean, particularly those in the neighbour
hood of and constituting a part of Greece.
Ihis he did in hii wars ^ith tha Ko

mans, for the Roman power then compre
hended that part of the world, and it wai
the design of Antiochus, as already re
marked, to extend the limits of his em
pire as fnr as it was at tbe time of Seleu
cus Nicator. This occurred after the de
feat of Scopas, for, having given his
daughter in marriage to Ptolemy, he sup
posed that he had guarded himself from
any interference in his wars with the
Romans from the Egyptians, and sent
two of his sons with an army by land to
Sardis, and he himself with a great fleet
sailed at the same time into the ^geazt
sea, and took many of the islands in that
sea. The war which was waged between
Antiochus and the Romans lasted for
three years, and ended in the defeat
of Antiochus, and in the subjugation
of the Syrian kingdom to the Roman
power, though, when it became a Roman
province, it continued to be governed by
its own kings. In this war, Hannibal, of
the Carthagenians, was desirous thatAn-
tiochus should unite with him in carrying
his arms into Italy, with the hope that
together they would be able to overcome
the Romans, but Antiochus preferred to
confine his operations to Asia Minor, and
the maritime parts of Greece, and the
consequence of this, and of the luxury
and indolence into which hc sank, was his
ultimate overthrow. Comp. Jahn's Heb.
Commonwealth, pp. 246 — 249. % And
skall take many. Many of those islands;
many portions of the maritime country
of Asia Minor and Greece. As a matter
of fact, during this war which he waged,
he became possessed of Ephesus, ^tolia,
the island of Euboea ; when in the year
191 B. C, he hiarried Eubin, a young
lady of great beauty, and gave himself
up for a long time to festivity and amuse
ments — and then entrenched himself
strongly at the pa^s of ThermopylgB. Af
terwards, when driven from that strong
hold, he sailed to the Thr^ian Cherso-
nesus, and fortified Sestus,' Abydos, and
other places, and, in fact, during these
military expeditions, obtained the mas
tery of no inconsiderable part of the
maritime portions of Greece. The pro
phecy was strictly fulfilled, that he should
* take- mmjy' of those places. ^ But a
prince for hia own behalf. A Roman
princd, or aJieader of the Roman aruiiost

B. C. 534.J

CHAPTER XI.

447

but a prince for his » own behalf
shall cause the i" reproach offered by

*him.

The reference is to Lucius Cornelius
Scipio, called Scipio Asiaticus, in contra-
discinctiun from Publius Cornelius Scipio,
called Africanus, from his conquest over
Ilnnnibal and the Carthagenians. Tbe
Scipio here referred to received the name
Asiaticus, on account of his victories in
lhe East, and particularly in this war
with Antiochus. He wns it brother of
Scipio Africanus, and had .iccompanied
him in bis expedition into Spain nnd
Africa. After his return he was rewarded
witb the consulship for his services to tho
state, and was empowered to attaclc An
tiochus, who had declared war against the
Ramans. In this war he was prosperous,
and sucoeeded in retrieving the honour
of the Eoman name, and in wiping off the
reproach whicb the Eoman armies bad
suffered from the conquests of Antiochus.
When it is said that he would do this 'for
hia own behalf the meaning is, doubtless,-
tbat he would engage in tbe enterprise fur
his own glory, or to secure fame for him
self. It was not the love of justioe, or
the love of country, but it was to secure
for himself a public triumph — perhaps
hoping, by subduing Antiochus, to obtain
ono equal to that wbicb his brother had
received after his wars with Hannibal.
The motive here ascribed to this ' prince'
was so common in the leaders of the Eo
man armies, and has been so generally
prevalent among mankind, that there oan
be no hesitation in supposing that it was
accurately ascribed to tbis conqueror,
Scipio, aud that the enterprise in whicb
he embarked in opposing Antiochus was
primarily ' on hia own behalf.' If Shall
cauae the reproach offered by him to ceaae.
The reproach offered by Antiochus to the
Eoman power. Tbe margin is, 'his re
proach.' The reference is to the disgrnoe
brought on the Eoman armies by the con
quests of Antiochus. Antiochus had
seemed to mock that power; he had en
gaged iu war witb the conquerors of na
tions; be had gained victories, and thus
appeared to insult the majesty of the Eo
man namo. All this was turned back
Igain, or oauncd to cease, by the victories
)f Scipio. % Without hia own reproach.
irUhout any reproach to h.'mself— any

him to cease; ¦without his own re
proach he shall cause it to turn upon
him. 1" his raproaili.

discomfiture — any imputation of want of
skill or valour. That is, he would so con
duct the war as to secure an untarnished
reputation. This was in all respects truo
of Scipio. \He ahall cause it to turn
upon him. The reproach or s'hame whicb
be seemed to cast upon the Romaus would
return upon himself. This o«urred in
the successive defeats of Antiochus in
several engageraents by wator and by
land, and in bis final and complete over
threw at the battle of Magnesia (B. C.
190), by Scipio. After being several
times overcome by the Eoin<ans, and
vainly sueing for peace, "Antiochus lost
all presence of mind, and withdrew his
garrison from all the cities on the Helles
pont, and, in his precipitate fiight, left all
his military stores behind him. He re
newed his attempts to enter into negotia
tions for peace, but when he was required
to relinquish all bis possessions west of
tiie Taurus, and defray the expense of the
war, be resolved to try his fortune once
more in a battle by land. Antiochus
brought into tho field seventy thousand
infantry, twelve thousand cavalry, and a
great number of camels, elephants, and
chariots armed with scythes. To these
the Romans could oppose but thirty thou
sand men, and yet they gained a decisive
victory. The Eomans lost ouly three
hundred and twenty-five men; while, of
the forces of Antiochus, fifty thousand
infantry, four thousand cavalry, and fif
teen elephants, were left dead on the field,
fifteen bundred men were raade prisoners,
and tbe king himself with great difliculty
made bis escape to Sardis. He now
hurably sued for peace, and itwas granted
on the terms to which be hild formerly
refused compliance — that he should sur
render all his possessions west of tbe Tau
rus, and that be should defray the ex
penses of the war. He farther obligated
bimself to keep no elephants, and not
more tban twelve ships. To secure tho
performance of these conditions, the Eo
mans required him to deliver up twelve
hostages of their own selection, among
whom was his son Antiochus, afterwards
surnamed Epiphanes." Jahn's Heb. Com
monwealth, pp. 248, 249.

{48

DANIEL,

[B. C. 534

19 Then he shall turn his face to
ward the fort of his own land : but
fte shall stumble and fall, " and not
be found.
20 Then shall stand up in his
^ Ps. 37. 36. " or, place, ver. 7.
19. Then he ahall turn hia face toward
the fort of hia own land. The strong for
tifications of his own land — for the He
brew word is in the plural. This be
would do, of course, for protection. He
would cease bis attempts at conquest, and
endeavour to find security in bis own for
tresses. As a matter of fact, after tbis de
feat, Antiochus, in order to replenish his
exhausted coffers, and to find tbe menns
of meeting the claims of the Eomans, went
into certain provinces ofhis empire. He
attempted no other foreign wars, but
sought security in his own dominions.
^ But he ahall atumhle and fall, and not
hefound. He died in an attempt to plun
der tbe temple of Elymais. In tbis he
provoked the people to an insurrection,
ond was slain, together witb the soldiers
who were with him. Wbat was his mo
tive for plundering that temple is uncer
tain ; whether it was to meet the demands
of the Eomans, or whether it was avarice
(Justin xxxiii. 2), but it was in this way
that he * stumbled and fell,' and passed
away. Jerome, Com. in loc, Diod. Sic.
Fragmenta xxvi. 30, 49, Justin xxxii. 2,
Strabo p. 744. Tbe prophecy respecting
him terminates here, and tbe particulars
specified nre as minute and accurate as
if it had been written after tbe event.
Indeed, the whole account is just such as
one would prepare now who should under
take to express in a brief compass the
principal events in the life of Antiochus
the Great.
20. Then ahall atand up in hia estate
Marg., plqge. The word used — i3 —
means properly a atand, atation, place,
, (see Notes on ver. 2), and the idea here is
simply that he would be succeeded in the
kingdom by such an one. His successor
would have the character and. destiny
which the prophecy proceeds to specify.
'j A raiser of taxes, ^ne wbo shall be
mainly characterized for this ; that is,
whose government would be distinguished
eminently by his efforts to wring money
out of the people. The Hebrew word —
frj; — moans properly to urge, to drive.

'estate a "raiser of taxes in the
glory of the kingdom ; but within
few days he shall be destroyed,
neither in ^ anger nor in battle.
c 07?e that causeth an exacter ft) pass over. Ful
aied, 171 B. C. 'c

to impel, and it is then applied to one
who urges or presses a debtor, or who
exacts tribute of a people. The word is
used witb reference to money exactions
in Beut. xv. 2, 3 : " Every creditor tbat
lendeth aught unto bis neighbour, shall
not exact it of his neighbour or brother j
of a foreigner tbou mayest exact it again."
So in 2 Kings xxiii. 35, Jehoiakim taxed
tbe land ¦' to give the money according
to tbe commandment of Pharaoh j be ex
acted the silver and the gold of the people
of the land." In Zech. ix. 8, " And no
oppreaaor shall pa^s througb them any
more," the same word is used. Here it
denotes one who would be mainly cha
racterized by his extorting tribute of his
people, or using means to obtain money.
^1' In the glory of the kingdom. The word
in here is supplied by our translators
Lengerke renders it, 'who shall suffe-
the tax-gn thercr (eintreiber) to go througt
the glory of the kingdom.' Tbis is evi
dently the meaning. He wonld lay the
richest aud most productive parts of bis
kingdom under contribution. This might
be either to pay a debt contracted by a
former monarch ; or to carry on war ; or to
obtain tbe means of luxurious indulgence j
or for purposes of magnificence and dis
play. ^ But within few daya. A compa
rative brief period. Comp. Gen. xxvii. 44,,
xxix. 20. It is impossible from this to
determine the precise period which he
would live, but the langnage wonld leave
the impression thnt bis would be a short
reign. ^ He ahall be deatroyed. Heb.,
ahall be broken. That is, his power shall
be broken ; he shall cease to reign. It
would not be certainly inferred from tbis
that he would be put to deatb, or would
die at that time, but that his r^ign then
would come to an end, though it might
be in some peaceful way. ^Neither in
anger. Heb., angers. Not in any tu
mult or excitement, or by any rage of
his subjects. This would certainly im.
ply that his deatb would be a peaceful
death. ^ Nor in battle. As many king!
fell. The description would indicate ¦

B. C. 534.]

CHAPTER XI.

449

reign of peace, and one whose end would
be peace, but who would have but a
brief reign. The reference here is, un
doubtedly, to Seleucus Philopator, tbe
oldest son of Antiochus tbe Great, and
his immediate successor. Tbe fulfilment
of tbe prediction is seen in the folluwing
facts in regard to him : (a) As an exac
tor of tribute. He was bound to pay
the tribute which his father had agreed
to pay to the Eomans. This tribute
amounted to a thousand talents annually,
and consequently made it necessary for
him to apply bis energies to the raising
of that sum. The Jewish talent of silver
¦was equal to about $1505 of our money,
and consequently this thousand talents,
of the Jewish talent of silver here referred
to, was equal to about a million and a
half of d(dlars. The Greek talent of sil
ver was worth $1055 of our money, and,
if this was the talent, the sum would be
about a million. To raise this, in addi
tion to tbe ordinary expenses of the go
vernment, would require an effort, and,
as this was continued from year to year,
and as Seleucus was known for little else,
it was not unnatural that he should be
characterized as the 'raiser of taxes.'
(6) Especially would this be true in tbe
estimation of tbe Jews, for no small part
of tbese taxes, or tbis revenue, was de
rived from Palestine. Seleucus, taking
advantage of the disturbances in Egypt,
had reunited to the Syrian crown the
provinces of Ccelesyria and Palestine,
whicb his father Antiochus tbe Great had
given in dowry to his daughter Cleopatra,
who was married to Ptolemy Epiphanes.
Jahn, Heb. Commonwealth, p. 255. In
the year 176 B. C, Simon, a Benja-
minite, who became governor of the tem
ple at Jerusalem, tbe farmer of the reve
nues of the Egyptian kings, attempted
to make some innovations, which were
steadily resisted by the high priest
Onias III. Simon, in anger, went to
Apollonius, governor of Ccelesyria under
Seleucus, and informed him of the great
treasures oontained in tbe temple. " Tbe
king," says Jabn, (Heb. Commonwealth,
p. 255,) " though a friend to the Jews,
and tbough he had regularly made dis
bursements, aooording to tbo directions
ot his father, towards sustaining the ex-
Jenaes of the sacrifices at Jerusalem, de
termined to apply to hia own use the
treasures of the temple ; for the nnnuai ,
38 »

payment of onethousand talents to the Ro
mans bad reduced his finances to a very
low ebb. With tbe design, tberefore, of
replenishing his exhausted treasury, ho
sent Heliodorus to Jerusalem to plunder
the temple." Comp. Appian Syriac. xlv.
60 — 65. See also Prideaux, Conn. Ill 208,
2 Mac. iii. Besides this, the necessity
of raising so much revenue, would give
him the character of 'raiser of taxes.'
(c) This was done in wbat might properly
be termed 'the glory of bis kingdom,'
or in what would, in the language of an
Hebrew, be so called — Ccelesyria and
Palestine. To tbe eye of a Hebrew this
was the glory of all lands, and the Jew
ish writers were accustomed to designate
it by some such appellation. Comp.
Notes on ver. 16. (d) His reign con
tinued but a short time — answering to
wbat is here said, that it would be for a
'few days.' In fact, he reigned but
eleven or twelve years, but tbat, com
pared with the long reign of Antiochus
his father — thirty-seven years — was a
brief period. (e) The manner of his
death. He did not fall in battle, nor
wafi he cut off in a popular tumult. He
was, in fact, poisoned. In the eleventh
year of his reign, he sent his only sou
Demetrius as a hostage to Rome, and re
leased his brother Antiochus, who had
resided twelve years in that city. As
tbe heir to the crown was now out of
the way, Heliodorus sought to raise him
self to the royal dignity, and for this
purpose be destroyed the king by poi
son. He attached a large party to his
interests, and finally gained over those
who were in favour of submitting to the
king of Egypt, Antiochus Epiphanes re
ceived notice of these transactions while
he was at Athens on bis return from
Eome. He applied himself to Eumenes,
king of Pergamus, whom, with his bro
ther Attains, be easily induced to espouse
his cause, and they, with the help of a
part of the Syrians, deprived Heliodorus
of his usurped authority. Thus, in the
year 175 B. C, Antiochus Epiphanes
quietly ascended the thi'one, while the
lawful heir, Demetrius, was absent at
Rome. Appian, Syriao. xlv. 60 — 65.
Jahn, Heb. Commonwealth ch. ix. ^ 91.
The remainder of this chapter is occupied
with a detail of the crimes, the cruelties,
and the oppressions of Antiochus Epi
phanes, or Antiochus IV.

ibO

DANIEL.

[B. C. 534

21 f And in his "estate shall stand
np a vile person, to whom they shall
Splace. Ter. 7.
21. And in hia eatate. In bis place.
Notes on vs. 2, 20. f Shall eland up a
vile peraon. There shall succeed to the
throne. The reference hore is to Antio
chus Epiphanes, wbo reigned from B. C.
175 to B. C. 163. The epithet ' vile' here
given him, wns one which his subsequent
history showed was eminently appropriate
to him in all respects, as a man and as a
prince. The Hebrew word rendered ' vile'
¦ — n^^l — properly means one despised or
held in contempt. Isa. xlix. 7, Ps. xxii. 7.
The meaning here is, that he was one who
deserved to be despised, and who would
be held in contempt — aman of alow, base,
contemptible character. Vulg., deapeetiis.
Gr., c^ouStfdi^T}. Luther, ein ungeachtetcr.
Never were terms better npplied to aman
than these to Antiochus Epiphanes — both
before and after his ascension to the
throne. The manner of his seizing upon
the crown is stated above. He was sur
named Epiphanes ('Eni0ai/i)f) the Illustri
ous, because, if we believe Appian, be
vindicated the claims of the royal family
against the usurpations of the foreigner
Heliodorus. He also bore the name Be6s
—God, wbich is still seen upon his coins.
But by his subjects he was called Epi-
manes {'Enrtiiavns) the Insane, instead of
Epiphanes — a name which he much more
richly deserved. Tbe following state
ment from Jahn (Heb. Commonwealth,
ch. X. g 92) will show witb what propriety
the term 'vile' was applied to him : "He
often lounged like a mere Idler about the
streets of Antioch, attended by two or
three servants, and not deigning to look
at the nobles; would talk with goldsmiths
and other mechanics in their workshops,
engage in idle and trifling conversation
with the lowest of the people, and mingle
in tbe society of foreigners and men of
the vilest character. He was not ashamed
to go into the dissipated circles of the
young, to drink and carouse with thera,
and to assist their merriment by singing
tongs and plnying on his flute. He often
anpenred in the public baths among the
common people, engaged in every kind of
foolish jest without the least regard to the
¦iignity of his station and cbaracter. Not
infrequently he was aeen drunk in the

not give the honour of the kingdom :
but he shall come in peaceably, and
obtain the kingdom by flatteries.

streets, when he would throw bis money
about, and practice various otber fooler
ies equally extravagant. He would pa
rade tbe streets of bis capitol in a long
robe, and with a garland of roses npon
his head, and if any attempted to pass by
or to follow bim, he would pelt them wilh
stones which he carried concealed under
his garments," Ac. See also Appian in
Syriacis xlv. 70 — 75 ; Eusebius in Chro
nicon ; Athenseus, lib. v. p. 193, x. p. 438 ;
Livy xli. 20; Diod. Sic Frag. xxvi. 65,
xx.xi. 7, 8; Prideaux Con. iii. 212 — 214;
1 Mac. i. 9. ^ To whom they shall not
give the honour of the kingdom. That is,
the people. Or, in other words, it sbould
not be conferred on him by any law or
act of the nation, or in any regular suc
cession or claim. The tme heir to the
crown was Demetrius, who was absent at
Eome. On him the crown would bave
regularly devolved; but in his absence it
was obtained by Antiochus by arts whioh
he practised, and not by any voluntary
grant of the nation, f But he ahall come
in peaceably. Quietly ; without war or
force ; by art rather than by arms. Ge
senius {Lex.) renders the phrase bere
nsed, 'in the midst of security;' that is,
unexpectedly, suddenly. The idea seema
to be that he would do it when the nation
was not expecting it, or apprehending it;
wben they would be taken off their guard,
and he would 'steal a march upon them.'
All tbis accorded with fact. The na
tion seemed not to have anticipated that
Antiochus would attenipt to ascend the
throne on the death of bis brother. Eut
he quietly left Rome — while Demetrius,
his nephew, tbe true heir to the crown,
reraained there — came to Athens, and
learned wbat was tbe state of things in
Syria, where Heliodorus bad nourped the
authority ; made an agreement with the
king of Pergamus to aid him, and, by
the assistanje of a part of the Syrians
who wero opposed to the usurper Hslio-
dorus, deprived him of the authority, and
bimself took possession of the crown. No
one seemed to suspect that this waa his
aim, or to doubt that his object was to
remove an usurper that his nephew mighi
be placed on tho throne; ^ And obtain
the kingdom by fiaiteriea. n-ip^^^q—lu.

B. C. 534.J

CHAPTER XI.

451

22 And • with the arms of a flood
shall they be overflown from before
• ver. 10. Fulfilled, 170 B. 0.
bi-icitates, blanditice. " The word," says
Elliott (Apoc. iv. 133), "has a double
sense, being applied both to the slipperi
ness of a path, and the slipperiness or
flattering and deceit of the tongue. In
the former sense it occurs in Ps. xxxv. 6,
'Let tbeir way be dark and slippery;' in
the latter, its originating verb, Prov. ii. 6,
vii. 5, 'The stranger that flattereth or
dissembleth witb his words ;' and Prov.
xxix. 5, 'A man that flattereth or dissem
bleth to bis neighbour.' In this latter
sense the verbal seems to be used both
here and in tbe verses 32, 34, below,
'arts of dissimulation.' Geaenius." The
probable meaning bere is, that he would
obtain the throne by acts of dissembling,
and by promises of rewards and offices.
Such promises he would probably make
to Eumenes, king of Pergamus, and to
tbe Syrian nobles and people who espoused
his cause. It would not be difficult to se
cure the aid of multitudes in this way,
and the character of Antiochus wns just
such as to permit him to use any of these
arts to accomplish bis ends. Perhaps
also he might hold out tbe hope of aid
from tbe Eomans, with whom he had
long lived. It was no uncommon thing for
an"iisurper to make bis way by flattering
certain classes of a people, and by pro
mises of largesses, of offices, and of the
removal of oppressive burdens. Comp.
Prideaux, Con. III. 212. Sue also tbe
case of Absalora in 2- Sam. xv. 1 — 6.
22. And with the arms of a fiood. The
reference here is to some mighty invasion
of some country by Antiochus, which
would sweep every thing before bim.
There seems to be some confusion of me
taphor in the phrase ' the arma of a flood.'
The idea in the mind of the writer ap
pears to bave been tbis. He saw an in-
yasion of some country by hosts of men
under the command of Antiochus. This
It was not unnatural to compare with an
inundation of waters spreading over a
land. See Isa. viii. 8. Nor wae it alto
gether unnatural to speak of an inunda
tion as having arma extending far and
aear ; sweeping every thing to itself, or
carrying it away. Thus we speak of an
arm of the sea, an arm of a river, &c.
In this manner tho inundation — the in

him, and shall be broken ; yea, also
the prince of the covenant.
23 And after the league made with
vasion — seemed to spread itself out lik»
waters, sweeping all away. ^ Shall they
be overfiown from before him. The pro
phet does not specify who they would be
that would thua be overthrown. Some
have supposed that the reference is to the
Hebrew, but the more correct interpreta
tion is tbat wbich refers itto Egypt. See
Notes on ver. 25. As a matter of fact,
the forces of Heliodorus, the forces of tbs
Hebrews, nnd the forces of the Egyptians,
were alike broken and scattered befora
him. The eye of tbe prophet, however,
seems rather here to be on the invasion
of Egypt, which was one of the earliest
and most prorainent acts of Antiochus,
and into the history of whicb the prophet
goes most into detail. % Yea, alao, the
prince of the covenant. He also shall be
broken and overcome. There has been
some diversity of opinion as to who is
meant by 'the prince of the covennnt'
here. Many suppose that it is the high
priest of the Jews, as being tbe chief
prince or ruler under tbe 'covenant'
which God made with them, or among
the ' covenant' people. But this appella
tion is not elsewhere given to the Jewish
high priest, nor is it sucb as could with
much propriety be applied to him. Tbe
reference is rather to the king of Egypt,
witb whom a covenant or compact had been
made by Antiochus the Great, antf who
was supposed to be united, therefore, to
the Syrians by a solemn treaty. Seo
Lengerke, in loc. So Elliott, Apoc. iv.
133. 23. And after the league made viifh him.
A treaty of peace and concord. Tho
great subject of contention between the
kings of Syria and Egypt was tbe posses
sion of Ccelesyria and Palestine. This
they often endeavoured to settle by con
quest, as each of them claimed tbat in the
original partition of the empire of Alex
andria this portion of the empire fell to
himself; and often they endeavoured to
settle it by treaty. Consequently this
region was constantly passing from one to
the other, and was also the seat of fre
quent wars. The ' league' here referred
to seema to have been that respecting this
country — the successive promises which
had been made to the king of Egypt tbat

452

him he shall work • deceitfully: for
he shall come up, and shall become
strong with a small people.
Ccelesyria and Palestine should be made
over to him. These provinces had been
secured to Ptolemy Lagus by the treaty
made 301 B. C, and they had been again
pledged by Antiochus the Great, in dowry,
when his daughter Cleopatra should be
made queen of Egypt. Jahn, Heb. Com
monwealth p. 260. Antiochus Epiphanes,
however, was by no means disposed to
confirm this grant, and hence the wars
in wbich hewas involved with the Egyp
tians. •[ He skall work deceitfully. In
reference to tho covenant or treaty above
referred to. He shall endeavour to evade
its claims : he shall refuse to comply with
its conditions ,* he shall not deliver up tbe
provinces according to the terms of the
compact. The history accords exactly
with this, for he did not intend to com
ply with the terms of the treaty, but
sought every means to evade it, and finally
waged a succession of bloody wars with
Egypt. In reference to the terms of this
treaty, and to secure their respective in
terests, both parties sent ambassadors to
Kome to urge their claims before tho Ro
man Senate. Polybius, Legat. g 78, 82.
Jerome, Com.in loc. As soon as Ptolemy
philometor had reached bis fourteenth
year, be was solemnly invested with the
government J and ambassadors from all
surrounding countries came to congratu
late Vtu on his accession to the throne.
*• On this occasion Antiochus sent to
Egypt, Apollonius, the son of Mnestheus,
apparently to congratulate the king on
his coronation, but with the real intention
of sounding the purposes ofthe Egyptian
court. When Apollonius on his return
informed Antiochus that he waa viewed as
an enemy by the Egyptians, be immedi
ately sailed to Joppa to survey his fron
tiers townrds Egypt, and to put them in
a state of defence." Jahn, Heb. Common
wealth, p. 260. 2 Mac. iv. 21. The purpose
of Antiochus was undoubtedly not to sur
render Ccelesyria and Palestine according
to the treaties which had been made, and
yet he designed to secure them if possible
without an open rupture, and hence Wb
ftrts of diplomacy, or his efforts to evade
compliance with the terms of the com
pact. Even wben be had invaded Egypt>
tnd had obtained possession of the king,

DANIEL. [B.C. 584
24 He shall enter •> peaceably even
upon the fattest places of the prov-
» c. 8. 25. ^ or, into tJie peaceable and fat.

Ptolemy Philometor, he still "pretended
that he had come .o Egypt solely for thtt
good of king Ptolemy, to set the aflairs of
his kingdom in order for him; and Ptol
emy found it expedient to act as though
he really thought him his friend. Buthe
must have seen, gays Jahn, that Antio
chus with all his professions of friendship,
was not unmindful of spoil, for he plun
dered Egypt in every quarter." Heb,
Commonwealth p. 263. ^ For he shall
come up. Come up on Egypt. The result
would be war. Kather than surrender
the provinces according to thie treaty, ho
would ultimately invade Egypt, and carry
war into its borders. ^ And skall become
atrong with a amall people. The meaning
of this seems to be that at first his own
forces would be small; that he would
go up in such a way as not to excite sus
picion, but that, either by an increase of
his forces there, by uniting himself to
confederates, by alluring the people by
the promise of rewards, or by gradually
taking one town after another and adding
them to his dominions, he would become
strengthen. Jahn (Heb. Commonwealth
p. 263), says, " witk a amall body nf troopa
he mado bimself master of Memphis, and
of all Egypt as far as Alexandria, almost
without striking a blow." Comp. Diod.
Sic. xxvi. 76, 77 ; Jos. Ant xii. 5, 2. Tho
fact in the case was, that Antiochus pre
tended in his invasion of Egypt to be the
friend of the Egyptian king, and that he
came to aid bim, and to settle him firmly
on the throne. Ey degrees, however, he
became possessed of one town after an
other, and subdued one place after an
other, until he finally became possessed
of the king himself, and had him entirely
in his power.
24. Ue ahall enter peaceably even upon
the fattest places of the province. The
margin is, 'into tho peaceable and fat.'
The version in the text, however, is tho
more correct, and the sense is that he
would do tbis unexpectedly (Lengerke,
unvermutket) ; he would mnke gradual
and artful approaches until he had seized
upon the bestportions of the land. Cotup,
Gen. xxvii. 28, 39. The history is, that
he went tbere with different professions
than those of conquest and one aftor an*

B. C, 534.J

CHAPTER XI.

45S

ince ; and he shall do thai vi'hich his
fatiiers have not done, nor his fa
ther's fathers ; he shall scatter
among them the prey, and spoil,
and riches : yea he shall ' forecast
a think his thoughts.
other he took possession of tbe principal against tbe strongly fortified places of

his devices against the strongholds,
even for a time.
25 And he shall stir up his power
and his courage against the king of
the south with a great army ; and

towns of Egypt. In bis first invasion of
tbat country, Diodorus Siculus and Jose
phus both say that Antiochus ' availed
himself ofa mean artifice,' without speci
fying what it was. Jahn says that prob
ably it was tbat he pretended to come as
the friend of Ptolemy. It was to this
tbat tbe allusion is here, wben it is said

Egypt. ^ Againat the strongholds. An
tiochus took possession of Pelusium, the
key of Egypt; he seized upon Memphis,
and he then laid siege to Alexandria,
supposing that if that were reduced the
wbole country would be his. Jos. AnL
B. xii. ch. T. § 2. 1[ Even for a time,
Josephus {utsup.) says that he was drircK

that be would 'enter peacfiai/y,' — thatis, from Alexandria, and out of all Egypt,
with some pretence of peace or friendsfaip, by the tbre.atenings of the Romans, com
er with some false nnd flattering art.|mBnding bim to let that country alone.
Josephus (Ant. xii. ch. v. § 1.) says of | There were other reasons, also, wbich com-
Antiochus, tbat "he came witb great. bined witb this, inducing him to retire
foreestoPeluiiium, and circumvented Ptol- from that country. He was greatly en
emy Philometor by treachcri/, and seized raged by the effect wbich a report of his
upon Egypt." The fact stated by Diodo- death in Judea bad produced there. It
rus and Josephus, tbat be took possession was said tbat all the Jews rejoiced atthat
of Memphis and of all Egypt as far as report, and rose in rebellion ; and he
Alexandria, fully illustrates what ia said tberefore resolved to inflict revenge on

here, that he would ' enter in tbe fattest
places of tbe province.' Tbese were the
most choice and fertile portions of Egypt.
^Aiid he shall do tbat which his fathers
hove not done, nor hia father's fathers.
Which none of his predecessors have been
able to do; to wit, in the conquest of
Egypt. No one of them bad it so com
pletely in bis possession ; no one obtained
from it so much spoil. Tbere can be no

them, and left Egypt, and went to Jeru
salem, and subdued it either by storm or
by stratagem.
25. And he shall atir up hia power and
his courage against the king of the south
wiih a great army. This must refer to a
subsequent invasion of Egypt by Antio
chua. In the course of his reign be four
times invaded tbat country with various
degrees of success. In the first, he took

doubt that such was the fact The wars | Pelusium, and having placed a garrison
of his predecessors with the Egyptians there, retired into winter quarters to
had been mostly waged in Ccelesyria and | Tyre. In the second, above referred

Palestine, for the possession of tbese
provinces. Antiochus Epiphanes, how
ever, at first took Pelusium, tbe key of
Egypt, and then invaded Egypt itself,
seized upon its strongest places, and made
the king a captive. Jahn, Heb. Common
wealth, p. 263. Comp. 1 Mao. i. 16.
V He shall scatter among them the prey,
&i. Araong his followers. He shall re
ward them with the spoils of Egypt.
Comp. 1 Mao. i. 19 : " Thus tbey got the
strong cities in the land of Egypt, and be

to, be took Memphis and laid siege
to Alexandria. The third invasion here
referred to was after he had taken Jeru
salem, and was caused by the fact tbat,
as Ptolemy Philometor was in the hands
of Antiochus, the Egyptians had raised
Ptolemy Physcon {the Gross) to the throne.
Thia prince assumed the name of Euer
getes II. The pretended object of Antio
chus in this invasion (B. C. 168) was to
support the claims of Ptolemy Philometor
against the usurpation of bis brother, but

look The spoils thereof." H Andhe shall hia real purpose was to subject the whole
forecast hi, devicea. Marg., 'think hia «™"'ry t°hi« own power. He defeated
Ihouohta.' The margin is in accordance tbe Alexandrians by sea near Pelusium,
wU^the Hebrew. The meaning is, tbat and then drew up his land forcea before
he would form plans, or that this would , the city of Alexandria. Ptolemy Phys-
?e his aim He would direct the war I con sent an embassy to Rome to soUeil

4S4

DANIEL.

[B. C. 534

the king of the south shall be stirred I portion of his meat shall destroy
up to battle with a very great and him, and his army shall overflow :
¦ ¦  and many shall fall down slain.
27 And both these kings' ' hearta
shall be to do mischief, and they

mighty army ; but he shall not
Btand: for they shall forecast de
vices against him.
26 Yea, they that feed of the
the protection of tbe Senate, and at tbe
same time entered into negotiations of
peace with Antiochus. The proposals
were rejected, but when he perceived
that the conquest of Alexandria would
be difficult, he retired to Memphis, and
pretended to deliver up the kingdom to
Ptolemy Physcon, and having left a
strong garrison at Pelusium, he returned
to Antioch. This invasion ia thus de
scribed by the author of the Book of
Maccabees (1 Mac. i. 17.): "Wherefore
he entered Egypt with a great multitude,
wilh chariots, and elephants, and horse
men, and a great navy." Porphyry, as
quoted by Scaliger; Polybius, Legat. § 81,
82, 8i; Levy xliv. 19, xiv. ii; Justin
xxxiv. 2 : Prideaux, Con. III. 232—235.
f And the king of ihe aouth. Ptolemy
Physcon, king of Egypt. % Shall be
atirred up io battle with a very great nnd
mighty army. To oppose Antiochus.
f But he ahull not atand. He shall not
be able to resist him. His navy was de
feated; Antiochus still held possession
of Memphis, and laid siege to Alexandria.
^ For they ahall forecast devicea againat
him. Heb., 'shall think his thoughts'
(See Notes on ver. 24) ; tbat is, they shall
form plans against him to defeat him.
The reference here is to the in vn ding forces,
that they would form sagacious plans for
the overthrow of the king of Egypt.
26. Yea, they that feed of the portion
of hia meat shall deatroy him. They of
his own family ; they wbo are nourished
at his table ; they who are his cabinet
counsellors, and professed and confiden
tial friends. Tbe meaning is, that they
would prove treacherous and unfaithful.
This is by no means- improbable. Anti
ochus waa powerful, and had seized upon
Pelusium, and upon Memphis, and upon
the fairest portions of Egypt. He was
also in possession of the person of the
lawful king, and had a fair jro^pect of
subduing th" whole country. In these
circumstances, nothing would be more
natural tban the very inmates of tbe
palace — the persons around the reigning
king — shonld begin to doubt whether he

» their hearts.

could hold out, and should be disf/osed
to make terms witb tbe invader, f And
his army shall overfiow. Tbe connection
here requires us to nnderstand this of tbe
army of the king of Egypt. The mean
ing seems to be, tbat his forces would be
great, and would spread themselves out
like overflowing waters, bnt that notwith
standing this many of them would be
; alain. ^ And many shall fall down slain.
I In battle. Notwithstanding the army
would be numerous, and would, as it
were, spread over the land, slill it would
not be sufficient to keep ont the invaders,
but many of them would fall in the field.
Tbe account in 1 Mac. i. 18, is, that
"Ptolemy was afraid of him [Antiochus],
and fled; and many, were wounded to
death." 27. And both these kings' hearta shall
be to do miacKief. Marg., their hearta.
The meaning ia, that tbeir hearts were
set on some evil or unjust purpose. The
reference here is, evidently, to Antiochus
and Ptolemy Philometor, and the timo
alluded to is when Ptolemy was in tbe
possession of Antiochus, and when tney
were together forming their plans. An
tiochus invaded the country under pre
tence of aiding Ptolemy and establishing
bim in tbe government, and for tbe same
reason, under pretence of protecting him,
be had him now in his possession.' At
first, also, it would seem that Ptolemy
coincided with hia plans, or waa so far
deceived by tbe acta of Antiochus as to
believe in bis friendship, and to unite
witb him in his schemes, far it is ex
pressly said by the historians, as quoted
above, that when Antiochus left Egypt,
leaving Ptolemy at Memphis, and a
strong garrison in Pelusinm, Ptolemy
began to see through his crafty designs,
and to act accordingly. Until that time,
however, be seems to have regarded tho
professions of Antiochus as sincere, and
to bave entered fully into bis plans.
To that fact there is allusion here, and
the meaning is, tbat tfiey were forming
united schemes of evil — of conquest, and
robbery, and oppression. The guiding

B. C. 534]

CHAPTER XI.

455

shall speak lies at one table ; but it
shall not prosper : for > yet the end
shall be at the time appointed.

' c. 8. 19. ver. 29, 35, 40.

spirit in this was, undoubtedly, Anti
ochus, but Ptolemy seems to have coU'
curred in it. ^ And they ahall apeak liea
at one table. At the same table. Pto
lemy was a captive, and was entirely
in the possession of Antiochus, but
it was a matter of policy with tbe latter
to hide from him, as far as possible, the
faet that he was a prisoner, and to treat
him as a king. It is to be presumed,
therefore, that he would do so, and that
they would be seated at the same table ;
that is, that Ptolemy would be treated
outwardly witb the respect due to a king.
In this familiar condition — in this state
of apparently respectful and confidential
intercourse — they would form their plans.
Yet tbe devices of both would be falae —
or WQuld be, in fact, apeaking liea. An
tiochus would be acting perfidiously
throughout, endeavouring to impose on
Ptolemy, and making promises, and giv
ing assurances, whioh he knew to be
false; and Ptolemy would be equally
acting a deceitful part — entering into en
gageraents which, perhaps, he did not
intend to keep, and which would, at any
rate, be soon violated. It is impossible
now to know how he came into the hands
of Antiochus — whether he surreudered
himself in war; or whether he was per
suaded to do it by tbe acts of his cour
tiers ; or whether be was really deceived
by Antiochus and supposed that he was
his friend, and that his protection was
neoessiiry. On any of these suppositions
it cannot be supposed thtit he would be
very likely to be sincere in his transac
tions with Antiochus. ^ But it ahall not
proaper. The scheme concocted, what
ever it was, would not be successful.
The plan of Antiochua was to obtain
possession of tbe wbolo of Egypt, but in
this he failed; and so faraa Ptolemy en
tered into the scheme proposed by Anti
ochus, on pretence for the good of his
country, it also failed. Whatever tho
purpose was, it was soon broken up by
the fact that Antiochus left Egypt, and
made war ia Jerusalem. 1[ For yet the end
shall be at the time appointed. See ver.
29. The end— the result — sball not be

28 Then shall he return into hii
land with great riches; and hia
heart shall be against the holy cove-

now, andin the manner contemplated by
these two kings. It shall be at the tima
appointed,' to wit. by God, and in an
other manner. The whole case shall
issue differently from what they design,
and at the time which an overruling Pro
vidence has designated. The reaaon im
plied bere why they could not carry out
their design was, that there was an 'ap
pointed time' wheu these affairs were to
be determined, and that no purposes of
theirs could be allowed to frustrate tho
higher counsels of the Most High.
28. Then ahall he return into hia land
with great richea. Enriched with the
spoils of Egypt. Having taken Mem
phis, and the fairest portions of Egypt,
he would, of course, carry great wealth
to his own country on his return. Thus
it is said in 1 Mac. i. 19 : " Thus they
got the atrong cities in the land of Egypt,
and he took the spoils thereof." The
meaning here is, that he would aet out to
return to his own land. As a matter of
fact, on bia way he would pause to bring
desolation in Jerusalem, as is intimated
in the subsequent part of the verse.
^ And hia heart shall be againat the holy
covenant. The words ' holy covenant'
are a technical expression to denote the
Jewish institutions. Tbe Hebrew people
were called the 'covenant people,' as
being a people with whom God bad en
tered into covenant. All their privileges
were regarded as the result of that cove
nant, and bence tbe word came to be ap
plied to all tbe institutions of tbe nation.
When it is said that his heart was against
that covenant, the meaning is, tbat be
was enraged against it; and determined
to bring calamity upon the place and
people connected with ifc. Tho reason
of this was the following. When he ijas
in Egypt, a report was spread abroad that
be was dead. In consequence of this
rumour, Jason took the opportunity of
recovering the office of high priest, from
bis brother Menelaus, and with a thou
sand men took Jerusalem, drove Mene
laus into the castle, and slew many whom
he took for his enemies. Antiochus,
hearing of this, supposed that all the

456

DANIEL.

[B. C. 634.

nant ; and he shall do exploits, and I south ; but it shall not be as tht
return to his own land.
29 At the time appointed he
shall return, and come toward the

Jews had revolted, and determined to
infiict summary chastisement on them on
bis way to his own land. See Jahn,
Heb. Commonwealth, p. 263. If And he
ahall do exploits, and return to hia own
land. The word exploite is supplied by
the translators. The Hebrew is, simply,
' he ahall do ;' tbat is, be shall accom
pliah the purpose of his heart on tbe cove
nant people. In this expedition, he took
Jerusalem, whether by storm or by str,%-
tagem, is not quite certain. Diodorus
Siculus, and the author of the aecond book
of Maccabees, and Josephus, (Jewish
Wars, i. 1, 2, and vi. 10, 1,) say that it
was by storm. The account which be
gives in hia Antiquities (B. xii. ch. v. |3)
is, that he took it by stratagem, but the
statement in the Jewish War is much
more probable, for Antiochus plundered
the city, slew eighty thousand persona,
men, women, and children, took forty
thousand prisoners, and sold as many
into slavery, 2 Mae. v. 5, 6, 11 — 14. As
if this were not enough, under the guid
ance of tbe high priest Menelaus, he
went into tbe sanctuary, uttering blas
phemous language, took away all the
gold and silver vessels he could find there,
the golden table, altar and candlestick,
and all tbe great vessels, and that he
might leave nothing behind, searched
the subterranean vaults, andin tbis man
ner collected eighteen hundred talents
of gold. He then aaerificed a swine on
the altar, boiled a piece of the flesh, and
sprinkled the whole temple with the
broth, 2 Mac. v. 15—21; 1 Mae. i. 21—
28, Diodorus Sic. xxxiv. 1; Jahn, Heb.
Commonwealth, p. 264.
29. At the time appointed. In the pur
poses of God. See Notes on ver. 27.
That is, at the time when God shall de
sign to accompliah his own purposes in
regard to him. The idea is, that there
was a definite period in the divine mind
in whioh all this waa to be done, and
tbat when this should occur Antiochus
would return again to invade Egypt. VHe
ahall return and come toward the aouth.
With an intention of invading Egypt.
The occaaion of thia Invasion was, that

former, or as the latter.
30 i'PoT the ships »of Chittim
> Nu. 24. 24.
after tbe departure of Antiochus, leaving
Ptolemy in possession of Egypt, or hav
ing professedly given up the kingdom to
bim, Ptolemy suspected tbe designs of
Antiochus, and came to an agreement
with hia brother Physcon, that they
should share the government between
them, and resist Antiochus with their
united power. To do thia, they hired
mercenary troops from Greece. Anti
ochus, learning this, openly threw off the
mask, and prepared to invade Egypt
again, B. C. 167. He sent his fleet to
Cyprus to secure possession of that island,
and led bis army towards Egypt to sub
due tbe two brothers, designing to annex
the whole country to his dominions.
^ But it shall not be as the former, or as
the latter. At the firat invasion or the
second. In these he was successful ; in
this he would not be. The reason of his
want of success is stated in the following
verse — tbat by the aid which the two
brothers had obtained from abroad, as
expressed in the next verse, they wonld
be able to oppose him.
30. For the ships of Chittim shall come
against him. The word rendered Oiit-
tini — o^ri3 — according to Gesenius, prop
erly means Cypricius, so called from a
eelebrated Phcenician colony in tbe island
of Cyprus. In a wider acceptation the
name came to comprehend tbe islands
and coasts of the Mediterranean sea, es
pecially the, northem parts, and there
fore stands for the islands and coasts of
Greece and the J&gea,n Sea. See Gese
nius, Lex., and comp. Josephus Ant. B. I.
eh. vi. 1. The Egyptian government had
called in the aid of the Romans, and An
tiochus, therefore, waa threatened with a
war with the Romans if be did not aban
don his enterprise against Egypt The
reference in the passage before us, is to
the embassage which the Romans sent to
Antiochus in Egypt, requiring him to de
sist from his enterprise against Egypt
"When he had arrived at Leusine, about
four miles from Alexandria, he met Caius
Popilius Lsenas, Caius Decimius, and Ca
ius Hostilius, ambassadors whom the Ro
man Senate had sent to him at the ear-

B. C. 534.]

CHAPTER XI,

457

8h<ill come against him : therefore even return, and have intelligenoa
he shall be grieved, and return, and with them that forsake the holy
have indignation against the holy covenant
covenant : so shall he » do ; he shall "' '
• Fulfilled, 168, 169.

Beat request of Ptolemy Physcon. They
were instructed to assure Antiochus that
he must leave the kingdom of Egypt and
the island of Cyprus in peace, or expect
1 wnr with the Romans. When Antiochus
¦aid that he would lay the affairs before
his council, Popetius, the head of the le
gation, with his staff drew a circle about
the king in the sand on which they stood,
and exclaimed, 'Before you leave that
circle, you must give me an answer which
I ean report to the Senate.' Antiochus
waa confounded, but on alittle reflection,
*he said he would do whatever the Senate
required." Jahn, Heb. Commonwealth,
pp. 265, 266; Polyb. Legat g 90, 92;
Livy xliv. 14, 29; 41-46; xlv. 10,12.
Theae ambassadors came by the way of
Greece, and in Grecian vessels, and their
coming might properly be described as
' ahips from Chittim.' They went from
Rome to Rrundusium, and then passed
over to the Grecian shore, and from thence
by the way of Chalcis, Delos alid Rhodes,
to Alexandria. Prideaux, III. 237.
^ Therefore he ahall be grieved. The
word bere used — nN^ — means properly
to become faint-hearted ; to be frightened ;
to be dejected, sad, humbled. Job xxx.
8 ; Ezek. xiii. 22 ; Ps. cix. 16. The mean
ing here is, that he became dispirited,
dejected, cast-down, and abandoned his
purpose. He saw that ifc would be vain
to attempt to contend with tbe Romana,
and he was constrained reluctantly to re
linquish his enterprise. 'j^And return.
Set out to return to his own land. ^ And
have indignation againat the holy covenant.
Notes on ver. 28. Th.afc is, he would be
filled with wrath against Jerusalem and
the Jews. Polybius says that he left
Egypt in great anger, because he was
compelled by the Romans to abandon his
designs. In this condition he was, of
course, in a state of mind to become irri
tated against any other people, and, if
an occasion should be given, would seek
to vent his wrath in sorae otber direction.
This habitual state of feeling towards Je-
nsalem and the Jews would make him
ready to seize upon the slightest pretexir
39

31 And arms shall stand on his

to wreak his vengeance on the holy land.
What was the immediate occasion of his
taking this opportunity to attack Jerusa
lem is not certainly known, but in hia
marching back through Palestine, be de
tached from his army twenty-two thou
sand men, under the command of Apol-
loniua, and aent them to Jerusalem to
destroy it Prideaux, III. 239; Jahn,
Heb. Commonwealth, p. 266. Apollo
nius arrived before Jerusalem B. C. 167,
just two years after the city had been
taken by Antiochua himself. ^ So ahe^
he do. That is, in the manner descrilWtt
in this and the following verses. ^ He
ahall even return. On his way to bis own
land. ^ And have intelligence with them
lhat forsake the holy covenant. Have an
understanding with them ; that is, with a
portion of the nation — with those who
were disposed to cast off the religion of
their fathers. There was a consider,able
part ofthe nation that was inclined to do
this, and to introduce the customs of the
Greeks (Comp. Jabn, Heb. Common
wealth, pp. 258 — 260); and itwas natural
that AntiQchus should seek to have an
understanding with tbem, and to make
use of them in accomplishing hia designs.
It was very probably at the aolicitation
of this infidel and disaffected party of tbe
Hebrew people that Antiochus had inter
fered in their affairs at all. Comp. 1 Mac. i.
11—15. 31. And arms shall atand on hia part.
Up to thia verse there is a general agree
ment among commentators, th.it the ref
erence is to Antiochus Epiphanes. From
this verse, however, to the end of the
chapter, there is no little diversity of
opinion. One portion suppose Tbat the
description of Antiochus and bis deeds
continues still to be the design of the
prophet; another that the Romans are
here introduced, and that a part of the
predictions in the remainder of this chap
ter are yot to be fulfilled ; another, aa Je
rome, and most of tho Christian fathers,
suppose tbat the reference ia to Antiochus
aa the type of Antichrist and tbat the
description passes from the type to the

458

part, and tliey shall pollute the sanc
tuary of strength, and shall take
away the daily sacrifice, and they
antitype., In this last class are found
Bishop Newton, Gill, Calvin, Prideaux,
"Wintle, EUiott (Apocalypse, ir. IZI, aeq.)
and others; in the former, Grotius, Len
gerke, Bertholdt, Maurer, &c. In this
same class is found the name of Porphyry
—who maintained that the whole referred
to Antiochus, and that the allusion ^was
so clear as to prove that this portion of
the book was written after the csents had
occurred. The reason suggested for the
change in the supposed reference, as al
leged by Bishop JSewton on the Prophe
cies, p. 296, is, substantially, that what
follows can be applied only in part to An-
^chus. Whether this portion of the
chapter can he shown to refer to him, we
shall be able to determine as we proceed.
Nothing can be clearer than the allusion
up to this point. The word rendered
arms, in tho verse before us — D>***1I — sing.
ynT — meansproperly the arm — especially
the lower arm below the elbow j and then
comes to denote strength, might, power j
and thence is applied to a military force,
or an army. See ver. 15. Such is un
doubtedly tho meaning here, and the
reference is to tho military force which
Antiochus would employ to wreak his
vengeance on the Jews — particularly hy
the instrumentality of Apollonius. Oth
ers would apply this to the Romans, and
suppose that they are introduced here,
but this construction is forced and unnat
ural, for (a) the reference in the previous
verses wns, undoubtedly, to Antiochus,
and the narrative seems to proceed as if
there were no change; (6) there is nothing
in the statement which does not agree
with whatwas done by Antiochus. As a
matter of fact, as attested by all history,
he detached Apollonius with twenty-two
thousaffd men, on his mortified return to
his own land, to attack and lay waste
Jerusalem, and Apollonius did all that is
here said would be done. Bishop New
ton concedes (p. 294), that " this interpre
tation might be admitted, if the other
parts were equally applicable to An-
tiochug; but," snys he, "the difficulty,
01 rather impossibility of applying them
to Antiochus, or any of the Syrian
tings, his successors, obliges us to

DANIEL. [B.C. 534

shall place the abomination that
^maketh desolate. ior, astonisheth.

look out for another interpretation."
Accordingly, be says, that Jerome and
the Christians of his time contend that
these things apply to Antichrist; and he
himself adopts the view proposed by Sir
Isaac Newton, tbat it refers to the Ko
mans, and that the allusion is to the fact
that at the very time when Antiochus re
treated out of Egypt, the Bomans con
quered Macedonia, ^'putting an end to
the reign of BanieFs third beest," and
thatthe prophet here. leaves ofl' the de
scription of the actions of the Greeks, and
commences a description of the Bomans
in Greece. As, however, all that is here
said is strictly appUcable to wbat wa^
done by Antiochus, such an interpreta
tion is unnecessary. % And they shall
pollute tke sanctuary of strength. The
* sanctuary of strength,* seems to refer to
the fortifications or defences that had
been set up to protect Jerusalem, or the
temple. At various points the temple
was defended in this manner, not only by
tbe walls of the city, but by fortifications
erected witbin, and "so as to prevent an
army from approaching the temple, even
if they should penetrate the outer wall.
Comp. 1 Mac. i. 36. The temple itself
might thus be regarded as fortified, or as
a place of strength — and, as a matter of
fact, when Titus ultimately destroyed the
city, the chief difficulty was to obtain
possession of the temple — a place that
held out to the last. When it is said that
they would 'pollute the sanctuary of
strength,' the reference is to what was
done by Apollonius, at the command of
Antiochus, to profane tbe temple, and to
put an end to the sacrifices and worship
there. Comp. 1 Mac. i. 29, 37—49 ; Jos.
Ant. B. xii. ch. v. g 4. The account in
the book of Maccabees is as follows:
" Thus they shed innocent blood on every
side of the sanctuary and defiled it, inso
much that the inhabitants of Jerusalem
fled because of them, wherefore the city ^
was made a habitation of strangers, and
became strange to those who were born
in her, and her own children left her.
Her sanctuary was laid waste like a wil
derness, and her fensts were turned int«
mourning, her sabbaths into reproach,
her bonour into contempt. As had been

B.C. 534.]

CUAPTER XI.

459

32 And such as do •wickedly
against the covenant shall be " cor-
her glory, so was her dishonour increased,
and her excellency was turned into mourn
ing. Moreover, king Antiochus wrote to
his whole kingdom tbat all should be one
people, and every one should learn his
laws ; so all the heathen agreed accord
ing to the commandment of the king.
Yea many Israelites consented to his re
ligion, and sacrificed unto idols, and pro
faned tbe sabbath. For the king had
sent letters by messengers unto Jerusa
lem and the cities of Judah, that they
should follow the strange lawa of the land,
and forbid burnt-offertnga, and sacrificea,
and drink-offerings, in the temple; and
that tbey should profane the sabbaths and
festival days, and pollute the sanctuary
and boly people ; set up altars, and
groves, and chapels of idols, and sacrifice
swine's flesh, and . unclean beasts ; that
theyshould also leave their children uncir
cumcised, and make their souls abomina
ble with all manner of uncleanneas and
profanation, to the end they might forget
the law, and change all the ordinances."
^ And ahall take away the daily sacrifices.
That is, shall forbid them, and ao pollute
the teraple and the altar, as to prevent
their being offered. See the quotation
above. This occurred in the month of
June, B. C. 167. See Jahn, Heb. Com
monwealth, p. 267. ^ And they ahall
place the abomination that maketh deaolate.
Marg., or aatoniaheth. The Hebrew word
— Dpi^D — will bear either interpreta
tion, though the usage of the word ia
in favour of the translation in the text.
Tbe passage will also admit of this trans
lation, ' the abomination of desolation of
hitn who makes desolate,' or of the deao
later, Seo Gesenius, £ eo:. 3. The idea is,
that aomehow the thing here referred to
would be connected with the deaolation,
or tbe laying waste of the city and tem
ple, and.tjie sepse is not materially varied
whether we regard ifc as *the abomina
tion that makes desolate,' that is, tbat in-
dicatea tbe desolation, or, * the abomina
tion of the deaolater,' that is, of him who
bas laid tbe city and temple waste. On
tbe meaning of the phrase 'abomination
af desolation,' see Notes on cb. ix. 27.
The reference here is, undoubtedly, to
Bomeciiing that Actiocbus aet up in the
temple, that was an indication of desola-

rupt by flatteries: but the peopla -
* or, cause to disaembU,
tion, or the result of his having laid the
temple in ruins. The very expression
occurs in 1 Mae. i. 54: "Now, the fif
teenth day of tbe month Casleu, in the
hundred and forty-fifth year, they set up
the abomination of deaolation upon the
altar, and builded idol-altars throughout
the cities of Judah on every side." Thia
would aeem, from ver. 69, to have been
an idol-altar erected over or upon tbe altar
of burnt-offerings. "They did sacrifice
upon the idol-altar, which was upon the
altar of God." " At thia time an old man
by the name of Athenseua, was sent to
Jerusalem to instruct the Jews in tfae
Greek religion, and compel them to an
observance of its rites. He dedicated tbo
temple to Jupiter Olympius, and on the
altar of Jehovab he placed a smaller
altar, to be used in sacrificing to tbe hea
then god." Jahn, Heb. Commonwealth,
pp. 267, 268. The reference here is, pro
bably, to this altar, as being in itself, and
in the situation where it was located, an
' abominable' thing in the eyes of the He
brews, and as being placed there by a
deaolater, or waster. The same langnage
which is here used is applied in ch. ix.
27, and in the New Testament, with great
propriety to what tbe Komans set up in
the temple as an indication of its conquest
and profanation; but that fact does not
make it certain that it ia so to be under
stood here, for ifc is as applioable to what
Antiochua did, as it is to what was dono
by the Komans. Seo Notes on ch. ix. 27.
32. And such as do wickedly against the
covenant. That is, ainong tbe Jews. They
who apostatized, and who became willing
to receive the religion of foreigners. —
There was such a party in Jerusalem, and
ifc was numerous. See Jahn, Heb. Com
monwealth, pp. 258, 259. Oomp. 1 Mac.
i. 52 : " Then many of the people were
gathered unto them, to wit, every one
that forsook' for the law; and so they
committed evils in the land." ^ ShoU
be corrupt by fiaiteriea. By 'flattering
promises of his favour, of oflBce, of na
tional prosperity, Ac. See Notes ou ver.
21. The margin is, cauae to diaaemble.
The meaning of the Hebrew word — l)n —
is rather to profane, to pollute, to defile ;
and the idea here is, that he would cause
them to become defiled; that is, that ha

4G0

DANIEL.

[B. C. 534

that do know their God shall be 1 many : yet they shall fall by the
strong, and do exploits, \ sword, and by flame, by captivity,
33 And they that understand and by spoil, many days.
among the people shall instruct 34 Nowwhen they shall fall, they

would seduce them to impiety and apostacy.
IT But the people tkat dc know their God.
Tbey who adhere to the service and wor
ship of the true God, and who are inca
pable of being seduced to apostacy and
sin. The reference here is, undoubtedly,
to Judas Maccabeus and his followers — a
full account of whose doings is to be
found in the boohs of the Maccabees. See
also Prideaux, Con. III. 245, aeq., and
Jahn, Heb. Commonwealtb, p. 268, aeq.
^ Skail be strong. Shall evince great va
lour, and shall show great vigour in op
posing him. ^ And do exploits. The
word 'exploits,' as in ver. 28, is supplied
by the translators, but not improperly.
The meaning is, that they would show
groat prowess and perform illustrious
deeds iu battle. See Prideaux, Con. IIL
pp. 262, 263.
33. And tkey tkat underatand among
the people. Among the Hebrew people.
The allusion is to those who, in those
times of so general corruption and apos
tacy, should have a proper understand
ing of the law of God and the nature of
religion. Tbere were those in the days
of Judas Maccabeus, and it is reasonable
to suppose that they would endeayour to
inculcftto just views among the people.
^ Skall instruct many. In the nature of
religion ; in their duty to their country,
and to God. See Prideaux, Con. III.
265. ^ Yet tliey skall fall by the sword.
They shall not be immediately nor al
ways successful. Their final triumph
would be only after many of tbem had
fallen in battle, or been made captives.
Mattathias, the father of Judas Macca
beus, who began tbe opposition to Anti
ochus (1 Mac. ii. 1), having summoned
to his standard as many as he could in
duce to follow him, retired for security
to the mountains. He was pursued, and
refusing to fight on the Sabbath, his ene^
mies came upon him, and slew raany of
bis followers. 1 Mac. ii. 14 — 37. The
author of the book of Maccabees (1 Mac.
ii. 38) says of this : " So tbey rose up
against them in battle on the Sabbath,
and they slew them, with their wives and
children, and their cattle, to the number
•f a thousand people." ^ And by fiame.

By fire. That is, probably, their dwell
ings would be fired, and they would per
ish in the fiames, or in caves where they
fled for shelter, or by being cast into
heated caldrons of brass. See 2 Mac.
vi. 11 : "And others, that had run to
gether into caves near by" (when Anti
ochus endeavoured to enforce on them
' the observance of heathen laws and cus
toms) *' to keep the Sabbath-day secretly,
; being discovered to Philip, were all burnt
' together, because they made a conscience
! to keep themselves for the honour of the
most sacred day." 2 Mac. vii. 3 — 5: "Then
the king being in a rage, commanded
' pans and caldrons to be made hot, which
forthwith being heated, he commanded
! to cut ofi" the tongue of him that spoke
[first, and to cut off tbe utmost parts of
his body, the rest of his brethren and bia
mother looking on. Now when he was
I thus maimed in all his members, he com
manded him, being yet alive, to be brought
I to the fire, and to be fried in the pan," &c.
f By captivity. 1 Mac. i. 33 : *' But the
women and children took they captive."
; See also 2 Mac. v. 24. f And by spoil.
By plunder, to wit, of the temple and
city. See 1 Mac. i. 20—24. ^ Many
daya. Heb., daya. The time is not spe
cified, but the idea is that it would be
for a considerable period. Josephus says
it was three years. Ant. B. xii. ch. vii.
§6, 7; 1 Mac. i. 59; iv. 54; 2 Mac. x,
1—7. 34. Kow wken they akall fall, they
sliall be holpen witk a little help. By
small accessions to their forces. The
armies of the Maccabees were never very
numerous, hut tbe idea here is, that when
tbey should be persecuted there would
be accessions to their forces so thnt they
would bo abie to prosecute the war. At
first the numbers were very few wbo took
up arms, and undertook to defend the
institutions of religion, but their numbers
increased until they were finally victo
rious. Those who first banded together,
when the calamities cnme upon the na
tion, were Mattathias and hiis few fol
lowers, and this is the little help tbat is
here referred to. Bee X Mac. ii, % But
many shall cleave to them. As was the

B. C. 534.]

CHAPTER XI.

461

bufmanv'llPl?r'"' Vil*'^ help :, and to purge, and to make th^m
Due many shall cleave to thfim with rob +« ...,.,„ ii ii,. ..:_.. _,¦ .,

white, even to the time of the end :
because it is yet for a time o ap
pointed. 36 l[And the king shall do ao
= Hab. 2.3.

' many shall cleave to them with
flatteries. 35 And some of them of under-
. standing shall fall, to >try Hhem,
 • 2 Ch. 32. 31.  b or, by them.
case under Judas Maoeabeus, whenlhe mercenary motives. V To tn, them,
forces were so far increased as to be able Marg., 'or, by them,' So the Hebrew^
to contend successfully with Antiochus. - n^-. ti.o • \. f-^"^^^—
If With fiaiteriea. Perhaps, with flatter- °"'",^ The meaning, perhaps, is, tbat it
ing hopes of spoil or honour; that is, ^™'" "^ 6y them, as it were, that tbe
that they would not unite sincerely with f^^. "J"^"*, ''® *'''^<*- ^^ ^^^7 wou'd
the defenders of the true religion, but '" """'S' a"* as the cause would
would be actuated by prospect of plunder i itfl^ '" *'" "^ouhtful, this would test the
or reward. For the meaning of tbe word, | ''"«'''? of others. The word try here—
see Notes on ver. 21. The sense here , 1^? — means properly «o mrf«, (o smeft — as
is not that Judas would flatter them, or ! metals ; then to prove any one ; and then
would secure their co-operation by flat- ; to purify, 'j^ And to purge. To purify;
teries, but tbat this would be what they to test the army and to make it pure.
would propose to tbeir own minds, and 1[ .ilrit^ to make them white. To wit, by
what would influence thein. Comp. ; *'"'s allowing those who had joined the
1 Mac. V. 55, 56, 57: "Now what time as army from mercenary motives to with-
Judas and Jonathan were in tbe land of ' draw. Comp. 2 Mac. xii. 39 — il. f Eveu
Galaad, and Simon his brother in Gali- ' '» thetime ofthe end. Tbe end ofthe
Iee before Ptolemais, Joseph the son of | war, or the conflict. ¦ There would be an
Zacharias, and Azarias, captains of the ^"^ of these persecutions and trials, and
garrisons, heard of tbe violent acts and; "'is process had reference to that, or
warlike deeds which they bad done, j tended to bring it about. The act of
Wherefore tbey said, Let us also get us j freeing the army from false friends —
a name, and go fight against tbe heathen ; from those who bad joined it from mer-
round abuut us." Comp. 2 Mac. xii. 40 ; , cenary motives, would have a tendency
xiii. 21. There can be no doubt that j 'o accomplish the result in the best way
many might join them from these mo- | possible, and in the speediest manner,
"tives. Sucb an event would be likely to " "
occur any where, when one was success

ful, and where there was a prospect of
spoils or of fame in uniting with a victo
rious leader of an army.
35. And some of them of underatand
ing ahall fall. Some of those who have
a correct understanding of religion, and
who have joined the army from pure
motives. Tbe idea seems to be that on
some occasion they would meet with a
temporary defeat, in order tbat tbe sin
cerity of the others might be tested, or
that it might be seen who adhered to
tbe cause from principle, and wbo from

^ Becauae it is yet for a time appointed.
See Notes on ver. 27. This seems to be
designed for an assurance that the cala
mity would oome to an end, or that tbere
was a limit beyond which it could not
pass. Thus it would be an encourage
ment to those who were engaged in the
struggle, for they would see that success
must ultimately crown their labours.
36. And tlie king ahall do according to
his will. Shall be absolute and supreme,
and shall accomplish his purposes. Tbis
refers, it seems to me, beyond question,
to Antiochus Epiphanes, and wns exactly
fulfilled in bim. He accomplished bis

purposes. If they should not al- [ purposes in regard to tbe city and tem-
ways be successful; if tbey should be plein the raost arbitrary manner, and was,
temporarily defeated ; if some of tbe most j in every respect, an absolute despot. It

eminent ainong them should fall amonj^
the slain, and if the cause should at any
time look dark, this would serve to try
the sincerity of the remainder of the
ormy, and would be likely to thin it off
»f those who bad joined it only from {
39*

should be said, bowever, here, that most
Christian interpreters suppose that t!ie al
lusion here to Antiochus ceases, and tliAt
henceforward it refers to Antichrist. So
Jerome, Gill,Bp.Newton,andothers; And
so Jerome says many of the Jews under-

462

DANIEL.

[B. C. 534

cording to his will; and »he shall
exalt himself, and magnify him
self above every god, and, shall
speak marvellous things against the
God of gods, and shall prosper till
stood it. The only reason alleged for
this is, tbat there are things aflirmed
bere of the * king' wbich could not be
true of Antiochus. But, in opposition to
this, it mny be observed {a) tbat the allu
sion in tbe previous verses is undoubtedly
to Antiochus Epiphanes. - (6) There is
no indication of any change, for the pro
phetic narrative aeems to proceed as if
the allusion to the same person continued.
(c) The word ' king" is not a word to be
npplied to Antichrist, it being nowhere
used of him. {d) Such a transition,
without any more decided marks of it,
would not be in accordance with the usual
method in the prophetic writings, leaving
a plain prediction in tbe very midst of
the description, and passing on at once to
a representation of one who would arise
after many hundred years, and of whom
the former could be considered as in no
way tbe type. The most obvious and
honest way, therefore, of interpreting
tbis is, to refer it to Antiochus, and f er-
baps we shall find tbat the difliculty of
applying it to him is not insupcxble.
^ And he ahall exalt himaelf. No one
can doubt that thia will agree witb Anti
ochus Epiphanes — a proud, ha.uj.'bty, ab
solute, and stern monarcb, the purpose
of whose reign was to exalt bi77jelf, and
to extend the limits of his empire. ^ And
magnify himaelf above every god. That
is, by directing what god< should or
should not be worshipped; attempting
to displace the claim of evory one who
was worshipped as God at his pleasure,
and establishing the worship of other
gods in their place. Thua he assumed
the right to determine what God should
be worshipped in Jerasalem, abolishing
the worship of Jehovah, and setting up
that of Jupiter Olympius in the stead;
and so tbroughout his whole dominion,
by a proclamation, he forbade the wor
ship of any god but his, 1 Mmc. i. 44 — 51;
Jos. Ant B. xii. oh. v. J 4, 5. One who
assumes or claims the right to forbid the
adoration of any particular god, and to
order divino homage to be rendered to
any one which he chooses, exalts himself
ibove the gods, as he in this way denies

the indignation be accomplished.
for that that is determined ''shall
be done.
37 Neither shall he regard tho
»Is. 14. 13,14; Re. 13. 6, 6.

the right whicb ihey mnst be supposed to
claim to prescribe their own worship,
^ And ahall apeak marvelloua thingsw
The Hebrew word — nIHSaj — would pro
perly denote things wonderful, or fitted
to excite astonishment; things that are
unusual and extraordinary ; and the
meaning here is, that the things spoken
would be so impious and atrocious — so
amazing and wonderful for their wicked
ness, as to produce amazement ^Againat
the Oidof goda. The true God, Jehovah ;
he is supreme, and is superior to all that
is Cfilled God, or th.it is worshipped as
such. Nothing could be better descrip
tive of Antiochus tban this; nothing wa«
RV«r more strikingly fulfilled . than this
was in him. f^ And ahalt proaper till the
\ indignation be accompli ahed. . Keferring
still to the fact that there was an ap
pointed time during which this was to
continue. That time might well be called
a time of ' indignation,' for the Lord
seemed to be angry against bis temple
and people, and suffered this heathen
king to pour out hia wrath without mea^
sure against the temple, the city, and
the whole land. ^ For lhat that ia de
termined ahall be done. AVhat is purposed
in regard to the city and temple, and to
all other things must be accomplished.
Comp. ch. X. 21. The angel bere states
a general truth — that all that God haa
ordained will come to pass. The appli
cation of this truth here is, that the series
of events must be sufiered to run on, and
that it could not be expected that they
wonld be arrested, until all thnt had been
determined in tbe divine mind should be
effected. They wbo would suffer, there
fore, in those times must wait with pa
tience ijntil the divine purposes shunld
be brought about, and when tbe period
should arrive, tbe calamities would cease.
37. Neither ahall he regard the God nf
hia fathers. The God that his fathers or
ancestors bad worshipped. That is, he
would not be bound or restrained by the
religion of his own land, or by any of tbe
usual laws of religion. He would wor
ship any God that he pleased, or none bm

B. C. 634.1

CHAPTER. XI.

453

God of his fathers, nor the desire of
« 2 Th. 2. 4.
he pleased. Tho usual restraints that
bind men — the restraints derived from
the religion of their ancestors — would in
his case be of no avail. See Notes on
ver. 36. This was in all respects true of
Antiochus. At bis pleasure be worship
ped the gods commonly adored in his
couutry, or the gods worshipped by the
Greeks and Bomans, or no gods. And,
in a special manner, instead of honouring
the God of his fathers, and causing the
Image of that God to be placed in the
temple at Jerusalem, as it might have
been supposed he would, he caused the
altar of Jupiter Olympius to be set up
there, and'his worship to be celebrated
there. In fact, as Antiochus had Jbeen
educated abroad, and had passed his
early life in foreign countries, he had
never paid much respect to the religion
of bis own land. Tbe attempt to intro
duce a foreign religion into Judea, was
an attempt to introduce tbe religion of tbe
Greelcs (Jahn, Heb. Commonwealth, p.
267), and in no instance did he endeavour
to force upon tbem tbe peculiar religiou
of his own nation. In his private feel
ings, tberefore, and in his public acts, it
might be said of Antiochus, that he was
characterized in on eminent degree by a
want of regard for the faith of his ances
tors. The language used here by the an
gel is that which would properly denote
great infidelity and impiety. ^ Nor the
deaire of women. The phrase ' the de
sire of women' is in itself ambiguous, and
may either mean what they desire, that is,
.what is agreeable to them, or what they
commonly seek, and for which tbey would
plead ; or it may raean hia own desire ;
tbat is, tbat he would not be restrained
by the desire of women — by any regard
for women, for honourable matrimony,
or by irregular passion. Tbe phrase bere
is probably to be taken iu the former
sense, as this beet suits the oonnection.
There has been great variety in the in
terpretation of this expression. Some
have maintained that it cannot be appli
cable to Antiochus at all, since he was a
mau eminently licentious and under the
influence of abandoned women. Jerome,
xnloe.,3. D. Michaelis, Dereser, Gesenius,
and Lengerke suppose tbat this means
that he would rot regard the beautiful

women, nor regard any godr for he
shall magnify himself above ' all.

statue of the goddess Venus whose tem
ple was in Elymais, which ho plundered.
Staudlin and Dathe, that he would not
regard the weeping or tears of woraen ;
that is, that he would be cruel. Bertholdt,
that he would hot spare little children—
the object of a mother's love; that is,
that he would be a cruel tyrant. Jerome
render? it, Et erit in concupiacentiia foe-
minarum, and explains it of unbridled
lust, and applies it principally to Antio
chus. Elliott, strangely it seems to me
(Apocalypse iv. 152), interprets it as re
ferring to that whicii was so much the
object of desire among the Hebrew wo
men — tbe Messiah, the promised seed of
the woman; and be says that he had
found tbis opinion hinted at by Faber
on the Prophecies (Ed. 5), i. 380—385.
Others expound it, as signifying that he
would not regard honourable matrimony,
but would be given to unlawful pleasures.
It may not be practicable to determine
with certainty the meaning of the expres
sion, but it seems to me tbat the design
of the whole is to set forth the impiety
and hard-heartedness of Antiochus. He
would not regard the gods of his fathers ;
tbat is, he would not be controlled by any
ofthe principles of the religion in which
he had been educated, but would set them
all at defiance, and would do as he pleased;
and, in like manuer, he would be unaf
fected by the influences derived from the
female character — would disregard the
objects that were nearest to their hearts,
tbeir sentiments of kindness and com
passion ; tbeir pleadings and their tears :
— he would be a cruel tyrant, alike re
gardless of all the restraints derived from
heaven and earth — the best influences
from above and from below. It is not
necessary to say tbat this agrees exactly
with the character of Antiochus. He
was sensual and corrupt, and given to
licentious indulgence, and was incapa
ble of honourable and pure love, and
waa a stranger to all tbose bland and pure
affections produced by intercourse with
refined and enlightened females. If ono
wishes to describe a high state of tyranny
and depravity in a man, it cannot be done
better than by saying that he disregards
whatever is attractive and interesting to
a virtuous female mind. 1^ Nor regard

464

DANIEL,

IB, C. 534

38 But »iii his •'estate shall he
*as for the almighty God, in his seat he shaU
honour, yea, fte shaU honour a God, &c.
any god. Any religious restraints what
ever — the laws of any god worshipped in
his own land or elsewhere — in heaven or
on earth. That is, he would be utterly
irreligious in heart, and where it con
flicted with his purposes would set at
nought every consideration derived from
reverence to God. This harmonizes well
with the previous declaration about wo
men. The two commonly go together.
He that is unrestrained by the attractive
virtues of the female mind and character ;
he that has no regard for the sympathies
and kindnesses that interest virtuous fe
males; he that sees nothing lovely in
what commonly engages their thoughts;
and he that throws himself beyond the
restraints of their society, and the effects
oftheir conversation, is commonly a man
who cuts himself loose from all religion,
and is at the same time a despiser of vir
tuous females, and of God^ No one will
expect piety towards God to be found in
a bosom lhat sees nothing to interest him
in th.e sympathies and virtues of the fe
male mind; andthe character of a woman-
hater and a hater of God will uniformly
he found nnited in the same person.
Sucb a person was Antiochus Epiphanes;
and such men have often been found in
the world. ^ For he ahall magnify him
aelf above all. Above all the restraints
of religion, and all tbose derived from tho
intercourse of virtuous social life — setting
at nought all the restraints that usually
bind men. Comp. Notes on ch. viii. 1 0, 11.
38. But in hia estate. The marginal
reading here is, ' As for the almighty God
in kis aeatf ke shall hononr, yea, he ahall
honour a god, &c.' The more correct
rendering, however, is that in the text,
and the reference is to some god whicii
he would honour, or for which be would
show respect. ThO' rendering proposed
by Lengerke is the true rendering, 'But
the god of forces [flrm places, fastnesses
— der Vesten'] he shall honour in their
foundation' [auf aeinem Geatelle.] Ihe
Vulgate renders this, ' But the God Mao-
zim shall he honour in his place.' So
also the Greek. The phrase 'in his es
tate' — M3—hp — means properly, 'upon
his base,' or foundation. It occurs in vs.
20> 21, where it is applied to a monarch

honour the god ofc forces: and r
b or, stead.
^Mavzzvm, or, Gods protectors; or, munitions.

who would succeed another — occupying
fhe same place, or the same seat oi
throne. See Notes on ver, 2. Here
it seems to mean that he would bon
our the god referred to in the place
which he occupied, or, as it were, on hie
own throne, or in his own temple. Ths
margin is, 'or ateadf but the idea if
not tbat he would honour this god in
atead of another, but that he would do i-
in his own place. If, however, as Gese
nius and De Wette suppose, tho sense ia
'in his place, or stead,' the correct inter
pretation i;s, that he would honour thif
'god offerees,' in the stead of honouring
the God of bis fathers, or any other god.
The general idea is clear, that he would
show disrespect or contempt for all otber
gods, and pay his devotions to this god
alone. ^ Shall he konour. Pay respect
to; worship; obey. This would bo ki*
god. He would show no respect to the
God of his fathers, nor to any of tbe idols
usually worshipped, but wonld honour
tkis god exclusively. % The god of forces,
Marg., Mauzzim, or, goda protectors, or
munitions, Heb. U''^y.'g , Mauzzim. Latin
Vulg., Maozim ; Gr. /iaa>|ei/i ; Syriac, ' tho
strong God;' Luther, mauaim/ Lengerke,
der Yeaten — fastnesses, fortresses. The
Hebrew- word — Tlyp — means, properly, a
strong or fortified place ; a fortress ; and
Gesenius (Lex.) supposes that the refer
ence here is to "the god of fortresses, a
deity of the Syrians obtruded upon ^e
Jews, perhaps Mars." So also Grotius,
C. B. Micheelis, Sttludlin, Bertholdt, and
"Winer. Dereser, Havernick, and Len
gerke explain it as referring to the Ju
piter Capitolinus that Antiochus had
learned to worship by his long residence
in Kome, and whose worship he trans
ferred to his own country. There has
been no little speculation as to the mean
ing of this passage, and as to the god here
referred to ; but it would seem tbat the
general idea is plain. It is, that the only
god wbicb ho would acknowledge would
be /orce, or power, or dominion. He would
set at nought the worship of the God of
his fathers, and all the usual obligations
and restraints of religion ; he would dis«
card and despise all Uie pleadings of hu
manity- and kindness, as if they wero th

B. C. 534.]

CHAPTER XI.

465

god -wrhom his fathers knew not
shall hn honour with gold, with sil-

weakn esses ofwomen, and he would depend
solely on foroe. He would, as it were,
adore only tho 'god of force,' and carry
his purposes, not by right, or by the claims
of religion, but by arms. The meaning
is not, I apprehend, that he would for
mally setup this ' god of forces' andadore
him, but that tbis would be, in fact, tbe
only god that be would practically ac
knowledge. In selecting such a god as
would properly represent his feelings, ho
would choose such an one as would de
note force or dominion. Such a god would
be the god of war, or the Koman Jupiter,
wbo, as being supreme, and ruling the
world by bis mere power, would be a fit
representative of the prevailing pnrpose
of the Messiah. The general sentiment
is, that all obligations of religion, and
justice, and compassion, would be disre
garded, and he would carry his purposes
by mere power, with tho idea, perhaps,
included, as seeras to be implied in the
reinainder of the verse, that he would
set up and adore such a foreign god as
would be a suitable representation of this
purpose. It is hardly necessary to say
that this was eminently tme of Antiochus
Epiphanes ; and it may be equally said
to be true of all the great heroes and con
querors of the world. Mars, tho god of
war, was thus adored openly in ancient
times, and the devotion of heroes and con
querors to that idol god, though less open
and formal, has not been less real by tbe
heroes and conquerors of modern times ;
and, as we say now of an avaricious or
covetous man that he is a worshipper of
maramon, though be in fact formally wor
ships nogod. aSd has no altar, so itmight
be affirmed of Antiochus, and may be of
heroes aud conquerors in general, that the
only god that is honoured is the god of
war, of power, of force; and that setting
at naught all the obligations of religion,
and of worship of the true God, they pay
their devotions to this god alone. Next (

ver, and with precious stones, and
with « pleasant things.
" things desired. Is. 4t. 9.

It may be remarked that, when in Kome,
where Antiochus spent his e,nrly years,
he had learned to worship tbe Jupiter of
the capitol, and that he endeavoured to
introduce the worship of that foreign god
into Syria. Of this fact there can be no
doubt. It was one of the characteristics
of Antiochus that he imitated the man
ners and customs of the Komans to a ri
diculous extent (Diod. Sic. I'rag. xxvi.
65), and it was a fact that be sent rich
gifts to Rome in honour of the Jupiter
worshipped there (Livy Ixii. 6), and that
he purposed to erect a magnificent tem
ple in honour of Jupiter Capitolinus in
Antioch, Livy xli. 20. This temple, how
ever, was not completed. It will be re
membered, also, that he caused an altar
to Jupiter to be erected over the altar of
burnt-sacrifice in Jerusalem. It should
be added that tbey who apply this to An
tichrist, or the Pope, refer it to idol or
image worship. Elliott (Apocalypse, iv.
153) supposes that it relates to the hom
age paid to the saints and martyrs under
the Papiicy, .and says that an appellation
answering to the word Jllahuzzim, was
actually given to the departed martyrs
and saints under the Papal apostacy.
Thus he remarks : " As to what is said
of the wilful king's honouring the god
Mahuzzim (a god whom bis fathers knew
not) in place of his ancestors' god, and
the true God, it seems to me to bave
been well and consistently explained, by
a reference to those saints, and their re
lics and imagea, which the apostacy from
its first development regarded and wor
shipped as the Mahuzzim, or fortreasea
of the places where they were depos
ited." Apoc. iv. 157. But all this ap
pears forced and unnatural ; and if it be
supposed L.;at it was designed to refer to
Antichrist or tbe Papacy, no application
of the language can be found so obvious
and appropriate as th.it which supposes
that it refers to Antiochus, and (o his ro-

to mammon, the god that is most adored lianoe on /orce rather than on justice and
in this world is tbe 'god of force' — this 'right, 'i And a god whom hia fathera kne-j)

Mauzzim tbat Antiochus so faithfully
served. In illustration of the fact that
seems here to be implied, that he would
introduce such a god as would be a fit
repreientative of this purpose of his life.

not. This foreign god, Jupiter, whom he
had learned to worship at Rome. % Shall
he honour with gold, with ailver, and witk
precioua stones, Ac. That is, he shall'
lavish these things on building a templi

46b IXANIEL. [B C. 584
39 Thus shall he do in the "most, increase -with glory: and he shaU
etrong holds with a strange god, | cause them to rule over many, and
¦whom he shall acknowledge, and shall divide the land for ^ gain.
* fortresses of munitions.

for him, or in his image. This accords
with the account which Livy gives (xli.
20) of the temple which he commenced
at Antioch in honour of Jupiter. Livy
says that, although in his conduct he was
profligate, and although- in many things
it was supposed that he was deranged —
Quidam haud dubie insanire aiebant — yet
that in two respects he was distinguished
for having a noble mind — for his worship
of the gods, and for the favour towards
cities in adorning them : In duabus tamen
magnis konestisque 7'ebus fere regius erat
animus, in urbiu7n donia, et deorum cidtu.
He tben adds, in words that are all the
conunentary which we need in the pas
sage before us : Magnificentice vero in deos
vel Jovis Olympii temjilum Athevia, vncem
in terria inekoatum pro magnitudine dei,
poteat testis esse. Sed et Delon aris insig-
vibna atatuarumque copia exornavit ; et
Antiochice Jovia capitolini magnificnm
templum, non lagueatum auro tantum, sed
parietibua totis lamina innvratum, et alia
viulta in aliis locis pollicitna, quia per-
breve tempua regni ejus fuit, non perfedt.
^ And with pleaaant tkings. Marg., tkings
deaired. That is, with ornaments, or sta
tuary, or perhaps pictures. Comp. Notes
on Isa. ii. 16. He meant thatthe temple
should be beautified and adorned in the
highest degree. This temple, Livy says,
he did not live to finish.
- 39. Tkus ahall ke do in ike most strong
holds. Marg., fortreaaea of munitiova. —
The reference is to strongly fortified
places; to those places which had been
made strong for purposes of defence. —
The idea is, that he would carry on his
purposes against these places, as it were,
under the auspices of this strange god.
It was a fact, that in his wars Antiochus
came into possession of the strong places,
or the fortified towns of the nations which
he attacked — Jerusalem, Sidon, Pelu
sium, Memphis — then among the strong
est places in the world. ^ With a atrange
god, A foreign god whom his fathers did
not acknowledge ; that is, according to
the supposition above, and according to
the fact, with the god whom he had
adored at Kome, and whose worship he
vas ambitious to transfer to his own em

pire — tbe Jupiter of the capitol. He
seemed to be acting under the auspices
of this foreign god. ^ Whom ke akall
acknowledge. By building temples and
altars to him. ^ And increase witk glory.
That is, with honour. He would seem
to increase or extend his dominion in
the world, by introducing his worship
in his own country and in the landa
which he would conquer. Before, his
dominion appeared to be only at Kome;
Antiochus sought that it might be ex
tended farther, over his own kingdom,
and over the countries that he would
conquer. ^ And ke shall cause tkem to
rule over many. That is, the foreign
gods. Mention had been made before
of only one God; butthe introduction of
the worshipof Jupiter would be naturally
connected with that of tbe other gods of
Rome, and they are, therefore, referred
to in this manner. The conquests of
Antiochus would seem to be setting up
the dominion ofthese gods over the lands
whicb he subdued. ^ And ahall divide
tke land for gain. Marg., a price. The
reference here is, probably, to tbe holy
land, and the idea is tbat it would be
partitioned out among his followers for
a price, or with a view to gain ; that is^
perhaps, that it would be * farmed out'
for the purpose of raising revenue, and
that, with this view, as often occurred, it
would be set up for sale to the highest
bidder. This wjis a common way of,
raising revenue, by * farming out' a con
quered province ; that is, by disposing of
the privilege of raising a revenue in it to
the one who would ofi"er most for it, and
the consequence was, that it gave rise to
vast rapacity in extorting funds from the
'people. Comp. 1 Mac. iii. 35, 36, where,
speaking of Lysias, whom Antiochus had
'set to oversee the affairs of the king
from the river Euphrates unto the bor
ders of Egypt,' it is said of Antiochus
that he ** gave him [Lysias] charge of all
things that he would have done, as als>
concerning them that dwelt in Judea and
Jerusalem, to wit, that he would send an
army against them, to destroy and root
out the strength of Israel, nnd the rem
nant of Jerusalem, and to take away

B.C. 534.1 CHAPTER XI. 467
40 1[ And at the time of the end shall the king of the soutk push at

their memorial from that place ; and that
he should place strangers in all tbeir
quarters, and divide their land by lot."
40. And at the time of the end. See
ver. 35. The ' time of the end' must
properly denote the end or consummation
of the series of events under considera
tion, or the matter in hand, and properly
and obvioualy means here the end or
consummation of the transactions which
had been referred to in the previous part of
tbe vision. It is equivalent to what we
wonld say by expressing it thus : ' at
the winding up of tbe affair.' ¦ In ch. xii.
4, 9, 13, the word ' end,' however, ob
viously refers to another close or consum
mation — the end or consummation of the
affairs that reach far into the future —
the final dispensation of this in this
world. It has been held by many that
tbis could not be understood as referring
to Antiochus, because wbat is here stated
did not occur in the close of his reign.
Perhaps tbe most obvious interpretation
' of what is said in this and tbe subsequent
verses to the end of the chapter would
be, tbat, after the series of events referred
to in the previous verses ; after Anti
ochus had invaded Egypt, and had been
driven thence by tbe fear of the Romans,
he would, in the close of his reign,
again attack that country, and bring
it, and Lybia, and .Ethiopia into subjec
tion (ver. 42) ; and that when there, tid
ings out of the north should compel him
to abandon the expedition and return
again to his own land. Porphyry (see
Jerome, in loe.), says that this was so,
and that Antiochus actually Invaded
Egypt in the ' eleventh year of his reign,'
which was the year before he died ; and
he maintained, therefore, that all tbis
had a literal application to Antiochus,
and tbat being so literally true, it must
have been written after the events had
occurred. Unfortunately the thirteen
books of Porphyry are lost, and we have
only the fragments of his works preserved
which are to be found in the Coramentary
of Jerome on the Book of Daniel. The
statement of Porphyry, referred to by
Jerome, is contrary to the otherwise uni
versal testimony of history about the last
iays of Antiochus, and tbere are such
improbabilities in the statement as to
ioare the general impression tkat Por

phyry in this respect falsified history in
order to make it appear that tbis must
have been written after the events re
ferred to. If tbe statement of Porphyry
were correct, there would be no difficulty
in applying tbis to Antiochus. Tbo
common belief, bowever, iu regard to
Antiochus is, that he did not invade
Egypt after the series of events referred
to above, and after be had been required
to retire by the authority of the Koman
ambassadors as stated in the Notes on
ver. 30. This belief accords also with
all the probabilities of tbe case. Under
tbese circumstances, many commentators
have supposed that this portion of the
chapter (vs. 40 — 45) could not refer to
Antiochus, and they have applied it to
Antichrist, or to the Koman power. Tet
how forced and unnatural such an appli
cation must be, any one can perceive by
examining Newton on the Prophecies, pp.
308 — 315. The obvious, and perhaps it
may be added the honest, application of
the passage must be to Antiochus. This
is tbat whicb would occur to any reader
of tbe prophecy; this is thatwhich ho
would obviously bold to be the true ap
plication; and tbis is tbat only which
would occur to any one, unless it wera
deemed necessary to bend the prophecy
to accommodate it to the history. Hon
esty and fairness, it seems to me, require
that we should understand this as refer
ring to the series of events which had
been described in the previous portion
of the chapter, and as designed to state
the ultimate issue or close of tbe whole.
There will be no ditSculty in this if we
may reg.ard these verses (40 — 45) as con
taining a recapitulation, or a summing up
of the series of events, with a statement
of tbe manner in which they would close.
If so interpreted, all will be clear. It
will then be a general statement of wbat
would occur in regard to this remarkable
transaction that would so materially affect
the interests of religion in Judea, and be
such an important chapter in the history
of tbe world. Tbis summing up, more
over, would give occasion to mention
some circumstancea in regard to tbe con
quests of Antiochus which could not so well
be introduced in the narrative itself, and
to present, in few words, a summary of
all that would occur, and to state the

463

DANIEL.

IB. C. 534.

him : and the king of the north
ahall come against him like >a
¦whirlwind, with chariots, and with
horsemen, and with many ships;
and he shall enter into the coun-

» Zee. 9. 14.

manner in which all would be terminated.
Sucb a summing up, or recapitulation, is
not uncomraon, and, in this way, the im
pression of the whole would be more dis-
dinct. With tbis view, tbe phrase 'and
at the time of the end' (ver. 40), would
refer, not so much to tbe ' time of the
end' of the reign of Antiochus, but the
' time of tbe end' of the whole aeriea of
tbe transactions referred to by tbe angel
as recorded 'in fhe Scriptures of truth,'
(ch. X. 21), from the time of Darius the
Mede (ch. xi. 1), to the close of tbe reign
of Antiochus — a series of events em
bracing a period of some tbree bundred
and fifty years. Viewed in reference to
this long period, tbe whole reign of An
tiochus, which was only eleven years,
might be regarded as ' the time of the
end.' It was, indeed, tbe most disastrous
portion of tbe whole period, and in this
chapter it occupies more space tban all
that went before it — for it was to be the
time of the peculiar and dreadful trial of
the Hebrew people, but itwas 'the enrf'
of the matter — the winding up of tbe
series — the closing ofthe events on which
the eye of tbe angel was fixed, and whicb
were so important to be known before
hand. In these verses, tberefore, (40 —
45,) he sums up what would occur in
what ho here calls appropriately 'the
time of the end* — the period when the
predicted termination of tbis series of im
portant events sbould arrive — to wit, in
the brief and eventful reign of Antiochus.
^ Shall be king of the Soulh. The king
of Egypt. See vs. 5, 6, 9. ^ Puah at
him. As in the wars referred to in the
previous verse — in endeavouring to ex
pel him from Ccelesyria and Palestine,
and from Egypt itself, vs. 25, 29, 30.
See Notes on tbese verses. % And the
king of the north ahall come againat him.
The king of Syria — Antiochus. Against
the king of Egypt. He shall repeatedly
invade his lands. See the Notes above.
If Like a whirlwind. As if he would
sweep everything before him. This he
did when be invaded Egypt; when he
leized on Memphis, and the best portion

tries, and shall OTerflow and pass
over. 41 He shall enter also into the
'glorious "^land and many countries
^landof delight, or, m-nament, or, goodly land
c ver. 16, 45.

of tbe land of Egypt, and wien he ob
tained possession of the person of Ptol
emy. See Notes on rs. 25 — 27. f With
chariote, and with horfiemen, and wilh
many ahipa.' All this literally occurred
in the successive invasions of Egypt by
Antiochus. See the Notes above, f And
he shall enter into the countries. Into
Ccelesyria, Palestine, Egypt, and the ad
jacent lands. '^And shall overfiow, and
pass over. Like a flood he shall spread
bis armies over these countries. Sea
Notes on ver. 22.
41. Hc ahall enter also into the gloriout
land. Marg., land of delight, or orna
ment, or goodly land. Tbe Hebrew is,
'land of ornament;' that is, of beauty, ts
wit, Palestine, or the holy land. Th«
same word is used in ver. 16. See Notes
on tbat place. As to the faet tbat be
would invade that land, see Notes on vs.
28, 31 — 33. ^ And niiiny countries sJiall
be overthrown. Tbe word countries here
is supplied by the translators. The He
brew word — non — may denoto 'many
things,' and migbtrefcr to cities, dwellings,
institutions, &c. The meaning is, tbat he
wonld produce wide devastation — which
was true of Antiochus, when, either per
sonally, or by his generals, he invaded tbo
land of Palestine. See the Notes above.
If But thesc shall escape out of his hand,
&e. Intent on bis work in Palestine, and
having enough there to occupy his atten
tion, the neighbouring lands of Edom,
Moab, and Ammon shall not be molested
by him. The wrath of Antiochus was
particularly against tbe Jews, and it is
not a little remarkable that no mention is
made of bis invading these adjacent
countries. Tbe route which he pursued
was to Egypt, along the shores of the
Mediterranean, and though he turned
from his course to wreak his vengeance
on the Jews, yet it does not appear tbat
he carried bis arms farther from the main
line of his march. Antiochus was prin
cipally engaged with tbe Egyptians and
the Komans; he was also engaged witb
the Jews, for Palestine had been the battle-

B. C. 534.J

shall be overthrown: but these shall
escape out of his hand, even »Edom,
and Moab, and the chief of the chil
dren of Ammon.
42 He shall i" stretch forth his hand
»Is. 11.14, 15.

CHAPTER XI.

46S

field — the main place and object of con
tention between the king of Syria and
the king of Egypt. Moab, and Edom,
and Ammon, were comparatively remote
from the scene of conflict, and were
left unmolested. It would seem most
probable, also, that these nations were
friendly to Antiochus, and were in alli
ance witb him, or at least it is certain
tbat they were hostile to the Jews, which,
for the purposes of Antiochus, amounted
to tbe same thing. Judas Maccabeus is
represented as engaged with them in war,
and consequently tbey must have either
been in alliance with Antiochus, or in
some other way promoting his interests.
See 1 Mao. iv. 61, v. 3, 6, 8, 9. These
countries were, therefore, in fact, secure
from the invasions of Antiochus* and so
far the prophecy was literally fulfilled.
It may be added (a) that no occurrence
since that time has taken place to which
the propTiecy can with propriety be ap
plied; and (5) tbat no natural sagacity
could have foreseen this, and that, there
fore, if the prediction was uttered before
the days of Antiochus, it must have been
the result of divine inspiration. As to
the former of these remarks, {a) if any
one is desirous of seeing how forced and
unnatural must be any attempt to apply
this to any other times than those of An
tiochus, he bas only to consult Bishop
Newton on tbe Prophecies, (pp. 311 — 313,)
who explains it as referring to the Oth
man empire, and to the fact that thongh
the Turks have been able to take Jerusa
lem, tbey have never been able to subdue
the Arabians, the Moabites, or tbe Ammon
ites. Aleppo, Damascus, and Gaza, says
he, were forced to submit, but tbese other
places ' escaped out of the hands' of the
Turks. As to the other remark, (6) if
one writing after the eveuts, had intended
to give a brief and striking view of what
Antiochus did, he could not find better
lauguageto express it than to say m the
words of the passage before us, ' He shall
enter also into the glorious- land, and
many countriea shall be overthrown; but
these shall escape out of his hand, even
40

also iipoa the countries ; and the
land of Egypt shall not escape.
43 Eut he shall have power over
the treasures of gold and of silver,
and over all the precious things of
^ send forth.
Edom, and Moab, and the chief of the
children of Ammon fell.' But it is cleai
tbat there is no natural sagacity i^ which
this could be foreseen. There wa^ no
thing in the eharacter of those nations, or
in tbe nature ofthe case, wbicb would lead
one to anticipate it — for the presumption
would be, tbat if a desolating war wero
waged on Palestine by a cruel conqueror,
his ravages would be extended to the
neighbouring countries also.
42. He shall stretch forth his hand also
upon the countries. Marg., send forth.
Significant of war and cunqnesL Tho
idea is, that he would be an invader of
foreign lands — a characteristic wbich itis
not necessary to show appertained to
Antiochus. % And the land of Egypt
shall not escape. Moab aud Edom, and
tbe land of Ammon would escape, but
Egypt would not. We have seen in the
exposition of tbis chapter, (Notes on vs.
25 — 28,) that be, in fact, subdued Mem
phis and tbe best portions of Egypt, and
even obtained possession of the person of
the king.
43. But he shall have power over the
treaaurea of gold and of ailver. See Notes
on ver. 28. Having seized upon the most
important places in Egypt; and having
possession of the person of the king, he
would, of course, have the wealth of
Egypt at his disposal, and would returt
'to his land laden with spoils, f And
over all the precioua thinga of Egypt. The
rich lands; the public buildings; tbe
contents of the royal palace ; the works
of art, and the monuments, and books,
and implements of war. All these would,
of course, be at the disposal of the con
queror. % And the Libyana. The word
Libyans, In the Hebrew Scriptures, is
everywhere joined with the Egyptians
and Ethiopians. Tbey are supposed to
have been a people of Egyptian origin,
and their country bordered on Egypt in
the West. See Tanner's Ancient Atlas.
A conquest of Egypt was almost in itself
a conquest of Libya. If And the Ethiopi
ans. Heb., Cushites— U'il:>- 0° *''« g«°-
eral meaning of the word Guahoi Etkio-

470

DANIEL.

[B. C. 53^

Egypt : and the Libyans and Ethio
pians shall be at his steps.
44 But tidings out of the east and
out of the north shall trouble him :

pia in tbe Scriptures, see Notes on Isa.
xi. 11. The reference here, undoubt
edly, is to tbe African Cush or Ethiopia,
which bounded Egypt ou the south.
This country comprehended not only
Ethiopia above Syene and the Cataracts,
but likewise Thebais or Upper Egypt.
A subjugation of Egypt would be in fact
almost a conquest of tbis land. % Shall
be ut kis steps. Gesenius renders this,
' in his company.' The word raeans pro
perly atep, or walk Comp. Ps. xxxvii.
23 J Prov. XX. 24. The Vulgate renders
this, 'And he shall pass also through
Libya and ^Ethiopia/ - The Gr., 'And he
shall have power over all the secret trea
sures of gold and of silver, and over all
the desirable things of Egypt, and of the
Libyans, and ofthe Ethiopians, in tbeir
strongholds.' Lengerke renders it, 'And
the Libyans and Ethiopians shall follow
his steps.' The proper sense of the He
brew would be, that .they accompanied
him ; that they marched with him or fol
lowed him; and the pbrase would be ap
plicable either to those who were allies, or
who were led captive. The more proba-
hle idea would be that they were allies,
or were associated with him, tban that
they were captives, I do not know that
there are any distinct historical facts
which show the truth of what is tiere pre
dicted respecting Antiochus, but it can
not be considered as improbable that the
prophecy was fulfilled,' for, («) as already
observed, these nations, naturally allied
to Egypt, as being a part of the same
peopie, bounded Egypt on the west and
on the south; (b) in the days of Ezekiel
(Ezek. xxx. 4, fi), we find that they were
actually confederated witb Egypt in a
'league,' and tbat the calamity which fell
uppn 'Egypt, also fell directly upon
Ethiopia and Libya; and (c) the posses
sion of Egypt, therefore, would be natu
rally followed with the subjugation ofthese
places, or it might be presumed tbat they
would seek the alliance and friendship of
one who had subdued it.
44. But tidinga ont of tke eaat and out
ofthe north ahall trouble him. Shall dis-
tarb him, or alarm him. That is, he will
%car something from those quarters that

therefore he shall go forth -with
great fury to destroy, and utterly
to make away many.

will disarrange all his other plans, or that
will summon him forth in his last and
final expedition — on that expedition in
which ' he will come to bis end' (ver. 45),
or which will be the end of this series of
historical events. The reference hero
is to tbe winding up of this series of
transactions, and, according to tbe view
taken on ver. 40 (see Notes on that place),
it is not necessary to suppose that this
would happen immediately .after what ia
stated in ver. 43, but it is rather to be re
garded ns a statement of what would oc
cur in the end, or of the manner in whicii
I the person here referred to wonld finally
I come to an end, or in which these eventi
would be closed. As a matter of fact,
I Antiochus, as will be seen in the Notes
on ver. 45, was called forth in a warliku
expedition by tidings or reports from Par
thia and Armenia — regions lying to tha
east and tbe north, and it was in this ex
pedition that he lost his lifo, and that this
series of historical events was closed.
Lengerke says, Antiochus assembled an
army to take vengeance on the Jews, wbo,
after the close of the unfortunate cam
paign in Egypt, rose up, under the Mac
cabees against Antiochus. (1 Mac. iii.
10, seq.), Tben the intelligence that the
Parthians in the east, and tbe Armenians
in the north, had armed themselves for
war against him, alarmed bim. So Ta
citus (Hist. V. 8) says [Antiochus Judseis],
Uemerc superstitionem et mores Grcecorum
adnixua, quominus teterrimam gentem in
j melius mutaret, Parthorum hello prokibi-
tus est, nam ea tempestate arsacea defecerat.
In the year 147 B. C, Antiochus went on
the expedition to Persia and Armenia, on
the return from.which be died. The occa
sions for this were these : (a) Artaxias, the
king of Armenia, who was his vassal, hud
revolted from him, and (6) he sought to re
plenish his exhausted treasures, that be
might wage the war with Judas Macca
beus, Seel Mac. iii. 27 — 37; Jos. Ant B.
xii. ch. vii. g 2 ; Appian Syriac. xlvi. 80,
Porphyry, in Jerome, in loe, ^ TAere-
fore shall he go forth with great fury to
destroy, &c. Great fury at the revolt of
Artaxias, and especially at this juncture
when be wae waging war with the Jewa;

tf. C. 534.]

CHAPTER XI.

471

45 And he shall plant the taber
nacles of his palaces between the
seas in the • glorious holy mountain :

and great fury at' tbe Jews, with a
determination to obtain the means ut
terly to destroy them. 1 M:ic. iii. 27:
'• Now when king Antiochus beard these
things [tbe successes of Judas Mac
cabeus], he was full of indignation."
In every way his wrath was kindled.
lie was enraged against the Jews on
uccount of their success; he was en
raged against Artaxias for revolting
from him ; he was enraged because bis
treasury wa.s exhausted, and he had not
the means of prosecuting the war. In
this mood of mind be crossed the Eu
phrates (1 Mac. iii. 37) to prosecute the
war in the East, and, as it is said here,
'utterly to make away many.' Every
thing conspired to kindle his fury, and, in
this state of mind, be went forth on his
last expedition to the east. Nothing, in
fact, could better describe tbe state of
mind of Antiochus, than the language
here used by the angel to Daniel.
45. And he ahall plant the tabernaelea
of hia palaces. The royal tents ; the mi
litary tents of bimself and his court. Ori
ental princes wben they went forth, even
in war, marched in great state, witb a
large retinue of the officers of their court,
and often with their wives and concu
bines, and with all the appliances of
luxury. Comp. the account of the inva
sion of Greece by Xerxes, or of the camp
of Darius, as taken by Alexander the
Great. The military stations of Antio
chus, therefore, in tbis march, would be,
for the time, tbe residence of tbe court,
and would bc distinguished for as great a
degree of royal luxury as the circum
stances would allow. At the same time,
they would consist of tabernacles or tents,
as. those stations were not designed to be
permanent. Tbe meaning is, that the
royal temporary residence in this expedi
tion, and previous to the close — the end
of the wbole matter — thiit is, the death
of Antiochus, would be in the mountain
bere referred to. f Between the seas. —
That is, between some seas in tbe ' east,'
or ' north'— for it was by tidings from the
cast and north thathe would be disturbed,
sud summoned forth, ver. H. We are,
therefere, most naturally to look, for this

yet ' he sha.ll come to his end, and
none shall help him.
* or,goodly, Ueb. mountain of ddiglit qf IUness.
''2Th.2. 8.
place in oi;s of tbose quarters. The/ac<
was, that he had two objects in view — the
ope was to put down the revolt in Arme
nia; nnd tbe other to replenish his ex
hausted treasures from Persia. The for
mer would be naturally that which he
would first endeavour to accomplish, for
if he suffered the revolt to proceed, it
might increase to sucb an extent that it
would be impossible to subdue it. Be
sides, he would not be likely to go to Per
sia wben there was a formidable insur
rection ill his rear, by wbich he might be
harassed either in Persia, or on his return.
It is most probable, therefore, that he
would firat quell the rebellion in Armenia
on his way to Persia, and that the place
here referred to where be would pitch his
royal tent, and where he would end bis
days, would be some mountain where be
would encamp before he reached the con
fines of Persia. There have been various
conjectures as to the place here denoted by
the phrase * between tbe seas,' and much
speculation has been employed to deter
mine tbe precise location. Jerome ren
ders it, ' And he shall pitch his tent in
Aphadno between the seas' — regarding
the words which our translators bave ren
dered his palaces — Ji"i5N — as a proper
name denoting a place. So the Greek,
iijialaiwiS. The Syriao renders it, 'in a
plain, between the sea and the mountain.'
Theodoret takes it for a place near Jeru
salem ; Jerome says it was near Nicopo-
lis, wbich was formerly called Emmaus,
where the mountainous parts of Judea
began to rise, and that it lay between tbe
Dciid Sea on the east, and the Mediterra-
nean on tbe west, where be supposes
that Antichrist will pitch his tent; Por
phyry and Calmet place it between the
two rivers, tbe Tigris and Euphrates;
the latter supposing it means 'Padan of
two rivers,' that is, some place in Meso
potamia; and Dr. Goodwin supposes that
the British Isles are intended, " which
so eminently stand 'between the seas.'"
Prof. Stuart understands this of the Me
diterranean Sea, and that the idea is that
tbe encampment of Antiochus was in soma
situation between this sea and Jerusalem,,

472

BANIEL.

[B. C. 534

mentionod here as 'the holy and beauti
ful mountain.' So far as tbe phrase here
used — 'between tbe seas' — is concerned,
''here can be no difficulty. It might be
applied to any place lying between two
eheeta of water, as the country between
the Bead Sea and tbe Mediterranean; or
tbe Dead Sea and Persian gulf; orthe
Caspian and Euxine seas; orthe Caspian
sea and the Persian gulf, for there is
nothing in the language to deterqiine tbe
exact locality. There is no reason for
taking the word aphadno — iJlp^ — as a
proper name — the literal meaning of it
being tent or tabernacle ; and the simple
idea in the passage is, that the transac
tion here referred to — the event which
would close this series, and which would
constitute the ' end' of these affairs, would
occur in some mountainous region sit
uated between two seas or bodies of wa
ter. Any auck place ^ so far as the mean
ing of the word is concerned, would cor
respond with this prophecy. ^ In the
glorious holy mountain. That is, this
would occur (a) in a mountain, or in a
mountainous region ; and (6) it would be
a mountain'to which the appellation here
used — 'glorious holy' — would be properly
given. The most obvious application of
this phrase, it cannot be doubted, would
be Jerusalem, as being 'the holy moun
tain,* or 'the mountain of holiness,' and
as the place which the word * glorious' —
13X — would most naturally suggest. —
Comp. vs. 16, 41. Bertholdt and Dereser
propose a change in the text here, and
understand it as signifying that' he would
pitch his tent betvreen a sea and a moun
tain, and would seize upon a temple (k'^p)
there.' But there is no authority for so
changing the text. RosenmiiUer, whom
Lengerke follows, renders it, ' between
aome sea and the glorious holy mountain ;'
Lengerke supposes that the meaning is,
that Antiochus, on his return from Egypt,
and before he went to Persia, ' pitched
his tents in that region, somewhere along
the coasts of the Mediterranean, for the
pnrpose of chastising the Jews,' and that
this is the reference here. But tbis, as
well as tbe proposed rending of Dereser
and Bertholdt, is a forced interpretation.
Gesenius (Z&r.) supposes that the phrase
means, • mount of holy beauty,' i. e. Mount
Sion. There are some things which are
«lear, and which the honest principles of
jQt-erpre tation demand in this passage.

snch as the following : (a) what is hort
stated was to occur after the rumour from
the east and the north (ver. 44) should
cull forth the person here referred to on
this expedition; {b) it would not be long
before his 'end, — before the close of the
scries, and would be connected with that;
or would be the place where tbat would
occur ; (c) it would be on some moun
tainous region, to wbich the appellation
'glorious holy' might with propriety be
applied. X^e only question of difficulty
is, whether it is necessary to interpret
this of Jerusalem, or whether it may
be applied to some other mountiinous
region where it may be supposed An
tiochus 'pitche'd his tents' on fais last ex
pedition to the East, and near the close
of his life. Jerome renders tbis, Super
montem inclytum et sanctum/ the Greek
'on the holy mountain Saboein' — ira0adv.
The Syriac, 'in a plain, between a ses
and a mountain, and shall preserve hir
sanctuary.' The literal meaning of thf
passage may be thus expressed, *od a
mountain of beauty that is holy or sacred.'
The essential things are, (a) that it would
be on a mountain, or in a mountainous
region; (b) that this mountain would be
celebrated or distinguished for beauty —
^3S — that is, for the beauty of its situa
tion, or the beauty of its scenery, or the
beauty of its structures — or that it should
be regarded as beautiful; (c) thatit would
be held as sacred or holy — V'p — that is,
as sacred to reUgion, or regarded as a
holy place, or a place of worship. Kow
it is true that this language might be.ap-
plied to Mount Sion, for Mat wasamoun-
tain; it was distinguished for beauty, or
was so regarded by those who dwelt thero
(Comp. Ps. xlviii. 2) ; and it was holy, as
being tbe ploce where the worship of (jod
was celebrated. But it is also true, that^
so far as the language is concerned, it
might be applied to any other mountain
or mountainous region that was distin
guished for beauty, nnd that was regarded
as sacred or in any way consecrated to
religiou. I see no objection, therefore, to
the supposition that this may be under
stood of some mountain or elevated spot
which was held as sacred to religion, or
where a temple was reared for worship,
and hence it may have referred to some
mountain, in the vicinity of some temple
dedicated to idol worship, where Antio
chus would pitch his tent for the pur

B. C. 534.J

CHAPTER XI.

473

pose of rapine and plunder. If Tet he \
shall coifie to his end. Evidently in
tbe expedition referred to, and in the |
vicinity referred to. Though he had gone [
full of wrath ; and though he was pre
paring to wreak his vengeance on the
people of God; and tbough he had every,
prospect of success in the enterprise, yet'
he would come to an end there, or would
die. Tbis would be the end of his career,
and would be at the same time the end of
that series of calamities that the angel pre
dicted. The assurance is more than once
given (va. 27, 35,) tbat there was an 'ap
pointed' time during whicb these troubles
would continue, or that thero would be
an 'end' of them at the appointed time,
and the design was, that when these in
flictions came upon the Jews they should
be permitted to comfort tfaemselves with
the assurance that they would have a ter
mination ; tbat is, tbat tbe institutions of
religion in their land would not be utterly
overthrown, ^ And none ahall help kim,
Kone shall save his life ; none shall res
cue him out of his danger. That is, he
would certainly die, and his plans of eyil
would thus be brought to a close.
The question now is, whether this can
be applied to the closing scenes in the life
of Antiochus Epiphanes. The materials
for writing the life of Antiochus are in
deed scanty, but there is little doubt as
to the place and manner of his death.
According to all the accounts, he received
intelligence of the success of the Jewish
arms under Judas Maccabeus, and tho
overthrow of the Syrians, at Elymais or
Persepolis (2 Mac. ix. 2), in Persia, and
as he was detained there by an insurrec
tion of the people, occasioned by bis rob
bing tbe celebrated temple of Diana (Jos.
Ant. B. xii. cb. ix. § 1,) in which hia
father, Antiochus the Great, lost hia life,
his vexation was almost beyond endu
rance. He set out on his return with a
determination to make every possible
effort to exterminate the Jewa ; but du
ring his journey he waa attacked by a
disease, in wbich he suffered excessive
pain, and was tormented by the bitterest
anguish of conscience, on account of bia
sacriloge and other crimea. He finally
died at Tabse in Paratacene, on the fron
tiers of Persia and. Babylon, in the year
.^03 B. C, after a reign of eleven years.
See the account of bis wretched death in
2 Mao. ix: Jos. Ant. B. xii. ch. ix. g 1.,
Prideaux, Con. III. pp. 272, 273; Po-
40*

lybius in Excerpta Yaleaii de Yirtut*bua
et Vitiia, xxxi., and Appian, Syriac. xlvi.
80. Now tbis account agrees substan
tially with the predietion in the passage
before us in the following respects : —
(a) The circurastances which called him
forth. It was on account of 'tidings'
or rumors out of the east and north that
he went on this Inst expedition, (fc) The
place speciiied where the last scenes
would occur, 'between the seas.' Any
one has only to look on a map of tho
Eastern hemisphere, to see that the an
cient Persepolis, the capital of Persia,
where the rumour of tbe success of the
Jews reached him whicb induced him to
return, is 'between the seas' — the Cas
pian sea and the Persian gulf, lying
not far from midway between the two,
(c) The 'glorious holy mountain,' or aa
the interpretation above proposed would
render it, * the raountain of beauty,' sa
cred to religion, or to worship. (1) The
whole region was mountainous. (2) It ia
not unlikely that a temple would be raised
on a mountain or elevated place, for this
was the almost univeraal custom among
the ancients, and it may be assumed as
not improbable that the temple of Diana
atElymais,or Persepolis, which Antiochua
robbed, and where he 'pitched his tent,'
was on such a place. (3) Such a place
would be regarded as ' holy,' and would
be spoken of aa 'an ornament,' or as
beautiful, for this was the language which
the Hebrews were accustomed to apply
to a place of worship. I suppose, there
fore, that the reference is here to the
closing scene in the life of Antiochus,
and that the account in the prophecy
agreea in a most striking raanner with the
facts of history, and consequently that it
is not necessary to look to any other
events for a fulfilment, or to suppose
that it has any secondary and ultimato
reference to what would occur in far dis
tant years.
In view of tbis exposition, we may see
tbe force of the opinion maintained by
Porphyry, that this portion of the Book
of Daniol must have been written after
the events occurred. He could not but
see, as any one can now, the surprising
accuracy of the statements of the chapter,
and their applicability to the events of
history as they had actually occurred,
even seeing thia, there was but one of two
courses to be taken — either to admit the
inspiration of the Book, or to maintain

474

DANIEL.

[B. C. S34

that it was written after the events. He
chose the latter alternative ; and so far aa
can be judged from the few fragments
which we have of his work in the com
mentary of Jerome on this Book, be did
it solely on the ground of the accuracy
of the description. He referred to no ex
ternal evidence; he adduced no historical
proofs tbat tbe book was written subse
quent to the eventa; but he maintained
simply that an account so minute and ex
act could not have been written before
the events, and that the very accuracy of
the alleged predictions, and their entire
agreement with the , history, was full
demonstration that they were .written
after. The testimony of Porphyry, there
fore, may be allowed to be a sufficient
proof of the correspondence of this por

tion of the Book of Daniel with tho facte
of history; and if the book wag writtoo
before the age of Antiochus Epiphanes,
the evidence is clear of its inspiration, for
no man will seriously maintain that these
historic events could be drawn out with.
eo much particularity of detail by an/
natural skill three hundred and seventy
years before they occurred, as must have
been the case if written by Daniel. Hu
man sagacity does not extend its vision
thus far into the future with tbe power
of foretelling the fates of .kingdoms, and
giving in detail the lives and fortunes of
individual men. Either the infidel must
dispose of the testimony that Daniel
lived and wrote at the time alleged, or,
as an honest man, he sbould admit that
he was inspired.

CHAPTER XII.

ANALTPJ 3 OP THB CHAPTEE.

There are Beveral general remarks whiih maybe made respecting this, the closing chapter
vf the book of Daniel.
I. It is a part, or a continua^'on rf the general prophecy orvision which was commenced in
(^. X., and which embracer tlae ffho^.e of the eleventh chapter. Except for the length of the pro
phecy there should ha''e be-^n nu rtivi^-ion whatever, and it should be read as a continuoua
wbole; or if a divisi'* n T?eie (ic^irable, that which was made by Cardinal Hugo in the 13th
century, and which occurs in our translatiou of the Bible, ip one of the most unhappy. On every
account, and fcr every reason, tbe diviMon should have bepn at the close of the fourth verpe of
thia chapter, and the first four verses should have been attached to the previous portion. That
the begiDTiing of this chapter is a continuation of tbe address of the angel to Daniel, is plain
from a mere glance. The address enda at ver 4 ; and then commences a colloquy between two
ange^s who appear in tbe vision, designed to cast farther light on wbat had heen said. It will
eontribute to a right understanding of this chapter to remember that it is a partof the one vi
sion or prophecy wbich was commenced iu chapter x., and that tbe whole tbree chapters (x. xi.
xii-) should be read together. If chapter xi., therefore, refers to the historical events connected
With the reign of Antiochus, and the troubles under him, it would seem to be plain that this
does alRO, and that the angel meant to designate the time when these troubles would close, and
the indioations by wbich it might be known that they were about to come to an end.
II. At the same time tbat this is true, It must also be admitted tbat the language which is
used ifi such as is applicable to other events, and that it supposed that there was a belief in the
doctrinefi to which that language would bc naturally applied. H is not such language as would
have been originally employed todescribe the historical transactions respecting the persecutions
under Antiocliup, nor unless the doctrines which are obviously conveyed by that language were
understood aud believed. I refer here to the statements respecting tbe resurrection ofthe dead
and of the future state. This language is found particularly in vs. 2, 3 : "And many of them
that sleep ill the dust ofthe earth shall awake, some to everlasting life, and some to shame and
everlasting contempt. And they lhat be wise shall shine as the brightness of the firmament;
and they that turn many to righteousnegs as the stars forever and ever." This language is ap
propriate to express such doctrine as the following : {a) that of the resurrection of the dead  or
a beinir raised up out of the dust of the earth ; (fi) tliat of retribution after the resurrection : a
pa'-* being rai.«ed to everlasting life, and a part to everlasting shame; (c) that of the etemity of
future retribution, or the eternity of rewards and punishments : awaking toeverlasting life, and
to ei'fn-lasting shame ; (d) that of tbe high honours and rewards of those who would be engaged
in d «ng good, or of that portion of mankind who would be instrumental in tuming tbe wicked
from the paths of sin : * they that turn many to righteousness, as the stars forever and ever '
Tt is impossible to conceive that this language would have been used unless these doctrines wen

B. 0.534.] CHAPTER XII. 475
known and believed, and unless it be supposed that thoy were so familiar that it would bo readily
uuderstood. VV hatever may have been the particular thing to which it waa applied by tha
angel, it is such language as could ha-e been intelligible only where there was a belief of thesa
doctnnes. and it may. therefore, be wt down as an indication of a prevalent belief iu tbe tiroo
of Daniel on these aubjects. Such would be understood now if the same language were u^ed by us
to whatever we might apply it. for it would not be employed unless there waa n belief of th4
truth 01 the doctrines which it is naturally adapted to convey.
III. If the angel intended, therefore, primarily to refer to events that would occur in the tima
of Antiochus— to the arousing of many to defend their country, as if called from the dust of th*
earth, or to their being summoned by Judas Maccabeus from caves and fastnesses, and to the
honour to wbich many of them might be raised, and the shame and contempt which would
await others, it seems difficult to doubt that the mind ofthe speaker, at the same time, glanced
onward to higher doctrines, and thut it was the intention of the angel to bring into view far
distant events, of whicb these occurrences might be regarded as an emblem, aud that he meant
to advert to what would literally occur in the time of the Maccabees aa a beautiful and striking
illustratiou of more momentous and glorious scenes when the earth ahould give up its dead,
and wnen the final judgment ahould occur. On these scenes, perhaps, the mind of the angel
ultimately rested, and a prominent part of the desigu of the entire vision may have been to
bring them into view, and to direct the thoughts of the pious onward far beyond the troubles and
the tri'imphs in the days of the Maccabees, to the time when tho dead should arise, and whea
the retributions of eternity should occur.. It was no uncommon thing among the prophets to
allow the eye to glance from- one object to another lying iu the same range of vision, or having
such points of resemblance that the one would suggest the other; and it often happened that a
description which commenced with some natural event terminated iu some more important
spiritual truth to which that event had a resemblance, and which it was adapted to suggest..
Comp. Intro, to laaiah, g7, III. (3) (4) (5). Three things occur often in such a case: (1) lan
guage is employed in speaking of what is to take place, which is derived from the secondary and
remote event, and which naturally suggests that; (2) ideas are intermingled in the description
which are appropriate to the secondary event only, and which should be understood aa appli
cable to that; and (3) the description whicb was commenced vf ith reference to one event or class
of eventa, often passes over entirely and termiTuites on the secondary and ultimate events.. This
point will be more particularly examined in the Notes ou the chapter.
IV. The contents ofthe chapter are as follows:
(1) The concluding statement bf what would occur at the time referred to in the previous
chapter, vs. 1 — 3. This statement embraces many particulars : that Michael, tbe guardian an-
¦ gel, would stand up in behalf of the people ; that there would be great trouble, such as there
had not beeh sincH the time when the nation began to exist ; that there would be deliverance
for all whose names were recorded in the book ; that there would be an awakening of those who
slept iu the dust — some coming to life and honour, and some to shame and dishonour, and that
distinguished glory would await those who turned many to righteousness.
(2) At this stage of the matter, all having beeu di.-dosed that the augel purposed to reveal,
Daniel is commanded to shut and eeal the book ; yet witb the encouragement held out that
more would yet be known on the subject, ver. 3. The matter was evidentiy involved still in
mystery, and tbere were many points on which it could not but be desired that there should be
fuller Information — points relating to the time when these thinga would happen, and a mora
particular account of the full meaning of what had been predicted, &c. On these points it ia
£lear that many questions might be a^ked, and it is probable that the mind of Daniel would be
Ittft still in perplexity in regard to tbem. To meet this state of mind, the angel says to Daniel
tfaat * many would run to aud fro, and that knowledge would be increased ;' tbat is, that by in
tercourse with one another in future times; by spreading abroad the knowledge already ob*
tained; by diffusing information, and hy careful inquiry, those of coming ages would obtain
much clearer views on these points: or, iu othei words, that time, and the intercourse of indi
viduals and nations, would clear up the obscurities of prophecy.
(3) In thia state of perplexity, Daniel looked and saw two other personages standing ou the
two sides of the river, and betweeu them and the angel who had conversed with Daniel, a col.*
loquy or conversation ensues, respecting the time necessary to accomplish these thingg, vs.
5 — 7. They are introduced as interested iu the inquiry aa to the time of the continuance of
these things — that is, how long it would be to the end of these wonders ? These were evidently
angels also, and they are represented (a) as ignorant of the future — a circumstance which wo
must suppose to exist among the angels ; and (6) as feeling a deep iutere.'<t in. the transactions
which were to occur, and the period when it might be expected they would have their comple
tion. To thia natural inquiry the angel who bad conversed with Daniel gives a solemn answer
(ver. 7>, that the period would be 'a time, and times, and un half;' and that all these things
would be accomplished when he to whom reference was made had finished his purpose of scatr
tering the holy people. . , , ,.....,_ x
(4) Daniel, perplexed and overwhelmed with these strange predictions, hearing what was said
about tho time, but not underatanding it, asks with intense interest when the end of these
things should be, va. 8 — 13. He had heard the reply of the angel, but it conveyed no idea to bis
mind He was deeply solicitous to look into the future, and to ascertain when these events
would end, and what would be their termination. The answer to his anxious, eamest inquiry,
18 contained in vs. 9—13, and embraces several points — giving some further information, but
¦till evidently designed to leave the matter obature iu many respects : (a) The matter waa

476

DANIEL.

[B. C. 534

Bealed up, and his question eould not be definitely answered, ver. 9. When the time ofthe end
ehould C')me, it is implied the matter would be clearer, and might be understood, but that all
had been communicated substantially that could be. (ft) A statement is made (ver. 10) of the
general result of the trials on two classes of persons: the things that would occur would tend
to make the righteous more holy, but the wicked would continue to do wickedly, notwithstand
ing all these heavy judgments. The latter too would, when these events look place, fail to un
derstand their design; but the former would obtain a just view of ihem, and would be made
wiser by them. Time, to the one class, would disclose the meaning of the divine dealings, and
they would comprehend them; to the other they would still be dark and unintelligible, (c) A
statement is, however, made as to the Ume when these things would be accompllsbed, but still fo
obscure as to induce tbe angel faimself to say to Daniel that fae must go fais way till the end
sfaould be, vs. 11 — 13. Two periods of time are mentioned, both different from the one in ver.
10. In one of them (ver, 11), it is said that from the time wfaen the daily sacrifice should bo
taken away, and the abomination that maketh desolate should be set up, would be a thousand
two hundred and ninety days. In the other (ver. 12), it is said that he would be blessed or
happy who should reach a certain period mentioned — a thousand three faundred and thirty-five
days. What theso different periods of time refers to, will of course be the subject of inquiry iu
the Notes on tfae chapter, (d) The whole closes, therefore (ver. 13), witb a direction to Daniel,
that, for tfae present, he should go bis way. Nothiog additional would be disclosed. Time
would reveal more ; time would explain all. Meantime there is au assurance given that, as for
himself, fao would have ' rest,' and would ' stand in his lot at the cud of the days.' Ibia seems
to be a gracious assurance to faim that he bad nothing to fear from these troubles personally,
and that whatever should come, be would have peace, and wuuld occupy the position iu fu
tm-e times which was due to him. His lot would be happy and peaceful; his name would be
honoured; his salvation would be secured. It seems to be implied that, with this pledge, he
ought to allow his mind to be calm, and not suffer himself to be distressed because he could
not penetrate the future, and foresee all tbat was to occur ; and the truth, therefore, with wfaich
tfae book clo.>ies is, that, having security about our own personal salvation — or having no ground
of solicitude respecting that — or having that matter made safe — we should calmly commit ail
events to God, with the firm conviction that in his own time fais purposes will be accomplished,
and that, being tfaen understood, hc will be seen to be worthy of confidence and praise.

1 And at that time shall Michael I pie: band there shall be a time of
• stand up, the great prince "whiuh, trouble, such as never -was 'since
standeth for the children of thy peo-
"c. 10. 13, 21; Jude&.

1. And at that time. At the period re
ferred to in the preceding chapter. The
fair construction of the passage deraands
this interpretation, and if that refers to
Antiochus Epiphanes, then what is here
said must also; and weare to look forthe
direct and immediate fulfilment of this
prediction in something that occurred
under him, however it may be sup
posed to have an ultimate reference
to other and more remote events. The
phrase *at that time,' however, does
not limit what is here said to any one
part ofhis life, or to his death, but to the
general period referred to in the time of
his reign. That reign waa but eleven
years, and the fulfilment must bo found
somewhere during that period. ^ Shall
3Iickael, On the meaning of this word,
and the being here referred to, see Notes
on ch. X. 13. % Stand up. That is, he
shall interpose; he shall come forth to
lender aid. This does not mean neces
sarily that be would visibly appear, but
that he would in fact interpose. In the
ume of great distress and trouble^ there

there was a nation even to that same
^ Matt. 24. 21.

would he supernatural or angelic aid ren
dered to the people of God, No man can
prove that this would not be so, nor ia
there any inherent improbability in the
: supposition that good angels may be em
ployed to render assistance in the time
of trouble. Comp. Notes on ch. x. 13.
^ The great prince which standeth for the
children of th^ people. See Notes aa
above on ch. x. 13. The meaning is, that
he had the affairs of the Hebrew people,
or the people of God, especially uuder hia
protection, or he was appointed to watch
over tbem. This doctrine is in accord
ance with the notions that prevailed at
that time ; and no one can demonstrate
that it is not true. There ia no authority
for applying this to the Messiah, as many
have done, for the term Michael is not
elsewhere given to him, and all that the
language fairly conveys is met by the
other supposition. The simple meaning
is, that he who was the guardian angel
of that nation, or who was appointed tc
watch over its interests would at that
time of great trouble interpose and rendM

B. C. 634.]

CHAPTER XII.

477

time : and at that time » thy people
shall be delivered; every one that
»Je. so. 7j Ko.ll. 26.
aid, ^ And there ahall be a time of trouble.
Under Antiochus £piphanes. Seo Notes
on ch. xi. 21 — 45. Comp. the Books of
the Maccnbees, paaaim. ^ Such aa never
waa aince there was a nation even to thai
tame time. This might be construed with
reference to tho Jewish nntion, as mean
ing that the trouble would be greater
thnn any that had occurred during its
history. But it may also be taken, as
our translators understand it, in a more
general sense, as referring to any or all
nations. In either sense it can hardly be
considered as the language of hyperbole.
The troubles that came upon the land
under the persecutions of Antiochus, pro
bably surpassed any that the Hebrew na
tion ever experienced, nor could it be
ehown that, for the same period of time,
they were surpassed among any other
peuple. The Saviour has employed this
language as adapted to express the inten
sity of the trials which would be brought
upon the Jews by the B,omans (Matt.
xxiv. 21 J, but he does not say that as
used in Danici it had reference originally
to that event. It was language appro
priate to express the thought whicb he
wished to convey, and he, therefore, so
employed it. ^ And at that time. When
these troubles are at their height. ^ Thy
people ahall be delivered. To wit, by the
valour and virtues of the Maccabees. See
the accounts in the Books of the Macca
bees. Comp. Prideiiux, Oon. III. 257,
seq. ^ Every one that ahall befoundwrit-
ten in the book. Whose names are en
rolled; thnt is, enrolled as among the
living. The idea is, that a register was
made of tbe names of those who were to
be spared, to wit, by God, or by the an
gel, and that all whose names were so re
corded would be preserved. Those not
so enrolled would be cut off under the
persecutions of Antiochus. The language
here does not refer to the book of eternal
life or salvation, nor is it implied that
they who would thus be preserved would
necessarily be saved, but to their preser-
Tation from death and perstijtion, as if
their names were recorded in a book, or
were enrolled. We frequently meet with
•imilar ideas in the Scriptures. The idea
\», of course, poetical, but it expresses

shall be found written ^ in the book,
2 And many of them that sleep in
''Re. 13.8.

with sufficient clearness the thought that
there was a divine purpose in regard to
them, and that there was a definite num
ber whom God designed to keep alive,
and that these would be delivered from
tbose troubles while many others would
be cut off. Comp. Notes on ch. x. 21.
2. And many of ihem. The natural and
obvious meaning of theword many here —
OO"! — is that a large portion of the per
sons referred to would thus awake, but
not all. So we should understand it if
applied to other things, as in such, ex
pressions as these — ' many of the people,'
* many of the houses in a city,* * raany of
the trees in a forest,' * many of the rivers
in a country,' Ac. In the Scriptures,
however, it is undeniable that the word
is sometimes used to denote the wholo
considered aa constituted of many, as in
Kom. V. 15, 16, 19. In these passages no
one cau well doubt that tbe word many is
used to denote all, considered as com
posed of the * many' that make up the hu
man race, or tbe * maiiy' offences that man
has committed. So if it were to be used
respecting those who were to come forth
from the eaves and fastnesses where they
had been driven by persecution, or those
who sleep in their graves, and who come
forth in a general resurrection, it might be
used of them considered as the many, and
it might be said ' the many' or ' the mul
titude' comes forth. Not a few interpre
ters, therefore, have understood this iu
the sense of all, considered as referring to
a multitude, or as suggesting the idea of
a multituile, or keeping up the idea that
there would be great numbers. If this is
the proper interpretation, the word ' many*
was used instead of the word ' all,' to sug
gest to the mind the idea that there would
be a multitude, or that there would be a
great number. Some, as Lengerke, apply
it to all the Israelites who 'were not writ
ten in the book' (ver, 1), that is, to a res
urrection of all the Israelites who had
died: some, as Porphyry, a coming forth
of the multitudes out of the caves and
fastnesses who had been driven there by
persecution ; and some, as RosenmuUer
and Havernick, understand it as mean
ing all, as in Kom. v. 15, 17. The sum
of all that oan be said in regard to ths

478

DANIEL,

the dust of the earth shall awake,
some to everlasting 'life, and some
> Matt. 25. 46.
meaning of the word, it seems to me, is,
tbat it is so far ambiguous tbat it might
be applied (a) to 'many,' considered as a
large portion of a number of persons or
things; or(&) in an absolute sense, to the
whole ofany number of persons or things
considered as a multitude or great num
ber. As used here in the visions of the
futuro, .> would seem to denote that the
eye of the angel was fixed on a great mul
titude rising, from the dust of the earth,
without any particular or distinct refer
ence to the question whether all arose.
There would be a vast or general resur
rection from the dust; so much so that
tbe mind would be interested mainly in
the contemplation of the great hosts who
would thus come forth. Thus understood,
the language might, of itself, apply either
to a general arousing of the Hebrew peo
ple in the time of tbe Maccabees, or to a
general resurrection of the dead in the last
day. H That aleep. This expression is
one that denotes either natural sleep, or
any thing that resembles sleep. In tbe
latter sense it is often used to denote
death, and especially tbe death ofthe pi
ous — who calmly slumber in their graves
in the hope of awaking in the morning of
the resurrection. See Notes on 1 Thess.
iv. 14. It cannot be denied that it
might be applied to those who, for any
cause, were inactive, or whose energies
were not aroused — as.we often employ the
word sleej. or slumber — and that it might
be thus used of those who seemed to slum
ber in the midst of the persecutions which
raged, and the wrongs that were commit
ted by Antiochus; but it would be most
natural to understand it of those who
were dead, and this idea would be par
ticularly suggested in the connection in
which it stands here. % In the dnat of
the earth. Heb., • In the ground, or earth
of dust'— I9;;"nc'i(j.- The langnage de
notes the ground or earth considered as
composed of dust, and would naturally
refer to those wbo are dead nnd buried 
considered as sleeping there with the hope
of awaking in the resurrection. ^ Shall
ttwuke. This is language appropriate to
those who are asleep, and to tbe dead eon-
•idered as being asleep. It might, indeed,
be applied to an arousing from a state of

to >> shame
tempt.

[B. C, 534
and everlasting cen

•> la. 6t. 24.

lethargy and inaction, but Its most obvi
ous, and its full meaning, would be to
apply it to the resurrection of the dead,
considered as an awaking to life of those
who were slumbering in their graves.
^ Some. One portion of them. The re
lative number is not designated, but it is
implied that there.would be two classes.
They would not all rise to the same des
tiny, or the same lot. ^ To everlaating
life. So that they would live forever
This stands in contrast with their 'sleep
ing in the dust of the earth,' or their be
ing dead, and it implies that tbat state
would not occur in regard to them again.
Once they slept in the dust of the earth;
now they would live forever, or would die
no more. Whether in this world or in
another is not here said, and there is
nothing in tbe passage which would ena
ble one to determine this. Tbe single
idea is that of living forever, or never dy
ing again; This is language which muat
I have been derived from the doctrine of
the resurrection of the dead, and of the
future state, and which must imply the
belief of that doctrine in whatever sense
it may be used here. It is such as in
subsequent times was employed by the
sacred writers to denote tbe future state,
and the rewards of the righteous. The
most common term employed in the New
Testament, perhaps, to describe true re
ligion, is life, and tbe usual phrase to de
note the condition of the righteous after
the resurrection, is eternal or everlaating
life. Comp. Matt. xxv. 46. Tbis lan
guage, then, would moet naturally be re
ferred to that state, and covers all the
subsequent revelations respeoting the con
dition of the blessed. ^ And aome to
shame. Another portion in such a way
that they shall have only shame or dis
honour. The Hebrew word means re
proach, scorn, contumely ; and it may be
applied to the reproach which one casts
on another. Job xvi. 10, Ps. xxxix. 9,
lxxix. 12 ; or to the reproach whieh rests
on any one, Isa. liv. 4, Josh. v. 9. Hero
the word means the reproach or dishon
our which would rest on them for their
sins, their misconduct, their evil deeds.
The word itself would apply to any per.
sons wbo were subjected to disgrace foi

B, C, 634.]

CHAPTER XII.

479

3 And they that be >wise shall
' or, teachers. b Mat. 13. 43.

b shine as the brightness of the fir
mament ; and they that turn many

tbeir former misconduct. If it be under
stood here as having a reference to those
who would be aroused from their apathy,
and summoned from their retreats in the
times of the Maccabees, the meaning is,
tbat they would be called forth to public
shame on account of their apostacy, and
tbeir conformity to heathen customs ; if
it be interpreted as applying to the resur
rection -of the dead, it means that the
wicked would rise to rep> oach and shame
before the universe foi their folly and
vileness. As a matter of fact, one of the
bitterest ingredients in the doom of the
wicked will be tbe shame and confusion
with whieh they will be overwhelmed in
the great day on account of the sins and
follies of their course in tbis world. —
^ And everlaating contempt. The word
' everlasting' in this place is the same
which in the former part of the verse is
applied to the other portion that would
awake, and like that properly denotes
eternal; as in Mott. xxv. 46, the word
translated 'everlasting' [punishment] is
tho same which is rendered 'eternal'
[life], and means that which is to endure
forever. So the Greek here, where the
game word occurs,' as in Matt. xxv. 46 —
'some to everlasting life' — cif ^uhi' diioviov^
'and some to everlasting contempt' —
tis alexH'"!'' ai-Jiiimii, is one which would
denote a strict and proper eternity. The
word 'contempt' — IWJT — means, pro
perly, a repulse; and then aversion, ab
horrence. The meaning here is aversion
or abhorrence :^the feeling with which
we turn away from that whiob is loath
some, disgusting or hateful. Then it de
notes the state of mind with which we
contemplate the vile and tbe abandoned;
and in this respect expresses the emotion
with which the wicked will be viewed on
the final trial. The word everlasting com
pletes tbe image, meaning that this feel
ing of loathing and abhorrence would
continue forever. In a subordinate sense
this language might be used to denote the
fee.ings with which cowards, Ingrates,
arid apostates are regorded on earth ; but
it eannot be doubted tbat it will receive
its most perfect fulfilment in the future
world— in that aversion with which tbe
lost will be viewed by all holy beings in
the future world.

3. And they that be wise. Tbis is lan
guage wbich, in the Scriptures is em
ployed to denote the pious, or those wbo
serve God and keep his commandments.
See the Book of Proverbs, passim. True
religion is wisdom, and sin is folly, and
they who live for God and for heaven are
the truly wise. The meaning is that they
have chosen the path wbich true wisdom ¦
suggests as that in which man should
walk, while all tbe ways of sin are ways
of folly. The language here used is ex
pressive of a general truth, applicable in
itself to all the righteous at all times, and
nothing can be inferred from the term
employed as to what was designed by
the angel. ^ Shall shine as the brightness
of the firmament. As the sky abovo
us. The image is that of the sky at
night, thick set with bright and beautiful
stars. No comparison could be more
striking. The meaning would seem to
be, tbat each one of the righteous will be
like a bright and beautiful star, and tbat
in tbeir numbers, and order, and har
mony, they would resemble the heavenly
constellatious at night. Nothing can be
more sublime than to look on the heavens
in a clear night, and to think of the num
ber and the order of the stars above us as
an emblem of the righteous in the heav
enly world. The word rendered firma
ment, means properly expanse, or that
whicb is spread out, and it is applied to
the sky as it appeara to be spread out
above us. ^ And they that turn many lo
righteouaneaa. Referring to tbose who
would be instrumental in converting men
to the worshipof the true'God,and tothe
ways of religion. This is very general
language, and might be applied to any
persons who have been the means of bring
ing sinners to the knowledge of the truth.
It would apply in an eminent degree to
ministers of the Gospel who were suc
cessful in their work, and to missionaries
among the heathen. From the mere
language, however, nothing oertain can
be argued as to the original reference as
used by the angel, and it seems to bavo
been his intention to employ language so
general that it might be applied to all,
of all ages and countries, who wonld
be instrumental in turning men to God.
^At the stare. As the stars that are

480

DANIEL. [B.C,534.

tc righteousness as the stars > for
ever and ever,
4 But thou, 0 Daniel, shut i" up
• 1 Co. 16. 41, 42. bEe. 10. 4.

distinguished by tbeir size and lustre in
tbe firmament. In tho former part of
tbe verse, when speaking of those who
were 'wise,' tbe design seems to be to
compare them to the sky as it appears,
- sot over with innumerable stars, and in
their numbers and groupings constituting
great beanty; in tbis member of the sen
tence the design seems to be to compare
tbose wbo are eminent in converting men,
to tbe particular beautiful and bright
stars that strike us as we look on the
heavens — those more distinguished in size
and splendour, and tbat seem to lead on
tbe others. The meaning is, that amidst
the hosts of *he saved they will be con
spicuous, 01 tbey will be honoured in
proportion to their toils, their sacrifices,
and tbeir success, f Forever and ever.
To all eternity. This refers to those who
shall turn many to righteousness; and
the meaning is, that they shall continue
thus to be distinguished and honoured to
all eternity.
4. But thou, 0 Daniel, shut up the
worda. To wit, by sealing tbem up, or
by closing the book, and writing no more
in it. The meaning is, that all haa been
communicated which it was intended to
communicate. The angel had no raore to
say, and the volume might be sealed up,
^[ And aeal the book. This would seem to
have been not an unusual custom
closing a prophecy, either hy affixing a
seal to it that should be designed to con
firm it as the prophet's work — as we seal
a deed, a will, or a contract ; or to secure
tbe volume, as we seal a letter. Comp.
Notes on ch. viii. 26 ; Isa. viii. 16. % Even
lo ihe time of ihe end. That is, the period
wben all tbese things shall be accom
plished. Then (a) one truth of the pre
diction now carefully sealed np will be
seen and acknowledged; (i) and then,
also, it may be expected that there will
be clearer knowledge on all these subjects,
for the facts will throw increased light on
the meaning and the bearing of the pre
dictions. ^ Many ahall run to and fro.
Shall pass up and down in the world, or
shall go from plaoe to place. The refer
ence is clearly to those who should thus
go to impart knowledge; to give informa-{

the words, and seal the book, even to
the time of the end: many shall run
to and fro, and knowledge shall be
increased.

tion ; to call the attention of men to great
and important matters. Tbe language is
applicable to any methods of imparting
important knowledge, and it refers to a
tirae when this would be the character
istic ofthe age. There is nothing else to
which it can be so well applied as to the
labours of Christian missionaries, and min
isters of the Gospel, and others who in
the cause of Christian truth go about to
rouse the attention of men to the great
subjects ofreligion ; and the natural appli-
' cation, of the language is to refer it to tho
' times when the gospel would be preached
to tbe world at large. % And knowledge
ahall be increased. To wit, by this
method. The angel seems to mean that
in this way there would be an advance in
knowledge on all the subjects of religion,
and particularly on the points to which
he had referred. This would be one of
the characteristics of these times, and
this would be the means by whicb it
would be accomplished. Our own age
has furnished a good illuatration of the
meaning of this language, and it will be
still more fully and strikingly illustrated
as the time approaches wben the know
ledge ofthe Lord shall fill the whole world.
Having thns gone throngh with an expo
sition of these, the closing words of the
vision (vs. 1 — 4), it seems proper that we
should endeavour to ascertain the mean
ing of the angel in wbat is here said, and
the bearing of this more particularly on
what he had said befoue. With this
view, therefore, several remarks may be
made here. (1) It seems clear that there
was in some respects, aud for some pur
pose, a primary reference to Antiochus,
and to the fact that in his times there
would be a great rousing up of the friends
of God and of religion, aa if from their
graves, (a) TLe connection demands it.
If the close of tbe last chapter refers to
Antiochus, tben it could not be denied
that this does alao, for it is introduced in
immediate connection with that, and as
referring to tbat time : ' And at that
time.' (i) The faots referred to would
require the same interpretation. Thus
it is said that it would be a time of trou
ble, suoh as tbere had never been sine*

». 0. 634,]

CHAPTER XII,

481

the nation existed — a state of things
irhich clearly refers to the calamities
wbich would be brought upon them by
the persecutions of Antiochus Epiphanes.
(o) This interpretation seems to be in ac
cordance with the purpose of the angel to
give the assurance that these troubles
would come to an end, and tbat in the
time ofthe greatest calamity, wben every
thing seeraed tending to ruin, God would
interpose, and would secure the people,
and would cause his own worship to be
restored. Porphyry, then, it appears to
me, was so far right as to apply tbis to
tbe times of Antioehus, and to the events
that ocourred under the Maccabees.
'Then,' says he, 'those who, as it wore,
sleep in the dust of the earth, and are
pressed down with the weight of evils,
and as it were, hid in sepulchres of mis
ery, shall rise from the dust of the earth
to unexpected victory, and shall raise
their heads from the ground, the ob
servers of the law rising to everlasting
life, and the violaters of it to eternal
shame.' He also refers to the history, in
which it is said that, in the times of the
persecutions, many of the Jews fied to tbe
desert, and hid themselves in caves and
caverns, and that after the victories of tho
Maccabees they came forth, and that tbis
was metaphorically — ^(itra^opiitiDj^called
a resurrection of the dead. Jerome, in
loe. According to tbis interpretation, the
meaning would be, that there would be a
general uprising of tbe people ; a general
arousing of them from their lethargy, or
sammoning them from their retreats and
biding places, aa if the dead, good and
bad, should arise from their dust.
(2) This language, however, is derived
from the doctrine of the literal resurrec
tion of the dead. It implies the belief of
that doctrine. It is such language as
would be used only where tbat doctrine
was known and believed. It would
eonvey no proper idea unless it were
known and believed. Tbe passage, then,
may be adduced as full proof of the
doctrine of the resurrection of the dead,
both of tbe just and the unjust, was un
derstood and believed in tbe time of Dan
iel, No one can reasonably doubt tbis.
Suoh language is not nsed in countries
where the doctrine of tho resurreotion of
the dead is not believed, and where used,
as it is in Christian lands, is full proof, ¦
tven wben employed for illustration, that
Aa doctrine of tbe resnrrection is a oom- J
41

mon article of belief. Comp. Notes on
Isa. xxvi. 19. This language is not found
in the Greek and Latin elassio writers ;
nor in heathen writings in modern times;
nor is it found in tbe earlier Hebrew
Scriptures ; nor is it nsed by infidels eveu
for illustration ; and tbe proof, therefore,
is clear that as employed in the time of
Daniel the doctrine of the resurreotion of
the dead was known and believed. If so,
it marks an important fact in the pro
gress of theological opinion and know
ledge in bis times. How it came to be
known, is not intimated bere, nor ex
plained elsewhere, but of the fact no one
can have any reasonable doubt. Even
now, so clear and accurate is tbe lan
guage, if we wish to express tbe doctrine
of the resurrection of tbe dead, tbat we
cannot do it better than to employ tbe lan
guage of the angel in addressing Daniel.
(3) The full raeaning of tbe language is
not met by the events that occurred in the
tiraes of the Maccabees. As figurative,
or, as Porphyry says, metaphorical, it
might be used to describe those events.
Butwhat then ocourred, would not come up
to tbe proper and complete meaning of tbe
prediction. Tbat is, if nothing more was
intended, we sbould feel tbat tbe event
fell far short of the full import of the
language ; of the ideas which it was fitted
to convey ; and of the hopes wbicb it was
adapted to inspire. If that was all, then
this lofty language would not have been
used. Tbero was nothing in tbe/ac^« that
adequately corresponded with it. In the
obvious and literal sense, there was no
thing whicb could be called a resurrection
to 'everlasting life;' nothing tbat could
be called an awaking to ' everlasting
shame and contempt.' There was no
thing wbich would justify literally the
language ' they shall shine as tbe bright
ness of tbe firmament, and as the stars
forever and ever.' The language natur
ally bas a higher signification tban tbis,
snd even when employed for illustration,
tbat higher signification should be recog
nized, and would be suggested to tbe
mind, (4) The passage looks onward to a
higher and more important event than
any that occurred in tbe times of tbe
Maccabees — to tbe gener.al resurrection
of tho dead, of tbe just and the unjust,
and to tho final glory of the righteous
The order of thought in tbe mind of the
angel would seom to hava been tbis:

482

DANIEL.

fB. C. 531

5 fThen I Daniel looked, and,
behold, there stood other two, the
one on this side of the ' bank of the
he designed primarily to furnish to Daniel
an assurance chat deliverance would come
in tbe time of the severe troubles wbich
were to overwhelm the nation, and that
tbe nation would ultimately be safe. In
doing tbis, his mind almost unconsciously
glanced forward to a final deliverance
from deatb and the grave, and he ex
pressed tbe thought which he designed
to convey in tbe well known and familiar
language used to describe the resurrec
tion. Commencing the description in
this nianner, by the laws of prophetic
suggestion (comp, Intro, to Isaiah, ^ 7,
III.), tbe mind flnally rested on the ,
ultimate event, and that which began
witb tbe deliverance in the times of tbe
Maccabees, ended in the full contempla
tion of the resurrection of tho dead,
and the scenes beyond the last judg
ment. (5) If it bo asked what would be the
pertinency or the propriety of tbis lan
guage, if tbis be the correct interpreta
tion, or what would be its bearing on tbe
design of tbe angel, it may be replied :
(o) that the assurance was in tbis way
conveyed tbat these troubles under An
tiochus would cease — an assurance as
definite and distinct as though all that
was said had been confined to tbat;
. {ll) that a much more important, and
more cheering general truth was thus
brought to view, that ultimately the peo
ple of God would emerge from all trou
ble, and would stand before God in glory
— a truth of great value tben, and at nil
times ; (c) that tbis trutb was of so uni
versal a nature that it might be npplied
in all times of trouble — tbat when the
church was assailed ; when the people
of GoJ wore persecuted ; when tbey wore
driven away from their teraples of wor
ship, and when the rites of religion were
suspended ; when tbe zeal of many should
grow cold, and tbe pious should bc dis
heartened, they might look on to brighter
times. Tbere was to be an end of all
these troubles. Tbere was to be a wind
ing up of tbese affairs. All tbe dead
were to be raised from their graves, the
good and the bad, and thus tbe righteous
would triumph, and would shine like the
trightness of tbs firmament, ar i the

river, and the other on that side of
the bank of the river. 'Up.
wicked would be overwhelmed with shame
and contempt.
(G) From all tbis it follows tbat tbis
passage may be used to prove the doc
trine of tbe resurrection of the dead, and
the doctrine of eternal retribution. Not,
indeed, tbe primary thing in the use of
the language as applied by the angel ; ii
is, nevertheless, based on tbe truth and
tbe belief of these doctrines, and the
mind of the angel ultimately rested on
these great truths as adapted to awe tbe
wicked, and to give consolation to tbe
people of God in times of trouble. Thus
Daniel was directed to somo of the most
glorious truths tbat would be established
and inculcated by the coming ofthe Mes
siah, and long before be appeared had a
glimpse of tbe great doctrine wbich be
came to teach respecting tbe ultimato
destiny of man.
5. Then I Daniel looked. My atten.
tSon was attracted in a new direction.
Hitherto, it would seem, it had been fixed
on thtd angel, and on what he was saying.
Tbe angel now informed bira that he
had \!losed bis communication, and Daniel
wa? now attracted by a new heavenly vi
sion. ^ And, behold, there stood other
two. Tivo other angels. The connection
requires us to understand tbis of angels,
tbough they are not expressly called so.
^ The ons on tliis side of the bank of the
rivei-. Marg., as in Heb., lip. Tbe word
is used to denote the bank of tbe river
from its resemblance to a lip. The river
referred to hero is the Hiddekel or Ti
gris. Notes on cb. x. 4. These angels
stood on eaoh side of tbe river, tbough
it does not appear that there wos any
special significancy iu tbat fact. It per
haps contributed raerely to tbe mnjesty
and solemnity ofthe vision. The names
of these angels are not mentioned, and
tbeir appearing is merely an indication
of tbe interest wbich they take in tbo
afiairs of men, and in tbe divine purposes
and doings. They come hero as if they
had been deeply interested listeners to
what the angel had been saying, and for
the purpose of making inquiry as to tbo
final result of all these wonderfnl xvents.
The angel which had been addressing
Daniel, stood over the river, ver, 6,

B. C, 534,]

CHAPTER XII.

483

6 And one aaid to the man clothed
in linen, which was »upon the wa-
.ers of the river. How long shall it
be to the end if these wonders?
7 And I heard the man clothed
in linen, which teas upon the waters
6, And one aaid. Ono of these angels.
It would seem tbat, though before un
seen by Daniel, they had beeu present,
and bad listened with deep interest to
tbe communication respecting the future
which tbe, angel had made to bim.
Feeling a deep concern in tbo issue of
these wonderful events — thus evincing
the interest wbich we are taught to be
lieve the heavenly beings take in human
aifairs, (see Notes on 1 Pet. i. 12) — one
of them now addressed him who had
been endowed with so much aliility to
disclose the future, as to tbe termination
of tbese events. Such an inquiry was
natural, and accords with what we should
suppose an angel would make on an oc
casion like this. If To the man clothed in
linen. The angel. Notes on ch. x. 5.
^ Which was upon the watera ofthe river,
Marg., from above. So tbe Hebrew.
The meaning is, the man seemed to stand
over the river. Comp. cb. viii. 16. Len
gerke supposes that by tbiswas intimated
the fact that the divine control was over
the waters, as well as over the land — in
other words, over the whole earth. ^ How
long shall it be to the end of these won
dera. Nothing had been said on this
point that could determine it. Tbe an
gel had detailed a successipn of remark
able events which must, from the nature of
.he ease, extend far into futuro years; he
nad repeatedly spoken of an end, and
bad declared that that series of events
would terminate, and had thus given tho
assurance to Daniel that tbese troubles
would be succeeded by brighter and hap
pier times, but he had said nothing by
which it could be determined wben this
would be. it was natural to start this
inquiry, and as well for the sake of Daniel
as himself, the angel here puts the ques
tion when this would be.
7. And I heard tlie man, Ac. Tbat is,
he replied to the question at once, and in
a most solemn manner, as if he were com
municating a great and momentous trutb
respecting the future. % When he held
tp hie right hand and his left hand unto

of the river, when he •' held up hia
right hand and his left h.and unto
heaven, and sware by hira that liveth
forever that it shall be for a time,
times, and ca half; and when he
' or, fi-om above. ~uRe, 10. 5 — 7. ^ or, apart.
heaven. Towards heaven : as if appe.nl-
ing to beaven for the sincerity and truth
of what be was about to uttor. The act
of swearing or taking an oath was often
accompanied with tho lifting up the hand
to beaven, usually the right band (comp.
Gen. xiv. 22; Ex. vi. 8; Deut. xxxii. 40;
Ezek. XX. 5 ; Rev, x. 5), but here the angel
stretched both hands towards heaven, as
if be were about to make tbe affirmation
in tbe most solemn manner conceivable.
^ And aware by him that liveth forever.
By the eternal God. That ie, be appealed
to him ; he made tbe solemn asseveration
iu bis presence ; he called bim to witness
to tbe truth of what he said. The occa
sion ; the raanner ; the posture of the
angel; the appeal to tbe eternal One,
all give great sublimity to tbis transac
tion, and all imply tbat the answer was
to one of great consequence in regard tc
future times. ^ That it shall be for a
time, timea, and a half. Marg., or, a
part, Tbe word ('Sn) means properly
half, the half part, th.it wbicb is divided
ifsjy to divide), s. c. in the middle. Tbe
word 'times' means two times, for it is
dual in its form, and the expression
means three times or periods and an half.
See the meaning of the language fully
considered and explained in the Notes
on ch. vii. 24 — 28. ^ And when he ahali
have aceompliahed. When he shall have
finished his purpose in tho matter; when
he shall have done all that he could do.
^ To acatter the power. All that consti
tuted tbe power — their armies, means of
defence, &c. The word rendered power —
11 — means properly hand,\)iit it is some
times used to denote a part of a thing —
as a portion that we take up by the hand
— a handful; that is, a part of a thing
taken up at once in dividing. Gesenius.
Lex, See Jer. vi. 3; 2 Kings xi. 7;
Gen. xlvii. 24. In accordance with this,
Gesenius, Lengerke, and De Wette sup
pose that the reference here is to tbe
scattering of a portion or part of the Ho
brow people in otber lands, and to tbe

484

DANIEL.

[B. C. 534

shall have accomplished to sciitter|the power of the holy people, all
j these things shall be finished.

hope that they would he restored again
to their own country; and that the mean
ing of the angel is, that when these dis-
p()rsions were ended, all this would have
been accompUshed. The word has also
tho Bense of power, mighty strengtk, (Grcs.
Lex,), the hand being regarded as the
soat of strength, Isa. xxviii. 2 ; Job xxvii.
llj Ps. Ixxvi, 6. Thus employed, it
may denote whatever constituted their
strength, and then the idea in the pas
sage before us is that all this would be
acattered. "When that should have been
done ; wheu that dispersion should have
been ended ; when these scattered forcea
and people should bo again restored, then
all this that was predicted would be ac
complished, and these troubles cease.
This would ba in the period designated
by the ' time, and times, and a half.' If
it refers to Antiochus, it means that the
scattered forces and people of the He
brews ^Tould be rallied under the Macca
bees, and that on their return victory
would crown their efforts, and the land
would be again at peace. If it has a
higher and an ultimato signification, it
would seem to imply that when the scat
tered Hebrew people should be gathered
into the Christian churoh — when their
dispersions and their wanderings should
come to an end by their returning to the
Messiah, and, under him, to the true
God, then the series of predictions will
have received their complete fulfilment—
for then religion will triumph in the
world, and tho liingdom of God be set
up over all the nations, agreeably to
Kom. xi. 15 — 25. In reference, then, to
the meaning of the passage as used by
the angel here, the following remarks
may be made : (1) It had an applica
bility to the times of Antiochus, and to
the duration ofthe calamities that would
come upon the Hebrew people under his
reign. If there had been nothing further
intended than tbis, tfae mero language
employed would have found a literal ful
filment in these events, and there can be
no reasonable doubt that the primary re-
jerence of the angel was to them. See
this point fully considered and illustrated
in the Notes on ch. vii. 24 — 28. Yet
(2) there are circumstances which lead
08 to suppose that, at the same time, and
\j the laws of prophetio auggestionj.

(See Intro, to Isaiah, g7. III.), more
important events were also referred to,
and were designed to be connected with
this statement. Those circumstances
are (a) the manner in which the angel
introduces the subject — by a solemn ap
peal, with outstretched arms, to heaven.
This would look as if he regarded the an
swer as of momentous importance, and aa
if he were contemplating vast movements
in the future. (6) The fact that the lan
guage faere had a aettled meaning — refer
ring, as used elsewhere, to future events
deeply affecting the welfare ofthe world.
The language is so couched, indeed, that
it loould express the fact in regard to tho
duration ofthe troubles uuder Antiochus,
but it was also of such a nature that in ita
higher signification it would describe the
duration of more momentous transactions^
and would designate a period when the
true religion would begin its universal
reign; when the evils ofa vast antichris
tian Rpower would come to an end, and
when the kingdom of the saints would be
set up in the world. See the Notes on
ch.vii. 24—28. (4) The full meaning of
the language would then seem to be, that
the angel designed to include all iu the
futuro to which those words, as intended
by the Divine Spirit, would be applicable.
The period designated by the phrase, *a
time, and times, and a half,* was most
momentous. In that time the troubles
introduced by Antiochus would end, and
a state of peacp and prosperity would suc
ceed ; and in that time, also, far greater
troubles and woes — tfaose connected with
a most fearful apostacy from the true re
ligion, and the setting up of a kingdom
of oppression and wrong over the people
of God, of which the oppressions and
wrongs under Antiocfaus would be but an
emblem, would also come to an end, and
there would be a state of peaoe — a reigo
of righteousness— a prevalence of religion
— and a far-diffused happiness in the
world, of which the joy at the dedication
of the temple, and the triumphs over An
tiochus, would be but a symbol. The ul
timate reference, therefore, I suppose, is
to tho downfall of that great antichristian
power, the papacy, and the spread and
triumphs of the true religion subsequent
to that, and consequent on that, in the
wjrld. These wore eventi that justi-

B. C. 534.]

CHAPTER XII.

485

•8 And I heard, but I understood
not : then said I, 0 my Lord, what
sliall be the end of these things f
9 And he said. Go thy way, Dan-

fied the solemn asseveration of the angel,
and that made it proper for him in refer
ring to thom to stretch out both his hands
in this sublime manner to heaven.
8. And I heard, but I underatood not.
He understood not the full significance of
the language employed — 'a time, and
times, and a half.' This would make it
probable that there was something more
intended than merely three years and a
half as the period of the continuation of
these troubles. Daniel saw, apparently
frdm tbe manner of the angel, as well as
from the terms wbich he used, that there
was something mystical and unusual in
tbose terms, and he says, therefore, tbat
be could not understand their full import.
^ Then aaid I, 0 my Lord. A term of
civil address. Tbe language is suoh as
would be used by an inferior when re-
speotfully addressing one of superior rank.
It is not a term that is peculiarly appro
priate to God, or that implies a divine
nature, but is here given to the angel as
an appellation of respect, or as denoting
one of superior rank. ^ What shall be
the end of these things ? Indicating great
anxiety to know what was to be the termi
nation of tbese wonders. The ' end' had
been often referred to in the communica
tion of the angel, and now be had used
an enigmatical expression as referring to
it, and Daniel asks, with great emphasis,
when tbe end waa to be.
9. And he aaid. Go thy way, Daniel. —
That is, make no further inquiries. All
has been disclosed tbat is to be. At tbe
close of his communication (ver. 4), he
had told Daniel to shut up, and seal tbe
book, for his revelations were ended. He
here repeats substantially the same thing,
and he assures him that no more could
be imparted on the subjeot. H For the
worda are cloaed up and sealed till ihe time
of the end. He-had finished his commu-
nicii'tion, and had directed Daniel to close
np the record which he made of it, and to
affix a seal to the volume, ver. 4. He
regarded the whole, tberefore, as closed
and sealed, until the 'end' should come.
The events themselves would unfold the
weaning ofthe prediction more fully, and
41*

iei: for the words me closed up and
sealed till the time of the snd.
10 Many shall be purified, and
made white, and tried; but »the

>Ee. 22.11.

would confirm its truth by tbeir exac'.
correspondence with it. Yet, though the
revelation was closed, and all that the an
gel bad designed to say had been said, bo
does, in the subsequent verses, throw out
some suggestions as to the time, or as to
some important events which were tc
mark the termination of the wonders re
ferred to. They are bare bints, however,
the meaning of which was to be reserved
till the time when the predictions would
be accomplished, and they are not of
such a natnre that they can be snpposec
to have furnished any additional light to
Daniel, or to have done any thing to re
lieve the perplexity ofhis mind in tbe case.
10. Many ahall be purified. In futuro
times. That is, as the connection would
seem to require, tbere will be a system
introduced by wbich many will become
purified, and made holy. Daniel might
hope and expect that under the arrange
ments which God would make, many of
the human race would be cleansed from
sin. To what he would apply this, we
cannot determine, but it is a great trutb
of immense importance in regard to the
human family, that, before the ' end,' or
the consummation, 'many' will be made
holy. ^ And made white. White is the
emblem of Innocence or purity, and hence
the term is so often applied to the righte
ous. ' They have washed tbeirrobes, and
made them white in the blood of the
Lamb,' ' they shall walk before me in
white,' &a. Hence the angels are repre
sented as appearing in white raiment.
The meaning here is, that many on the
earth would be made holy before the end
would come. The mind of Daniel was
thus directed onward to one of the most
glorious truths pertaining to future times
— that multitudes of the fauman race
would be redeemed, and would be pre
pared for a holy heaven. % And tried.
Tried as in a, furnace ; tbat is, they will
be subjected to persecutions, and to va
rious other forms of suffering, that will
test the strength of their faith, and tho
natnre of their religion. This language,
also, is of a general character, and would
I in itself apply to the times of Antiochus,

486

DATTIEL.

[B. C. 534

wicked shall do wickedly : and none
of the wioked shall understand ; but
the wise shall understand.
tut it is also fitted to describe wbat would
occur in otber ages. Perhaps the mean
ing is, that it would be a prominent thing
in the future, in introducing the triumphs
of religion ; and in preparing tbe people
of God for beaven, that they would be
subjected to various forms of trial. Tbere
have been facts enough of this. kind in
the history ofthe church to justify this de
scription, and to show tbat it would be a
marked feature in spreading religiori on
the earth, that its friends would be perse
cuted. ^ But the wicked ahall do wickedly.
They will continue to do wickedly. Not
withstanding all the judgments- tbat will
come upon men; notwithstanding all that
will be done to purify tbe people of God;
and, notwithstanding the fact that 'many'
will be of a different cbaracter — will be
'purified, and made white, and tried,' yet
it will be a truth still, tbat there will be
wicked men npon tbe earth, and that they
will act out tbeir nature. This remark
seems to have been thrown in by the an
gel to prevent tbe impression which Dan
iel might possibly get from what was
said, not only that tbe true religion would
generally prevail, but that wickedness
would wholly cease in the earth. Such a
time, perhaps, we are not authorized to
look for; but, while we may hope and
believe that there will be a period when
the worship of God will pervade the world,
and will supercede all .other forms of
worship, yet we have no reason to expect
that every individual of the human family
at any one time will be converted, and
that none of the remains of the apostacy
will be seen on the earth. Tbere will be
wicked men still, and they will aot out
their nature, despite all tbat is done to
save them, and despite the fact tbat reli
gion will bave the ascendency in the
hearts and lives of tbe great mass of
mankind. For an illustration of this see
Notes on Rev. ix. 20, 21, and xx. 7. — '¦
^ And none ofthe wicked ahall underatand.
This, also, i: a general declaration. It
means, that none of tbe wicked would un
derstand the import of tbese prophecies,
or tbe truf nature of religion. Their de
pravity of heart would prevent it; their
purpose to lead a wicked life would so
cloud their understandings, and pervert

11 And from the time that' the
daily sacrifice shall be taken away,

their moral judgments, tbat they would.
have no correct appreciation of tho gov-.
ernment of God, and the nature of the di
vine plans and dispensations. Comp..
Notes on 1 Cor. ii. 14. The fact here as
serted has been always true, and always
will be, tbat sin prevents a clear percep
tion of divine truth, and that wicked -men.
have no appropriato views of the plana
and purposes of God. To comprehend
religion aright a man needs a pure heart;
and no one under tho influence of .de*-
praved feelings, and corrupt propensities,
and appetites, can expect to have a just
appreciation of tbat which is good.^^-
Doubtless it will be found to be true in.
tbe days of millenial glory, when the true
religion shall spread over the world, and-
when tbe earth shall be filled with ligbt,-
tbat tbere will be wicked men who will
have nd correct understanding of the na
ture ofreligion, and whose minds will bo,
blind to all tbe evidences of the truth of
revelation wbicb shnll be diffused around
tbem. No man, unless he is converted,
has any proper conception of the beauty
of religion. \ But the wiae ahall under
atand. Tbey wbo serve. God and love
him, and who, therefore,, come under the
denomination of the truly wiae. Notes on .
ver. 3. Tbe meaning is, that religion-r-f-
the love of God ond a puro heart — will
qualify them to perceive the import of
divine truth ;. to appreciate what is re— .
vealed, and to obtain a just view of pass
ing events — or to ' understand the signs
of tbe times.' Hnmble and sincere piety^
— a heart and mind made pure and clear
by the influence of, divine truth — is tbo,
best preparation for understanding the-
works and ways of God. Comp. Notes
on 1 Cor. ii. 9, 10, 11, 12, 14, 15.
11. And from the time, Thongh tha
angel had said (vs. 4, 9,) that his com
munication was closed, and that he im
parted all that he was commiaaioned to
communicate to Daniel, yet, as it wonld
seem, in reply to the earnest request of
Daniel, he volunteers an additional st.?^-,
ment, in regard to certain important pe
rioda that were to occur in tho future.
The language, however, is very obscure,
and it would appear from ver. 13, that
the angel scarcely expected that Daniel

B. C. 534.]

CHAPTER XII.

487

and 'the abomination that i> maketh
' to set up the abomimUum. b or, astonisheth.

would understand it. The statement re
lates to certain perioda that would suc
ceed the time wben the daily sacrifice
would be taken away. Two such pe
riods are mentioned as marking import
ant epochs in the future, f That the
daily sacrifice ahnll he taken away. This
ik the point of reckoning — the terminua a
quo. The 'taking awity of the daily
sacrifice' refers, undoubtedly, to some
act, or some state uf things, by which it
would be made to cease ; by which the
daily offerings at Jerusalem wonld be
cither temporarily suspended or totally
abolished. See Notes on ch. viii. 11, ix.
27, xi. 31. The language here is applioa
ble to either of two events : — to the act
of Antiochua, causing the daily sacrifice
to cease in Jerusalem (cbs. viii. 11. xi.
31), or to the final closing of those sacri
fices by the death of tbo Messiah as tbe
great offering to whom tbey are referred,
and tbe destruction of tbe temple and the
altar by the Bomans, ch. ix. 27. Tbe
view taken in the interpretation of tbis
passage will depend on the question to
which of these there is allusion here by
tbe angel, or whether there is an allusion
to both. The language evidently is appli
cable to both, and might be employed
with reference to either. % And the abom
ination that maleeth deaolate aet up. See
these words explained in tbe Notes on ch.
viii. 13, ix. 27, xi. 31. The same remark
may be made here which was made re
specting the previous expression — that
the language is applicable to two quite
distinct events, and events whioh were
separated by a long interval of time : — to
the act of Antiochns in setting np an im
age of Jupiter in the temple, and to a
similar act on the part of tbe Bomans
when the teniple was finally destroyed.
The view wfaich is taken of the time re
ferred to faere will depend on tfae question
whioh of these is to be regarded as the
etand-point or tho terminua a quo, or
whether the language is deaignedly so
nstod tfaat an important epoch was to occur
in both cases within a specified period
tifter these erents. On tfaese points there
has been great diversity of opinion.
% There shall be a thousand two hundred
and ninety days. If tfais is to be taken
Mterally, it would be three years and two

desolate set up, tJiere sliall be a thou
sand two hundred and ninety days.
hundred and ten doys, reckoning ths
year at 360 days, and is thirty days more
tban tbe tfaree yearn and a half referred
to in ver. 7. Prof. Stuart, who supposes
that tbe time is to be taken literally, and
that tbe passage refers exclusively to An
tiochus Epiphanes, explains the applica
tion of the language in tbe following
manner : — "Antiochus took away tho
daily sacrifice as is here declared. This
was in the latter part of May, B. C. 168.
Profane history does not indeed give us
the day, but it designates the year and
the season. As we have already seen
[compare tbe extract copied from Prof.
Stuart on cb. vii. 24 — 28], about three
and a half years elapsed, after tbe temple
worship was entirely broken up, before
Judas Maccabeus expurgated tbe temple
and restored its rites. The terminaa ad
quem is not mentioned in the verse now
before us ; but still it is plainly implied.
The end of tbe 1290 days must, of course,
be marked by some signal event, just ac
the commeneementof them is so marked.
And as tbe suppression of tbe temple-rites
constitutes tbe definite mark of the com
mencement, so it would seem plain that
the restoration of tbe same rites must
mark the conclusion of the period which
is designated. The ' time of the end,' i. e.
the period at the close of which the per
secutions of Antiochus would cease, is
distinctly adverted to in vii. 25, xi. 30—
35, and xii. 7. Tbe nature of the case, in
tbe verse before us, shows that the same
period is tacitly referred to in tfae words
of tfae speaker. No doubt remains, that
his marcfa [the march of Antiochus] from
Antioch to Kgypt, for hostile purposes,
was in the spring of the year 168 B. C.
He was delayed for some time on this
marcfa, by ambassadors from Egypt, wbo
met faim in Ccelesyria. Very naturally,
tberefore, we may conclude, that fae ar
rived opposito Jerusalem in the latter
part of May, and tfaat tbere and then he
commissioned ApoUonius to rifle and pro
fane tfae temple. Tfae exact time from
tfae period wfaen this was done, down to
the time of the expurgation, seems to faave
been, and is designated as being 1290
days." Hints on Prophecy, pp. 94, 95.
It is evident, however, that there is
here no cleat making out of the exact

4?8

DANIEL.

[B. C. 534.

12 Blessed is he that waiteth, and
coraeth to the thousand three hun
dred and five and thirty days.
13 But go thou thy way till the
time by any historical records, tbough it is
in itself not improbable. StUl tbe great
difficulty is, tbat in the supposition that
tbe ' time, and times, and a half refers
to Antiochus, as denoting the period of
his persecutions, thus limiting it to three
years and a half — a period which can be
made out without material difficulty
(Comp. Notes on ch. vii. 24 — 28), tbat
another time or period shonld be men
tioned here o{ thirty days more, concern
ing which there is no corresponding event
in the historical facts, or at least none
that can now be demonstrated to faave
occurred. See the remarks at tbe close
of the next verse.
12. Blesaed is he ihat waiteth. Tbis
indicates a patient expectation of an
event tbat was to occur, and the happy
state of him Who would reach it. The
angel refers to another period different
from the 'time, and times, and a half,'
and different also from tbe twelve hun
dred and ninety days. He speaks of thia
as tbe consummation ; as 'the desirable
time, and pronounces bim blessed who
shall be permitted to see it. The idea
here is that of one looking out for this as
a happy period, and that hc would be re
garded as a happy man who should live
in tbat age. ^ And cometh to. Literally
'touches.' That is, whose life would
reach to thnt time; or wbo would not be
cut off before that period. If The thou
aand three hundred and five and thirty
daya. The article is not used in the ori
ginal, and its insertion here seems to
make tbe period more distinct and defi
nite than it is necessarily in the Hebrew.
There is much apparent abruptness in all
these expressions, and what the angel
says in these closing and additional com
munications bas much the appearance of
a fragmentary character — of hints, or de
tached and unexplained thoughts thrown
out on whicfa he was not disposed to en
large, and which, for some reason, he was
not inclined to explain. In respect to
this period of 1335 days, it seems to
stand by itself. Nothing is said of the
time whon it would occur ; no intimation
is given of its commencement, as in the
former cases — the terminus a c/iio ; and

end Je: 'for thou shalt rest, and
stand in thy lot at the end of the
day. ft or, and.

nothing is said of its characteristics fur
ther tban that he would be blessed wbo
should be permitted to see it — implying
tbat it would be, on some accounts, a happy
period. 13. But go thy way till the end be. See
vs. 4, 9. The meaning is, that nothing
more would bo communicated, and tbat
be must wait for the disclosures of future
times. When that should occur which is
here called ' the end,' he would understand
this more fnlly and perfectly. Tbe lan
guage implies, also, tbat he would be
present at the development which is here
called ' tlie end,' and tbat then he would
comprehend clearly what was meant by
tbese revelations. Tbis is such langnage
as would be used on the supposition tbat
tbe reference was to fur distant times, and
to the scenes of the resurrection and the
final judgment, when Daniel would be
present. Comp. Notes on vs. 2, 3. % For
thou shalt reat. Best now; and, perhaps,
the meaning is, shalt enjoy a long season
of repose before the consummation shall
occur. In ver. 2 be had spoken of those
who ' aleep in the dust of the eartfa,' and
tbe allusion here would seem to be the
same as applied to Daniel. The period
referred to was far distant. Important
events were to intervene. Tfae afi'airs of
the world were to move on for ages before
the 'end' should come. Tbere would be
scenes of revolution, commotion, and tu
mult — momentous changes before that
consummation would be reached. Bnt
during tbat long interval Daniel would
'rest' He would quietly and calmly
'sleep in the dust of the earth' — in the
grave. He would be agitated by none of
these troubles ; disturbed by none of these
changes — for he would peacefully slum
ber in the hope of being awaked in th«
resnrrection, Tbis also is such language
as would be employed by one wbo be
lieved in the doctrine of the resurrection,
and who meant to say tfaat he with whom
he was conversing would repose in the
tomb, while the affairs of the world would
move on in the long period that wonld
intervene between the time when be waa
then speaking, and the 'end' or consum
mation of all things— the final reeurrec.

B. C. 534.]

CHAPTER XII,

489

tion. X do not see that it ia possible to ex
plain the language on any other supposi
tion than this. The word rendered ' shalt
rest' — rup — would be well applied to the
rest in the grave. So it is used in Job iii.
13 : "Then had I been at rest;" Job iii.
17 : " There the weary be at reat." If And
stand in thy lot. In thy place. The lan
guage is derived from the lot or portion
which falls to one — as when a lot is cast,
or any thing is determined by lot. Comp.
Judges i. 3, Isa. Ivii. 6, Ps. cxxv. 3,
xvi. 5. Gesenius {Lex.) renders tbis,
"and arise to tby lot in tbe end of days;
i. e. in the Messiah's kingdom. Comp.
Rev. XX. 6." Tbe meaning is, that he
need havs no apprehension for bimself as
to the future. That was not now, indeed,
disclosed to him, and the subject was left
in designed obscurity. He would 'rest,'
perhaps a long time, in the grave. But
in the far distant future he would occupy
bis appr4)priate place ; he would ri::e from
his rest ; he would appe.ir again on the
stage of action ; he would faave the lot
and rank which properly belonged to bim.
Wbat idea tbis would convey to tho mind
of Daniel, it is impossible now to deter
mine — ^for he gives no statement on that
point; but it is clear tbat it is such lan
guage as would be appropriately used by
one who believed in tfae doctrine of the
resurrection of the dead, and who meant
to direct the mind onward to those far
distant and glorious scenes when the dead
would all arise, and when each one of the
righteous would stand up in his appro
priate place, or lot. % At the end of the
days. After the close of the periods re
ferred to — wfaen tfae consummation of all
tfaings should take place. It is impossi
ble not to regard tbis as applicable to a res
urrection frum the dead ; and there is
every reason to suppose that Daniel would
so understand it, for {a) if it be inter
preted as '•eferring to the close of the per
secutions of Antiocfaus Epiphanes, it must
be so uni^erstood. This propfaecy was
uttered about 534 years B. C. The death
of Antiochua occurred 164 B. C. The in
terval between tbe prophecy and tbat
event was, therefore, 370 years. , It is
imoossible to believe that it was meant by
the' a«gel that Daniel would continue to
live during all tfaat time so that he should
then 'stand in his lot,' not having died,
or that he did continue to live during aU
tl^at period, aud that at the end of it fae

' stood in fais lot,' or occupied tho post of
distinction and honour which ia referred
to in this language. But if tbis had been
tbe meaning, it would bave implied that
he would, at that tirae, rise from the dead,
(6) Ifit be referred, as Gosenius explains
it, to tbe times of the Mcssinb, the same
thing would follow — for tbat time war*
still more remote; and, if it We supposed
that Daniel understood it as relating to
tbose times, it must also be admitted tbat
he believed that there would be a resur
rection, and that fae would tfaen appear
in fais proper place, (c) Tfaere is only
one other supposition, and that directly
involves the idea, tbat the allusion is to
the general resurrection, as referred to in
ver. 3, and that Daniel would have part
in tbat. Tbis is admitted by Lengerke,
by Maurer, and even by Bertholdt, to
be the moaning — tbough he applies it
to the reign of the Messiah. No other
interpretation, therefore, can be affixed
to tbis tban that it implies the doctrine
of the resurrection of the dead, and tbat
the mind of Daniel was directed onward
to tbat. With this great and glorious
doctrine, tbe book appropriately closes.
The faope of such a resurrection was fitted
to soothe the mind of Danici in view of
all the troubles which he then experi
enced, and of all the darkness whicfa rested
on the future — for what we most want in
the troubles and in the darkness of tbe
present life, is the assurance that, after
having 'rested' in the grave — in the calm
sleep of the righteous — we shall ' awake'
in the morning of the resurrection, and
shall ' stand in our lot' — or in our appro
priate place as the acknowledged children
of God, ' at the end of days' — when time
shall be no more, and when the con.«um-
mation of all things shall have arrived.
In reference to tfae application of this
prophecy, the following general remarks
may be made ;
I. One class of interpreters explain it
literally as applicable to Antiochus Epi
phanes. Of this elass is Prof. Stuart,
who supposes that its reference to Anti
ochus can be shown in the following
manner : " The place wbich this passage
occupies, shows that the terminus a quo,
or period from whieh the days designated
are to be reckoned, is the same as tfaat to
whieh reference is made in the previous
verse. This, as we have already -seen, is
the period when Antioehus, by fais mili
tary agent, ApoUonius, took possession

490

DANIEL.

[B. G. 534.

of Jerusalem, and put a stop to the tem- 1
pie-worship there. The author of the i
first book of Maccabees, who is allowed
by all to deserve credit as a historian,
after describing the capture of Jerusalem
by the agent of Antiochus (in the year
145 of the Seleucidse— 16S B. C), and
setting before the reader the wide-spread
devastation which ensued, adds, respect
ing the invaders: 'They shed innocent
blood around the sanctuary and defiled
tho faoly place; and the inhabitants of
Jerusalem fled away : tbe sanctuary
thereof was made desolate ; her feasts
were turned into mourning, her sabbaths
into repro;tch, and her honour into dis
grace ;' 1 Mac. i. 37 — 39. To the period
wben this state of things commenced we
must look, then, in order to find the date
from which tbe 1355 days are to be reck
oned. Supposing now that Apollonius
captured Jerusalem in the latter part of
May, B. C. 168, the 1355 days would ex
pire about tfae middle of February in tbe
year B. C. 164. Did any event toke
place at this period, whieh would natur
ally call forth tho congratulations of the
prophet, as addressed in the text before
us to the Jewish people ?
" History enables us to answer this
question. Late in the year 165 B. C, or
at least very early in the year 164 B. C,
Antiochus Epiphanes, learning that there
were great insurrections and disturbances
in Armenia and Persia, hastened thither
with a portion of his armies, while the
otfaer portion was commissioned against
Palestine. He was victorious for a time ;
but being led by cupidity to seek for the
treasures that were laid up in the temple
of the Persian Diana at Elymais, he un
dertook to rifle them. The inhabitants
of the place, however, rose en masse and
drove him out of the city ; after wfaicfa
he fled to Ecbatana. There he heard of
the total discomfiture by Judas Macca
beus of his troops in Palestine, which
were led on by Nicanor and Timotbeus.
In the rage occasioned by tbis disappoint
ment, he uttered tbe most horrid blas
phemies against the God of the Jews, and
tfareatened to make Jerusalem the bury
ing-place of the nation. Immediately he
directed fais course taward Judea; and
designing to pass through Babylon, be
made all possible haste in fais journey.
In tfae meantime he had a fall from his
efaariot wfaich injured him; and soon
aftor, being seized witfa a mortal sick

ness in his bowels (probably tfae cholera,
he died at Tabae, in tfae mountainoui
country, near the confines of Babylonia
and Persia. Beport stated, even in an
cient times, that Antiocfaus was greatlj
distressed on his death-bed by the sacri
lege wbich be had committed.
" Thus perished the most bitter and
bloody enemy wbich ever rose up against
the Jewish nation and their worsfaip.
By following tfae scries of events it is
easy to see, that bis deatfa took place
sometime in February of the year 164
B. C. Assuming that the eommenccment
or terminus a quo of the 1335 days is the
same as that of the 1290 days, it is plain
that tfaey terminate at tbe period wfaen
tbe death of Antiochus is said to have
taken place. 'It waa long before tfao
commencement of tfae spring,' says Froe-
licfa, ' that Antiochus passed the Eu
phrates, and made his attaok on Elymais :
so that no more probable time can be
fixed upon for his death than at tfae ex
piration of tfae 1335 days ; i. e. some time
in February of 164 B. C.' No wonder
tbat tbe angel pronounced those of tbe
pious and believing Jews to he blessed,
who lived to see such a day of deliver
ance." Hints on Prophecy, pp. 95 — 97.
There are, faowever, serious and ob
vious difficulties in regard to this view,
and to the supposition that this is all that
is intended here — objections and difficul
ties of so much force that most Christian
interpreters have supposed that some
thing further was intended. Among
these difficulties and objections are tbe
following: (a) The air of mystery wfaicfa ia tfarown
over tbe wfaole matter by tfae angel, as if
fae were reluctant to make tfae communi
cation ; as if sometfaing more was meant
tfaan tfae words expressed; as if fae
sfarank from disclosing all that he knew,
or that might be said. If it referred to
Antiochus alone, it is difficult to see wfay
so much mystery was made of it, and
why he was so unwilling to allude further
to tfae subject — a«t^it were -something
that did not pertain to the matter in
faand, (i) The detaclied and fragmentary ebti-
racter of what ia here said. It standi
aside from tfae main communication. It
is uttered after all tfaat tfae angel had in-
tended to reveal had been said. It ii
brought out at tbe earnest request of
Daniel, and then only in hints, and ia

B. C. 534:J

CHAPTER XII.

m

enigmatical language, nnd in snch a man
ner tfaat it would convey no distinct con-
qeption to his mind. This would seem
to imply tbat it referred to something
else than tbe main point that had been
under consideration.
(c) The difference of (iine specified
BOW by the angel. This relatea to two
points :
- 1. To what would occur after the
'closing of tfae daily sacrifice, and the
setting up of the abomination of desola^
tion.' . Tbe angel now says tbat what he
here refers to would extend to a period
of twelve, hundred and ninety days. But
in the accounts before given, the time
specified had uniformly been 'a time,
and times, and half a time ;' that is, three
years and a half, or twelve faundred and
sijcty days^-differing from tfais by thirty
days. Why sfaould this thirty days have
been added here if it referred to the time
wben tfae sanctuary would be cleansed,
aud the temple- worsfaip restored ? Prof.
Stuart (Hints on Prophecy, pp. 93, 94),
Bjipposes that it was in order that the
e^act period might be mentioned. But
this is liable to objections. For (a) the
period of three and a half years was suf
ficiently exact; (6) tbere was no danger
ef mistake on the subject, and no such
error had been mado as to require cor
rection; (c}this was not of suGScient
importance to justify the manifest anx
iety of the angel in the- case, or to fur
nish, any answer to the inquiries of
Daniel,' since so small an item of infor
mation would not relieve the mind of
Daniel. The allnsion, then, would seem
to be something else than what had been
referred to by the 'three and a faalf
years.' 2. But there is a greater difficulty in
regard to tfae other period — the 1335
days. For (o) that stands wfaolly de
tached from wfaat faad been s.iid. (5) The
beginning of that period — the terminus a
fuo — is not specified. It is true that
'rof. Stuart (Hints on Propheey, p. 95,)
supposes tbat this must be the same as-
that mentioned in the previous verse, but
this is not apparent in the communica
tion. It is an isolated statement, and
would seem to refer to some momentous
and important period in the future whicfa
would be cfaaracterized as a glorious or
' blessed' period in tfae world's history,
or of such a nature tfaat fae ought to re
gard himself v«s pecuUariy happy who

] should be permitted to live then. Now'
I it is true that with much probability this
may be shown, as Prof. Stuart has done
in the passage quoted above, to accord
well with the time wben Antiochus died,
and that that was an important event,
and would be so regarded by tbose pious
Jews who would be permitted to live to
that time ; but it is true also that the
main thing for rejoicing was the conquest
I of Judas Maccabeus and the cleansing
i of the sanctuary, and tbat the death of
Antiocfaus does not seem to meet tfae
fullness of what is said here. If that
were all, it is not easily conceivahlo
why the angel should have made so
much a mystery of it, or why fae should
have been so reluctant to impart what
he knew. The whole matter, therefore,
appeara to faave a faigfaer importance
than the mere death of Antiochns and
the delivery of the Jews from his perse
cutions. II. Another class, and it may be said
tbat Christian interpreters generally, have
supposed that there was here a reference
to some higher and more important events
in tbe far distant future. But it is
scarcely needful to say, that the opinions
entertained bave been almost as numer
ous as the writers on tfae prophecies,- and
that the judgment of the world has not
settled down on any one particular
method of the application. It would not
be profitable to state tfae opinions whicb
faave been advanced; still less to attempt'
to refute tfaem — most of them being fau-
ciful conjectures. These may be seen de
tailed in great variety in Poole's Synop
sis. It is not commonly pretended, that
tfaese opinions are based on any exact in
terpretation of the words, or on any cer
tain mode of determining their eorreet-
ness, and those who hold them admit that
it must be reserved to future years — to
theirfulfiUment — to understand the exact
meaning of tfae propfaecy. Thus Pri
deaux, who supposes that this passage
refers to Antiochus, frankly says: "Many
things ma.y be said for the proboble solv
ing of this difficulty [the fact that the
angel here refers to an additional thirty
days above the tbree years and an half,
which be says can neither be applied to
Antiochus nor to Antichrist], but I shall
offer none of them. Those tbat shall
live to see the extirpation of Antiochus,
which will be at the end of those years,
will best be able to unfold these matters,

492

it being of the nature of these prophecies
not'thoroughly to be understood till they
aro thoroughly fulfilled." Vol. iiii 283,
284. So Bp. Newton, wbo supposes tbat
i-be setting up ofthe abomination of des
olation here refers to the Mohammedans
invading and devastating Christendom,
and that the religion of Mohammed will
prevail in the east for tbe space of 1260
years, and then a great revolution —
" perfaaps the restoration of tbe Jews,
perhaps the destruction of Antichrist" —
indicated by the 1290 years will occur;
and that tbis will be succeeded by an
other still more glorious event — perhnpe
" the conversion of the Gentiles, and the
beginning of the milleniura, or reign of
the saints on the earth" — indicated by
the 1335 years — says, notwithstanding,
" What is the precise time of their begin
ning, and consequently of their ending,
as well as what are tbe great and signal
events which will take place at tbe end
of each period, wo can only conjecture ;
tirae alone can with certainty discover."
Prophecies, p. 321. These expressions
indicate the common feeling of those who
nnderstand tbcse statements as referring
to future events; and the reasonings of
those who have attempted to make amore
specific application, have been sucb as to
demonstrate tbo wisdom of tbis modesty,
and to make us wish that it bad been im
itated by all. At all events, such specu
lations on tbis subject bave been so wild
and unfounded; so at variance with all
just rules of interpretation, so much tbe
fruit of mere fancy, and so incapable of
solid support by reasoning, as to admon
ish us that no more conjectures should be
added to the number.
III. The sum of all that it seems to me
can be said on the matter is this : —
(1) That it is probable, for the reasons
above stated, that tbe angel referred to
ether events than the persecutions and
tbe death of Antiochus, for if tbat was all,
tho additional information which he gave
by the specification of the period of 1260
days, and 1290 days, and 1335 days, was
quite too meagre to be worthy of a formal
and solemn revelation .from God. In
otber words, if this was all, there was no
correspondence between the importance
of ibe events, and the solemn manner in
which the terms of the communication
were made. There was no such import-
mice in these throe perioda as to make
these separate disclosures necessary. If

DANIEL. [B.C. 534.

this were all, the statements were such
indeed as might be made by a weak man
attaching importance to trifles, but not
such as would be made by an inapired
angel professing to communicate great
and momentous truths.
(2) Either by design, or because the
language whicb he would employ to de
signate higher events happened to be such
as would note tbose periods also, the an
gel employed terms whicb, in the main,
would be applicable to wbat would occur
under thepersecutions of Antiocfaus, wfaile
at tfae same time, his eye was on more
important and momentous events in the
far distant future. Thus the three years
and a half, would apply with suffi
cient accuracy to the time between tbe
taking away the daily sacrifice, and tbe
destruction of tbe temple by Judas Mac
cabeus, and then, also, it so happens
that the thirteen hundred and thirty-five
days would designate with sufficient ac
curacy the death of Antiocfaus, but tbere
is nothing in tbe history to which tbe pe
riod of twelve hundred and ninety days
could with particular propriety be ap
plied, and there is no reason in tbe his
tory why reference should have been
made to that.
(3) The angel had his eye on tfaree
great and important epochs lying appa
rently far in the future, and constituting
important periods in the faistory of tfae
church and the world. These were,
respectively, composed- of 1260, 1290,
and 1335 prophetic days, that is years.
Whether they had the same beginning or
point of reckoning — termini a quo — and
whether they would, as far as thoy would
respectively extend, cover tfae same space
of time, be does not intimate with any
certainty, and, of conrse, if this is the
correct view it would be impossible now
to determine, and the development is to
be left to the times specified. One of
them, tfae 1260 years, or tbe three years
and an half, we can fix, we think, by ap
plying it to the Papacy. See Notes on
ch. vii. 24^ — 28. But in determining even
this, it was necessary to wait until the
time and conrse of events should disclose
its meaning ; and in reference to tfae other
two pcr'uds, doubtless still future, it moy
be neci-ssory now to wait until events stii'
to occur, shall disclose wbat was intendea
by the angel. The first has been made
clear by faistory ; there can be no doubt
that tho o^ers in the same manner will

B. C. 634.]

CHAPTER XII.

403

be made equally clear. That this is the
true interpretation, and that this is the
view which tbe angel desired to convey
to the raind of Daniel, seems to be clear
from such expressions as these occurring
in tbe prophecy : — " Seal the book, to the
time of the end," ver. 4 ; " many shall run
to and fro, and knowledge ahall be in-
creaaed," ver. 4; "the words are closed
up and sealed till the time of the end,"
vor. 9: "many shall be mode wiae," ver.
10 ; " tbe wise ahall underatand," ver. 10;
" go thou thy way till the end be," ver. 13.
This language seems to imply that these
things could not then be understood, but
tbat when the events to whioh they refer
should take place they would be plain to
all. (4) Two' of those events or periods —
the 1390 doys, and the 1335 days — seem
tn lie still in the future, and the full un
derstanding of tbe prediction is to be re-
•.-Tved for developments yet to be made
In the history of the world. Whether it
be by the conversion of the Jews and the
gentiles, respectively, as Bp. Newton sup
poses, it would be vain to conjecture, and
time must determine. Tbat such periods
— marked and important periods — are to
occur in the future, or in some era now
commenced but not yet completed, I am
eonstroined to believe ; and that it will
be possible, in time to come, to determine
what they are, seems to me to be aa un
doubted. But where there is nothing cer
toin to be the basis of calculation, it is
idle to add other conjectures to those al
ready mode, and it is wiser to leave the
matter, as mucfa of the predictions respect
ing the future must of necessity be left
)o time and to events to make tbem clear.
Let me add, in the conclusion of the
exposition of this remarkable book :
(o) That the mind of Daniel is left at
the close of all the divine communica
tions to faim, looking into tfae far-distant
futuro, ver. 13. His attention is directed
onward. Fragments of great trutfas faad
been thrown out, with little apparent con
nection, fay tfae angel ; faints of momen-
tous import bad been snggested respecting
great doctrines to be made clearer in fu
ture ages. A time was to oocur, perhaps
in the far-distant future, wben the dead
were to be raised ; when all that slept in
the dust of the eorth sfaould awake ; when
the righteous should sfaine as tbe bright-
Bess of the firmament; and when he him-
nlf should 'stand in fais lot'— sharing
42

I thejoys of theble.<;sed, aod occupying the
position which would be appropriate to
j him. With tbis cheering prospect the
communications of tbe angel to him aro
closed. Nothing could be belter fitted to
comfort his heart in a land of e.tilo;
nothing better fitted to elevate his
thoughts. {b) In the sarae manner it is proper
tbat we should look onward. All Ibe rev
elations of God terminate in this manner ;
nil are designed and adapted to direct the
mind to far distant and most glorious
scenes in the future. We have all tbat
Daniel bad; and we have what Daniel
had not — tho clear revelation of the Gos
pel. In that Gospel are stated in a still
more clear manner, those glorious truths
respecting the future which are fitted to
cheer us in time of trouble, to elevate our
minds amidst the low scenea of earth,
and to comfort and sustain us on tbe bed
of death. With much more distinctness
than Daniel saw them, we ore permitted
to contemplate the truths respecting tbe
resurrection of the dead, tbe scenes of
tbe final judgment, and tbe future hap
piness of the righteous. We have now
knowledge of tbe resurrection of the Re
deemer, and, througb him, tbe assurance
that all his people will be raised up to
honour and glory — and tbough. in refer
ence to the resurrection of the dead, and
tho future glory of tbe righteous, there
is much that is still obscure, yet there is
oil that is necessary to inspire us with
hope, and to stimulate us to endeavour to
obtain tbe crown of life.
(c) It is not improper, therefore, to close
tbe exposition of this book with tbe expres
sion of a wisb tbat wbat was promised to
Daniel may occur to us wbo read his
words — that 'we may stand in our lot at
the end of days ;' tbat when all the scenes
of earth shall have passed away in regard
to us, and tbe end of tbe world itself shall
have come, it may be our happy portion
to occupy a placo among the redeemed,
and to stand accepted before God. To
ourselves, if we are truly righteoua
through our Bedeemer, we may apply tho
promise made to Daniel ; and for bis
readers an author con express no higher
wish than that this lot may be theirs. If
the exposition of this book shall be so
blessed as to confirm any in the belief of
the great truths of revelation, and lead
their mmds to a more confirmed hope in
regard to these future glorious scenes ; if

494

DANIEL. [B.C. 534

VJ dwelling on the firm piety, the con
summate wisdom, and tbe steady confi
dence in Gud evinced by this remarkable
man, their souls shall be more established
in the pursuit of the same piety, wisdom,
and confidence in Gud; and if it shall
lead the minds of any to contemplate
with a more steady ond enlightened faith
tbe scenes wbich are yet to occur on our
earth, when the saints shall reign, or in
heaven, when all tbe children of God shall
be gathered tbere from all lands, the
great object of these studies will hove
been accomplished, nnd the labour which
has been bestowed upon it will not have
been in vjiin. To those high and holy
purposes £ now consecrate tbese reflec
tions ou the Book of Daniel, with an ear
nest prayer that He from whom all bless
ings comc may be pleased so to accept

tbis exposition ofone of tfaeportionsof fatt
revealed trutfa, ns to make it tfae means of
promoting tbe interests of truth and pietj
in the world ; with a grateful sense of his
goodness in allowing me to complete it,
and with thankfulness tbat I bave been
permitted for so many bours, in the pre
paration of tbis work, to contemplate tbe
lofty integrity, the profound wisdom,
the stern ond unyielding virtue, and tbe
humble piety of tbis distinguished saint
and eminent statesman of ancient times.
He is under a good influence, and he is
likely to have his own piety quickened,
nnd fais own purposes of nnflincbing in
tegrity ond faithfulness, and of humbls
devotion to God strengthened, who stu
dies the writings and the character of th«
prophet Daniel.

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